ډاکټر نجيب الله

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ډاکټر نجيب الله
ډاکټر نجيب الله
د زېږېدو نېټه: اګست، ١٩٤٧
د مړينې نېټه: ٢٧ د سېپتمبر، ١٩٩٦
د افغانستان ولسمشر
د ور په غاړه دندو ترتيب: د افغانستان پينځم ولسمشر

( د خلق دموکراتيک ګوند څلورم مشر)

د کار موده: سېپتمبر ١٩٧٩ – ډېسمبر ١٩٧٩
مخکينی ولسمشر: ببرک کارمل
وروستنی ولسمشر: صبغت الله مجددي
د کار موده: نومبر ١٩٨٦ – اپرېل ١٩٩٢

ډاکټر نجيب الله (١٩٤٧– سېپتمبر ٢٧, ١٩٩٦) د افغانستان ډيموکراټيک جمهوريت په کمونېسټي وختونو کې څلورم او وروستنی ولسمشر وه.

د بېلابېلو ډلو ترمنځ د يوه منځګړي په توګه، د يوه اغېزمن ډيپلوماټ په توګه، د يوه هوښيارميرڅي په توګه، د يوه ډاډمن مدير او د يوه پياوړي وياند په توګه، څوک چې د خپل د حکومت په شپږو مسلسلو او بدلېدونکو ناکراريو سره مقاومت کوي، دا ټول هغه ښېګڼې او لاس ته راوړنې وې چې ډاکټر نجيب الله يې د افغانانو تر مېنځ غوره لارښود وګاڼه.

هغه د ثور د انقلاب د لومړۍ ورځو ټول ريفارمونه باطل کړل او د پرچميانو مارکسيستي مفکوره يې په هېواد کې پياده کړې وه. که څه هم چې د نوموړي حکومت پوځي برلاسي درلودله خو د اسلام پالو جنګياليو فشار ته يې حکومت ټينګ نه شو او همدا وه چې په (١٩٩٢ کال کې) يې واک له لاسه ووت او ډېر ژر کورنۍ جګړې پيل شوې.

نيوليک

پخواني وختونه، شخصي او سياسي ژوند

د ډاکټر نجيب الله د ولسمشرۍ دوره ٦ کاله وه.
لويول
د ډاکټر نجيب الله د ولسمشرۍ دوره ٦ کاله وه.

ډاکټر نجيب الله په کابل کې د احمدزيو غلزي پښتنو کورنۍ کې زېږېدلی. هغه خپلې زده کړې د حبيبيې په لېسه کې پای ته رسولي او وروسته بيا د کابل پوهنتون د طب پوهنځۍ کې ومنل شو او په ١٩٧٥ کال کې د هماغه پوهنځي نه طبيب وواته.

نوموړی په ١٩٦٥ کال کې د افغانستان د پرچم ګوند غړی شو، سره له دې چې دی يو ډېر پوه سړی وه خو د خپلو نورو ملګرو په مېنځ کې د تکړه جوسې له مخې د نجيب ګو په نامه مشهوره شوی وه. په ١٩٧٨ کال کې چې کله خلقيانو او پرچميانو پر سردار محمد داود خان کودتا وکړله او خلقيان د واک خاوندان شوه نو ښاغلی نجيب الله يې د هېواد نه دباندې ايران ته ولېږه او دی هلته په تهران کې د افغانستان سفير شو. خو بيا وروسته ډاکټر نجيب الله يې د دندې نه ګوښه کړ او نوموړی د روسانو تر راتګ پورې په اروپا کې اوسېده.

سياسي ډګر

په ١٩٧٧ کال کې ډاکټر نجيب الله د مرکزي کميټې غړی شو او په ١٩٧٨ کال کې د انقلابي شورا غړيتوب يې واخيست. کله چې د خلقيانو سياسي فشار پر پرچميانو زيات شو نو د هماغه وخت حکومت پرېکړه وکړه چې ډاکټر نجيب الله د هېواد نه دباندې واستوي او په همدې توګه يې نوموړی ايران ته د سفير په توګه ولېږه. او ډېرې لنډې مودې وروسته هغه د سفير له دندې نه ګوښه او په همدې توګه د افغاني طابعت نه هم بې برخې کړای شو.

کله چې روسانو په ١٩٧۹ کال کې پر افغانستان يرغل وکړ نو پدغه وخت کې ډاکټر نجيب الله هم بېرته کابل ته راستون شو. په ١٩٨۰ کال کې د خاد د ريس په توګه وټاکل شو. داسې وييل کېږي چې د خاد رياست، د ډاکټر نجيب الله د مشرتابه په وختونو کې ډېر کسان بندي کړل او په زرګونو شمېر افغانان يې په زندانونو کې وزورول او په اعدام يې محکوم کړل. بيا په ١٩٨١ کال کې نوموړي ته د سياسي بېرو بشپړ غړيتوب ورکړ شو.


Meanwhile, a change had taken place in Kabul. On May 4, 1986, Karmal resigned as secretary general of the PDPA and was replaced by Najibullah. Karmal retained the presidency for a while, but power had shifted to Najibullah

His selection by the Soviets was clearly related to his success in running KHAD, the secret police, more effectively than the rest of the DRA had been governed.

د افغانستان د جمهوريت ولسمشر ( نومبر ١٩٨٧ – اپرېل ١٩٩٧)

د ډاکټر نجيب الله په وخت کې د افغانستان د ډيموکراتيک جمهوري دولت بېرغ. د بېرغ په نښان کې سور ستوری لېرې شوی، ماشيني غاښۍ بېرته لاندې ځای شوې او د لمر لاندې زرغون افق هم پکې څرګندې نوې نښې دي.
لويول
د ډاکټر نجيب الله په وخت کې د افغانستان د ډيموکراتيک جمهوري دولت بېرغ. د بېرغ په نښان کې سور ستوری لېرې شوی، ماشيني غاښۍ بېرته لاندې ځای شوې او د لمر لاندې زرغون افق هم پکې څرګندې نوې نښې دي.

In November 1986, Najibullah was elected president and a new constitution was adopted. Some of the innovations incorporated into the constitution were a multi-party political system, freedom of expression, and an Islamic legal system presided over by an independent judiciary.

However, all of these measures were largely outweighed by the broad powers of the president, who commanded a military and police apparatus under the control of the Homeland Party (Hizb-i Watan, as the PDPA became known in 1988). In September he set up the National Compromise Commission to contact counter-revolutionaries "in order to complete the Saur Revolution in its new phase." Allegedly some 40,000 rebels were contacted.

In this way, Najibullah had stabilized his political position enough to begin matching Moscow's moves toward withdrawal. On July 20, 1987, the withdrawal of Soviet troops from the country was announced..

It was also during his Administration that the peak of the fighting came in 1985-86. The Soviet forces launched their largest and most effective assaults on the mujahedin supply lines adjacent to Pakistan. Major campaigns had also forced the mujahedin into the defensive near Herat and Kandahar.

Najibullah made an expanded reconciliation offer to the resistance in July, 1987 including twenty seats in State (formerly Revolutionary) Council, twelve ministries and a possible prime minister-ship and Afghanistan's status as an Islamic non-aligned state. Military, police, and security powers were not mentioned.

The offer still fell far short of what even the moderate mujahedin parties would accept.

Najibullah then reorganized his government to face the mujahedin alone. A new constitution took effect in November, 1987. The name of the country was reverted to the Republic of Afghanistan, the State Council was replaced by a National Assembly for which "progressive parties" could freely compete. Mir Hussein Sharq, a non-party politician, was named Prime Minister.

On June 7, 1988, President Najibullah addressed the UN General Assembly for peace solution of crisis in Afghanistan.

د روسانو وتل او کورنۍ جګړه

ډاکټر نجيب الله د روسانو د وتلو نه وروسته د افغانستان ملي جرګې ته د وينا پر مهال.
لويول
ډاکټر نجيب الله د روسانو د وتلو نه وروسته د افغانستان ملي جرګې ته د وينا پر مهال.

Immediately after the Soviet departure, Najibullah pulled down the façade of shared government. He declared an emergency, removed Sharq and the other non-party ministers from the cabinet. The Soviet Union responded with a flood of military and economic supplies. Sufficient food and fuel were made available for the next two difficult winters.

Much of the military equipment belonging to Soviet units evacuating Eastern Europe was shipped to Afghanistan. Assured adequate supplies, the Afghan Air Force, which had developed tactics minimizing the threat from Stinger missiles, now deterred mass attacks against the cities. Medium-range missiles, particularly the Scud, were successfully launched from Kabul in the defense of Jalalabad, 145 kilometres miles away.

Victory at Jalalabad dramatically revived the morale of the Kabul government. Its army proved able to fight effectively alongside the already hardened troops of the Soviet-trained special security forces. Defections decreased dramatically when it became apparent that the resistance was in disarray, with no capability for a quick victory.

Soviet support reached a value of $3 billion a year in 1990. Kabul had achieved a stalemate which exposed the mujahedin's weaknesses, political and military. Najibullah's government survived for another two years. Eventually divisions within his own ranks, including the defection of General Abdul Rashid Dostam fatally weakened the government's resolve.

In March 1990, his Government successfully withstood a Khalqi coup, headed by Defense Minister Shahnawaz Tanai. Gulbuddin Hekmatyar was one of the main supporters of the coup.

Najibullah had been working on a compromise settlement to end the civil war with Ahmad Shah Masood, brokered by the United Nations. But talks broke down and the government fell, and by 1992 Najibullah agreed to step down in favor of a transitional government. He also announced that a bicameral parliament would be established "within a few month," on the basis of "free and democratic elections."

The regime collapsed while it still possessed material superiority. Its stockpiles of munitions and planes would provide the victorious mujahedin with the means of waging years of highly destructive war. Kabul was short of fuel and food at the end of winter in 1992.

Najibullah announced his willingness on March 18 to resign in order to make way for a neutral interim government. On April 16, having lost internal control, was forced to resign by his own ruling party, following the capture of the strategically important Bagram air-base and the nearby town of Charikar, by the Jamiat-i Islami guerrilla group.

د کابل نيول او د ده وژل کېدل

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په ١٩٩٦ کال کې چې کله  طالبانو کابل ونيو، نو ډاکټر نجيب الله يې وواهه، وټکاوه، په ګولۍ يې وويشته او وروسته يې بيا په سولۍ وځړاوه.
په ١٩٩٦ کال کې چې کله طالبانو کابل ونيو، نو ډاکټر نجيب الله يې وواهه، وټکاوه، په ګولۍ يې وويشته او وروسته يې بيا په سولۍ وځړاوه.

Najibullah tried to flee Kabul, but his departure was blocked by Abdul Rashid Dostum. On April 17, he sought sanctuary in the UN compound in Kabul. President Rabbani refused to let him leave the country, but made no attempt to arrest him.

On the day Sarobi fell to the Taliban, Najibullah sent a message to the United Nations in Islamabad, asking them to arrange the evacuation of himself, his brother Shahpur Ahmadzai and some of his bodyguards, but UN did not respond due to Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence interference in the process.

His wife Fatana and his three daughters had lived in exile in New Delhi since 1992. He spent the rest of his days in virtual detention, and remained there until September 1996 when the Taliban captured Kabul.

Ahmed Shah Massoud, Commander-in-chief of President's Burhanuddin Rabbani Army, sent one of his senior Generals to ask him to leave with the retreating government troops, promising safe passage to the north, but Najibullah refused. There is some speculation that he didn't want to flee with the Tajiks because he was afraid of the reaction between the Pashtuns.

Najibullah sent a last wireless message to the UN in Islamabad early in the evening, asking for help. But it was too late: a special Taliban unit of five men designated for the task (and believed to be led by Pakistan's ISI, responsible for the most turmoil in Afghanistan's peace process), dragged Najibullah outside of the UN compound.

They tortured him and wanted him to sign papers related the Durand line, then bundled his brother and him into a pick-up, and drove them to the Presidential Palace. They shot him there, together with his brother. Finally, the Taliban hanged the two bodies from a concrete traffic control post just outside the Palace where he criticized Pakistan for its role in Jalalabad war , only a few blocks from the UN compound.

Mullah Mohammad Rabbani, designated Head of the Supreme Council in Kabul, proclaimed that Najibullah had being sentenced to death by the Taliban because he was a communist and a murderer. He also banned an Islamic funeral for the former President.

There was widespread international condemnation, particularly from the Muslim world. Still, he is widely remembered by Pashtun nationalists. His body was removed and sent to Gardez, his birthplace in Paktia Province. He was buried by his Ahmadzai tribesmen.

Preceded by:
حاجي محمد څمکنی
د افغانستان ولسمشر
September 1987 – April 1992
Succeeded by:
صبغت الله مجددي
Preceded by:
اسد الله امين

(as Head of the KAM)

General Secretary of the KHAD
1980 – May 1986
Succeeded by:
Gen. غلام فاروق يعقوبي
Preceded by:
ببرک کارمل
General Secretary of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan
May 1986 – April 1992
Succeeded by:
None - Party Dissolved
Preceded by:
ببرک کارمل
Chairman of the Revolutionary Council
May 1986 – November 1987
Succeeded by:
None - Revolutionary Council replaced by State Council

دا هم وګورۍ