Wikiversity enwikiversity https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Wikiversity:Main_Page MediaWiki 1.47.0-wmf.24 first-letter Media Special Talk User User talk Wikiversity Wikiversity talk File File talk MediaWiki MediaWiki talk Template Template talk Help Help talk Category Category talk School School talk Portal Portal talk Topic Topic talk Collection Collection talk Draft Draft talk TimedText TimedText talk Module Module talk Event Event talk 4 28 2840285 2840063 2026-10-14T15:50:27Z ~2026-40514-81 3101893 /* Add an edit count requirement for autoconfirmed? */ Reply LTA defintion 2840285 wikitext text/x-wiki {{Wikiversity:Colloquium/Header}} <!-- MESSAGES GO BELOW --> == Add an edit count requirement for autoconfirmed? == Currently, only waiting for four days is required for a user to become autoconfirmed. I am proposing that we include a minimum edit count of <s>10 edits (akin to Wikipedia)</s> 5 edits especially because of [[Special:AbuseFilter/16|a private abuse filter]], and LTAs may game autoconfirmed permissions to vandalize here. Thoughts? [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] ([[User talk:Codename Noreste|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Codename Noreste|contribs]]) 23:01, 23 August 2026 (UTC) : [[Wikiversity:Autoconfirmed users]] : Are you suggesting an additional requirement? i.e., 4 days + 10 edits? : How is it adjusted? -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 03:57, 5 September 2026 (UTC) :: Yes. [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 01:30, 6 September 2026 (UTC) :: @[[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]]: I said yes to your first question. As for the adjustment question, in the InitialiseSettings.php file on noc.wikimedia.org, on <code>wgAutoConfirmCount</code> is where English Wikiversity would be added as <code>'enwikiversity' => 10,</code>. Does my reply make sense? [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 18:31, 15 September 2026 (UTC) :As a newly volunteered member, it doesn't seem unreasonable to me to require a certain number of edits to establish my bona fides. [[User:Cfm490|Cfm490]] ([[User talk:Cfm490|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Cfm490|contribs]]) 17:53, 5 September 2026 (UTC) :I agree that adding an edit count requirement is a reasonable expectation before the user can become autoconfirmed. [[User:IanVG|IanVG]] ([[User talk:IanVG|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/IanVG|contribs]]) 18:56, 6 September 2026 (UTC) :+ 1 —[[User:Atcovi|Atcovi]] [[User talk:Atcovi|(Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Atcovi|Contribs)]] 19:40, 6 September 2026 (UTC) :'''Weak support''' Generally reasonable, but I would caution that we should really make this clear for those instances where professors have students edit here and make it frictionless for them to get autoconfirmed status. ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 19:42, 6 September 2026 (UTC) : {{oppose|No support}} because I cannot see the [[Special:AbuseFilter/16|abuse filter]] cited as the primary reason and I do not know what LTAs is. I guess you don’t want support from ''ordinary'' users. ‑‑[[User:Kai Burghardt|Kays]] ([[User talk:Kai Burghardt|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Kai Burghardt|contribs]]) 18:18, 14 September 2026 (UTC) ::Also some readers may be interested in this: ::* [[Wikipedia/Types of user accounts]] ::[[Special:Contributions/~2026-40514-81|~2026-40514-81]] ([[User talk:~2026-40514-81|talk]]) 19:05, 14 September 2026 (UTC) ::: An LTA means a long-term abuser, and it means someone who is usually abusive. [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 20:42, 14 September 2026 (UTC) ::::@[[User:Codename Noreste|Codename Noreste]], an LTA is someone who is usually abusive? That's news to me. Can you please point us to the source of this information. ::::Thanks in advance, [[Special:Contributions/~2026-40514-81|~2026-40514-81]] ([[User talk:~2026-40514-81|talk]]) 15:50, 14 October 2026 (UTC) :'''Strong''' {{support}}; specially to battle LTA [[User:Mbataw|Mbataw]] ([[User talk:Mbataw|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mbataw|contribs]]) 13:17, 18 September 2026 (UTC) :{{support}}, having no edit count requirement for autoconfirmed is a bad idea in general. [[User:BooksBooksBooks3|BooksBooksBooks3]] ([[User talk:BooksBooksBooks3|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/BooksBooksBooks3|contribs]]) 01:43, 19 September 2026 (UTC) :Comment: I realize that it is not easy to be an admin on wikimedia projects. I realize that many admins have to deal with some VERY unpleasant personalities. But.. :Admins are not the only users who encounter harassment on wikimedia projects, big or small. Anyone who's been here as long as I have, has come across users who are not tolerated by the "community". Not necessarily because they are spammers, trollers, paid editors, LTAs , disruptive etc, but simply because they are different. :When I "edit" without logging in, I carry no baggage. I also get encouraging prompts such as this: :* This year, Wikipedia has had fewer visitors and fewer new supporters, so '''<big>your visit today means a lot</BIG>''' :Anyway, back to the topic at hand [[Wikipedia/Types of user accounts]]. I believe the section about IP editors is outdated since wikimedia now views users who are not logged-in as anonymous, and only trusted users are allowed to see their IP address (I am not clear on the details). I wonder if anyone participating here has an interest in bringing this page uptodate? [[Special:Contributions/~2026-40514-81|~2026-40514-81]] ([[User talk:~2026-40514-81|talk]]) 04:13, 22 September 2026 (UTC) : If there's some obvious things to fix, I'd say go ahead. It looks like there were several useful anonymous contributions to that page recently. -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 07:54, 22 September 2026 (UTC) :hmm [[User:Tornaiden|Tornaiden]] ([[User talk:Tornaiden|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Tornaiden|contribs]]) 02:02, 27 September 2026 (UTC) :{{support}} Having a reasonable (and very modest) number of edits in addition to 4 days is sensible and not overly burdensome. The benefits outweigh any inconveniences. --[[User:Mu301|mikeu]] ^{[[User talk:Mu301|talk]]} 04:18, 7 October 2026 (UTC) ::I agree that the 5 edit minimum described below is sufficient. [[User:Mu301|mikeu]] ^{[[User talk:Mu301|talk]]} 01:14, 13 October 2026 (UTC) :I'd say that a minimum of five (5) edits would be a good compromise, given the lower user activity/user traffic present here (when compared with Wikipedia). [[User:SamLaxarox|SamLaxarox]] ([[User talk:SamLaxarox|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SamLaxarox|contribs]]) 17:47, 12 October 2026 (UTC) : I agree that a minimum edit count is a prudent addition, but also agree with @[[User:SamLaxarox|SamLazaraox]] that a minimum of 5 is sufficient. It can be frustrating for new, genuine users when they get caught in new user restrictions. -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 21:49, 12 October 2026 (UTC) :: I adjusted the proposal to require at least 5 edits for autoconfirmed users, instead of 10. [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 01:18, 13 October 2026 (UTC) : Here is current page about [[Wikiversity:Autoconfirmed users]]. -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 21:50, 12 October 2026 (UTC) == Bartending Course on Wikiversity == I recently finished the course on [[Bartending]], and while I have experience editing on Wikipedia, this is my first Wikiversity project. If any of you have the time or interest, I could use an experienced eye to see if there's anything obviously missing from the course in terms of Wikiversity administration. I'm not sure what's active, if the course should belong in an existing school, or if there's any obvious discoverability tool I haven't implemented. Any tips are welcomed, or just a thumbs up saying it looks fine would be great. [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] recommended I post this here in case someone wanted to include the new course under News on the [[Wikiversity:Main Page|Main Page]]. Thanks! [[User:Sabbier|Sabbier]] ([[User talk:Sabbier|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Sabbier|contribs]]) 01:24, 1 September 2026 (UTC) :Wow! Fantastic work- I'm so impressed! Your work gives me inspiration on how to better organize the courses I'm working on. :) [[User:IanVG|IanVG]] ([[User talk:IanVG|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/IanVG|contribs]]) 21:32, 3 September 2026 (UTC) : Awesome work. I've added this course to the [[Main Page/News|main page news]]. : We could also consider for [[Wikiversity:Featured]]. -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 00:43, 5 September 2026 (UTC) ::The course [[Creating Wikiversity Courses]] is intended to provide guidance to new Wikiversity editors. I hope it is helpful and I welcome improvement suggestions. Thanks. [[User:Lbeaumont|Lbeaumont]] ([[User talk:Lbeaumont|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Lbeaumont|contribs]]) 14:08, 6 September 2026 (UTC) :Just checked it out; Very impressive! [[User:SamLaxarox|SamLaxarox]] ([[User talk:SamLaxarox|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SamLaxarox|contribs]]) 17:48, 12 October 2026 (UTC) == Writing news here == I'm bringing up this discussion again because I think it is beneficial to the project since Wikinews is gone, thank you. [[User:BigKrow|BigKrow]] ([[User talk:BigKrow|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/BigKrow|contribs]]) 03:17, 1 September 2026 (UTC) : Given that the community consensus here was not to replicate WikiNews within Wikiversity, I suggest thinking differently e.g., in terms of specific news-related projects you are interested in that have educational objectives that satisfy Wikiversity's mission. -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 00:46, 5 September 2026 (UTC) ::I wonder if you mean <u>Wikiversity:Main Page/News ?</u> ::If so I have just checked this page and I see it only contains news for 2026 and part of 2025, even though the history indicates it was created in the 2000-decade. If you go back and check all revisions there is a wealth of (historical?) information. [[Special:Contributions/~2026-40514-81|~2026-40514-81]] ([[User talk:~2026-40514-81|talk]]) 16:28, 13 September 2026 (UTC) ::: I didn't mean that page, but yes, its history could be reconstructed into a more accessible format. -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 21:37, 13 September 2026 (UTC) == [[Wikiversity talk:Interface administrators#My thoughts about this user group]] == As I suggested, I would like to propose allowing permanent interface administrators on English Wikiversity. My temporary interface admin rights are about to expire soon, and I will soon create a new CfIA page (and its header). We should also have a minimum of two interface administrators. Thoughts? [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 16:44, 6 September 2026 (UTC) :I am also in favor of this and we did discuss it pretty recently and came to a consensus on extending IA rights and lowering the administrative overhead, but not allowing indefinite at this juncture. From my perspective, since we discussed this so recently and nothing seems to have changed much, I personally would recommend holding off for a couple of years or until/unless there is some critical new information. Again, I would continue to support indef IA rights were it to come up again and think that at least two is also a sensible proposal. ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 17:32, 6 September 2026 (UTC) ::Responding to myself so that I don't derail: I would be interested/willing to be an indef IA. ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 17:36, 6 September 2026 (UTC) : I made [[Wikiversity:Candidates for Interface Adminship]]. [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 18:24, 6 September 2026 (UTC) :: CC to @[[User:Koavf|Koavf]]. I made a request since my IA rights are about to expire. We should also hold a separate vote to allow permanent IAs here (for this policy). [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 16:55, 7 September 2026 (UTC) : @[[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]], I count at least three in favor (votes below, and Koavf agreeing), so can you close this request? Thank you. [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 15:22, 24 September 2026 (UTC) :: Second ping to @[[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]]. [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 02:24, 7 October 2026 (UTC) :Temporary rights can be extended for a year. I'd like a little more time to consider permanent rights and justin's sensible suggestion of a minimum of two. Let's not rush into this. --[[User:Mu301|mikeu]] ^{[[User talk:Mu301|talk]]} 04:38, 7 October 2026 (UTC) ::Sorry, my mistake, policy is 120 days. Interface allows 1 year or indef. I don't see any reason why a nom couldn't request extending rights for another 120 days while we clarify indef and other wording of policy. I'll look closer tomorrow. --[[User:Mu301|mikeu]] ^{[[User talk:Mu301|talk]]} 05:00, 7 October 2026 (UTC) : Personally, I'm not convinced of the need for permanent interface administrators. This isn't necessarily a strong view. But it seems that Wikiversity's interface administration needs can largely currently be met by permitting temporary periods for individual users. : If there are users who make productive use of several temporary periods, then that could strengthen a case for allowing longer periods or permanent use. -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 10:15, 12 October 2026 (UTC) :I am also not (yet) convinced of the need for permanent, but could be persuaded. My main concern is that we are simultaneously voting on changing the policy while also voting for a nom to hold the right based on a policy that doesn't yet exist. The current [[WV:IA|policy]] states "For now, Wikiversity does not have a need for permanent or long term interface administrators. Accordingly, interface administratorship '''may only be granted temporarily'''..." This should have been addressed before the community even started a discussion on a permanent nomination. I'd be inclined to change temporary from "between 14 and 120 days" to "between 1 week and 1 year" just to align with the pull down menu options in [[Special:UserRights|UserRights]]. I'm in favor of the suggestion that there be a minimum of two with permanent, should we adopt that. --[[User:Mu301|mikeu]] ^{[[User talk:Mu301|talk]]} 19:31, 13 October 2026 (UTC) === Votes === * For the record, I am creating a separate subsection for voting, whether or not we should allow permanent interface administrators. {{support}} accordingly. [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 18:32, 15 September 2026 (UTC) *: To the above, I support for indefinite interface adminship rights. [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 18:47, 7 October 2026 (UTC) * {{support}} [[User:PieWriter|PieWriter]] ([[User talk:PieWriter|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/PieWriter|contribs]]) 00:51, 18 September 2026 (UTC) *{{support}} ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 02:22, 7 October 2026 (UTC) * Temporary {{oppose}} until there has been further discussion. --[[User:Mu301|mikeu]] ^{[[User talk:Mu301|talk]]} 19:31, 13 October 2026 (UTC) == Paid part-time Administrative Officer position with WikiJournal == [[WikiJournal User Group|WikiJournal]] is an open-access, nonprofit scholarly publisher hosted on Wikiversity. It uses the wiki format to allow authors to write and develop scholarly articles directly online. Submitted articles then undergo formal academic peer review and, when accepted, are published as citable journal articles while remaining freely accessible. WikiJournal is seeking expressions of interest in a new part-time '''Administrative Officer''' position. The officer would support the project's day-to-day organizational work, including: * Setting up and administering a system for tracking contractor hours and issuing payments. * Coordinating the contracting, onboarding, timekeeping and payment of technical editors and other contractors. * Maintaining financial, contractor and administrative records. * Assisting with grant administration, budget tracking and reporting. * Following up on board action items, deadlines and recurring obligations. * Supporting recruitment and other operational tasks as needed. This is a remote, flexibly scheduled contractor role averaging approximately '''6 hours per week'''. Compensation is proposed at '''US$25 per hour''', with up to approximately '''320 hours (US$8,000) available over the year'''. Applicants may be based internationally, although appointment will depend on WikiJournal being able to establish a practical and legally appropriate contracting and payment arrangement in the applicant's country of residence. Relevant experience may include administrative organization, bookkeeping or financial administration, contractor or personnel coordination, nonprofit or grant administration, Wikimedia participation, academic publishing, and open-access work. Applicants are not expected to have experience in every area. For the complete role description and further details, see [[WikiJournal User Group/Administrative officer]]. Those interested should reply in the '''[[Talk:WikiJournal User Group#Call for interest: Administrative Officer|Call for interest: Administrative Officer]]''' discussion by '''30 September 2026''', briefly describing their relevant experience, any connection to WikiJournal or related communities, and their general availability. Expressions of interest received later may still be considered if the position has not been filled. Recommendations of potentially suitable candidates are also welcome. [[User:Mikael Häggström|Mikael Häggström]] ([[User talk:Mikael Häggström|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mikael Häggström|contribs]]) 20:00, 10 September 2026 (UTC) == Server switch - Your wiki will be read-only for a short time soon == <section begin="server-switch"/><div class="plainlinks"> [[:m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/Server switch|Read this message in another language]] • [https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=Special:Translate&group=page-Tech%2FServer+switch&language=&action=page&filter= {{int:please-translate}}] The [[foundation:|Wikimedia Foundation]] will switch the traffic between its data centers. This will make sure that Wikipedia and the other Wikimedia wikis can stay online even after a disaster. All traffic will switch on '''{{#time:j xg|2026-09-23|en}}'''. The switch will start at '''[https://zonestamp.toolforge.org/{{#time:U|2026-09-23T14:00|en}} {{#time:H:i e|2026-09-23T14:00}}]'''. 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If you see the error message, then please wait until everything is back to normal. Then you should be able to save your edit. But, we recommend that you make a copy of your changes first, just in case. ''Other effects'': * Background jobs will be slower and some may be dropped. Red links might not be updated as quickly as normal. If you create an article that is already linked somewhere else, the link will stay red longer than usual. Some long-running scripts will have to be stopped. * We expect the code deployments to happen as any other week. However, some case-by-case code freezes could punctually happen if the operation require them afterwards. * [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/GitLab|GitLab]] will be unavailable for about 90 minutes. This project may be postponed if necessary. You can [[wikitech:Switch_Datacenter|read the schedule at wikitech.wikimedia.org]]. Any changes will be announced in the schedule. '''Please share this information with your community.'''</div><section end="server-switch"/> [[m:user:Trizek (WMF)|Trizek (WMF)]] 12:58, 15 September 2026 (UTC) <!-- Message sent by User:Trizek (WMF)@metawiki using the list at https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=Distribution_list/Non-Technical_Village_Pumps_distribution_list&oldid=30513874 --> == Your feedback wanted: Remove ''(Language link added:) and similar'' edits from Special:RecentChanges == ''(Apologies for posting in English. You can help by translating it)'' Hello, I’m Danny from [[:en:w:Wikimedia_Deutschland|Wikimedia Deutschland’s]] [[m:Wikidata_For_Wikimedia_Projects|Wikidata For Wikimedia Projects]] team.<br/> We have been investigating and examining how Wikidata’s use in the [[Special:RecentChanges]] and [[Special:Watchlist]] pages can be made to be more useful, or less ‘noisy’ (fewer edits that have little value to the reader). We are currently exploring to make a change in the volume and the type of Wikidata edits that appear in these pages, and '''we need your feedback''' to help us ensure this is a positive change for the Wikis and won’t disrupt your workflows.<br/> Language links are also known as sitelinks or interlanguage links and describe when a Wikidata item is connected to a Wiki, adding it to the language dropdown tool for other connected Wikis. [[File:Types of Lang Link changes.png|x350px|frame|A variety of "Language Link" edits as seen in the Recent Changes feed]] The request for feedback is whether you support the removal of these language link edits from the Recent Changes and Watchlist feed, or would you oppose such a change and if so, why? Please share you thoughts on the dedicated '''[[m:Talk:Wikidata_For_Wikimedia_Projects/Clearer_Wikidata_Edit_Summaries/Hide_Language_Link_edits|metawiki Talk page]]'''. Further information about this change: [[m:Wikidata_For_Wikimedia_Projects/Clearer_Wikidata_Edit_Summaries/Hide_Language_Link_edits|m:Wikidata_For_Wikimedia_Projects/Hide_Language_Link_edits]] Thank you for any participation or feedback you give, -- [[m:User:Danny_Benjafield_(WMDE)|User:Danny Benjafield (WMDE)]] 12:23, 25 September 2026 (UTC) <!-- Message sent by User:Danny Benjafield (WMDE)@metawiki using the list at https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=User:Danny_Benjafield_(WMDE)/MassMessage_test_list&oldid=31080985 --> == Wikidata Sitelink changes in Recent Changes and Watchlist == ''(Apologies for cross-posting in English, translating it will help spread the message)'' Editors on group 1 wikis, including Wikiquote, Wikibooks, Wikiversity, Wikivoyage, and Wikisource, will no longer see notifications on [[Special:RecentChanges|Recent Changes]] and [[Special:Watchlist|Watchlist]] when a link to ''another'' language version of a page is added, removed, or changed in its Wikidata item. This change will begin on '''October 5 at 07:00 UTC''' as a two-week trial to reduce high-volume, low-value notifications and make higher-value changes easier to identify. Editors who rely on these notifications should be aware of the change and can share feedback or concerns on the [[m:Wikidata For Wikimedia Projects/Clearer Wikidata Edit Summaries/Hide Language Link edits|project]] or [[m:Talk:Wikidata_For_Wikimedia_Projects/Clearer_Wikidata_Edit_Summaries/Hide_Language_Link_edits|talk page]].<br/>Please reach out if you have any questions, thank you! -- [[User:Danny_Benjafield_(WMDE)|Danny Benjafield (WMDE)]] ([[User_talk:Danny_Benjafield_(WMDE)|talk]]) sent via [[User:MediaWiki message delivery|MediaWiki message delivery]] ([[User talk:MediaWiki message delivery|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MediaWiki message delivery|contribs]]) 12:42, 1 October 2026 (UTC) <!-- Message sent by User:Danny Benjafield (WMDE)@metawiki using the list at https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=User:Danny_Benjafield_(WMDE)/MassMessage_test_list&oldid=31106967 --> == Demote [[Wikiversity:CheckUser policy]]? == I am proposing that we demote that policy to a standard page, mostly for two reasons: # Considering the few amount of custodians and the size of this wiki, I'd say that this project is considered too small to have any CUs, and relying on the stewards would be a more logical choice. # We haven't elected two CUs in a few years. [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 20:53, 1 October 2026 (UTC) :Reasonable. ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 17:09, 4 October 2026 (UTC) == General Questions and Reference Questions == <p>Hey everyone,</p> <p> My apologies in advance if these questions are oblivious or their responses readily apparent, but I figured I'd ask just to be safe.</p> <p> '''Questions'''</p> <p> 1. Should pages have inline citations and a reference section? A [[Fundamentals of Neuroscience/What is Neuroscience|majority of pages]] I have explored have neither, while [[Neurobiology of emotion|others have a more traditional approach to references]].</br> 2. Are there widely-used templates for weasel-words, references, etc.? </p> '''CONTEXT''': I migrated from Wikipedia, so I'm not entirely sure what the norms/roc are here.</br> Thanks in advance,</br> [[User:SamLaxarox|SamLaxarox]] ([[User talk:SamLaxarox|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SamLaxarox|contribs]]) 18:40, 12 October 2026 (UTC) :You're asking fine questions. I posted {{tl|welcome}} to your talk page which I think will help you. To answer your direct questions: :#This project spun out of [[:b:]] and both here and there, you can post original research. This does not mean that you can post just anything, so if you want to post an educational resource and you want to justify claims you make with inline citations, that's great. If you want to include a bibliography, that's also quite helpful for readers. Generally, the way that Wikiversity works in practice is that individual users make a resource and then tend to work on it solo and have broad latitude about what you can do and how it looks. :#You can take al look at [[:Category:Templates]] and the subcat [[:Category:Maintenance templates]]. At Wikipedia, it's very common to point out issues with tone or uncited claims. That's not really as common here. We [[:d:Q7780480|do not have an equivalent]] of [[:w:en:Template:weasel]], but we do have a [[Template:Citation needed|local version]] of [[:w:en:Template:Citation needed]]. :―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 20:31, 12 October 2026 (UTC) ::Thanks for the heads up on both accounts; I'm happy to join forces with all y'all! ::[[User:SamLaxarox|SamLaxarox]] ([[User talk:SamLaxarox|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SamLaxarox|contribs]]) 23:39, 12 October 2026 (UTC) kgtqysclqy9l0mza0513dtb6g4v6e9g 2840422 2840285 2026-10-15T08:59:13Z Chrisblammo123 2969510 /* Add an edit count requirement for autoconfirmed? */ Reply 2840422 wikitext text/x-wiki {{Wikiversity:Colloquium/Header}} <!-- MESSAGES GO BELOW --> == Add an edit count requirement for autoconfirmed? == Currently, only waiting for four days is required for a user to become autoconfirmed. I am proposing that we include a minimum edit count of <s>10 edits (akin to Wikipedia)</s> 5 edits especially because of [[Special:AbuseFilter/16|a private abuse filter]], and LTAs may game autoconfirmed permissions to vandalize here. Thoughts? [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] ([[User talk:Codename Noreste|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Codename Noreste|contribs]]) 23:01, 23 August 2026 (UTC) : [[Wikiversity:Autoconfirmed users]] : Are you suggesting an additional requirement? i.e., 4 days + 10 edits? : How is it adjusted? -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 03:57, 5 September 2026 (UTC) :: Yes. [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 01:30, 6 September 2026 (UTC) :: @[[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]]: I said yes to your first question. As for the adjustment question, in the InitialiseSettings.php file on noc.wikimedia.org, on <code>wgAutoConfirmCount</code> is where English Wikiversity would be added as <code>'enwikiversity' => 10,</code>. Does my reply make sense? [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 18:31, 15 September 2026 (UTC) :As a newly volunteered member, it doesn't seem unreasonable to me to require a certain number of edits to establish my bona fides. [[User:Cfm490|Cfm490]] ([[User talk:Cfm490|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Cfm490|contribs]]) 17:53, 5 September 2026 (UTC) :I agree that adding an edit count requirement is a reasonable expectation before the user can become autoconfirmed. [[User:IanVG|IanVG]] ([[User talk:IanVG|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/IanVG|contribs]]) 18:56, 6 September 2026 (UTC) :+ 1 —[[User:Atcovi|Atcovi]] [[User talk:Atcovi|(Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Atcovi|Contribs)]] 19:40, 6 September 2026 (UTC) :'''Weak support''' Generally reasonable, but I would caution that we should really make this clear for those instances where professors have students edit here and make it frictionless for them to get autoconfirmed status. ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 19:42, 6 September 2026 (UTC) : {{oppose|No support}} because I cannot see the [[Special:AbuseFilter/16|abuse filter]] cited as the primary reason and I do not know what LTAs is. I guess you don’t want support from ''ordinary'' users. ‑‑[[User:Kai Burghardt|Kays]] ([[User talk:Kai Burghardt|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Kai Burghardt|contribs]]) 18:18, 14 September 2026 (UTC) ::Also some readers may be interested in this: ::* [[Wikipedia/Types of user accounts]] ::[[Special:Contributions/~2026-40514-81|~2026-40514-81]] ([[User talk:~2026-40514-81|talk]]) 19:05, 14 September 2026 (UTC) ::: An LTA means a long-term abuser, and it means someone who is usually abusive. [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 20:42, 14 September 2026 (UTC) ::::@[[User:Codename Noreste|Codename Noreste]], an LTA is someone who is usually abusive? That's news to me. Can you please point us to the source of this information. ::::Thanks in advance, [[Special:Contributions/~2026-40514-81|~2026-40514-81]] ([[User talk:~2026-40514-81|talk]]) 15:50, 14 October 2026 (UTC) :::::[[w:WP:LTA|WP:LTA]] :::::[[User:Chrisblammo123|Chrisblammo123]] ([[User talk:Chrisblammo123|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Chrisblammo123|contribs]]) 08:59, 15 October 2026 (UTC) :'''Strong''' {{support}}; specially to battle LTA [[User:Mbataw|Mbataw]] ([[User talk:Mbataw|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mbataw|contribs]]) 13:17, 18 September 2026 (UTC) :{{support}}, having no edit count requirement for autoconfirmed is a bad idea in general. [[User:BooksBooksBooks3|BooksBooksBooks3]] ([[User talk:BooksBooksBooks3|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/BooksBooksBooks3|contribs]]) 01:43, 19 September 2026 (UTC) :Comment: I realize that it is not easy to be an admin on wikimedia projects. I realize that many admins have to deal with some VERY unpleasant personalities. But.. :Admins are not the only users who encounter harassment on wikimedia projects, big or small. Anyone who's been here as long as I have, has come across users who are not tolerated by the "community". Not necessarily because they are spammers, trollers, paid editors, LTAs , disruptive etc, but simply because they are different. :When I "edit" without logging in, I carry no baggage. I also get encouraging prompts such as this: :* This year, Wikipedia has had fewer visitors and fewer new supporters, so '''<big>your visit today means a lot</BIG>''' :Anyway, back to the topic at hand [[Wikipedia/Types of user accounts]]. I believe the section about IP editors is outdated since wikimedia now views users who are not logged-in as anonymous, and only trusted users are allowed to see their IP address (I am not clear on the details). I wonder if anyone participating here has an interest in bringing this page uptodate? [[Special:Contributions/~2026-40514-81|~2026-40514-81]] ([[User talk:~2026-40514-81|talk]]) 04:13, 22 September 2026 (UTC) : If there's some obvious things to fix, I'd say go ahead. It looks like there were several useful anonymous contributions to that page recently. -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 07:54, 22 September 2026 (UTC) :hmm [[User:Tornaiden|Tornaiden]] ([[User talk:Tornaiden|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Tornaiden|contribs]]) 02:02, 27 September 2026 (UTC) :{{support}} Having a reasonable (and very modest) number of edits in addition to 4 days is sensible and not overly burdensome. The benefits outweigh any inconveniences. --[[User:Mu301|mikeu]] ^{[[User talk:Mu301|talk]]} 04:18, 7 October 2026 (UTC) ::I agree that the 5 edit minimum described below is sufficient. [[User:Mu301|mikeu]] ^{[[User talk:Mu301|talk]]} 01:14, 13 October 2026 (UTC) :I'd say that a minimum of five (5) edits would be a good compromise, given the lower user activity/user traffic present here (when compared with Wikipedia). [[User:SamLaxarox|SamLaxarox]] ([[User talk:SamLaxarox|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SamLaxarox|contribs]]) 17:47, 12 October 2026 (UTC) : I agree that a minimum edit count is a prudent addition, but also agree with @[[User:SamLaxarox|SamLazaraox]] that a minimum of 5 is sufficient. It can be frustrating for new, genuine users when they get caught in new user restrictions. -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 21:49, 12 October 2026 (UTC) :: I adjusted the proposal to require at least 5 edits for autoconfirmed users, instead of 10. [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 01:18, 13 October 2026 (UTC) : Here is current page about [[Wikiversity:Autoconfirmed users]]. -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 21:50, 12 October 2026 (UTC) == Bartending Course on Wikiversity == I recently finished the course on [[Bartending]], and while I have experience editing on Wikipedia, this is my first Wikiversity project. If any of you have the time or interest, I could use an experienced eye to see if there's anything obviously missing from the course in terms of Wikiversity administration. I'm not sure what's active, if the course should belong in an existing school, or if there's any obvious discoverability tool I haven't implemented. Any tips are welcomed, or just a thumbs up saying it looks fine would be great. [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] recommended I post this here in case someone wanted to include the new course under News on the [[Wikiversity:Main Page|Main Page]]. Thanks! [[User:Sabbier|Sabbier]] ([[User talk:Sabbier|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Sabbier|contribs]]) 01:24, 1 September 2026 (UTC) :Wow! Fantastic work- I'm so impressed! Your work gives me inspiration on how to better organize the courses I'm working on. :) [[User:IanVG|IanVG]] ([[User talk:IanVG|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/IanVG|contribs]]) 21:32, 3 September 2026 (UTC) : Awesome work. I've added this course to the [[Main Page/News|main page news]]. : We could also consider for [[Wikiversity:Featured]]. -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 00:43, 5 September 2026 (UTC) ::The course [[Creating Wikiversity Courses]] is intended to provide guidance to new Wikiversity editors. I hope it is helpful and I welcome improvement suggestions. Thanks. [[User:Lbeaumont|Lbeaumont]] ([[User talk:Lbeaumont|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Lbeaumont|contribs]]) 14:08, 6 September 2026 (UTC) :Just checked it out; Very impressive! [[User:SamLaxarox|SamLaxarox]] ([[User talk:SamLaxarox|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SamLaxarox|contribs]]) 17:48, 12 October 2026 (UTC) == Writing news here == I'm bringing up this discussion again because I think it is beneficial to the project since Wikinews is gone, thank you. [[User:BigKrow|BigKrow]] ([[User talk:BigKrow|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/BigKrow|contribs]]) 03:17, 1 September 2026 (UTC) : Given that the community consensus here was not to replicate WikiNews within Wikiversity, I suggest thinking differently e.g., in terms of specific news-related projects you are interested in that have educational objectives that satisfy Wikiversity's mission. -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 00:46, 5 September 2026 (UTC) ::I wonder if you mean <u>Wikiversity:Main Page/News ?</u> ::If so I have just checked this page and I see it only contains news for 2026 and part of 2025, even though the history indicates it was created in the 2000-decade. If you go back and check all revisions there is a wealth of (historical?) information. [[Special:Contributions/~2026-40514-81|~2026-40514-81]] ([[User talk:~2026-40514-81|talk]]) 16:28, 13 September 2026 (UTC) ::: I didn't mean that page, but yes, its history could be reconstructed into a more accessible format. -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 21:37, 13 September 2026 (UTC) == [[Wikiversity talk:Interface administrators#My thoughts about this user group]] == As I suggested, I would like to propose allowing permanent interface administrators on English Wikiversity. My temporary interface admin rights are about to expire soon, and I will soon create a new CfIA page (and its header). We should also have a minimum of two interface administrators. Thoughts? [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 16:44, 6 September 2026 (UTC) :I am also in favor of this and we did discuss it pretty recently and came to a consensus on extending IA rights and lowering the administrative overhead, but not allowing indefinite at this juncture. From my perspective, since we discussed this so recently and nothing seems to have changed much, I personally would recommend holding off for a couple of years or until/unless there is some critical new information. Again, I would continue to support indef IA rights were it to come up again and think that at least two is also a sensible proposal. ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 17:32, 6 September 2026 (UTC) ::Responding to myself so that I don't derail: I would be interested/willing to be an indef IA. ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 17:36, 6 September 2026 (UTC) : I made [[Wikiversity:Candidates for Interface Adminship]]. [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 18:24, 6 September 2026 (UTC) :: CC to @[[User:Koavf|Koavf]]. I made a request since my IA rights are about to expire. We should also hold a separate vote to allow permanent IAs here (for this policy). [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 16:55, 7 September 2026 (UTC) : @[[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]], I count at least three in favor (votes below, and Koavf agreeing), so can you close this request? Thank you. [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 15:22, 24 September 2026 (UTC) :: Second ping to @[[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]]. [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 02:24, 7 October 2026 (UTC) :Temporary rights can be extended for a year. I'd like a little more time to consider permanent rights and justin's sensible suggestion of a minimum of two. Let's not rush into this. --[[User:Mu301|mikeu]] ^{[[User talk:Mu301|talk]]} 04:38, 7 October 2026 (UTC) ::Sorry, my mistake, policy is 120 days. Interface allows 1 year or indef. I don't see any reason why a nom couldn't request extending rights for another 120 days while we clarify indef and other wording of policy. I'll look closer tomorrow. --[[User:Mu301|mikeu]] ^{[[User talk:Mu301|talk]]} 05:00, 7 October 2026 (UTC) : Personally, I'm not convinced of the need for permanent interface administrators. This isn't necessarily a strong view. But it seems that Wikiversity's interface administration needs can largely currently be met by permitting temporary periods for individual users. : If there are users who make productive use of several temporary periods, then that could strengthen a case for allowing longer periods or permanent use. -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 10:15, 12 October 2026 (UTC) :I am also not (yet) convinced of the need for permanent, but could be persuaded. My main concern is that we are simultaneously voting on changing the policy while also voting for a nom to hold the right based on a policy that doesn't yet exist. The current [[WV:IA|policy]] states "For now, Wikiversity does not have a need for permanent or long term interface administrators. Accordingly, interface administratorship '''may only be granted temporarily'''..." This should have been addressed before the community even started a discussion on a permanent nomination. I'd be inclined to change temporary from "between 14 and 120 days" to "between 1 week and 1 year" just to align with the pull down menu options in [[Special:UserRights|UserRights]]. I'm in favor of the suggestion that there be a minimum of two with permanent, should we adopt that. --[[User:Mu301|mikeu]] ^{[[User talk:Mu301|talk]]} 19:31, 13 October 2026 (UTC) === Votes === * For the record, I am creating a separate subsection for voting, whether or not we should allow permanent interface administrators. {{support}} accordingly. [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 18:32, 15 September 2026 (UTC) *: To the above, I support for indefinite interface adminship rights. [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 18:47, 7 October 2026 (UTC) * {{support}} [[User:PieWriter|PieWriter]] ([[User talk:PieWriter|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/PieWriter|contribs]]) 00:51, 18 September 2026 (UTC) *{{support}} ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 02:22, 7 October 2026 (UTC) * Temporary {{oppose}} until there has been further discussion. --[[User:Mu301|mikeu]] ^{[[User talk:Mu301|talk]]} 19:31, 13 October 2026 (UTC) == Paid part-time Administrative Officer position with WikiJournal == [[WikiJournal User Group|WikiJournal]] is an open-access, nonprofit scholarly publisher hosted on Wikiversity. It uses the wiki format to allow authors to write and develop scholarly articles directly online. Submitted articles then undergo formal academic peer review and, when accepted, are published as citable journal articles while remaining freely accessible. WikiJournal is seeking expressions of interest in a new part-time '''Administrative Officer''' position. The officer would support the project's day-to-day organizational work, including: * Setting up and administering a system for tracking contractor hours and issuing payments. * Coordinating the contracting, onboarding, timekeeping and payment of technical editors and other contractors. * Maintaining financial, contractor and administrative records. * Assisting with grant administration, budget tracking and reporting. * Following up on board action items, deadlines and recurring obligations. * Supporting recruitment and other operational tasks as needed. This is a remote, flexibly scheduled contractor role averaging approximately '''6 hours per week'''. Compensation is proposed at '''US$25 per hour''', with up to approximately '''320 hours (US$8,000) available over the year'''. Applicants may be based internationally, although appointment will depend on WikiJournal being able to establish a practical and legally appropriate contracting and payment arrangement in the applicant's country of residence. Relevant experience may include administrative organization, bookkeeping or financial administration, contractor or personnel coordination, nonprofit or grant administration, Wikimedia participation, academic publishing, and open-access work. Applicants are not expected to have experience in every area. For the complete role description and further details, see [[WikiJournal User Group/Administrative officer]]. Those interested should reply in the '''[[Talk:WikiJournal User Group#Call for interest: Administrative Officer|Call for interest: Administrative Officer]]''' discussion by '''30 September 2026''', briefly describing their relevant experience, any connection to WikiJournal or related communities, and their general availability. Expressions of interest received later may still be considered if the position has not been filled. Recommendations of potentially suitable candidates are also welcome. [[User:Mikael Häggström|Mikael Häggström]] ([[User talk:Mikael Häggström|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mikael Häggström|contribs]]) 20:00, 10 September 2026 (UTC) == Server switch - Your wiki will be read-only for a short time soon == <section begin="server-switch"/><div class="plainlinks"> [[:m:Special:MyLanguage/Tech/Server switch|Read this message in another language]] • [https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=Special:Translate&group=page-Tech%2FServer+switch&language=&action=page&filter= {{int:please-translate}}] The [[foundation:|Wikimedia Foundation]] will switch the traffic between its data centers. This will make sure that Wikipedia and the other Wikimedia wikis can stay online even after a disaster. All traffic will switch on '''{{#time:j xg|2026-09-23|en}}'''. The switch will start at '''[https://zonestamp.toolforge.org/{{#time:U|2026-09-23T14:00|en}} {{#time:H:i e|2026-09-23T14:00}}]'''. 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'''Please share this information with your community.'''</div><section end="server-switch"/> [[m:user:Trizek (WMF)|Trizek (WMF)]] 12:58, 15 September 2026 (UTC) <!-- Message sent by User:Trizek (WMF)@metawiki using the list at https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=Distribution_list/Non-Technical_Village_Pumps_distribution_list&oldid=30513874 --> == Your feedback wanted: Remove ''(Language link added:) and similar'' edits from Special:RecentChanges == ''(Apologies for posting in English. You can help by translating it)'' Hello, I’m Danny from [[:en:w:Wikimedia_Deutschland|Wikimedia Deutschland’s]] [[m:Wikidata_For_Wikimedia_Projects|Wikidata For Wikimedia Projects]] team.<br/> We have been investigating and examining how Wikidata’s use in the [[Special:RecentChanges]] and [[Special:Watchlist]] pages can be made to be more useful, or less ‘noisy’ (fewer edits that have little value to the reader). We are currently exploring to make a change in the volume and the type of Wikidata edits that appear in these pages, and '''we need your feedback''' to help us ensure this is a positive change for the Wikis and won’t disrupt your workflows.<br/> Language links are also known as sitelinks or interlanguage links and describe when a Wikidata item is connected to a Wiki, adding it to the language dropdown tool for other connected Wikis. [[File:Types of Lang Link changes.png|x350px|frame|A variety of "Language Link" edits as seen in the Recent Changes feed]] The request for feedback is whether you support the removal of these language link edits from the Recent Changes and Watchlist feed, or would you oppose such a change and if so, why? Please share you thoughts on the dedicated '''[[m:Talk:Wikidata_For_Wikimedia_Projects/Clearer_Wikidata_Edit_Summaries/Hide_Language_Link_edits|metawiki Talk page]]'''. Further information about this change: [[m:Wikidata_For_Wikimedia_Projects/Clearer_Wikidata_Edit_Summaries/Hide_Language_Link_edits|m:Wikidata_For_Wikimedia_Projects/Hide_Language_Link_edits]] Thank you for any participation or feedback you give, -- [[m:User:Danny_Benjafield_(WMDE)|User:Danny Benjafield (WMDE)]] 12:23, 25 September 2026 (UTC) <!-- Message sent by User:Danny Benjafield (WMDE)@metawiki using the list at https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=User:Danny_Benjafield_(WMDE)/MassMessage_test_list&oldid=31080985 --> == Wikidata Sitelink changes in Recent Changes and Watchlist == ''(Apologies for cross-posting in English, translating it will help spread the message)'' Editors on group 1 wikis, including Wikiquote, Wikibooks, Wikiversity, Wikivoyage, and Wikisource, will no longer see notifications on [[Special:RecentChanges|Recent Changes]] and [[Special:Watchlist|Watchlist]] when a link to ''another'' language version of a page is added, removed, or changed in its Wikidata item. This change will begin on '''October 5 at 07:00 UTC''' as a two-week trial to reduce high-volume, low-value notifications and make higher-value changes easier to identify. Editors who rely on these notifications should be aware of the change and can share feedback or concerns on the [[m:Wikidata For Wikimedia Projects/Clearer Wikidata Edit Summaries/Hide Language Link edits|project]] or [[m:Talk:Wikidata_For_Wikimedia_Projects/Clearer_Wikidata_Edit_Summaries/Hide_Language_Link_edits|talk page]].<br/>Please reach out if you have any questions, thank you! -- [[User:Danny_Benjafield_(WMDE)|Danny Benjafield (WMDE)]] ([[User_talk:Danny_Benjafield_(WMDE)|talk]]) sent via [[User:MediaWiki message delivery|MediaWiki message delivery]] ([[User talk:MediaWiki message delivery|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MediaWiki message delivery|contribs]]) 12:42, 1 October 2026 (UTC) <!-- Message sent by User:Danny Benjafield (WMDE)@metawiki using the list at https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=User:Danny_Benjafield_(WMDE)/MassMessage_test_list&oldid=31106967 --> == Demote [[Wikiversity:CheckUser policy]]? == I am proposing that we demote that policy to a standard page, mostly for two reasons: # Considering the few amount of custodians and the size of this wiki, I'd say that this project is considered too small to have any CUs, and relying on the stewards would be a more logical choice. # We haven't elected two CUs in a few years. [[User:Codename Noreste|<span style="color: blue">Codename Noreste</span>]] /// [[User talk:Codename Noreste|⭐️✨]] 20:53, 1 October 2026 (UTC) :Reasonable. ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 17:09, 4 October 2026 (UTC) == General Questions and Reference Questions == <p>Hey everyone,</p> <p> My apologies in advance if these questions are oblivious or their responses readily apparent, but I figured I'd ask just to be safe.</p> <p> '''Questions'''</p> <p> 1. Should pages have inline citations and a reference section? A [[Fundamentals of Neuroscience/What is Neuroscience|majority of pages]] I have explored have neither, while [[Neurobiology of emotion|others have a more traditional approach to references]].</br> 2. Are there widely-used templates for weasel-words, references, etc.? </p> '''CONTEXT''': I migrated from Wikipedia, so I'm not entirely sure what the norms/roc are here.</br> Thanks in advance,</br> [[User:SamLaxarox|SamLaxarox]] ([[User talk:SamLaxarox|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SamLaxarox|contribs]]) 18:40, 12 October 2026 (UTC) :You're asking fine questions. I posted {{tl|welcome}} to your talk page which I think will help you. To answer your direct questions: :#This project spun out of [[:b:]] and both here and there, you can post original research. This does not mean that you can post just anything, so if you want to post an educational resource and you want to justify claims you make with inline citations, that's great. If you want to include a bibliography, that's also quite helpful for readers. Generally, the way that Wikiversity works in practice is that individual users make a resource and then tend to work on it solo and have broad latitude about what you can do and how it looks. :#You can take al look at [[:Category:Templates]] and the subcat [[:Category:Maintenance templates]]. At Wikipedia, it's very common to point out issues with tone or uncited claims. That's not really as common here. We [[:d:Q7780480|do not have an equivalent]] of [[:w:en:Template:weasel]], but we do have a [[Template:Citation needed|local version]] of [[:w:en:Template:Citation needed]]. :―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 20:31, 12 October 2026 (UTC) ::Thanks for the heads up on both accounts; I'm happy to join forces with all y'all! ::[[User:SamLaxarox|SamLaxarox]] ([[User talk:SamLaxarox|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SamLaxarox|contribs]]) 23:39, 12 October 2026 (UTC) g13pe2xgcvbfxm0mcfwstyrmijzmqnb 5 2094 2840227 2836981 2026-10-14T12:17:06Z Veritas Sapientiaee 3112663 Undid revision [[Special:Diff/2836981|2836981]] by [[Special:Contributions/Koavf|Koavf]] ([[User talk:Koavf|talk]]) 2840227 wikitext text/x-wiki <div style="background-color:lightyellow; {{Text color default}}; padding:10px; border:1px solid black;"> {{attention}676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!} <big>This page should only be used for discussion ''about'' the Colloquium.</big> </div> <!-- {{Talkheader}} --> [[Wikiversity:Colloquium|Colloquium]] | [[Wikiversity talk:Colloquium|talk]] | [[Wikiversity talk:Colloquium/Archive 1|Archive 1 (2006-2007)]] | [[Wikiversity talk:Colloquium/Archive 2|Archive 2 (2009-2010)]] [[Wikiversity talk:Colloquium/Archive 3|Archive 3 (2011-2025)]] __TOC__ ------- == Do we want the GLAM newsletter here? == If I wanted to read that newsletter, I could subscribe. As it is, I get notifications of every issue, and I don't see that this is commonly a matter for discussion here, which is what the Colloquium is for. We were getting the copy delivered here because [[m:Global_message_delivery/Targets/GLAM]] listed Wikiversity:Colloquium [at] en.wikiversity.org. Jtneill [https://meta.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?title=Global_message_delivery/Targets/GLAM&diff=5796502&oldid=5744171 subscribed us, in addition to subscribing himself], 9 September 2013. Seeing no discussion of this here, I'm removing the subscription on meta, but I'll change it back if we have anything like consensus here to do so, or, of course, anyone can do that. I was just going to discuss it, but now that I see that it was unilaterally added -- and it's unusual for site-wide discussion pages to be subscribed -- I'm just removing, and I'll ping Jtneill about this. Obviously, any user who reads the newsletter and who thinks a topic should be brought to the Colloquium may do so. --[[User:Abd|Abd]] ([[User talk:Abd|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Abd|contribs]]) 17:02, 11 March 2014 (UTC) :The same about "This month in education." If a Wikiversity user thinks a topic in that newsletter should be discussed, the user can bring the topic here. I'm removing the newsletters from the page. --[[User:Abd|Abd]] ([[User talk:Abd|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Abd|contribs]]) 12:11, 25 March 2014 (UTC) The Colloquium is for 'questions, comments or suggestions about Wikiversity'. 'This month in GLAM' and 'This month in education' do not meet that requirement. There's also a content problem with 'This month in education' that prevented users from effectively adding Colloquium content after the latest edition was inserted. I am opposed reinstating the subscriptions. -- [[User:Dave Braunschweig|Dave Braunschweig]] ([[User talk:Dave Braunschweig|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dave Braunschweig|contribs]]) 17:32, 25 March 2014 (UTC) :If we wanted the newsletter, a formatting error is something unusual that could be fixed. But it fills up the page and watchlists with content that isn't particularly helpful, and causes email notifications. Any user may subscribe (The GLAM subscription page is above, and there is [[m:Global message delivery/Targets/This Month in Education]]. --[[User:Abd|Abd]] ([[User talk:Abd|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Abd|contribs]]) 18:24, 25 March 2014 (UTC) ::*GLAM may easily be read at [[m:GLAM/Newsletter]] and This Month at [[outreach:Education/Newsletter]]. From there, full sorted archives are available. I propose to remove the newsletters as well from the Colloquium archives, (they started in May 2013) except where someone has responded, if there has been any such. It's all duplicated content. By the way, the Colloquium is no longer being archived by bot, it's done manually. --[[User:Abd|Abd]] ([[User talk:Abd|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Abd|contribs]]) 18:56, 25 March 2014 (UTC) ::::I support the proposal of GLAM news the our Colloquium. --~~{{font|face=Utah MT-SJ-NI|[[User:Goldenburg111|{{font|color=red|Golden}}]]_{[[User talk:Goldenburg111|{{font|color=orange|burg}}]][[Special:Contributions/Goldenburg111|111]]}}} 19:39, 25 March 2014 (UTC) :If the community so desires it, I do not object to removing English Wikiversity from the subscription list at Meta. I do however ''object to removing current GLAM newspapers'' from the Colloquium's frontpage. They had interesting links to read from within English Wikiversity's Colloquium, and removing them damages the timeline of events in our archives, including when such newspapers were regularly posted. I have already fixed the issue with the "content" as Dave describes above, and I could easily archive it myself if we have no bot to do it. However, the GLAM newspapers are important for keeping the timeline smooth, so readers could look back and see what happened to them and when we stopped receiving them. Leaving them on the current Colloquium page does no harm, and allows for convenience readers to pick whichever issue they currently want to read immediately from Wikiversity's main discussion page. Removing them, without at least placing a proper public notice, is inconveniencing our readers as they wonder where the newspapers go; they are not as aware of other wikis such as Meta or Outreach and so would not be able to find them as easily. [[User:TeleComNasSprVen|TeleComNasSprVen]] ([[User talk:TeleComNasSprVen|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/TeleComNasSprVen|contribs]]) 20:45, 25 March 2014 (UTC) ::Addendum: issues with watchlist and email notifications are easily solved by unchecking specific [[Special:Preferences]] settings and/or removing said notifications directly from the inbox. These are issues mainly for longtime veterans of watchlist users, while neglecting those issues for newbies' and others' perspectives. [[User:TeleComNasSprVen|TeleComNasSprVen]] ([[User talk:TeleComNasSprVen|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/TeleComNasSprVen|contribs]]) 20:47, 25 March 2014 (UTC) :::I know of no way to watch the Colloquium, which is for communication among Wikiversity users, and not be notified of the newsletter postings. Watchlists are crucial for wiki maintenance, I'm not going to explain that in detail here, but what fills them up can be a problem. --[[User:Abd|Abd]] ([[User talk:Abd|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Abd|contribs]]) 01:03, 26 March 2014 (UTC) ::::Strawman. Proper management of one's own watchlists leads to a far more beneficial outcome than inconveniencing other users from a possible (learning) resource and creating more work for them, for the sake of a few annoying notifications. [[User:TeleComNasSprVen|TeleComNasSprVen]] ([[User talk:TeleComNasSprVen|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/TeleComNasSprVen|contribs]]) 02:47, 26 March 2014 (UTC) ::Why are issues with watchlist and email notifications even important? IMO, that is a strawman argument. There has been lots of things passing through any of the major Wikiversity noticeboards, including the Colloquium, that I would not have the time nor care to pay attention and respond to, and I have opted out of notification from those appropriately. Why GLAM newspapers ought to be targeted for this issue is beyond me, since many other things create unnecessary notifications as well. [[User:TeleComNasSprVen|TeleComNasSprVen]] ([[User talk:TeleComNasSprVen|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/TeleComNasSprVen|contribs]]) 20:52, 25 March 2014 (UTC) :::We see four uses of the Colloquium: :::#Users, including new ones, ask questions of the community. :::#Users raise issues of community significance. The colloquium is our only general noticeboard. :::#The global community requests community feedback from us using the Colloquium. If, for example, stewards ask about inactive bureaucrats, following the two-year rule, they will do so on the Colloquium. There is no other place. :::#Newsletters where someone subscribed us. :::As a suggested guideline, I'm deprecating the fourth usage, which stands out from the others. It's very new, and was never discussed. It is not a "Wikiversity community communication," unlike all the rest. If we want to have a community discussion of each newsletter issue, we could easily set that up, but we would not use this page. Some of us are subscribers, and if something is of particular community significance, any user may bring it here. :::Users seriously maintaining the Wikiversity collaboration will watch the Colloquium. Occasional participants need not and will not. --[[User:Abd|Abd]] ([[User talk:Abd|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Abd|contribs]]) 22:59, 25 March 2014 (UTC) ::::The removal was done out of process and without regard to current community consensus. As such, the newspapers ought to be restored. ::::The newspapers can be regarded as general announcements from the global/GLAM community. If the newspaper issue turns out to be significant to community interests, users may choose to read it, respond to it or even participate in the wider GLAM community. Why deny them the chance to do all of these things? To remove a few bytes from the page? Forgive me, but all I see is the pros outweighing the cons when it comes to leaving the newspapers in place or removing them. [[User:TeleComNasSprVen|TeleComNasSprVen]] ([[User talk:TeleComNasSprVen|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/TeleComNasSprVen|contribs]]) 23:53, 25 March 2014 (UTC) :I'm not sure but I believe the reason both newsletters are being delivered here is that I made a contribution to each in essence advertising the course [[Principles of Radiation Astronomy|principles of radiation astronomy]] and the independent original research project on [[early telescope]]s. I did not subscribe to either but was checking their home pages for publication. After publication, both newsletters began appearing here. While I will probably contribute again to both, I have not done so as yet. I also enjoy reading them on the colloquium and occasionally check out some of their articles. I also like the archiving them in their own file for easy reference idea. My likely next contribution may be in May 2014. Sorry if somehow this created a problem. Both of these newsletters may default a subscription once a contribution is made to either. But, this is only a guess. Hope this helps. --[[User:Marshallsumter|Marshallsumter]] ([[User talk:Marshallsumter|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Marshallsumter|contribs]]) 23:17, 25 March 2014 (UTC) ::No, Marshall, that's not what happened. I described it starting this topic, Jtneill added the subscriptions. Anyone can. I notified Jtneill when I removed the first subscription, I haven't notified him about the second. You can receive the newsletters, Marshall, if you want, it's easy, I described how, above. --[[User:Abd|Abd]] ([[User talk:Abd|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Abd|contribs]]) 00:53, 26 March 2014 (UTC) ::(edit conflict) It turns out this particular resource is useful to at least one person (besides me). That is reason enough for keeping it on the Colloquium. There are no benefits to be had from removing it, and lots of drawbacks. Leaving it in place only expands the Colloquium by a few bytes, but allows readers the chance to participate in a new (learning) resource (the GLAM community) that were never made available to them before. [[User:TeleComNasSprVen|TeleComNasSprVen]] ([[User talk:TeleComNasSprVen|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/TeleComNasSprVen|contribs]]) 23:53, 25 March 2014 (UTC) :::Regardless, that counts Jtneill, Marshallsumter and I finding this resource quite useful, as well as to other potential Wikiversity users and readers. Only a select few, the vocal minority, has elected to bypass consensus to serve their own minor interests (less watchlist notifications, something that could be fixed rather easily). [[User:TeleComNasSprVen|TeleComNasSprVen]] ([[User talk:TeleComNasSprVen|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/TeleComNasSprVen|contribs]]) 02:47, 26 March 2014 (UTC) Possible compromise: Why not add the links [[m:GLAM/Newsletter]] and [[outreach:Education/Newsletter]] to the top of the page, instead of subscribing? [[User:James500|James500]] ([[User talk:James500|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/James500|contribs]]) 02:10, 26 March 2014 (UTC) ::I might just consider the subscriptions "archived" and place them in the Wikiversity archives accordingly. That might be best to everyone's interests here. [[User:TeleComNasSprVen|TeleComNasSprVen]] ([[User talk:TeleComNasSprVen|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/TeleComNasSprVen|contribs]]) 02:47, 26 March 2014 (UTC) :::Or you could place them in the pages I just suggested. I'm going to take this as a comment that seeks the newsletters being hosted on Wikiversity, so I'll do it. --[[User:Abd|Abd]] ([[User talk:Abd|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Abd|contribs]]) 03:02, 26 March 2014 (UTC) :::TeleCom did copy those newsletters to the Colloquium archives. I blanked the two new archive pages he created to do that (they don't need to be deleted, we will use both of them very soon). All those newsletters are copied to the newsletter pages, for this year, and it's possible we could move them all to the newsletter pages, going back to the beginning of those subscriptions last year. There is no need to archive non-discussions from the Colloquium. Anyone who wants to see an old newsletter, it can be found much more quickly on the official archives, listed on [[Wikiversity:Newsletters]]. --[[User:Abd|Abd]] ([[User talk:Abd|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Abd|contribs]]) 03:49, 26 March 2014 (UTC) :Why just those links? Why not links to all the published newsletters? :Answer: because none of this is the business of the Colloquium. :There is another solution. It seems that one or two or maybe more want to be able to read the newsletters here on Wikiversity. So we can create a page here and subscribe that page to the newsletter. It's a community service page, so it belongs in Wikiversity space. I would create [[Wikiversity:Newsletters]] linking to [[Wikiversity:Newsletters/GLAM]] and [[Wikiversity:Newsletters/This Month in Education]] and a subpage for any other WMF newsletter that any user wants to subscribe us to. Then, anyone who wants notification of a new issue may simply put the newsletter page on their watchlist. Just as easy as -- or easier than -- reading it here, with no impact on our community discussions unless someone wants to bring some issue or news here. Frankly, I'd myself prefer this solution to receiving the newsletters on my own Talk page, as some do. Someone who wants the newsletters but not the Colloquium can manage that, as well. :If ''one user'' wants this, I'll do it, and set up the subscriptions. --[[User:Abd|Abd]] ([[User talk:Abd|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Abd|contribs]]) 02:43, 26 March 2014 (UTC) ::{{done}} See above. --[[User:Abd|Abd]] ([[User talk:Abd|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Abd|contribs]]) 03:02, 26 March 2014 (UTC) ::And the subscriptions have been created. Guess what? Since I was looking at the subscription pages, I checked. There is ''no wiki'' that has their main community discussion page subscribed. Wikipedia, for GLAM, has a Wikipedia space page, similarly to what I set up. --[[User:Abd|Abd]] ([[User talk:Abd|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Abd|contribs]]) 03:17, 26 March 2014 (UTC) ::The newsletter posts for this year have now been transferred to those newsletter pages. Unless I find newsletter posts that someone responded to, I don't know that we even need archives of them, they are all archived on the source pages (and the archives are linked on [[Wikiversity:Newsletters]]). --[[User:Abd|Abd]] ([[User talk:Abd|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Abd|contribs]]) 03:49, 26 March 2014 ::Beautiful idea! I've already been reading recent GLAM newsletters I missed. Unfortunately, no early telescopes, but that's the way it goes for now. --[[User:Marshallsumter|Marshallsumter]] ([[User talk:Marshallsumter|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Marshallsumter|contribs]]) 23:05, 17 September 2014 (UTC) ==Subpages== {{Subpages/List}} == Creating a New Course == Greetings, Hope all is well. I am new to Wikiversity and am trying to understand the workings of it all. I am a student research assistant to a prof and will be posting his course published on the German Wikiversity onto the English one (in English of course). I have 2 requests and would greatly appreciate your support: When I tried to post the first page, it blocked me with the following messages: "This action has been automatically identified as potentially harmful, and therefore disallowed. If you believe your action was constructive, please inform an administrator of what you were trying to do. A brief description of the abuse rule which your action matched is: New User Exceeded New Page Limit" "This action has been automatically identified as potentially harmful, and therefore disallowed. If you believe your action was constructive, please inform an administrator of what you were trying to do. A brief description of the abuse rule which your action matched is: New User Created Page with External Link" And my other question is on how the course can have full protection with my username and my professor's to be added as admin. Thank you in advance for your support and guidance [[User:UniBambergIslamicStudies|UniBambergIslamicStudies]] ([[User talk:UniBambergIslamicStudies|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/UniBambergIslamicStudies|contribs]]) 08:15, 3 July 2024 (UTC) 5vdbirtxfqf30cdv2t3yx15zfjl6mv7 2840246 2840227 2026-10-14T12:30:29Z MathXplore 2888076 Reverted edit by [[Special:Contributions/Veritas Sapientiaee|Veritas Sapientiaee]] ([[User_talk:Veritas Sapientiaee|talk]]) to last version by [[User:Koavf|Koavf]] using [[Wikiversity:Rollback|rollback]] 2791563 wikitext text/x-wiki <div style="background-color:lightyellow; {{Text color default}}; padding:10px; border:1px solid black;"> {{attention}} <big>This page should only be used for discussion ''about'' the Colloquium.</big> </div> <!-- {{Talkheader}} --> [[Wikiversity:Colloquium|Colloquium]] | [[Wikiversity talk:Colloquium|talk]] | [[Wikiversity talk:Colloquium/Archive 1|Archive 1 (2006-2007)]] | [[Wikiversity talk:Colloquium/Archive 2|Archive 2 (2009-2010)]] [[Wikiversity talk:Colloquium/Archive 3|Archive 3 (2011-2025)]] __TOC__ ------- ==Subpages== {{Subpages/List}} d1nio00985cw5rtllzo1bxdv0r6fu0n 102 4536 2840386 2669091 2026-10-15T05:15:25Z Theologiministry89 3112580 /* */ Theologia research center TRC an independent researcher, scholar, author, writer, journal, library, book, ebook, e journal 2840386 wikitext text/x-wiki [[File:Scholar.svg|right|thumb]] The Theologia research center TRC is the independent researcher platform for biblical research, scientific research and theological research center for complex systems of the universe and the STEM science lab experiments and the theoretical framework design for the discoveries and explorations based on the models represented by the equations,graphs, numerical computations, mathematical structures, mathematical objects, space -time universe, philosophical theology, sacred theology, sacred geometry and the biblical theology in correlation with the faith and science =Publications= This is the portal for Scholarly Journals. This portal can be used to list new journals. Journal pages can be wrapped from user-pages for publication (by transclusion). The portal can also be used as a center for publishing essays such as [[w:Category:Wikipedia_essays|Wikipedia's essays]]. There are at least two scholarly publication categorizations available so far: [[:Category:Wiki Scholar]], [[:Category:Wiki journals]]. ==Scholarly Journals== *[[Wikiversity Reports|Wikiversity reports]]. Accounts of interesting projects, activities and content at Wikiversity. *[[meta:WikiJournal user group|WikiJournal user group]] - a set of peer-reviewed, academic journals **[[WikiJournal of Medicine]] - the flagship WikiJournal **[[WikiJournal of Science]] * Scientific articles that have undergone [[Wikiversity:Research_guidelines#Review_process|peer review]]. ==Blogs== * Blogs and outreach: [http://teachandlearnonline.blogspot.com/2006/12/cormac-lawler-wikiversity.html Cormac Lawler - Wikiversity] ==Essays== * "[[User:JWSchmidt/Wiki Scholar|Learning the wiki way]]" - an essay, planned as content for the future "Wiki Scholar" journal. ==Peer Review== Where the author has requested collaboration please use (or create) an appropriate template to show commentary. An example is: <nowiki>{{note|'''<big>I think you need to improve this section with more data!</big>'''}}</nowiki> , which generates: {{note|'''<big>I think you need to improve this section with more data!</big>'''}} Peer reviewed material (see [[Wikiversity:Peer review]]) can go through the process of [[Wikiversity:Peer review verification]] for further quality assurance. *Templates for peer reviewed pages include: :{{tl|Peer review to be verified}} :{{tl|Under peer review}} =Scholarly Participants= {{Portal:Mentorship/Scholarly_Mentors}} ==Participants== *... [[Category:Wiki Scholar]] [[Category:Portals]] nshnzt72ncn920wtvhe9ixl54c0cced 14 9108 2840388 2624537 2026-10-15T05:27:00Z Theologiministry89 3112580 /* */ Journal of science, journal of theology, journal of philosophy, journal of mathematics, theologia journal 2840388 wikitext text/x-wiki This category contains pages relevant to the [[meta:WikiJournal User Group|WikiJournal User Group]]. {{Commonscat|WikiJournal}} [[Category:Journals]] [[Category:Formal peer reviewed wiki publishing]] [[Category:Wikiversity]] [[Category:Resources by type]] [[Category:Contents]] [[Category:Learning projects]] [[Category:Peer review]] [[Category:Open access]] [[Category:Open educational resources]] [[Category:Open academia]] [[Category:Open journals]] [[Category:Academic publishing]] [[Category:Wiki Scholar]] The relationship between science and religion as the spiritual planes or axes of the nature of science and philosophy and theology as the collinear points on the same axes of the spiritual frame of references for example relationship with the theory of relativity and the quantum mechanics of the space -time physics, with the forces of nature for interactions in the cosmos which rule the universe and obeys the laws of nature of God and the universal laws, eternal laws and the biblical laws in proofs of the biblical creation of the universe by the word of God in speech, numbers and existence of the reality of God m1vkn4t045ut29dlxjztzk7x8dguh8n 0 25431 2840289 2798884 2026-10-14T16:01:12Z Dick Bos 24466 wiki Ricardo etc. 2840289 wikitext text/x-wiki [[File:Karl_Marx_001_(rotated).jpg|right|260px]] Welcome to the '''Karl Marx''' learning project. Karl Marx (1818–1883) was a philosopher, political theorist, economist and revolutionary socialist. He wrote a number of very well known works, partly in cooperation with his friend and comrade Friedrich Engels (1820–1895), like the ''Communist Manifesto'' (1848) and ''Das Kapital'' ([[Karl Marx/Capital|Capital]]; first volume published 1867). Marx is sometimes described as one of the most influential thinkers of the nineteenth century. == Biographical notes == {{Main|Karl Marx - a brief biography}} Karl Marx was born in 1818 in the town of Treves in the Rhineland (Germany), and died in 1883. He was born to Jewish parents who later converted to Christianity when Karl was six. Marx studied at the University of Berlin and in 1841 he received his doctorate for his dissertation on the philosophies of Democritus and Epicurus. Afterwards, Marx became a journalist, since his radical views and ideas were incompatable with an academic career, and in 1842 he became the editor of the newspaper called ''Rheinische Zeitung''. One year after becoming editor of the newspaper it was suppressed (1843), and he then moved to Paris to study the theory and practice of socialism. It was here that he met Friedrich Engels, and the two would go on to write several works together, including the seminal work ''Manifesto of the Communist Party''. Marx, along with Engels, took part in the Revolution of 1848, and during this time, Marx edited the ''Neue Rheinische Zeitung'', which would also become suppressed. However, along with the suppression of the paper, Marx was also indicted with Treason. Thus, Marx was forced to live in England in exile. In 1864, the International Workingmen's Association was formed, and Marx returned to the political arena. Marx became a member of the organization, and would find himself an influential member of it's General Council. Karl Marx eventually became ill, and he died in 1883. ==Marx's theory in summary== {{Main|Karl Marx/IntroductionToTheory|l1=Introduction to Marx's theory|Introduction to Marxism}} {{Quote box |quote = The weapon of criticism cannot, of course, replace criticism of the weapon, material force must be overthrown by material force; but theory also becomes a material force as soon as it has gripped the masses. Theory is capable of gripping the masses as soon as it demonstrates ad hominem, and it demonstrates ad hominem as soon as it becomes radical. To be radical is to grasp the root of the matter. But, for man, the root is man himself. | source = Marx, K. (1843). A contribution to the critique of Hegel's philosophy of right. Deutsch-Französische Jahrbuecher, vol 7 }} One of the most viable critiques of capitalism comes from Karl Marx. In Das Kapital, Marx elucidated how capitalism creates two things for the person in such a system: First, it creates a gap between those who have money and those who do not, and second, it fosters the individual alienation that exists in the bureaucratic workplace. In doing this, the capitalist hegemony remains in place through influencing the state - that is, since the ideas of society are those of the most powerful, the state is a reflection of the economic majority, and not necessarily the actual majority (which, according to Marx - and history - is the working class). This was sustained by "the power of [capitalism's] ideology and the durability and versatility of its economy."<ref name="intro">Orum, A. M. & Dale, J. G. (2009). Introduction to Political Sociology: power and participation in the modern world (5th edition). New York: Oxford University Press.</ref> Marx also subscribes - and indeed encourages - the idea of a working class that stands divorced from the necessary bonds of society that hold them down. In order to improve their situation, the workers, acting as a union against the capitalists and owners of the means of production, must rise up in unity and revolt against those of a more supreme economic class. It is this difference in economic class, as Marx explained, that would create a difference in political ideology. Because the capitalists (and the societal hegemony) limits the freedom and exercise of power by the state, revolutions become the only manifestable end-state in one of three ways: "critical economic factors, social factors, and emergence of class consciousness among the working class."<ref name="intro" /> All of Marx's writings assume that once someone owns the means of production they will be reluctant to offer up to their fellow citizen the fruits of their efforts. There are absolutely some of the capitalist hegemony who side with the working class, and often in times of great moments in history, as Marx wrote in the Communist Manifesto, "[So] now a portion of the bourgeoisie goes over to the proletariat, and in particular a portion of the bourgeois ideologists, who have raised themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole."<ref>Karl Marx. The Communist Manifesto.</ref> [[ Marx profoundly studied the ideas from political economists such as [[William Petty]], [[Adam Smith]] and [[David Ricardo]], and incorporated them into his analysis of capitalism. The most notable example being the [[wikipedia:Labor_theory_of_value|Labor Theory of Value]], which he used to explain exploitation in capitalism. Marx's theories must be distinguished from Marxist theories. Followers of Marx, starting with Friedrich Engels, all created their own interpretation of "what Marx really has said". == Additional resources == * [[w:Karl Marx|Karl Marx]] - at (English) Wikipedia * [[w:Friedrich Engels|Friedrich Engels]] - at Wikipedia * [[w:Marxism|Marxism]] - at Wikipedia == References == <references/> {{DEFAULTSORT:Marx, Karl}} [[Category:Philosophers]] [[Category:Economics]] {{BookCat}} m4m3bdj1l2xof2ynphu8iocz87s1s95 2840305 2840289 2026-10-14T17:33:25Z Dick Bos 24466 some small additions 2840305 wikitext text/x-wiki [[File:Karl_Marx_001_(rotated).jpg|right|260px]] Welcome to the '''Karl Marx''' learning project. Karl Marx (1818–1883) was a philosopher, political theorist, economist and revolutionary socialist. He wrote a number of very well known works, partly in cooperation with his friend and comrade Friedrich Engels (1820–1895), like the ''Communist Manifesto'' (1848) and ''Das Kapital'' ([[Karl Marx/Capital|Capital]]; first volume published 1867). Marx is sometimes described as one of the most influential thinkers of the nineteenth century. == Biographical notes == {{Main|Karl Marx - a brief biography}} Karl Marx was born in 1818 in the town of Treves in the Rhineland (Germany), and died in 1883. He was born to Jewish parents who later converted to Christianity when Karl was six. Marx studied at the University of Berlin and in 1841 he received his doctorate for his dissertation on the philosophies of Democritus and Epicurus. Afterwards, Marx became a journalist, since his radical views and ideas were incompatable with an academic career, and in 1842 he became the editor of the newspaper called ''Rheinische Zeitung''. One year after becoming editor of the newspaper it was suppressed (1843), and he then moved to Paris to study the theory and practice of socialism. It was here that he met Friedrich Engels, and the two would go on to write several works together, including the seminal work ''Manifesto of the Communist Party''. Marx, along with Engels, took part in the Revolution of 1848, and during this time, Marx edited the ''Neue Rheinische Zeitung'', which would also become suppressed. However, along with the suppression of the paper, Marx was also indicted with Treason. Thus, Marx was forced to live in England in exile. In 1864, the International Workingmen's Association was formed, and Marx returned to the political arena. Marx became a member of the organization, and would find himself an influential member of it's General Council. Karl Marx eventually became ill, and he died in 1883. ==Marx's theory in summary== {{Main|Karl Marx/IntroductionToTheory|l1=Introduction to Marx's theory|Introduction to Marxism}} {{Quote box |quote = The weapon of criticism cannot, of course, replace criticism of the weapon, material force must be overthrown by material force; but theory also becomes a material force as soon as it has gripped the masses. Theory is capable of gripping the masses as soon as it demonstrates ad hominem, and it demonstrates ad hominem as soon as it becomes radical. To be radical is to grasp the root of the matter. But, for man, the root is man himself. | source = Marx, K. (1843). A contribution to the critique of Hegel's philosophy of right. Deutsch-Französische Jahrbuecher, vol 7 }} One of the most viable critiques of capitalism comes from Karl Marx. In Das Kapital, Marx elucidated how capitalism creates two things for the person in such a system: First, it creates a gap between those who have money and those who do not, and second, it fosters the individual alienation that exists in the bureaucratic workplace. In doing this, the capitalist hegemony remains in place through influencing the state - that is, since the ideas of society are those of the most powerful, the state is a reflection of the economic majority, and not necessarily the actual majority (which, according to Marx - and history - is the working class). This was sustained by "the power of [capitalism's] ideology and the durability and versatility of its economy."<ref name="intro">Orum, A.M. & Dale, J.G. (2009). Introduction to Political Sociology: power and participation in the modern world (5th edition). New York: Oxford University Press.</ref> Marx also subscribes - and indeed encourages - the idea of a working class that stands divorced from the necessary bonds of society that hold them down. In order to improve their situation, the workers, acting as a union against the capitalists and owners of the means of production, must rise up in unity and revolt against those of a more supreme economic class. It is this difference in economic class, as Marx explained, that would create a difference in political ideology. Because the capitalists (and the societal hegemony) limits the freedom and exercise of power by the state, revolutions become the only manifestable end-state in one of three ways: "critical economic factors, social factors, and emergence of class consciousness among the working class."<ref name="intro" /> All of Marx's writings assume that once someone owns the means of production they will be reluctant to offer up to their fellow citizen the fruits of their efforts. There are absolutely some of the capitalist hegemony who side with the working class, and often in times of great moments in history, as Marx wrote in the Communist Manifesto, "[So] now a portion of the bourgeoisie goes over to the proletariat, and in particular a portion of the bourgeois ideologists, who have raised themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole."<ref>Karl Marx. The Communist Manifesto.</ref> Marx profoundly studied the ideas from contemporary economists such as David Ricardo and Adam Smith, and incorporated them into his analysis of capitalism. The most notable example being the [[wikipedia:Labor_theory_of_value|Labor Theory of Value]], which he used to explain exploitation in capitalism. Marx's theories must be distinguished from Marxist theories. Followers of Marx, starting with Friedrich Engels, all created their own interpretation of "what Marx really has said". == Additional resources == * [[w:Karl Marx|Karl Marx]] - at (English) Wikipedia * [[w:Friedrich Engels|Friedrich Engels]] - at Wikipedia * [[w:Marxism|Marxism]] - at Wikipedia == References == <references/> {{DEFAULTSORT:Marx, Karl}} [[Category:Philosophers]] [[Category:Economics]] {{BookCat}} mdxo6y2uapx86jyuvtm7bdc9wtqx8va 5 37012 2840216 2484598 2026-10-14T12:03:03Z Veritas Sapientiaee 3112663 2840216 wikitext text/x-wiki =7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!= What do we want page protection to represent? == I think this is one question we can think about for starters. On an "open Wiki", what does this actually mean? --[[User:HappyCamper|HappyCamper]] 16:33, 27 June 2007 (UTC) :I've been thinking that it might make sense for Wikiversity to have a page protection policy that includes an explicit "make a copy" rule. The policy could say that if you want to edit a protected page, you should feel free to make a copy of the protected page and edit that. A specific example would be the main page. There could be a "backup" copy of the main page that is always available for editing by everyone. --[[User:JWSchmidt|JWSchmidt]] 17:34, 27 June 2007 (UTC) ::I suppose. But if enough people copy this, then would this not render page protection unnecessary at all? --[[User:HappyCamper|HappyCamper]] 23:00, 28 June 2007 (UTC) :::Not in the case of important pages that hold a position, such as [[Wikiversity:Main Page]]. Preventing vandalism or maintaining a steady copy of an important page calls for page protection, and any copy of these pages would not represent the same importance as the original, so could (and should) be freely edited by anyone. --[[User:Draicone|<b>Draicone</b>]] [[User_talk:Draicone|^{<span style="color: #FF9933;">(talk)</span>}]] 23:37, 30 June 2007 (UTC) ::I'm warming up to the idea as I think about it more. It may actually reduce editorial conflicts on Wikiversity. --[[User:HappyCamper|HappyCamper]] 16:05, 1 July 2007 (UTC) == Time to think about this again == I believe the [[Wikiversity:User access levels|Curator user group]] will have a significant impact on Wikiversity because it easily grants page protection to relatively new users. The issue of page protection needs to be addressed.--[[User:Guy vandegrift|Guy vandegrift]] ([[User talk:Guy vandegrift|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Guy vandegrift|contribs]]) 14:56, 1 January 2016 (UTC) :I agree, and we also need to update [[Wikiversity:Page protection templates]]. I propose we have a template for raw data. I've recently semi-protected a couple of page like [[Observational astronomy/RZ Cas]] to prevent accidental editing of machine readable data. Any changes to the text would cause the software to generate errors for someone following the lesson instructions. There are a number of good reasons for protecting some pages. --[[User:Mu301|mikeu]] ^{[[User talk:Mu301|talk]]} 16:14, 1 January 2016 (UTC) == Should we discuss page protection templates here? == '''Why I created this template''' The question of protecting is complicated by the fact that there are many reasons to protect.. For that reason we need a suite of templates that announce protected pages. I am no expert on wikimedia software, but I did a similar suite of templates to create short info marks at the beginning of sentences. See '''[[:Category:Inline_icons]]'''. #The first big question is: '''Does such a use of subpage templates have any unintended consequences?''' #The second question is ''Where should we design and discuss these announcments?'''. For now we can use this space, but we should soon move this page to better location. After that we have plenty of time to design apropriate protection documents. The language is important for those of us who wish to recruit quality writers into Wikiversity. We want the protection page to invite quality writers to become Curators. Many expert editors on WP are not administrators, I think because of the hassle required to achieve that status. My working assumption is that some WP editors would welcome a chance to write on a platform where they can essentially "own" the resource. This "ownwership" is not real, but arises from the fact that we rarely have edit disagreements on WV resources. This is in part due to the ease with which WV can fork and/or create subpages in mainspace. We do not want to invite editors who will make unproductive contributions, but we do need to deal with them, and also with people who want to overprotect. The first step in creating the desired culture is to make the right impression as soon as a reader sees a page protection announcement. Readers don't read the Colloquium or Wikiversity policy pages, I would think.--[[User:Guy vandegrift|Guy vandegrift]] ([[User talk:Guy vandegrift|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Guy vandegrift|contribs]]) 17:11, 4 January 2016 (UTC) ::Note: I will probably place this entire discussion on hold. I do think we need to re-examine our protection templates, but that can wait until pages that need such protection actually appear.--[[User:Guy vandegrift|Guy vandegrift]] ([[User talk:Guy vandegrift|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Guy vandegrift|contribs]]) 18:17, 4 January 2016 (UTC) See [[:Category:Protect template]] --[[User:Guy vandegrift|Guy vandegrift]] ([[User talk:Guy vandegrift|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Guy vandegrift|contribs]]) 18:21, 4 January 2016 (UTC) 24p6dcmvxh31xlva37wzw3c9cnsujub 2840245 2840216 2026-10-14T12:30:13Z MathXplore 2888076 Reverted edit by [[Special:Contributions/Veritas Sapientiaee|Veritas Sapientiaee]] ([[User_talk:Veritas Sapientiaee|talk]]) to last version by [[User:Jan.Kamenicek|Jan.Kamenicek]] using [[Wikiversity:Rollback|rollback]] 2484598 wikitext text/x-wiki == What do we want page protection to represent? == I think this is one question we can think about for starters. On an "open Wiki", what does this actually mean? --[[User:HappyCamper|HappyCamper]] 16:33, 27 June 2007 (UTC) :I've been thinking that it might make sense for Wikiversity to have a page protection policy that includes an explicit "make a copy" rule. The policy could say that if you want to edit a protected page, you should feel free to make a copy of the protected page and edit that. A specific example would be the main page. There could be a "backup" copy of the main page that is always available for editing by everyone. --[[User:JWSchmidt|JWSchmidt]] 17:34, 27 June 2007 (UTC) ::I suppose. But if enough people copy this, then would this not render page protection unnecessary at all? --[[User:HappyCamper|HappyCamper]] 23:00, 28 June 2007 (UTC) :::Not in the case of important pages that hold a position, such as [[Wikiversity:Main Page]]. Preventing vandalism or maintaining a steady copy of an important page calls for page protection, and any copy of these pages would not represent the same importance as the original, so could (and should) be freely edited by anyone. --[[User:Draicone|<b>Draicone</b>]] [[User_talk:Draicone|^{<span style="color: #FF9933;">(talk)</span>}]] 23:37, 30 June 2007 (UTC) ::I'm warming up to the idea as I think about it more. It may actually reduce editorial conflicts on Wikiversity. --[[User:HappyCamper|HappyCamper]] 16:05, 1 July 2007 (UTC) == Time to think about this again == I believe the [[Wikiversity:User access levels|Curator user group]] will have a significant impact on Wikiversity because it easily grants page protection to relatively new users. The issue of page protection needs to be addressed.--[[User:Guy vandegrift|Guy vandegrift]] ([[User talk:Guy vandegrift|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Guy vandegrift|contribs]]) 14:56, 1 January 2016 (UTC) :I agree, and we also need to update [[Wikiversity:Page protection templates]]. I propose we have a template for raw data. I've recently semi-protected a couple of page like [[Observational astronomy/RZ Cas]] to prevent accidental editing of machine readable data. Any changes to the text would cause the software to generate errors for someone following the lesson instructions. There are a number of good reasons for protecting some pages. --[[User:Mu301|mikeu]] ^{[[User talk:Mu301|talk]]} 16:14, 1 January 2016 (UTC) == Should we discuss page protection templates here? == '''Why I created this template''' The question of protecting is complicated by the fact that there are many reasons to protect.. For that reason we need a suite of templates that announce protected pages. I am no expert on wikimedia software, but I did a similar suite of templates to create short info marks at the beginning of sentences. See '''[[:Category:Inline_icons]]'''. #The first big question is: '''Does such a use of subpage templates have any unintended consequences?''' #The second question is ''Where should we design and discuss these announcments?'''. For now we can use this space, but we should soon move this page to better location. After that we have plenty of time to design apropriate protection documents. The language is important for those of us who wish to recruit quality writers into Wikiversity. We want the protection page to invite quality writers to become Curators. Many expert editors on WP are not administrators, I think because of the hassle required to achieve that status. My working assumption is that some WP editors would welcome a chance to write on a platform where they can essentially "own" the resource. This "ownwership" is not real, but arises from the fact that we rarely have edit disagreements on WV resources. This is in part due to the ease with which WV can fork and/or create subpages in mainspace. We do not want to invite editors who will make unproductive contributions, but we do need to deal with them, and also with people who want to overprotect. The first step in creating the desired culture is to make the right impression as soon as a reader sees a page protection announcement. Readers don't read the Colloquium or Wikiversity policy pages, I would think.--[[User:Guy vandegrift|Guy vandegrift]] ([[User talk:Guy vandegrift|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Guy vandegrift|contribs]]) 17:11, 4 January 2016 (UTC) ::Note: I will probably place this entire discussion on hold. I do think we need to re-examine our protection templates, but that can wait until pages that need such protection actually appear.--[[User:Guy vandegrift|Guy vandegrift]] ([[User talk:Guy vandegrift|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Guy vandegrift|contribs]]) 18:17, 4 January 2016 (UTC) See [[:Category:Protect template]] --[[User:Guy vandegrift|Guy vandegrift]] ([[User talk:Guy vandegrift|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Guy vandegrift|contribs]]) 18:21, 4 January 2016 (UTC) 29ucd5pcj83oi5s51lkrfv15cssuuue 10 60937 2840230 2836987 2026-10-14T12:21:08Z Koavff 3112664 Undid revision [[Special:Diff/2836987|2836987]] by [[Special:Contributions/Koavf|Koavf]] ([[User talk:Koavf|talk]]) 2840230 wikitext text/x-wiki [[File:676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!! templates]] [[Category:Icons]]</noinclude> qfy14lmkli3fnbdyxf3s6e7z1ezstcv 2840234 2840230 2026-10-14T12:26:21Z MathXplore 2888076 Reverted edit by [[Special:Contributions/Koavff|Koavff]] ([[User_talk:Koavff|talk]]) to last version by [[User:Koavf|Koavf]] using [[Wikiversity:Rollback|rollback]] 2792716 wikitext text/x-wiki [[File:Fxemoji u26A0.svg|15px]]<noinclude> [[Category:Administrative templates]] [[Category:Icons]]</noinclude> hv9c4gzajph9ucmroz57krjib7povhm 10 61533 2840231 2836983 2026-10-14T12:23:07Z Koavff 3112664 Undid revision [[Special:Diff/2836983|2836983]] by [[Special:Contributions/Koavf|Koavf]] ([[User talk:Koavf|talk]]) 2840231 wikitext text/x-wiki 12<nowiki></nowiki> |676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!}<noinclude>[[Category:Design templates]676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!] [[Category:RoundBox]] </noinclude> 0q73ygak7nn0f3p4zj3jkwil2f3mrtn 2840233 2840231 2026-10-14T12:26:12Z MathXplore 2888076 Reverted edit by [[Special:Contributions/Koavff|Koavff]] ([[User_talk:Koavff|talk]]) to last version by [[User:Koavf|Koavf]] using [[Wikiversity:Rollback|rollback]] 2836957 wikitext text/x-wiki <nowiki></nowiki> |}<noinclude>[[Category:Design templates]] [[Category:RoundBox]] </noinclude> c29ixcqre3s0091oi5su0snfwe6ewep 2840236 2840233 2026-10-14T12:27:14Z MathXplore 2888076 Protected "[[Template:RoundBoxBottom]]": Highly visible template ([Edit=Allow only autoconfirmed users] (indefinite) [Move=Allow only autoconfirmed users] (indefinite)) 2836957 wikitext text/x-wiki <nowiki></nowiki> |}<noinclude>[[Category:Design templates]] [[Category:RoundBox]] </noinclude> c29ixcqre3s0091oi5su0snfwe6ewep 0 63505 2840262 2485178 2026-10-14T12:57:41Z Thegooner67 3112666 /* Overview */ 2840262 wikitext text/x-wiki {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} {{tutorial}} This tutorial teaches use of '''analysis of covariance (ANCOVA)''' techniques, with practical exercises based on using [[SPSS]]. {{RoundBoxBottom}} {{TOCright}} ==Overview== * [[ANCOVA]] evaluates whether population means on the [[DV]], adjusted for differences on the covariate(s) (or 'nuisance variables'), differ across the levels of the [[IV]]s. Thus, the question being tested is whether the '''adjusted group means''' vary significantly from each other. * ANCOVA is exactly like ANOVA, except the effects of a third variable are statistically “controlled out” (similar to use of hierarchical multiple linear regression). * Any number of IVs and CVs can be used to create one-way, two-way, and multivariate ANCOVA designs. 67 ==Covariates== * Typically included to remove extraneous influences from the [[DV]], thus decreasing the within-group variance. Particularly with small sample sizes, well-chosen and reliably measured CVs can markedly improve the power of inferential statistical tests. * Including covariates is appropriate in order to: *# Eliminate some systematic variance outside the control of the researcher that can bias the results. *# Account for differences in response due to unique characteristics of the respondents. *: This is usually achieved in experimental designs by random assignment to groups, however, in quasi-experimental designs problems related to non-random assignment can be minimised by statistically controlling for the effects of covariates. * Try to minimise the number of CVs; too many covariates will reduce the statistical efficiency of the analysis - rule of thumb is that the number of CVs < (.10 x sample size) - (number of groups - 1). ===Example=== If you are interested in testing the effect of computer experience on the attitude towards use of internet shopping, and you suspect that those with more positive attitudes toward shopping in general are more likely to have positive attitudes towards internet shopping, you may include '''''attitude toward shopping''''' as a covariate so as to remove its influence from the attitude towards internet shopping measure. ==Assumptions== Assumptions to be met are those for [[ANOVA]], plus: # Covariates must be linearly related to the [[DV]]. The stronger the correlation, the more useful the CV will be. If there is no correlation, then the inclusion of the CV will slightly weaken the power of the test by needlessly consuming a degree of freedom. # Covariates must have a homogeneous effect on the DV across the IV groups (i.e., homogeneity of slopes or equal effects on the DV across the IV groups). If there is a significant interaction between the covariate and the IV, do not use an ANCOVA. # The covariate should be unrelated to the IV. # Covariates should not be overly correlated with one another. The first two criteria can be checked via a scatterplot of the DV and the CV, with the IV as a control variable (to check for equal slopes). The third criteria depends on experimental design (e.g., if the CV is measured prior to the IV, then it cannot be affected by the IV). The fourth criteria can be checked via correlations and scatterplots between the CVs. Recall that the main ANOVA assumptions are that: # Each of the observations are independent # The DV (and the CV) must be interval level of measurement # The underlying populations (of adjusted scores) must be normally distributed # Each of the underlying populations (of adjusted scores) must have the same variance The first two assumptions are a function of experimental design. The third and fourth assumptions are more difficult to test because we do not have the "adjusted scores", so we cannot compare the variances of the adjusted scores across the IV groups, but SPSS provides a Levene's test for the homogeneity of variance for the adjusted scores. Fortunately, provided the samples are sufficiently large, the test is robust to violations of the normality assumption. ==Example write-up== A one-way analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) was conducted. The independent variable, vitamin C, involved three levels: placebo, low dose, and high dose. The dependent variable was the number of days with cold symptoms during treatment and the covariate was the number of days with cold symptoms before treatment. The assumptions for ANCOVA were met. In particular, the homogeneity of the regression effect was evident for the covariate, and the covariate was linearly related to the dependent measure. The ANCOVA was significant, ''F'' (2,26) = 6.45, ''p'' = .005. The strength of the relationship between vitamin C treatment and the dependent variable was very strong, as assessed by <math>\eta</math><math>_p^2</math>, with the vitamin C factor accounting for 33 percent of the variance in dependent measure holding constant the number of days with pretreatment cold symptoms. The mean number of days with cold symptoms adjusted for initial differences were ordered as expected across the three vitamin C groups. The placebo group had the largest adjusted mean (''M'' = 12.01), the low dose vitamin C group had a smaller adjusted mean (''M'' = 7.71) and the high dose vitamin C group had the smallest adjusted mean (''M'' = 6.67). Follow-up tests were conducted to evaluate pairwise differences among the adjusted means. The Holm’s sequential Bonferroni procedure was used to control for Type I error across the three pairwise comparisons. There were significant differences in the adjusted means between both groups that received vitamin C and the placebo, but no significant difference between the two vitamin C groups. <nowiki>[Standardised mean effect sizes to be added]</nowiki> e.g., [http://www.campbellcollaboration.org/escalc/html/EffectSizeCalculator-SMD29.php effect size with covariate calculator] ==Descriptives== In presenting ANCOVA results, provide a table of means for each of the groups. If the same scale is used to measure the DV and the CV, then the unadjusted group means and ''SD'' (from Descriptives) can be presented. If a different scale is used for the DV and CV, then provide both the unadjusted mean (and ''SD'') and the adjusted mean (and ''SE''). The adjusted mean (controlling for the CV) is provided in the estimated marginal means table. ==Exercises== ===Teaching method=== In a hypothetical educational psychology experiment, participants were randomly divided into two groups. One group was taught conventionally, and the other were taught using an innovative method. Prior to allocation to the groups, learning motivation was assessed. Improvements in academic achievement were measured as the DV. * [https://drive.google.com/file/d/1D_dge7n5V2MTU4aQ63RiNb1QWnjYNgjF/view?usp=sharing Motiv.sav] (p. 129; Section 5.2) ** Achievement (achieve) (DV) ** Teaching Method (teach) (IV - 2 levels - "conservative" and "innovative") ** Motivation (motiv) (CV) ===Positive effect=== Conduct an ANCOVA to test for differences in positive effect between males and females, adjusting for differences in age. * [https://drive.google.com/file/d/1-8P8q3nG_ktnBGOuPEMEc8ak6OZ7VyRx/view?usp=sharing Psychol.sav]<!-- * [http://www.pearsoned.com.au/wpsBridge/francis5/files/psychol.sav Psychol.sav] --> ** Positive effect (DV) ** Gender (IV) ** Age (CV) ===Vitamin C=== Do low and high doses of Vitamin C reduce incidences of days suffered with a cold? Conduct an ANOVA using: * [https://drive.google.com/file/d/15eqXHXsXMDUoZ_WqEAJejoYMylIna2W5/view?usp=sharingT ANCOVA.sav] ** Group (IV; Vitamin C: placebo, low, high) ** Days (DV; days with a cold) ** Pre-days (CV; previous days with a cold) ===Therapy and depression=== What is the effect of three different therapy types on depression, taking into account pre-existing depression levels? Use: * [https://drive.google.com/file/d/1WHPzt_D3Hx6RiHS644c3b8-YEpIvvVu1/view?usp=sharing Ex ANCOVA.sav] ** Group (IV; Counseling and journal therapy; Journal therapy only; Counseling only) ** Depression prior (CV) ** Depression after (DV) ==See also== * [[ANCOVA]] * [[w:Analysis of covariance|ANCOVA]] (Wikipedia) <!-- ==External links== * [http://ucspace.canberra.edu.au/display/RMPE/ANCOVA ANCOVA] (ucspace) * [http://web.archive.org/web/20120331092431/http://ucspace.canberra.edu.au/download/attachments/45090988/ANCOVA+Notes.doc ANCOVA Notes] (Handout) --> [[Category:{{BASEPAGENAME}}/Tutorials]] [[Category:ANCOVA]] envpdyben328e7u5tk8nlz68vpfb16k 2840268 2840262 2026-10-14T13:17:18Z MathXplore 2888076 Reverted edit by [[Special:Contributions/Thegooner67|Thegooner67]] ([[User_talk:Thegooner67|talk]]) to last version by [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] using [[Wikiversity:Rollback|rollback]] 2485178 wikitext text/x-wiki {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} {{tutorial}} This tutorial teaches use of '''analysis of covariance (ANCOVA)''' techniques, with practical exercises based on using [[SPSS]]. {{RoundBoxBottom}} {{TOCright}} ==Overview== * [[ANCOVA]] evaluates whether population means on the [[DV]], adjusted for differences on the covariate(s) (or 'nuisance variables'), differ across the levels of the [[IV]]s. Thus, the question being tested is whether the '''adjusted group means''' vary significantly from each other. * ANCOVA is exactly like ANOVA, except the effects of a third variable are statistically “controlled out” (similar to use of hierarchical multiple linear regression). * Any number of IVs and CVs can be used to create one-way, two-way, and multivariate ANCOVA designs. ==Covariates== * Typically included to remove extraneous influences from the [[DV]], thus decreasing the within-group variance. Particularly with small sample sizes, well-chosen and reliably measured CVs can markedly improve the power of inferential statistical tests. * Including covariates is appropriate in order to: *# Eliminate some systematic variance outside the control of the researcher that can bias the results. *# Account for differences in response due to unique characteristics of the respondents. *: This is usually achieved in experimental designs by random assignment to groups, however, in quasi-experimental designs problems related to non-random assignment can be minimised by statistically controlling for the effects of covariates. * Try to minimise the number of CVs; too many covariates will reduce the statistical efficiency of the analysis - rule of thumb is that the number of CVs < (.10 x sample size) - (number of groups - 1). ===Example=== If you are interested in testing the effect of computer experience on the attitude towards use of internet shopping, and you suspect that those with more positive attitudes toward shopping in general are more likely to have positive attitudes towards internet shopping, you may include '''''attitude toward shopping''''' as a covariate so as to remove its influence from the attitude towards internet shopping measure. ==Assumptions== Assumptions to be met are those for [[ANOVA]], plus: # Covariates must be linearly related to the [[DV]]. The stronger the correlation, the more useful the CV will be. If there is no correlation, then the inclusion of the CV will slightly weaken the power of the test by needlessly consuming a degree of freedom. # Covariates must have a homogeneous effect on the DV across the IV groups (i.e., homogeneity of slopes or equal effects on the DV across the IV groups). If there is a significant interaction between the covariate and the IV, do not use an ANCOVA. # The covariate should be unrelated to the IV. # Covariates should not be overly correlated with one another. The first two criteria can be checked via a scatterplot of the DV and the CV, with the IV as a control variable (to check for equal slopes). The third criteria depends on experimental design (e.g., if the CV is measured prior to the IV, then it cannot be affected by the IV). The fourth criteria can be checked via correlations and scatterplots between the CVs. Recall that the main ANOVA assumptions are that: # Each of the observations are independent # The DV (and the CV) must be interval level of measurement # The underlying populations (of adjusted scores) must be normally distributed # Each of the underlying populations (of adjusted scores) must have the same variance The first two assumptions are a function of experimental design. The third and fourth assumptions are more difficult to test because we do not have the "adjusted scores", so we cannot compare the variances of the adjusted scores across the IV groups, but SPSS provides a Levene's test for the homogeneity of variance for the adjusted scores. Fortunately, provided the samples are sufficiently large, the test is robust to violations of the normality assumption. ==Example write-up== A one-way analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) was conducted. The independent variable, vitamin C, involved three levels: placebo, low dose, and high dose. The dependent variable was the number of days with cold symptoms during treatment and the covariate was the number of days with cold symptoms before treatment. The assumptions for ANCOVA were met. In particular, the homogeneity of the regression effect was evident for the covariate, and the covariate was linearly related to the dependent measure. The ANCOVA was significant, ''F'' (2,26) = 6.45, ''p'' = .005. The strength of the relationship between vitamin C treatment and the dependent variable was very strong, as assessed by <math>\eta</math><math>_p^2</math>, with the vitamin C factor accounting for 33 percent of the variance in dependent measure holding constant the number of days with pretreatment cold symptoms. The mean number of days with cold symptoms adjusted for initial differences were ordered as expected across the three vitamin C groups. The placebo group had the largest adjusted mean (''M'' = 12.01), the low dose vitamin C group had a smaller adjusted mean (''M'' = 7.71) and the high dose vitamin C group had the smallest adjusted mean (''M'' = 6.67). Follow-up tests were conducted to evaluate pairwise differences among the adjusted means. The Holm’s sequential Bonferroni procedure was used to control for Type I error across the three pairwise comparisons. There were significant differences in the adjusted means between both groups that received vitamin C and the placebo, but no significant difference between the two vitamin C groups. <nowiki>[Standardised mean effect sizes to be added]</nowiki> e.g., [http://www.campbellcollaboration.org/escalc/html/EffectSizeCalculator-SMD29.php effect size with covariate calculator] ==Descriptives== In presenting ANCOVA results, provide a table of means for each of the groups. If the same scale is used to measure the DV and the CV, then the unadjusted group means and ''SD'' (from Descriptives) can be presented. If a different scale is used for the DV and CV, then provide both the unadjusted mean (and ''SD'') and the adjusted mean (and ''SE''). The adjusted mean (controlling for the CV) is provided in the estimated marginal means table. ==Exercises== ===Teaching method=== In a hypothetical educational psychology experiment, participants were randomly divided into two groups. One group was taught conventionally, and the other were taught using an innovative method. Prior to allocation to the groups, learning motivation was assessed. Improvements in academic achievement were measured as the DV. * [https://drive.google.com/file/d/1D_dge7n5V2MTU4aQ63RiNb1QWnjYNgjF/view?usp=sharing Motiv.sav] (p. 129; Section 5.2) ** Achievement (achieve) (DV) ** Teaching Method (teach) (IV - 2 levels - "conservative" and "innovative") ** Motivation (motiv) (CV) ===Positive effect=== Conduct an ANCOVA to test for differences in positive effect between males and females, adjusting for differences in age. * [https://drive.google.com/file/d/1-8P8q3nG_ktnBGOuPEMEc8ak6OZ7VyRx/view?usp=sharing Psychol.sav]<!-- * [http://www.pearsoned.com.au/wpsBridge/francis5/files/psychol.sav Psychol.sav] --> ** Positive effect (DV) ** Gender (IV) ** Age (CV) ===Vitamin C=== Do low and high doses of Vitamin C reduce incidences of days suffered with a cold? Conduct an ANOVA using: * [https://drive.google.com/file/d/15eqXHXsXMDUoZ_WqEAJejoYMylIna2W5/view?usp=sharingT ANCOVA.sav] ** Group (IV; Vitamin C: placebo, low, high) ** Days (DV; days with a cold) ** Pre-days (CV; previous days with a cold) ===Therapy and depression=== What is the effect of three different therapy types on depression, taking into account pre-existing depression levels? Use: * [https://drive.google.com/file/d/1WHPzt_D3Hx6RiHS644c3b8-YEpIvvVu1/view?usp=sharing Ex ANCOVA.sav] ** Group (IV; Counseling and journal therapy; Journal therapy only; Counseling only) ** Depression prior (CV) ** Depression after (DV) ==See also== * [[ANCOVA]] * [[w:Analysis of covariance|ANCOVA]] (Wikipedia) <!-- ==External links== * [http://ucspace.canberra.edu.au/display/RMPE/ANCOVA ANCOVA] (ucspace) * [http://web.archive.org/web/20120331092431/http://ucspace.canberra.edu.au/download/attachments/45090988/ANCOVA+Notes.doc ANCOVA Notes] (Handout) --> [[Category:{{BASEPAGENAME}}/Tutorials]] [[Category:ANCOVA]] r2f6mh09j3ir3d0bke8t5yf3dhpjswg 4 75745 2840298 2840059 2026-10-14T16:26:12Z ~2026-40514-81 3101893 /* Unable to Create Page (?) */ Reply Is this procedure necessary? 2840298 wikitext text/x-wiki {{/Header}} ==Review changes to [[Special:AbuseFilter/4]]== {{ping|Codename Noreste}} Could you review changes I made to this filter to help prevent profanity spam using obfuscated spellings? -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 03:44, 25 May 2026 (UTC) : I've adjusted the filter to prevent any potential false positives, see its conditions. [[User:Codename Noreste|Codename Noreste]] ([[User talk:Codename Noreste|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Codename Noreste|contribs]]) 18:10, 26 May 2026 (UTC) == Please unban == I want to create a new page (a pro/contra discussion page [[Are humans omnivores or herbivores?|like this one]]); initially it included an entry in the "== External Links ==" section, so it got blocked. I tried using a doi.org link; unfortunately that got blocked, too. Then I tried without, and it said I tried too often… Please unban my user so I can create the page (without an external link…). In general, please consider adding doi.org to a whitelist. DOI links are virtually all academic, so how bad can that possibly be? Thank you! :-) [[Special:Contributions/&#126;2026-44661-47|&#126;2026-44661-47]] ([[User talk:&#126;2026-44661-47|talk]]) 11:02, 15 August 2026 (UTC) : Thanks for letting us know. Some suggestion: :* Although you can edit anonymously, it is better to create an account and log in - that will give you more permissions :* You are hitting some spam filters, but the system will learn to trust you if you login and engage in some constructive editing (e.g., edit and improve a page before before adding external links); basically, it doesn't trust you yet. We don't have a lot of volunteer admins so it isn't perfect (there are some false positives), but it prevents a lot of clean-up. : : But now for the not-so-good news. The Wikiversity community recently decide to stop Wikidebates because there were some problematic topics and responses. However, if it is a good topic, there's likely some way to do something similar that would be accepted. -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 11:21, 15 August 2026 (UTC) ::My debate question is: "Are humans monogamous or polygamous?" (In my opinion, that makes it very analogous to the diet question I liked to.) [[Special:Contributions/&#126;2026-44661-47|&#126;2026-44661-47]] ([[User talk:&#126;2026-44661-47|talk]]) 11:37, 15 August 2026 (UTC) ::: This question is an example of a potentially educationally relevant topic to have as a learning project in debate format, but currently debates are not permitted (see [[Wikidebates]] for more info). -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 12:03, 15 August 2026 (UTC) ::::I understand. I would generally find it noteworthy that a debate club which used to pretend to be liberal would so readily admit to the opposite and shut itself down, simply because – I'm assuming – someone asked the forbidden questions of our time or questioned the truisms of our time, which stirred up some emotions in the overly sensitive. That, of course, is not what the enlightenment taught us, nor is it in line with what ''actually'' liberal academia is all about. However, it is no surprise to me at all for a socialist project of the Wikimedia realm. I'll go and find myself some better people. Thank you and have a good day, Jtneill. [[Special:Contributions/&#126;2026-44661-47|&#126;2026-44661-47]] ([[User talk:&#126;2026-44661-47|talk]]) 12:10, 15 August 2026 (UTC) == Request to review AbuseFilter block on a student research draft == Hello. I am a new contributor attempting to create [[Draft:Anti-IL-6 scFv–RDVLPGT fusion concept]], a clearly labeled student research project. The draft separates cited evidence from an unvalidated design hypothesis, states the central limitation (extracellular anti-IL-6 scFv versus intracellular MyD88), includes falsifiable expectations, and uses external links only for DOI references, RCSB PDB 4DOM, and an NCBI iCn3D structural-context view. The edit was disallowed by the rule “New user creating page with external link.” Could a custodian please review the draft and allow the constructive edit, or advise the appropriate way to publish it without removing its verifiable sources? Thank you. [[User:Jayhan0302|Jayhan0302]] ([[User talk:Jayhan0302|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jayhan0302|contribs]]) 08:47, 22 August 2026 (UTC) : Hi Jayhan, : Because you're a new user, the system wants to learn to trust you, so try editing at first without including external links. Then, after a while, it will realise that you're to be trusted, and then you'll be able to add external links. : I hope that helps. : Sincerely,<br> James -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 09:04, 22 August 2026 (UTC) :This is a little embarrassing, but I've never been an EditFilter whiz, so I just added the links myself. You will be able to add links yourself after you have made <var>x</var> edits in <var>y</var> days. I can never recall the exact numbers, but they are very small. Let me know if you need more help. ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 09:06, 22 August 2026 (UTC) == Report concerning [[special:contribs/Bśadów$ki112|Bśadów$ki112]] == '''Reasons''': Long-term abuse. Impersonation of [[:sulutil:Bsadowski1|Bsadowski1]]. --[[User:Morkoz|Morkoz]] ([[User talk:Morkoz|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Morkoz|contribs]]) 19:19, 28 August 2026 (UTC) :{{done}} ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 19:20, 28 August 2026 (UTC) == Custodianship == proofreading and summarizing I excel in social science and current events history political science are my areas of past study. Could I be custodian of primarily pages dealing with social science and politics? I have experience editing am a advanced reader and can accept more than one point of view on almost any topic the point is to see the ethical standard and protection of people of sacred belief of food equitable relationships and not accept any point of view that includes towards a laissez faire attitude on abuse. To me it's what we can do as individuals,as community,as friends as family not what harm is possible for that is off the boards not acceptable. I'll keep a open mind and not stifle any dissent. My interest is also in assuring the complete construction of explanatory paragraphs,proper wording and generally good punctuation. [[Special:Contributions/~2026-50875-97|~2026-50875-97]] ([[User talk:~2026-50875-97|talk]]) 15:27, 21 September 2026 (UTC) :What you posted here does not require custodian action and show some poor judgement: This board is for escalated issues that a standard user can't perform. What you are basically writing here is "I would like to be a custodian". There is a process for that, but step one would be having an actual account to edit from, so do that first, then edit here as a non-custodian in a helpful manner, and then make the request if you'd still like that. ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 15:38, 21 September 2026 (UTC) == I am trying to publish a biography == I am a beginner, I cannot succeed. [[User:Petrosa51|Petrosa51]] ([[User talk:Petrosa51|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Petrosa51|contribs]]) 12:57, 27 September 2026 (UTC) :I posted a [[Template:welcome|welcome message]] to your talk page that gives you an overview of Wikiversity. While a biography <em>could</em> be considered appropriate here if part of a larger exercise in learning but this is not an encyclopedia like our sibling project Wikipedia, so generally, we won't have much in the way of article-long biographies. Why were you trying to post a biography here and of whom? ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 16:24, 27 September 2026 (UTC) ::I am a writer I publish in Romania and USA, and I wanted to put on-line officially, the Bibliography, both in romanian and english, maybe I am not on the right topic pages, I did much work in Romania, and both in USA, and I am proud, but just maybe I didn't came out with the right issued page, I will do my best to make a bibliography, if I may. It was about my works, so far. I will try another day, if I succeed... Very much greetings Iulia, ro Where I can put the text, I have seen other Bibliographies, on wiki? [[User:Petrosa51|Petrosa51]] ([[User talk:Petrosa51|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Petrosa51|contribs]]) 16:41, 27 September 2026 (UTC) :::If you want to contribute here and you want to mention your publications on your userpage, I think that's fine. If you just want to make a user page for vanity's sake and aren't going to actually contribute here, I don't think that's useful: we don't provide free hosting. ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 17:11, 27 September 2026 (UTC) ::::Thank you very much for your response, I will agree with that. I have seen book lists at other authors, and that was why, is not vanity is work, Iulia E., from Romania... (Wikipedia hosted that kind, it was not my invention), maybe I will contribute if I may with other things, with much friendship, Iulia [[Special:Contributions/~2026-52080-44|~2026-52080-44]] ([[User talk:~2026-52080-44|talk]]) 22:00, 27 September 2026 (UTC) == Request for protection of User:Bobiversity == Hello. I would like to request protection of [[User:Bobiversity]] because I would prefer that other users not edit my user page. Thank you. [[User:Bobiversity|Bobiversity]] ([[User talk:Bobiversity|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Bobiversity|contribs]]) 04:01, 11 October 2026 (UTC) :The anonymous editor(s) have been blocked for two weeks for vandalism. Please let us know if this activity continues. [[User:Mu301|mikeu]] ^{[[User talk:Mu301|talk]]} 04:57, 11 October 2026 (UTC) == Unable to Create Page (?) == Hi, I'm trying to create a page: [[Magnetoencephalography (MEG)]]. </br> When I attempt to create it however, it does not allow me, spitting the following message: </br> "This action has been automatically identified as potentially harmful, and therefore disallowed. If you believe your action was constructive, please [[Wikiversity:Request custodian action|inform an administrator]] of what you were trying to do. A brief description of the abuse rule which your action matched is: New user exceeded new page limit" Any help on this would be greatly appreciated. Thanks, [[User:SamLaxarox|SamLaxarox]] ([[User talk:SamLaxarox|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SamLaxarox|contribs]]) 23:34, 12 October 2026 (UTC) :There are restrictions on new accounts. We could do two things: I personally recommend that you create it in your userspace and build it up to be ready for primetime and then it can be moved or I could make a blank page and you can edit it from there. I'm willing to do that, but think it's not the best method. ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 02:09, 13 October 2026 (UTC) ::No worries, I'll just put it in my userspace; Thanks for the help! [[User:SamLaxarox|SamLaxarox]] ([[User talk:SamLaxarox|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SamLaxarox|contribs]]) 19:08, 13 October 2026 (UTC) ::@[[User:Koavf|Koavf]], on 23:39, 15 March 2020, I posted a similar request <nowiki>'''</nowiki>[[Wikiversity:Request custodian action#trying to create a page in my user space here|<bdi>trying to create a page in my user space here</bdi>]]''<nowiki>'''</nowiki>.'' That was my first successful "edit" to this project. It took awhile to get my page established, and I believe but have not checked recently that it is still here. However, unlike my experience with another wiki project I never felt I could actually contribute here and as a result my contributions have been far and few between. ::I hope @ [[User:SamLaxarox|SamLaxarox]] will have better luck, but I sometimes wonder if all these bureaucratic restrictions , that create a lot of work for admins, are actually beneficial for this wiki as a whole. Just my $.02 [[Special:Contributions/~2026-40514-81|~2026-40514-81]] ([[User talk:~2026-40514-81|talk]]) 16:26, 14 October 2026 (UTC) i9zq8u0u8ydcr6mpdwfsqpqovwdu7q2 2840306 2840298 2026-10-14T17:41:04Z Koavf 147 /* Unable to Create Page (?) */ Reply 2840306 wikitext text/x-wiki {{/Header}} ==Review changes to [[Special:AbuseFilter/4]]== {{ping|Codename Noreste}} Could you review changes I made to this filter to help prevent profanity spam using obfuscated spellings? -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 03:44, 25 May 2026 (UTC) : I've adjusted the filter to prevent any potential false positives, see its conditions. [[User:Codename Noreste|Codename Noreste]] ([[User talk:Codename Noreste|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Codename Noreste|contribs]]) 18:10, 26 May 2026 (UTC) == Please unban == I want to create a new page (a pro/contra discussion page [[Are humans omnivores or herbivores?|like this one]]); initially it included an entry in the "== External Links ==" section, so it got blocked. I tried using a doi.org link; unfortunately that got blocked, too. Then I tried without, and it said I tried too often… Please unban my user so I can create the page (without an external link…). In general, please consider adding doi.org to a whitelist. DOI links are virtually all academic, so how bad can that possibly be? Thank you! :-) [[Special:Contributions/&#126;2026-44661-47|&#126;2026-44661-47]] ([[User talk:&#126;2026-44661-47|talk]]) 11:02, 15 August 2026 (UTC) : Thanks for letting us know. Some suggestion: :* Although you can edit anonymously, it is better to create an account and log in - that will give you more permissions :* You are hitting some spam filters, but the system will learn to trust you if you login and engage in some constructive editing (e.g., edit and improve a page before before adding external links); basically, it doesn't trust you yet. We don't have a lot of volunteer admins so it isn't perfect (there are some false positives), but it prevents a lot of clean-up. : : But now for the not-so-good news. The Wikiversity community recently decide to stop Wikidebates because there were some problematic topics and responses. However, if it is a good topic, there's likely some way to do something similar that would be accepted. -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 11:21, 15 August 2026 (UTC) ::My debate question is: "Are humans monogamous or polygamous?" (In my opinion, that makes it very analogous to the diet question I liked to.) [[Special:Contributions/&#126;2026-44661-47|&#126;2026-44661-47]] ([[User talk:&#126;2026-44661-47|talk]]) 11:37, 15 August 2026 (UTC) ::: This question is an example of a potentially educationally relevant topic to have as a learning project in debate format, but currently debates are not permitted (see [[Wikidebates]] for more info). -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 12:03, 15 August 2026 (UTC) ::::I understand. I would generally find it noteworthy that a debate club which used to pretend to be liberal would so readily admit to the opposite and shut itself down, simply because – I'm assuming – someone asked the forbidden questions of our time or questioned the truisms of our time, which stirred up some emotions in the overly sensitive. That, of course, is not what the enlightenment taught us, nor is it in line with what ''actually'' liberal academia is all about. However, it is no surprise to me at all for a socialist project of the Wikimedia realm. I'll go and find myself some better people. Thank you and have a good day, Jtneill. [[Special:Contributions/&#126;2026-44661-47|&#126;2026-44661-47]] ([[User talk:&#126;2026-44661-47|talk]]) 12:10, 15 August 2026 (UTC) == Request to review AbuseFilter block on a student research draft == Hello. I am a new contributor attempting to create [[Draft:Anti-IL-6 scFv–RDVLPGT fusion concept]], a clearly labeled student research project. The draft separates cited evidence from an unvalidated design hypothesis, states the central limitation (extracellular anti-IL-6 scFv versus intracellular MyD88), includes falsifiable expectations, and uses external links only for DOI references, RCSB PDB 4DOM, and an NCBI iCn3D structural-context view. The edit was disallowed by the rule “New user creating page with external link.” Could a custodian please review the draft and allow the constructive edit, or advise the appropriate way to publish it without removing its verifiable sources? Thank you. [[User:Jayhan0302|Jayhan0302]] ([[User talk:Jayhan0302|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jayhan0302|contribs]]) 08:47, 22 August 2026 (UTC) : Hi Jayhan, : Because you're a new user, the system wants to learn to trust you, so try editing at first without including external links. Then, after a while, it will realise that you're to be trusted, and then you'll be able to add external links. : I hope that helps. : Sincerely,<br> James -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 09:04, 22 August 2026 (UTC) :This is a little embarrassing, but I've never been an EditFilter whiz, so I just added the links myself. You will be able to add links yourself after you have made <var>x</var> edits in <var>y</var> days. I can never recall the exact numbers, but they are very small. Let me know if you need more help. ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 09:06, 22 August 2026 (UTC) == Report concerning [[special:contribs/Bśadów$ki112|Bśadów$ki112]] == '''Reasons''': Long-term abuse. Impersonation of [[:sulutil:Bsadowski1|Bsadowski1]]. --[[User:Morkoz|Morkoz]] ([[User talk:Morkoz|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Morkoz|contribs]]) 19:19, 28 August 2026 (UTC) :{{done}} ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 19:20, 28 August 2026 (UTC) == Custodianship == proofreading and summarizing I excel in social science and current events history political science are my areas of past study. Could I be custodian of primarily pages dealing with social science and politics? I have experience editing am a advanced reader and can accept more than one point of view on almost any topic the point is to see the ethical standard and protection of people of sacred belief of food equitable relationships and not accept any point of view that includes towards a laissez faire attitude on abuse. To me it's what we can do as individuals,as community,as friends as family not what harm is possible for that is off the boards not acceptable. I'll keep a open mind and not stifle any dissent. My interest is also in assuring the complete construction of explanatory paragraphs,proper wording and generally good punctuation. [[Special:Contributions/~2026-50875-97|~2026-50875-97]] ([[User talk:~2026-50875-97|talk]]) 15:27, 21 September 2026 (UTC) :What you posted here does not require custodian action and show some poor judgement: This board is for escalated issues that a standard user can't perform. What you are basically writing here is "I would like to be a custodian". There is a process for that, but step one would be having an actual account to edit from, so do that first, then edit here as a non-custodian in a helpful manner, and then make the request if you'd still like that. ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 15:38, 21 September 2026 (UTC) == I am trying to publish a biography == I am a beginner, I cannot succeed. [[User:Petrosa51|Petrosa51]] ([[User talk:Petrosa51|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Petrosa51|contribs]]) 12:57, 27 September 2026 (UTC) :I posted a [[Template:welcome|welcome message]] to your talk page that gives you an overview of Wikiversity. While a biography <em>could</em> be considered appropriate here if part of a larger exercise in learning but this is not an encyclopedia like our sibling project Wikipedia, so generally, we won't have much in the way of article-long biographies. Why were you trying to post a biography here and of whom? ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 16:24, 27 September 2026 (UTC) ::I am a writer I publish in Romania and USA, and I wanted to put on-line officially, the Bibliography, both in romanian and english, maybe I am not on the right topic pages, I did much work in Romania, and both in USA, and I am proud, but just maybe I didn't came out with the right issued page, I will do my best to make a bibliography, if I may. It was about my works, so far. I will try another day, if I succeed... Very much greetings Iulia, ro Where I can put the text, I have seen other Bibliographies, on wiki? [[User:Petrosa51|Petrosa51]] ([[User talk:Petrosa51|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Petrosa51|contribs]]) 16:41, 27 September 2026 (UTC) :::If you want to contribute here and you want to mention your publications on your userpage, I think that's fine. If you just want to make a user page for vanity's sake and aren't going to actually contribute here, I don't think that's useful: we don't provide free hosting. ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 17:11, 27 September 2026 (UTC) ::::Thank you very much for your response, I will agree with that. I have seen book lists at other authors, and that was why, is not vanity is work, Iulia E., from Romania... (Wikipedia hosted that kind, it was not my invention), maybe I will contribute if I may with other things, with much friendship, Iulia [[Special:Contributions/~2026-52080-44|~2026-52080-44]] ([[User talk:~2026-52080-44|talk]]) 22:00, 27 September 2026 (UTC) == Request for protection of User:Bobiversity == Hello. I would like to request protection of [[User:Bobiversity]] because I would prefer that other users not edit my user page. Thank you. [[User:Bobiversity|Bobiversity]] ([[User talk:Bobiversity|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Bobiversity|contribs]]) 04:01, 11 October 2026 (UTC) :The anonymous editor(s) have been blocked for two weeks for vandalism. Please let us know if this activity continues. [[User:Mu301|mikeu]] ^{[[User talk:Mu301|talk]]} 04:57, 11 October 2026 (UTC) == Unable to Create Page (?) == Hi, I'm trying to create a page: [[Magnetoencephalography (MEG)]]. </br> When I attempt to create it however, it does not allow me, spitting the following message: </br> "This action has been automatically identified as potentially harmful, and therefore disallowed. If you believe your action was constructive, please [[Wikiversity:Request custodian action|inform an administrator]] of what you were trying to do. A brief description of the abuse rule which your action matched is: New user exceeded new page limit" Any help on this would be greatly appreciated. Thanks, [[User:SamLaxarox|SamLaxarox]] ([[User talk:SamLaxarox|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SamLaxarox|contribs]]) 23:34, 12 October 2026 (UTC) :There are restrictions on new accounts. We could do two things: I personally recommend that you create it in your userspace and build it up to be ready for primetime and then it can be moved or I could make a blank page and you can edit it from there. I'm willing to do that, but think it's not the best method. ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 02:09, 13 October 2026 (UTC) ::No worries, I'll just put it in my userspace; Thanks for the help! [[User:SamLaxarox|SamLaxarox]] ([[User talk:SamLaxarox|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SamLaxarox|contribs]]) 19:08, 13 October 2026 (UTC) ::@[[User:Koavf|Koavf]], on 23:39, 15 March 2020, I posted a similar request <nowiki>'''</nowiki>[[Wikiversity:Request custodian action#trying to create a page in my user space here|<bdi>trying to create a page in my user space here</bdi>]]''<nowiki>'''</nowiki>.'' That was my first successful "edit" to this project. It took awhile to get my page established, and I believe but have not checked recently that it is still here. However, unlike my experience with another wiki project I never felt I could actually contribute here and as a result my contributions have been far and few between. ::I hope @ [[User:SamLaxarox|SamLaxarox]] will have better luck, but I sometimes wonder if all these bureaucratic restrictions , that create a lot of work for admins, are actually beneficial for this wiki as a whole. Just my $.02 [[Special:Contributions/~2026-40514-81|~2026-40514-81]] ([[User talk:~2026-40514-81|talk]]) 16:26, 14 October 2026 (UTC) :::Temporary account users are welcome and we appreciate you wanting to add to the educational resources, but as you can imagine, we need to have some restrictions on accounts. It's hard to have perfect settings for these. ―[[User:Koavf|Justin (<span style="color:grey">ko'''a'''<span style="color:black">v</span>f</span>)]]<span style="color:red">❤[[User talk:Koavf|T]]☮[[Special:Contributions/Koavf|C]]☺[[Special:Emailuser/Koavf|M]]☯</span> 17:41, 14 October 2026 (UTC) q5pbivvu7kqk4k9ctjiej5v1q1yshi6 10 76648 2840223 2836982 2026-10-14T12:11:10Z Veritas Sapientiaee 3112663 2840223 wikitext text/x-wiki <includeonl7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!y>{{#invoke:Navbox|navbox}7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!}</includeonly><noinclude> {{Documentation}} </noinclude> s7nqtgdeopigah6fqp8ttakn5ipp6i1 2840241 2840223 2026-10-14T12:29:42Z MathXplore 2888076 Reverted edit by [[Special:Contributions/Veritas Sapientiaee|Veritas Sapientiaee]] ([[User_talk:Veritas Sapientiaee|talk]]) to last version by [[User:Koavf|Koavf]] using [[Wikiversity:Rollback|rollback]] 2836956 wikitext text/x-wiki <includeonly>{{#invoke:Navbox|navbox}}</includeonly><noinclude> {{Documentation}} </noinclude> tqodcaa2vvhehqaod229udlla0wimek 2840248 2840241 2026-10-14T12:32:48Z MathXplore 2888076 Protected "[[Template:Navbox]]": Highly visible template ([Edit=Allow only autoconfirmed users] (indefinite) [Move=Allow only autoconfirmed users] (indefinite)) 2836956 wikitext text/x-wiki <includeonly>{{#invoke:Navbox|navbox}}</includeonly><noinclude> {{Documentation}} </noinclude> tqodcaa2vvhehqaod229udlla0wimek 0 105222 2840354 2254115 2026-10-15T01:16:29Z The Citer 3110681 Yes, this is improved! 2840354 wikitext text/x-wiki '''Animals''' are heterotrophic eukaryotic organisms which ingest food. They are distinguished from fungi which absorb food. Heterotrophs obtain energy by catabolising organic matter biosynthesised by other organisms. They are distinguished from autotrophs (plants and chromista) which obtain metabolic energy from inorganic sources. Eukaryotic organisms are composed of nucleated cells. They are distinguished from prokaryotic organisms (eubacteria and archea) which are composed of non-nucleated cells. <div class="thumb tleft" style="border: 1px solid #CCCCCC; margin:0.5em;"> {|border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" | {{Clade | style = font-size:100%; line-height:100% | label1 = [[Eukaryote|Eukarya]]&nbsp;&nbsp; | 1={{clade |label1 = [[Bikonts]] |label2 = [[Unikonts]] |1={{Clade |label2 = [[Chromalveolata]] |1=[[Plants]] |2={{Clade |1=[[Chromista]] |2=[[Alveolata]]}}}} |2={{Clade |label2 = [[Opisthokonts]] |1=[[Amoebozoa]] |2={{Clade |label1 = [[Holozoa]] |1={{Clade |1=[[Choanozoa]] |2=[[Animal Phyla|Metazoa]] }} |2={{Clade |1={{Clade |1=[[Nucleariida]] |2=[[Fungi]] }} }}}}}}}}}} |} </div> [[Choanozoa]]ns are single celled ''animals''. [[Animals|Metazoa]]ns are multicellular animals. [[Holozoa]] are animals which are either single celled or multicellular. Although amoebas and paramecia are motile and heterotrophic, they are not animals. Fungi are more closely related to animals than amoebas and paramecia are more closely related to plants than to animals. [[Image:Commonbuckeye.JPG|thumb|The elaborate patterns on the wings of [[butterfly|butterflies]] are one example of bilateral symmetry.]] Many animals, including humans, exhibit a bilateral symmetry. [[Bilateral animals]] have left and right halves which are mirror images of each other. Before the emergence of bilateral animals, [[Animal Phyla/Porifera|sponges]], [[ctenophora]]ns, [[cnidaria]]ns, and [[placozoa]]ns split from the main animal lineage, but order of divergence is less than certain. Bilaterian animals consist of three clades: [[deuterostomia]], [[lophotrochozoa]], and [[ecdysozoa]].<ref>http://www.annualreviews.org/doi/abs/10.1146/annurev.ecolsys.35.112202.130124</ref><ref>http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thomas_Cavalier-Smith</ref> ==Also see== [[School:Zoology]]<br> [[Animal Phyla]] ==References== {{reflist}} {{Animalia}} [[Category:Eukaryote phylogeny]] [[Category:Animals]] [[Category:Taxonomy]] [[Category:Biology]] [[Category:Zoology]] 25kin085ir0icv24nzpdc7hrx0ygqrn 10 105252 2840320 2697691 2026-10-14T19:18:29Z The Citer 3110681 I fixed it! 2840320 wikitext text/x-wiki {{Navbox |name = Animalia |title = Extant [[phylum|phyla]] of the [[animals|animal kingdom]] by [[subkingdom]] |titlestyle = background:#D3D3A4; |group1 = [[Porifera]] |list1 = [[Calcareous sponge|Calcarea]], [[Demosponge|Demospongiae]], [[Hexactinellid|Hexactinellida]] |group2 = [[Eumetazoa]] |list2 = {{Navbox|child | groupstyle = | liststyle = | group1 = [[Cnidaria]] | list1 = [[Anthozoa]], [[Hydrozoa]], [[Scyphozoa]], [[Box jellyfish|Cubozoa]], [[Stauromedusae|Staurozoa]], [[Myxozoa]] | group2 = [[Ctenophora]] | list2 = [[Tentaculata]], [[Nuda]] | group3 = [[Placozoa]] | list3 = [[Polyplacotomia]], [[Uniplacotomia]] | group4 = [[Bilateria]] | list4 = {{Navbox|child | groupstyle = width:10em; | liststyle = width:auto; | group1 = [[Protostome|Protostomia]] | list1 = {{Navbox|child | groupstyle = | liststyle = | group1 = [[Ecdysozoa]] | list1 = [[Cycloneuralia]]: [[Scalidophora]] ([[Animal Phyla/Kinorhyncha|Kinorhyncha]], [[Loricifera]], [[Priapulida]]){{·}} [[Nematoida]] ([[Nematoda|Nematoda]], [[Nematomorpha]])<BR> [[Panarthropoda]]: [[Animal Phyla/Onychophora|Onychophora]]{{·}} [[Tardigrada|Tardigrada]]{{·}} [[Arthropoda]] | group2 = [[Spiralia]] | list2 = {{Navbox|child | group1 = [[Platyzoa]] | list1 = [[Platyhelminthes]]{{·}} [[Gastrotricha]]<BR> [[Gnathifera]]: [[Rotifera]]{{·}} [[Acanthocephala]]{{·}} [[Gnathostomulida]]{{·}} [[Micrognathozoa]]{{·}} [[Cycliophora]]{{·}} [[Chaetognatha]]{{·}} [[Orthonectida]]{{·}} [[Rhombozoa]] | group2 = [[Lophotrochozoa]] | list2 = [[Trochozoa]] ([[Nemertea]], [[Mollusca]], [[Annelida]])<BR>[[Lophophorata]] ([[Bryozoa]], [[Entoprocta]], [[Phoronida]], [[Brachiopoda]]) }} }} | group2 = [[Deuterostome|Deuterostomia]] | list2 = {{Navbox|child | groupstyle = | liststyle = | group1 = [[Ambulacraria]] | list1 = [[Hemichordata]]{{·}} [[Echinodermata]]{{·}} [[Animal Phyla/Xenacoelomorpha|Xenacoelomorpha]] ([[Xenoturbellida]], [[Acoelomorpha]] ([[Acoela]], [[Nemertodermatida]])) | group2 = [[Chordata]] | list2 = [[Craniata]] ([[Vertebrata]], [[Hagfish|Myxini]]){{·}} [[Lancelet|Cephalochordata]]{{·}} [[Tunicata]] }} }} }} }}<noinclude> [[Category:Animals navigational boxes| ]] [[fa:الگو:شاخه جانوران]] [[ru:Шаблон:Типы животных| ]] </noinclude> mw3ob5sytygfxzlh4hhb4vxnzp9efx0 10 107452 2840221 2547775 2026-10-14T12:07:02Z Veritas Sapientiaee 3112663 2840221 wikitext text/x-wiki <div style="text-align: center"><span style="line-height: 30px; font-size: 140%; font-weight: bold;">{{{7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!1}}}</span></div><noinclude> [[Category:Formatting templates]] </noinclude> j6l42vywta5d2585bf430x2t03v0kz2 2840242 2840221 2026-10-14T12:29:49Z MathXplore 2888076 Reverted edit by [[Special:Contributions/Veritas Sapientiaee|Veritas Sapientiaee]] ([[User_talk:Veritas Sapientiaee|talk]]) to last version by [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] using [[Wikiversity:Rollback|rollback]] 1861130 wikitext text/x-wiki <div style="text-align: center"><span style="line-height: 30px; font-size: 140%; font-weight: bold;">{{{1}}}</span></div><noinclude> [[Category:Formatting templates]] </noinclude> 7p8crl5ers4e6hy7he23j3ny68mqd3d 2840249 2840242 2026-10-14T12:33:20Z MathXplore 2888076 Protected "[[Template:Title]]": Highly visible template ([Edit=Allow only autoconfirmed users] (indefinite) [Move=Allow only autoconfirmed users] (indefinite)) 1861130 wikitext text/x-wiki <div style="text-align: center"><span style="line-height: 30px; font-size: 140%; font-weight: bold;">{{{1}}}</span></div><noinclude> [[Category:Formatting templates]] </noinclude> 7p8crl5ers4e6hy7he23j3ny68mqd3d 10 114479 2840226 1944722 2026-10-14T12:15:08Z Veritas Sapientiaee 3112663 2840226 wikitext text/x-wiki {7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!{7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!#invoke:navboxes|top}} {7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!{{list1|{{{list|}}}7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!}}}{{#invoke:navboxes|bottom}}{{#if:{{{list1|{{{list|}}}}}}||{{main other|[[Category:Navboxes template with no content]]}}}}{{#invoke:Check for unknown parameters|check|unknown={{main other|[[Category:Pages using navboxes with unknown parameters|_VALUE_{7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!{PAGENAME}}]]}}|preview=Page using [[Template:Navboxes]] with unknown parameter "_VALUE_"|ignoreblank=y| bg | bordercolor | fg | list | list1 | state | title | titlestyle }}<noinclude> {{documentation}} </noinclude> 41ajmkh4s4dwcmmo3c4inyisvbomnj4 2840239 2840226 2026-10-14T12:29:26Z MathXplore 2888076 Reverted edit by [[Special:Contributions/Veritas Sapientiaee|Veritas Sapientiaee]] ([[User_talk:Veritas Sapientiaee|talk]]) to last version by [[User:Evolution and evolvability|Evolution and evolvability]] using [[Wikiversity:Rollback|rollback]] 1944721 wikitext text/x-wiki {{#invoke:navboxes|top}} {{{list1|{{{list|}}}}}}{{#invoke:navboxes|bottom}}{{#if:{{{list1|{{{list|}}}}}}||{{main other|[[Category:Navboxes template with no content]]}}}}{{#invoke:Check for unknown parameters|check|unknown={{main other|[[Category:Pages using navboxes with unknown parameters|_VALUE_{{PAGENAME}}]]}}|preview=Page using [[Template:Navboxes]] with unknown parameter "_VALUE_"|ignoreblank=y| bg | bordercolor | fg | list | list1 | state | title | titlestyle }}<noinclude> {{documentation}} </noinclude> mb32umtdeya4gsk2ecl8stdq4ytd2i3 0 158960 2840423 1804903 2026-10-15T09:06:17Z ~2026-55359-56 3112714 /* An upward step in an open channel flow (rise in the channel bed) */ E was missing 2840423 wikitext text/x-wiki Specific energy is the amount of energy per weight of the fluid with the channel bed considered as the datum. The specific energy of water in a channel is the summation of the dynamic pressure head and the static pressure head. In the case where the datum is the channel bed, the static pressure head or the hydraulic head is just simply the flow depth, denoted by y. This article presents the application of a specific '''classic energy problem in open-channel flow'''. {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:right; margin:auto" cellspacing="1" | <math> E = y + \frac{v^2}{2g} \,\!</math> |} :{| |Where: || <var>E</var> = specific energy (length) |- | || <var> <math> \frac{v^2}{2g} \,\!</math> </var> = dynamic pressure head (length) |- | || <var>y</var> = static pressure head = flow depth (length) |} The specific energy is extremely useful in in understanding the flow characteristics at flow transitions like constrictions, expansions, steps, and sluice gates. The application can potentially also extend to that of the studying the effects of bedforms such as dunes and most open channel flow measurement devices like weirs which have some basis on the consideration of energy in the fluid. The classical energy problems in the discussion presented herein aim to familiarize the concept of specific energy and the resulting flow characteristics through the use of equations and graphically on an energy depth diagram. ==Lowering of sluice gate in an open-channel flow== *'''A sluice gate is lowered into a rectangular channel. The velocity of flow and specific energy upstream is 2.0&nbsp;m/s and 2.2 m respectively. How will the depths upstream and downstream of sluice gate change when the sluice gate is lowered:''' #'''To a height that is above critical depth of the flow? : (gate opening = 1.40 m)''' #'''Below critical depth of the flow? : (gate opening = 0.8&nbsp;m)''' #'''Below supercritical alternate depth of the upstream flow? : (gate opening = 0.5 m)''' [[File:SluiceGate.png|480px|right|Lowering of sluice gate in an open channel flow]] '''Solution''': '''Step1:'''Before starting to solve the question, it is always better to have the values of unit discharge(q) and corresponding critical depth(y_c)known.Since specific energy upstream (''E''_u/p)of the flow is given, we will with the help of energy depth relationship first out the depth of the flow upstream (y₁). Then we can proceed finding the unit discharge (q)and the critical depth(y_c) of the above flow. {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> E_{u/p} = y_1 + \frac{v^2}{2g} \,\!</math> ::<math>2.2 = y_1 + \frac{2^2}{2(9.8)}</math> :: Solving, we get depth upstream (y₁) = 2.0 m |} '''Step2:''' Unit discharge or discharge per unit width(q) given by: {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> q = ( v \times y_1 ) = (2 \times 2 ) = 4.0\text{ m}^2/s</math> |} '''Step3:''' Critical depth(y_c) or the depth for which the above flow has minimum specific energy: {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>y_c = \biggl(\frac{q^2}{g}\biggr)^\frac{1}{3} = \biggl(\frac{(4.00)^2}{9.81}\biggr)^\frac{1}{3} = 1.18m</math> :: ''Since, depth upstream (y₁) is greater than the critical depth (y_c), flow upstream is subcritical.'' |} '''Step4:''' When the sluice gate is kept above the critical depth of flow, the depth downstream will remain same as depth upstream. The flow does not have an accessible pathway to supercritical flow. Therefore for the part(1) of the question, the sluice gate is just getting wet and depth downstream (y₂) : {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> y_2 = y_1 = 2.0m</math> |} '''Step5:''' In part(2) of the question the sluice gate is lowered below the critical depth of the flow. So here, the flow does have an accessible pathway to supercritical flow. The depth downstream (y₂)of the sluice gate will be alternate to upstream depth (y₁).We will use the alternate depth equation to determine (y₂) given (y₁) and the unit discharge, q. {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" |<math>y_2 = \frac{2y_1}{-1+\sqrt{1+\frac{8gy_1^3}{q^2}}}=\frac{(2)(2)}{-1+\sqrt{1+\frac{8(9.8)(2)^3}{4^2}}} = 0.75m</math> ::'' Therefore the depth downstream of sluice gate (y₂) = 0.75m'' |} '''Step6:''' In part (3) of the question, the gate opening (y_g)is kept below the super-critical alternate depth of flow. Therefore the gate now represents a choke condition and depth upstream now will increase. Just when the choked flow conditions are developed, the instantaneous unit discharge or the transient discharge (q_trans)passing through the gate will be given by: {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> y_g + \frac{q_\mathrm{trans}^2}{2gy_g^2}= E_{u/p} </math> ::<math> 0.5 + \frac{q_\mathrm{trans}^2}{2(9.8)(.5^2)} = 2.20</math> :: Solving, we get the transient discharge passing through the gate (''q''_trans) = 2.89 m²/s |} '''Step7:''' At steady state conditions, the unit discharge passing through the gate will be the same as originally specified. Now the depth upstream will be different and will be alternate depth to the gate opening (y_g). {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>y_1 = \frac{2y_g}{-1+\sqrt{1+\frac{8gy_g^3}{q^2}}}=\frac{(2)(0.5)}{-1+\sqrt{1+\frac{8(9.8)(0.5)^3}{4^2}}} = 3.71\text{ m}</math> :: Therefore, the new depth upstream is = 3.71 m which is greater than the initial depth of 2.0 m. |} {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" |''The corresponding Energy-Depth diagram for this question has been plotted and shown below:'' [[File:Sluice gate- new.png|thumb|720px|centre|Lowering of sluice gate in a subcritical flow]] |} * An algorithm for solving similar questions in a subcritical flow : :: By using the specific energy equation,calculate the depth upstream of the flow→ Find out the unit discharge flowing through the gate→ Find out the value of critical depth (''y''_c).→ From the alternate depth formula, find out the depth value alternate to upstream depth→ Compare the value of gate opening (''y''_g) with the critical depth (''y''_c) and alternate depth (''y''_alt)→ If (y_g)is greater than (''y''_c), depth upstream and downstream remains the same→ if (''y''_g) lies between critical depth (''y''_c)and alternate depth (''y''_alt), then the depth downstream of gate is (y_alt)and upstream flow depth remains the same→ if (''y''_g) is even less than (''y''_alt), then depth downstream of gate will be same as (''y''_g) and depth upstream will increase to a value which will be alternate to (''y''_g). {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" |} * '''Consider the case, when the sluice gate is lowered into a supercritical in a rectangular channel.The gate opening is kept at 0.30m. The velocity of flow and specific energy upstream is 10.0&nbsp;m/s and 5.47 m respectively. How will the depths upstream and downstream of sluice gate change in this situation?''' '''Solution''': The instant the gate touches the supercritical flow; it will force a downstream depth equal to the opening of the gate. This means that the flow now requires more specific energy than what it had initially. Therefore, it's a choke. As a result, now we will see a hydraulic jump upstream of the gate. The depth immediately upstream of the gate will now be the subcritical alternate depth to the downstream depth which is equal to the gate opening. '''Step1:''' Finding the initial depth upstream of the flow: {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> E_{u/p} = y_1 + \frac{v^2}{2g} \,\!</math> ::<math>5.47 = y_1 + \frac{10.0^2}{2(9.81)}</math> :: Solving, we get depth upstream (y₁) = 0.37 m |} '''Step2:''' Unit discharge or discharge per unit width(q) given by: {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> q = (v\times y_1) = (10\times 0.37) = 3.7\text{ m}^2/\text{s}</math> |} '''Step3:'''After the sluice gate is lowered to a height of 0.4m and steady state conditions are achieved, New depth upstream will be given by : {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>y_1 = \frac{2y_g}{-1+\sqrt{1+\frac{8gy_g^3}{q^2}}}=\frac{(2)(0.30)}{-1+\sqrt{1+\frac{8(9.8)(0.30)^3}{3.70^2}}} = 8.04\text{ m}</math> :: Therefore, the new depth upstream is = 5.47 m which is greater than the initial depth of 0.5 m. |} An algorithm for solving similar questions in a supercritical flow: ::''By using the specific energy equation,calculate the depth upstream of the flow→ Find out the unit discharge flowing through the gate→ When the sluice gate touches the flow and is lowered down to a depth(y_g), choke conditions will be developed→ The flow will back up upstream to a subcritical depth → Depth upstream (y_u/s) will now be alternate depth to (y_g).→ Depth downstream flow will be equal to the gate opening.'' ==Constriction in an open-channel flow due to smooth narrowing of the channel width== As the word constriction suggests, the channel width in an open-channel flow reduces in size and that leads the flow to change its characteristics from the upstream values. Let’s consider the following question to understand the concept better. * An open rectangular channel in the city of Blacksburg carries a constant discharge of 20.0&nbsp;ft³/s at a depth of 3.0&nbsp;ft. The width of the channel upstream and downstream is 4.0&nbsp;ft and 2.0&nbsp;ft respectively. Considering this transition to be smooth and the flow to be frictionless, # Determine the water surface elevation in the constriction. # If instead of 2.0&nbsp;ft, the width of the channel is reduced to 1.0&nbsp;ft, would upstream flow undergo any changes in its depth? # What is the maximum reduction that one can make in the width of the channel for upstream flow to remain same as before? '''Solution''': [[File:Constriction.jpg|thumb|480px|Top view of constriction in a channel]] '''Step1:''' Froude number of the upstream flow : {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>Fr = \frac{q}{\sqrt{gy^3}} = \frac{5}{\sqrt{32.2(3^3)}}= 0.17\text{ (subcritical flow)}</math> |} '''Step2:''' Specific energy of upstream flow (E_u/p): {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>E_{u/p} = y_1 + \frac{q_1^2}{2gy_1^2}= 3 + \frac{5^2}{2(32.2)(3^2)}=3.04 ft</math> |} '''Step3:''' Corresponding to this upstream specific energy,the maximum discharge (q_max) possible: {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>q_\max = \sqrt{{(E_u^3)(g)\over (1.5)^3}}=\sqrt{{(3.04^3)(32.2)\over (1.5)^3}}=16.4\text{ ft}^2/s</math> |} '''Step4:''' The minimum width(W_min)allowed downstream so that upstream flow depth remains unchanged: {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>W_\min = \frac{Q}{q_\max} = \frac{20}{16.4} = 1.22\text{ ft}</math> |} '''Step5:'''In part (i) of the question, the width(W_d/s)reduces to 2&nbsp;ft which is greater than W_min. Therefore the flow depth remains unchanged upstream. Also here discharge per unit width in the constriction (q₂) : {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>q_2 = \frac{Q}{W_{d/s}} = \frac{20}{2} = 10.0\text{ ft}^2/s</math> |} '''Step6:''' Since flow is frictionless, the specific energy remains conserved both upstream (E_u/p) and on the constriction (E_d/s): {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> E_{u/p} = E_{d/s} \,\!</math> ::<math>3.04 = y_2 + \frac{q_2^2}{2gy_2^2}</math> ::<math>3.04 = y_2 + \frac{10^2}{2(32.2)y_2^2}</math> :: ''Solving we get depth on constriction, ''y''₂ = 2.85&nbsp;ft and ''y''₂ is less than ''y''₁ .Therefore for a constriction in a subcritical flow the depth downstream decreases.'' |} '''Step7:''' In part (2) of the question, new Width(W_d/s) = 1.0&nbsp;ft which is less than the W_min. It’s a choke and the upstream flow conditions will change. {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" |} '''Step8:''' New downstream discharge (''q''₃)on constriction per unit width: {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>q_3 = \frac{Q}{W_{d/s}} = \frac{20}{1} = 20\text{ ft}^2/s</math> |} '''Step9:''' Specific energy of the downstream flow (E_d/s) will be equal to the critical specific energy corresponding to the new (q₃): {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>E_{d/s} = (1.5)\biggl(\frac{q_3^2}{g}\biggr)^\frac{1}{3} = (1.5)\biggl(\frac{20^2}{32.2}\biggr)^\frac{1}{3} = 3.47\text{ ft}</math> |} '''Step10:''' To find the new depth upstream and downstream(y₁), again apply the concept of specific energy conservation upstream and downstream : {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> E_{u/p} = E_{d/s} \,\!</math> ::<math>y_1 + \frac{q_1^2}{2gy_1^2} = 3.47</math> ::<math>y_1 + \frac{5^2}{2(32.2)(y_1^2)} = 3.47</math> :: ''Solving we get new depth upstream , ''y''₁ = 3.44ft.'' ::<math>y_2 = y_c = \frac{2}{3}E_c = \frac{2}{3}(3.47) = 2.31</math> :: ''Solving we get new depth downstream , ''y''₂ = 2.31ft.'' |} '''Step11:''' The initial transient discharge downstream (q_trans) when the flow just encounters the choke conditions, will be the ''"maximum discharge corresponding to the original upstream specific energy q_max = 16.4ft²/s."'' Correspondingly, the initial transient depth (y₂)on constriction downstream will be the critical depth given by : {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>y_c = \biggl(\frac{q_\mathrm{trans}^2}{g}\biggr)^\frac{1}{3} = \biggl(\frac{(16.4)^2}{(32.2)}\biggr)^\frac{1}{3} = 2.02\text{ ft}</math> |} ''' an algorithm for solving any such similar questions:''' :: ''From the given value of unit discharge and depth, find the Fr number of upstream flow → Find out the upstream flow specific energy → corresponding to this specific energy, find out the maximum discharge possible (''q''_max)→ corresponding to this ''q''_max, find out the minimum width (''w''_min) applicable for no choke condition = (''Q''/''q''_max)→ Compare this (''w''_min)with the given widths in question → If the given Width (''W'') of the constriction is greater than the ''w''_min, then no choke conditions developed → If the given Width(''W'') of the constriction is less than w_min, choke conditions certainly developed and the upstream flow will encounter a change in its depth.→ Draw a rough E-y diagram (both for upstream and downstream). Since ''q'' upstream is different than q downstream, we will be having different E-y curves for upstream and downstream flow.'' {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | ''The corresponding Energy -Depth diagram has been plotted and shown below:'' [[File:Cons choke-new.png|thumb|680px|centre|constriction in an open channel flow]] |} ==Expansion of the channel width in an open-channel flow== * Consider the same channel as above, however instead of reducing the width, the width is increased to 6.0&nbsp;ft. # Assuming the transition to be smooth and frictionless, What will be the new surface water elevation downstream ? # Will the upstream flow conditions ever change for further increase in the width of the channel? '''Solution''': [[File:Expansion in oc flow-2.jpg|thumb|480px|Top view of channel expansion]] '''Step1:''' Finding the Downstream discharge per unit width of the flow (q_d/s) : {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>q_{d/s} = \frac{Q}{W_{d/s}} = \frac{20}{6} = 3.33\text{ ft}^2/s</math> |} '''Step2:''' Since the flow is considered to be frictionless,the specific energy remains same both upstream (''E''_u/p) and downstream (''E''_d/s): {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> E_{u/p} = E_{d/s} \,\!</math> ::<math>3.04 = y_2 + \frac{q_2^2}{2gy_2^2}</math> ::<math>3.04 = y_2 + \frac{(3.33)^2}{2(32.2)y_2^2}</math> Solving, we get depth on constriction, ''y''₂ = 3.03&nbsp;ft.And ''y''₂ is greater than ''y''₁. |} ::''Therefore, in a subcritical flow, as the channel width increases the depth also increases downstream. The upstream flow conditions will never change due to further increase in the downstream width of the channel. Upstream flow conditions will change only when the downstream conditions cause a choke. Here, the flow upstream will always have sufficient energy to carry the flow downstream. So we will never encounter choke conditions in expansions.'' * '''An algorithm for solving any such similar questions:''' ::''Calculate the unit discharge downstream (''q''_d/s). Since downstream, the channel width is increasing, value of (''q''_d/s) will be less than (''q''_u/p) → Since specific energy remains same in the case of expansion,(''E''_d/s) = (''E''_u/p)→ Using the energy depth formula, find out the depth downstream(y₂).→Roughly sketch out the E-y diagram for both upstream and downstream and realise that flow will never encounter choke conditions.'' {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" |''The Energy-Depth diagram for this question has been plotted and shown below:'' [[File:E-y diagram for expansion.png|620px|centre|thumb|Expansion of channel width]] |} ==An upward step in an open channel flow (rise in the channel bed)== * An open rectangular channel carrying a discharge of 10&nbsp;ft²/s per unit width is flowing at a depth of 6.0&nbsp;ft. After a certain distance the flow encounters a smooth step which makes the channel bed rise by 2.0&nbsp;ft. # What will be the depth downstream of the step? # For an upward step of 4.0&nbsp;ft, will the flow profile remain the same upstream? If not, then what would be the new upstream depth? '''Solution''': [[File:Step -up in ocf.png|thumb|480px]] '''Step1:''' For this question, the discharge per unit width (''q'' = 10&nbsp;ft²/s) remains same both upstream and downstream. :: Froude number of upstream flow (Fr): {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>Fr = \frac{q}{\sqrt{gy_1^3}} = \frac{10}{\sqrt{32.2(6^3)}}= 0.12\text{ (subcritical flow)}</math> |} '''Step2:''' Specific energy of the flow upstream (E_u/p): {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>E_{u/p} = y_1 + \frac{q^2}{2gy_1^2}= 6 + \frac{10^2}{2(32.2)(6^2)}=6.04\text{ ft}</math> |} '''Step3:''' For q of 10&nbsp;ft²/s, the minimum possible or the critical specific energy (''E''_c): {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>E_c = (1.5)\biggl(\frac{q^2}{g}\biggr)^\frac{1}{3} = (1.5)\biggl(\frac{10^2}{32.2}\biggr)^\frac{1}{3} = 2.20\text{ ft}</math> |} '''Step4:''' ''Safe step:'' Maximum upward step (Z_max) possible for no choke conditions: {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> (Z_\max) = (E_{u/p} - E_c) = (6.04 - 2.20) = 3.84\text{ ft} \,\!</math> |} '''Step5:''' For part (i) of the question, the upward step (Z) is equal to 2.0&nbsp;ft which is less than the ''Z''_max. Therefore, it’s not a choke and the upstream flow depth remains unchanged. {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" |} '''Step6:''' Specific energy of the flow on the step downstream (E_d/s): {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> (E_{d/s}) = (E_{u/p} - Z) = (6.04 - 2.0) = 4.04ft \,\!</math> ::<math> \Rightarrow(y_2 + \frac{q^2}{2gy_2^2} = 4.04ft)</math> ::<math> \Rightarrow(y_2 + \frac{10^2}{2(32.2)(y_2^2)} = 4.04)</math> :: Solving, we get the depth on the step downstream (''y''₂) = 3.95 ft. |} :: Therefore from above working we conclude that for a subcritical flow, an upward step leads to decrease in the depth downstream of the flow '''Step7:''' In part (ii) of the question, the upward step (Z) is equal to 4.0&nbsp;ft which is greater than the ''Z''_max. Therefore it’s a choke. The flow upstream will now need to change its depth to gather extra energy. {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" |} '''Step8:''' The specific energy downstream will be equal to critical specific energy (E_c) corresponding to discharge per unit width of 10&nbsp;ft²/s as calculated in step 3 : {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> E{d/s} = E_c = 2.20\text{ ft}\,\!</math> |} '''Step9:''' The specific energy upstream : {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> (E_{u/p}) = (E_c + Z) = (2.20 + 4) = 6.20ft \,\!</math> ::<math> \Rightarrow(y_1 + \frac{q^2}{2gy_1^2} = 6.20)</math> ::<math> \Rightarrow(y_1 + \frac{10^2}{2(32.2)(y_1^2)} = 6.20)</math> :: Solving, we get the new depth upstream (y₁) = 6.16 ft. |} '''Step10:''' The initial transient discharge (q_trans) on the step,corresponding to the Original specific energy of the upstream flow: {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>q_\mathrm{trans} = \sqrt{{(E_{u/p}-Z)^3(g)\over (1.5)^3}}= \sqrt{{(6.04-4)^3(g)\over (1.5)^3}}=9.00\text{ ft}^2/s</math> |} '''* An algorithm for solving any such similar questions:''' ::''Calculate the froude number and find out whether the flow is subcritical or supercritical→ Find out the specific energy upstream→Since ''q'' remains the same for upstream & downstream, the q curve will be common to both upstream & downstream →Draw the ''E''-''y'' sketch and approximately show the specific energies and depths upstream & downstream (Safe step)→ find the critical energy corresponding to the given ''q''→ When the step is less than (E_u/p&nbsp;−&nbsp;Ec) , it is not a choke→ When step is greater than (E_u/p&nbsp;−&nbsp;Ec) ,it is a choke. '' {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" |''The Energy-Depth diagram for this question has been plotted and shown below:'' [[File:Step choke- new.png|thumb|centre|680px|An upward step in an open channel flow]] |} ==A downward step in an open channel flow (fall in the channel bed)== * '''In the same channel as above, if the bed falls smoothly by 2.0&nbsp;ft instead of a rise, then:''' # '''Find out the depth downstream.''' # '''Will the upstream depth ever change for further decrease in the bed level?''' '''Solution''': [[File:Step dwn.jpg|thumb|480px|Downward step in an open channel flow]] '''Step1:''' Since it’s a downward step, the specific energy downstream (E_d/s)will be : {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> (E_{d/s}) = (E_{u/p} + Z) = (6.04 + 2) = 8.04ft \,\!</math> ::<math> \Rightarrow(y_2 + \frac{q^2}{2gy_2^2} = 8.04)</math> ::<math> \Rightarrow(y_2 + \frac{10^2}{2(32.2)(y_2^2)} = 8.04)</math> :: Solving, we get the depth on the downward step (''y''₂) = 8.04 ft. |} '''Step2:''' Solving for part (ii) of the question, the upstream depth will never change for further decrease of the bed depth. Reason being : ''the specific energy downstream is always greater than the specific energy upstream. So the downstream conditions will never reach critical conditions.'' *''' An algorithm for solving any such similar questions:''' ::''From the given value of q and depth, find out the specific energy of flow upstream(E_u/p)→ Add the value of downward step to (E_u/s)to obtain specific energy E_d/s)→ From specific energy-depth relationship, find out the value of depth downstream→Draw a rough E-y diagram showing the value of calculated depths and specific energies both upstream and downtream.→ since q remains same both upstream and downstream, E-y curve will be same for upstream flow as well as for downstream flow.'' {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" |''Energy depth diagram for this question has been plotted and shown below'' [[File:Step down- Ey.png|thumb|640px|centre|Downward step in an open channel flow]] |} ==Combination problem: simultaneous constriction and negative step== ===PART A=== '''An open rectangular channel carrying a discharge of 150&nbsp;ft³/s is flowing at a depth of 3.75&nbsp;ft with an energy of 4.00&nbsp;ft and a width of 10&nbsp;ft. The flow encounters a simultaneous gradual contraction to a width of 5&nbsp;ft and a smooth downwards step of 2&nbsp;ft. With these flow conditions:''' #''' Determine the minimum width that can pass the current flow.''' #''' Determine if the current conditions cause a choked flow.''' #''' Determine the depth of the downstream flow.''' #''' Determine if the downstream flow is subcritical or supercritical and defend your answer.''' #''' Determine the upstream and downstream Froude numbers.''' '''Solution''': '''The diagram of the flow is depicted below, as well as the corresponding E-y diagram. The specific discharge for a channel of 10&nbsp;ft is calculated below:''' {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" ! <math> q_1 = \frac{Q}{w_1} = \frac{150}{10.0} = 15.0 \text{ ft}^2/s</math> |} '''This corresponds to the blue curve on the e-y diagram. The specific discharge for a channel of 5&nbsp;ft is calculated as:''' {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" ! <math> q_2 = \frac{Q}{w_2} = \frac{150}{5.00} = 30.0 \text{ ft}^2/s</math> |} '''This specific discharge corresponds to the red curve on the E-y diagram.''' {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" |''A diagram of the channel is depicted below:'' [[File:Open channel encountering a constriction and downwards step.png|Open channel encountering a constriction and downwards step]] |} {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" |''The E-y diagram of the simultaneous step and constriction is presented below:'' [[File:E-y diagram of constriction and downwards step.png|thumb|720px|centre|E-y diagram of channel encountering a constriction and downwards step]] |} '''Step1:''' Determine the minimum width that can pass the current flow. The minimum width where a choke does not happen occurs at critical conditions downstream. A downwards step acts as an “energy gift” and therefore increases energy downstream of the flow. {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>E_2 = E_1 + Z</math> :: <math>E_2 = 4.00 + 2.00 = 6.00 \text{ ft}</math> :: <math>E_2 = E_c = 6.00 \text{ ft}</math> :: <math>y_{2c} = \frac{2}{3} \times E_2c = \frac{2}{3} \times 6.00 = 4.00 \text{ ft}</math> :: <math>y_{2c} = \left ( \frac{q_\mathrm{max}^2}{g} \right )^\frac{1}{3}</math> :: <math>4.00= \left ( \frac{q_\mathrm{max}^2}{32.2} \right )^\frac{1}{3}</math> :: <math> q_{max} = 45.4 \text{ ft}^2/s</math> :: <math>w_{min} = \frac{Q}{q_{max}} = \frac{150}{45.5} = 3.30 \text{ ft}</math> |} '''Step 2:'''Determine if the current conditions cause a choked flow. {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" ! <math>w_2 = 5.0 \text{ ft and } w_min = 3.30 \text{ ft}</math> |} '''w_2 is greater than w_{min} and therefore no choke occurs.''' '''Step 3:'''Determine the energy downstream, E_2. {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> E_2 = E_1 + Z</math> :: <math> E_2 = 4.00 + 2.00 = 6.00 \text{ ft}</math> |} '''Step 4:'''What is the depth downstream with current conditions (w_2 = 5.00&nbsp;ft)? {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> q_2 = 30.0 \text{ ft}^2/s</math> :: <math> E_2 = y_2 + \frac{q_2^2}{2gy_2^2}</math> :: <math> 6.00 = y_2 + \frac{30.0^2}{2(32.2)y_2^2}</math> :: <math> y_2 = 5.55 \text{ ft}</math> ::The other root, which is a supercritical depth is 1.83 ft. |} '''Step 5:'''Determine if y_2 is subcritical or supercritical and defend your answer. '''The equation in Step 4 yields two alternate depths but the correct depth downstream is subcritical because only the subcritical root is accessible. The downwards step adds energy to the flow and the constriction increases the specific discharge which corresponds to an increase in flow depth. This can be seen in the following E-y diagram:''' {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" |[[File:E-y diagram of constriction and downwards step without a choke.png|thumb|720px|centre|E-y diagram of channel encountering a constriction and downwards step without a choke]] |} '''Step 6:'''Determine the Froude numbers upstream and downstream. {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> Fr = \frac{q}{y \times \sqrt{gy}}</math> :: <math> Fr_1 = \frac{15}{3.75 \times \sqrt{(32.2)(3.75)}} = 0.36</math> :: <math> Fr_2 = \frac{30}{5.55 \times \sqrt{(32.2)(5.55)}} = 0.40</math> |} ===PART B=== '''A choke occurs where the width downstream is 3.00&nbsp;ft, but the flowrate into the system remains the same. With these new flow conditions:''' #''' Determine the start of transient downstream depth.''' #''' Determine the start of transient downstream specific discharge.''' #''' Determine the steady state downstream depth.''' #''' Determine the steady state downstream energy.''' #''' Determine the steady state upstream energy.''' #''' Determine the steady state upstream depth.''' '''Solution''': '''Step1:''' Determine the start of transient downstream depth. ''The start of transient downstream depth occurs as a critical depth where the corresponding start of transient downstream energy is critical.'' {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> E_2 = E_1 + Z</math> :: <math> E_2 = 4.00 + 2.00 = 6.00 \text{ ft}</math> :: <math> E_2 = E_{trans,c} = 6.00 \text{ ft}</math> :: <math> y_{2trans,c} = \frac{2}{3} \times E_2c = \frac{2}{3} \times 6.00 =4.00 \text{ ft}</math> |} '''Step 2:'''Determine the start of transient downstream specific discharge. {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>y_{2trans} = \left ( \frac{q_\mathrm{trans}^2}{g} \right )^\frac{1}{3}</math> :: <math>4.00 = \left ( \frac{q_\mathrm{trans}^2}{32.2} \right )^\frac{1}{3}</math> :: <math> q_{trans} = 45.4 \text{ ft}^2/s</math> |} '''Step 3:'''Determine the steady state downstream depth. {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> q_2 = \frac{Q}{w_2} = \frac{150}{3} = 30 \text{ ft}^2/s</math> :: <math> y_{2ss} = y_c </math> :: <math>y_{2ss} = \left ( \frac{q_2^2}{g} \right )^\frac{1}{3} = \left ( \frac{50.0^2}{32.2} \right )^\frac{1}{3} = 4.27 \text{ ft}</math> |} '''Step 4:'''Determine the steady state downstream energy. {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> E_{2ss} = E_c </math> :: <math> E_{2ss} = \frac{3}{2} \times y_{2ss} = \frac{3}{2} \times 4.27 = 6.40 \text{ ft}</math> |} '''Step 5:'''Determine the new upstream steady state energy. {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> E_{2ss} = E_{1ss} + Z </math> :: <math> E_{1ss} = E_{2ss} -Z = 6.40 -2.00 = 4.40 \text{ ft} </math> |} '''Step 6:'''Determine the new steady state upstream depth. {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> E_{1ss} = y_{1ss} + \frac{q_1^2}{2gy_{1ss}^2} </math> :: <math> 4.40 = y_{1ss} + \frac{15.0^2}{2(32.2)y_{1ss}^2} </math> :: <math> y_{1ss} = 4.20 \text{ ft}</math> |} '''The E-y diagram with the transient depths, transient energies, transient specific discharge, steady state depths, and steady state energies is provided below. The black lines point to the transient measurements while the red lines point to the steady state measurements.''' {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" |[[File:E-y diagram of constriction and downwards step with a choke.png|thumb|720px|centre|E-y diagram of channel encountering a constriction and downwards step with a choke]] |} '''E_{1trans} is 4.00&nbsp;ft with a depth, y_{1trans}, of 3.75&nbsp;ft. E_{2trans} is 6.00&nbsp;ft with a depth, y_{2,trans}, of 4.00&nbsp;ft. E_{1ss} is 4.40&nbsp;ft with a depth, y_{1ss}, of 4.20&nbsp;ft. E_{2ss} is 6.40 &nbsp;ft with a depth, y_{2ss}, of 4.27&nbsp;ft.''' ===PART C=== '''If the same choke is presented and the height of the step can be adjusted, what is the minimum downward step that is needed in order to avoid a choke and keep the same initial upstream flow conditions as initially specified.''' {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> y_2 = y_c </math> :: <math> y_{2c} = \left ( \frac{q_2^2}{g} \right )^\frac{1}{3} = \left ( \frac{50.0^2}{32.2} \right )^\frac{1}{3} = 4.27 \text{ ft}</math> :: <math> E_2 = E_c </math> :: <math> E_{2c} = \frac{3}{2} \times y_{2c} = \frac{3}{2} \times 4.27 = 6.40 \text{ ft}</math> :: <math> Z_{min} = E_{2c} -E_{1} = 6.40 -4.00 = 2.40 \text{ ft}</math> |} {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" |[[File:E-y diagram of constriction and downwards step with minimum step.png|thumb|720px|centre|E-y diagram of channel encountering a constriction and downwards step with minimum step to avoid a choke]] |} ==Transient flow at a choke in a rectangular channel== When a choke is present, the amount of energy in the flow upstream of the choke is insufficient to maintain the flow rate downstream; therefore, a choke would cause a reduction in flow rate moving through the constriction (obstruction) at the section causing the choke. This reduced flow rate is known as the transient flow rate. The transient flow rate is lesser in magnitude compared with the flow rate upstream of the choke, also known as the steady state flow rate. Since the flow rate through the choke section is reduced, some volume of water is being prevented from passing through the choke section causing water to accumulate just upstream of the choke. When water starts accumulating, the storage volume, the depth of flow, and the energy associated with this depth increases. Hence, over time, enough water will accumulate upstream of the constriction (obstruction) such that the choke can be overcome through the resulting increase in energy enabling the flow upstream to pass the obstruction without flow reduction. During this process of energy build up, the transient flow will approach the steady state flow rate over some period of time. The time that the flow takes to overcome the choke is dependent on the storage conditions upstream of the choke. A choke can happen at various flow transition points in an open channel flow. This discussion below presents the case for a choke at an energy conserving sluice gate in a rectangular channel. ==Choke flow at a smooth sluice gate== To appreciate the effects of a choke at a sluice gate, it is important to understand the transient conditions from the onset of the choke conditions to the return to the steady state flow rate. To investigate these transient conditions, some comments about the discharge through choke inducing structure, the upstream storage conditions, and flow balance should be made. ===Discharge through the sluice gate at a rectangular section=== Looking at Figure A, the following Bernoulli’s equation can be presented for a streamline at the upstream (1) and downstream (2)sections of the gate for a horizontal and frictionless channel: FIGURE A <br> :<math>E_1=\frac{v_1^2}{2g}+y_1 = \frac{v_2^2}{2g}+y_2=E_2</math> Considering the specific energy, E, upstream and downstream of the gate for a horizontal channel. The following equation solves for the velocity downstream of the gate: :<math> v_2 = \sqrt {2g\bigl(E_1-y_2\bigr)} </math> Flowrate per unit width at the gate, q_g, is given by: :<math>q_2=y_2\cdot\sqrt {2g\bigl(E_1-y_2\bigr)}=q_g=y_g\cdot\sqrt {2g\cdot h} </math> {| |Where: || <math> \text{h} = E_1-y_2 </math> |} The flow rate per unit width downstream is the same as the flow rate at the gate because, for an energy conserving sluice gate, the flow depths downstream of the gate and at the gate are the same rendering the velocity and cross-sectional area the same as well. The equation above for q_g is similar to the rectangular orifice discharge equation for flow per unit width with the coefficient of discharge set equal to unity. This equation allows for solving for the flow at the gate with every incremental change in energy upstream. ===Stage-storage relationship upstream of the sluice gate=== The [http://streams.osu.edu/book/equation_pdf/Ch8-Equations.pdf storage] characteristics upstream of the sluice gate, along with the continuity equation, will determine how long each incremental transient flow increase takes. This stage-storage relationship is different from stage&nbsp;– discharge relationship (also known as the rating curve).For the simplicity of our consideration, the channel is a rectangular channel of length, L, and a unit width, W, as seen in Figure A above. The storage, S, upstream of the gate can be related to depth, y, in the following equation for a rectangular channel: {|style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:left; margin:auto" cellspacing="5" !<math> S=LWy </math> |} The third and final consideration for the investigation of transient conditions is flow balance in the channel performed using the continuity equation. ===Continuity equation=== Based on the continuity equation, for a rectangular channel with a unit width, W, it can be said that {|style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:left; margin:auto" cellspacing="5" !<math> \left(\frac{\Delta S}{\Delta t} \right)_i=I-O=q^{ss}-q^{trans}_i </math> |} {| |Where: || <var>I</var> = Inflow to the gate (length³/time) | || <var>O</var> = Outflow through the gate (length³/time) |- | || <var>q_i^trans</var> = transient unit discharge at the gate at time step i(length²/time) | ||| <var>q^ss</var> = steady state unit discharge upstream of gate(length²/time) |- | || <var><math>\Delta S_i</math></var> = <math>S_{i}-S_{i-1}</math> change in storage (length³) | || <var><math>\Delta t_i</math></var> = <math>t_{i}-t_{i-1}</math> incremental time (time) |- | || <var>i</var> = indicates the time step |} ===Example Problem=== Consider the scenario for a sluice gate located in a rectangular channel with dimensions as shown in Figure A of length, ''L=2000.0 ft.'' and width, ''W= 1.0 ft.'' The flow before a sluice gate produces a choke is, ''q_ss= 10.0 ft^2/s''. and the depth upstream before the choke, ''y₁^upstream=3.5 ft''. with the specific energy, ''E_int.=3.63 ft.'' [[File:SluiceGate in a one foot wide channel.jpg|480px|thumb|right|Figure A. A sluice gate placed in a rectangular open channel. The channel is 1 ft. wide and is 2000 ft. long upstream of the gate.]] [[File:Stoarge vs time.jpg|480px|thumbnail|right|Figure B. The increase in storage upstream with time to overcome choke.]] [[File:Flow vs time.jpg|480px|thumbnail|right|Figure C. Change of flowrate through the gate from the onset of the choke to steady state conditions (t=19.8 hr).]] [[File:Discharge vs stage.jpg|480px|thumb|right|Figure D. The stage-discharge curve showing relationship between flow depth upstream of the gate and discharge through the gate.]] ====Solving for initial and steady state conditions==== If the gate is lowered anywhere below the alternate depth to the upstream flow depth ''(y_alternate=y_g=0.73 ft.)'', then a choke is produced. Therefore, for a sluice gate lowered to a depth of ''y_g=0.5 ft'', produce the results for<br> '''Part 1)''' The steady state energy upstream of the gate, E_ss,us,<br> '''Part 2)''' The steady state depth upstream of the gate,y_ss,us,<br> '''Part 3)''' The initial flow through gate the instant the gate is lowered to a depth of 0.5&nbsp;ft.,q_int,g,<br> '''Part 4)''' The initial storage before the choke is introduced, S_int,<br> '''Part 5)''' The total storage required for overcoming the choke S_ss. <u><big>'''Solution:'''</big><br></u> '''Part 1)''' E_ss,us, steady state energy upstream of the gate can be determined by recognizing that it is equal to energy at the gate: {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> E_{ss,us} = y_{g} + \frac{q_{ss}^2}{2gy_{g}^2}=0.5 + \frac{10.0^2}{2(32.2)0.5^2}= 6.71 \text{ ft}</math> |} '''Part 2)''' Steady state depth upstream of gate, y_ss,us, is given by the alternate depth equation equation evaluated using steady state flowrate: {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" |<math>y_{ss,us} = \frac{2y_g}{-1+\sqrt{1+\frac{8gy_g^3}{q_{ss}^2}}}=\frac{(2)(0.5)}{-1+\sqrt{1+\frac{8(32.2)(0.5)^3}{10^2}}} =6.68 \text{ ft}</math> |} '''Part 3)''' Initial flow through the gate, q_int,g, is given by the evaluating the discharge through the gate as discussed above. The energy considered here is the specific energy upstream of the gate at the instant a choke is produced. {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>q_{int,g}=y_g\cdot\sqrt {2g\bigl(E_{int,us}-y_g\bigr)}=0.5\cdot\sqrt{2\times 32.2\times \left(3.63-0.5\right)}=7.1 \text{ ft}^2/\text{s} </math> |} '''Part 4)'''The storage upstream of the gate prior to the onset of the choke, S_int, is given by {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> S_{int}=LWy_{int,us}=2000.0 ft.\cdot 1 ft.\cdot 3.5 ft.= 7000 ft^3 </math> |} '''Part 5)'''The storage upstream of the gate after having overcome the choke, S_ss, is given by {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> S_{ss}=LWy_{ss,us}=2000.0 ft.\cdot 1 ft.\cdot 6.68 ft.= 13,353 ft^3 </math> |} ====Solving for transient conditions during the first time step, &Delta;''t''_{''i'' = 1} ==== For the same sluice gate choke conditions mentioned above, produce the results for <br> '''Part 6)'''The change in flow rate ∆S/∆t_i=1 between flow upstream of the gate (inflow) and flow leaving the gate (outflow) during the first time step <br> '''Part 7)'''The new flow depth upstream of the gate after the time increment ∆t_i=1<br> '''Part 8)'''The associated change in storage, ∆S _i=1 <br> '''Part 9)'''The time increment (∆t) for the change in storage specified in the first time step <u><big>'''Solution:'''</big></u><br> '''Part 6)'''In a 1&nbsp;ft. wide rectangular channel, the change in flow rate ∆S/∆t _i=1 is determined by applying the continuity equation: {|style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="5" |<math> \left(\frac{\Delta S}{\Delta t} \right)_{i=1}=I-O=q^{ss}-q^{trans}_{i=1}= 10.0 \text { ft}^3/\text {s}-7.1 \text{ ft}^3/\text{s} = 2.9\text{ ft}^3/\text{s} </math> |} '''Part 7)'''The flow depth upstream of the gate at the end of the first time step, ∆t_i=1 is given by applying the alternate depth equation with unit discharge taken at the beginning of the time step: {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" |<math>y_{i=1,us} = \frac{2y_g}{-1+\sqrt{1+\frac{8gy_g^3}{q_{i=1}^2}}}=\frac{(2)(0.50)}{-1+\sqrt{1+\frac{8(32.2)(0.50)^3}{7.10^2}}} = 3.57\text{ ft}</math> |} '''Part 8)'''The associated change in storage, ∆S _i=1 <br>, is {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>\Delta S_{i=1} = S_{i=1}-S_{i-1}= \big(2000.0\text{ ft}\cdot 1\text { ft}\cdot 3.57\text { ft}\big)-7000 \text { ft}^3 = 130.5 \text { ft}^3 </math> |} '''Part 9)'''The time increment (∆t)_i=1 can then be given by {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>\Delta t_{i=1}=\frac {\Delta S_{i=1}}{\left(\frac{\Delta S}{\Delta t} \right)_{i=1}} = \frac{130.5\text{ ft}^3}{2.9\text { ft}^3/\text{ s}}= 44.9 \text{ s}</math> |} ====Elapsed time after the second time step ''t''_{''i'' = 2} = &Delta;''t''_{''i'' = 2} + &Delta;''t''_{''i'' = 1} ==== One can find the total time that has elapsed with adding each of time steps. Therefore, at the total time at the end of the second time step is the sum of the first two time steps. By the same logic, with an estimate of each time increment associated with every change in transient flow rate until the time of steady state conditions at the gate, one can determine the total time required to overcome the choke. For finding the total time after the second time increment, one needs to answer the following questions:<br> '''Part 10)''' What is the new specific energy for the flow upstream of the gate?<br> '''Part 11)''' What is the transient flow through the gate at the end of the second time step?<br> '''Part 12)''' What is the new change in flow rate between the flow upstream and through the gate?<br> '''Part 13)''' What is the new flow depth at the end of the second time step?<br> '''Part 14)''' What is the associated change in storage from the previous time step?<br> '''Part 15)''' What is the time increment for the second time step?<br> '''Part 16)''' What is the total time at the end of the second time step? <u><big>'''Solution:'''</big></u><br> '''Part 10)''' To find the new specific energy for the upstream flow depth during the second time step, it is important to recognize that the constriction doesn’t affect the flow rate upstream. Therefore, for the same flow upstream as in time step 1, the flow depth has increased at the end of the first time step. Specific energy upstream of the gate at the beginning of the second time step, E_i=2,us, is given by the specific energy equation considering the flow depth upstream at the end of the first time step: {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math> E_{i=2,us} = y_{i=1,us} + \frac{q_{ss,us}^2}{2gy_{i=1,us}^2}=3.57 + \frac{10.0^2}{2(32.2)3.57^2}= 3.69 \text{ ft}</math> |} '''Part 11)''' To find transient flow through the gate from the end of the first time step to the end of the second time step,q_2,g one would need to find the discharge through the gate after the increase in flow depth upstream: {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>q_{i=2,g}=y_g\cdot\sqrt {2g\bigl(E_{i=2,us}-y_g\bigr)}=0.5\cdot\sqrt {2\cdot 32.2\cdot\left(3.69-0.5\right)}=7.16 \text{ ft}^2/\text{s} </math> |} '''Part 12)''' The change in flow rate at the end of the second time step, ∆S/∆t _i=2, is given by applying continuity: {|style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="5" |<math> \left(\frac{\Delta S}{\Delta t} \right)_{i=2}=I-O=q^{ss}-q^{trans}_{i=2}= 10.0 \text { ft}^3/\text {s}-7.16 \text{ ft}^3/\text{s} = 2.84\text{ ft}^3/\text{s} </math> |} '''Part 13)''' The flow depth at the end of the second time step upstream of the gate is given by the alternate depth equation using unit discharge found in Part 11: {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" |<math>y_{i=2,us} = \frac{2y_g}{-1+\sqrt{1+\frac{8gy_g^3}{q_{i=2}^2}}}=\frac{(2)(0.5)}{-1+\sqrt{1+\frac{8(32.2)(0.50)^3}{7.16^2}}} = 3.63\text{ ft}</math> |} '''Part 14)''' The associated change in storage from the first to the second time step is given by {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>\Delta S_{i=1} = S_{i=2}-S_{i-1}= \big(2000.0\text{ ft}\cdot 1\text { ft}\cdot 3.63\text { ft}\big)-7130.5 \text { ft}^3 = 123.2 \text { ft}^3 </math> |} '''Part 15)''' The second time step increment can then be given by {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>\Delta t_{i=2}=\frac {\Delta S_{i=2}}{\left(\frac{\Delta S}{\Delta t} \right)_{i=2}} = \frac{123.2\text{ ft}^3}{2.84\text { ft}^3/\text{ s}}= 43.4\text{ s}</math> |} '''Part 16)''' In finding the total time required for the completion of the first two time steps, one would just sum all time increments {| style="border:0px solid #ddd; text-align:center; margin:auto" cellspacing="20" | <math>t_{i=2}=\Delta t_{i=2}+\Delta t_{i=1}= 43.4\text{ s}+44.9\text{ s} = 88.3\text{ s} </math> |} Thus, after ''88.3 s'' since the choke was introduced the flow has increased from 7.10&nbsp;ft³/s to 7.16&nbsp;ft³/s. Moreover, as a result of the increase in storage upstream of the gate, the energy has increased from 3.63&nbsp;ft. to 3.69&nbsp;ft. ====General comments about the transition from choke flow==== Calculating the flow characteristics at every time increment allows one to study the transient flow conditions; this was the aim of the discussion above. * After numerous time steps, the depth upstream will increase to steady state depth, y_ss=6.68&nbsp;ft. and an associated steady state specific energy, E_ss= 6.71&nbsp;ft. However, for this to happen, the channel upstream of the gate has to increase in volume by 6353&nbsp;ft³ from 7000&nbsp;ft³. The change in storage with respect to time is presented in Figure B after having calculated the flow characteristics at numerous time steps. * Flowrate instantaneously gets reduced at the onset of a choke from 10&nbsp;ft³/s to 7.10&nbsp;ft³/s. As can be seen in Figure C, after this instantaneous reduction in flowrate, it steadily increases eventually reaching steady state discharge of 10&nbsp;ft³/s. The time that it takes to get back to steady state discharge for this example problem was calculated to be 19.8 hours. * The Stage discharge relationship is presented in Figure D. The figure shows how the discharge through the gate increases with increasing flow depth upstream of the gate. The precipitous drop in flowrate in the figure corresponds to the time the choke is imposed reducing the discharge from a value of 10&nbsp;ft³/s to just over 7&nbsp;ft³/s. When depth upstream gets to a value just under 6.7&nbsp;ft., the choke of flow through the gate has been overcome, and the stage upstream need not increase because steady state discharge and energy has been achieved. ==References== # M. H. Chaudhry, Open-Channel Flow. New York: Springer, 2008. # K. Subramanya, Flow in open channel.Tata McGraw-Hill Education, Nov 1, 2001 # Moglen, G.E. (2011) Lecture notes from CEE 4324/5984: Open Channel Flow, Virginia Tech <http://filebox.vt.edu/users/moglen/ocf/index.html> #Henderson, F.M., 1966. Open Channel Flow, Prentice-Hall. #Ven Te Chow, Open-Channel Hydraulics,New York, 1959, McGraw-Hill. #Das Madan Mohan, Open Channel Flow, Phi Learning, 2008 #http://ocw.mit.edu/courses/earth-atmospheric-and-planetary-sciences/12-090-special-topics-an-introduction-to-fluid-motions-sediment-transport-and-current-generated-sedimentary-structures-fall-2006/lecture-notes/ch5.pdf #http://udel.edu/~inamdar/EGTE215/Open_channel.pdf #http://streams.osu.edu/book/equation_pdf/Ch8-Equations.pdf {{reflist}} <!--- After listing your sources please cite them using inline citations and place them after the information they cite. Please see http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:REFB for instructions on how to add citations. ---> * * * * [[Category:Fluid dynamics]] [[Category:Applied mathematics]] puths6cwakq1ytjp1iudej7v5ffbug5 0 213879 2840373 2804595 2026-10-15T03:52:12Z Ireicher2 2797952 /* Links */ Set up a new section 2840373 wikitext text/x-wiki == '''Digital Artists Wiki Project''' Assignment == === Assignment Description === For this assignment, you will write and publish a wiki-style article about a digital artist/technology of your choice on Wikiversity.<ref>https://www.techxlab.org/solutions/wikimedia-foundation-wikiversity</ref> You should begin by finding an article stub that needs to be developed or identifying a potential artist whose work is not featured currently. Remember that you are writing for the Wikiversity community and your article will be judged and graded on Wikipedia publishing standards.<ref>[[Wikipedia:Wikipedia:Policies and guidelines]]</ref> == Instructions == '''1. Create a user Profile here:'''<br> [[Special:CreateAccount]]<br> User Guidelines can be found here: [[Wikiversity:Introduction]]<br><br> '''2. Choose a Topic'''<br> You may choose any topic related to digital art and technology from any time period. Try to find a topic that's important to you and not already featured on wikipedia. In case you have difficulties finding a topic, please feel free to consult with your instructor.<br> Please note that each student must choose a unique topic. Once you have selected a digital artist, post your artist’s name along with your name under the Spring 2026 header. Please check that no one else has elected to work on the same artists. Example: <pre>* ~~~~[[Digital Media Concepts/YOUR PAGE TITLE]]</pre> for example <pre>* ~~~~[[Digital Media Concepts/Wafaa Bilal]]</pre> produces: * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] 01:01, 15 August 2016 (UTC) [[/Wafaa Bilal/]] '''3. OR Create your page using the following:''' <inputbox> type=create width=80 preload={{FULLPAGENAME}}/Template editintro= buttonlabel=Create project subpage searchbuttonlabel= break=no prefix={{FULLPAGENAME}}/ placeholder=enter title here </inputbox><br> This template can help get you started: [[Digital_Media_Concepts/Template|Template]] == Links == A wikilink (or internal link) links a page to another page within English Wikipedia. In wikitext, links are enclosed in double square brackets like this: <pre>[[abc]]</pre> is seen as [[abc]] External links use absolute URLs to link directly to any web page. External links are enclosed in single square brackets (rather than double brackets as with internal links), with the optional link text separated from the URL by a space <pre>[http://www.example.org/ link text]</pre> will be rendered as: [http://www.example.org/ link text] When no link text is specified, external links appear numbered: <pre>[http://www.example.org/some-other-page]</pre> becomes: [http://www.example.org/some-other-page] Links with no square brackets display in their entirety <pre>http://www.example.org/</pre> displays as http://www.example.org === Spring 2026 === {{collapse top|Project List}} Create your page here. {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2026 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Jaylor22|Jaylor22]] ([[User talk:Jaylor22|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jaylor22|contribs]]) 22:52, 7 April 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Use of CGI in Motion Picture Film How to Train Your Dragon]] * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 02:21, 4 April 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/TikTok and Its Impact on Self-Esteem]] * [[User:Ksafa1|Ksafa1]] ([[User talk:Ksafa1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ksafa1|contribs]]) 05:29, 1 April 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The Rise of Digital Music Therapy Apps and Teen Mental Health]] * [[User:Mina Safa|Mina Safa]] ([[User talk:Mina Safa|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mina Safa|contribs]]) 03:59, 1 April 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Digital Media Concepts/Algorithmic Mood Feeds]] * [[User:Aarna.Makam|Aarna.Makam]] ([[User talk:Aarna.Makam|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Aarna.Makam|contribs]]) 00:08, 31 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Virtual Concerts & Hologram-Style Live Events]] * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 18:27, 29 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/New StudyFetch]] * [[User:Vania Lat|Vania Lat]] ([[User talk:Vania Lat|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vania Lat|contribs]]) 20:33, 9 March 2026 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Technological Landscape of Esports]] * [[User:SarahLuber|SarahLuber]] ([[User talk:SarahLuber|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SarahLuber|contribs]]) 20:59, 9 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Notch's history In Games]] * [[User:5heep.doggydog|5heep.doggydog]] ([[User talk:5heep.doggydog|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/5heep.doggydog|contribs]]) 16:43, 13 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Radio Telemetry in Bear Conservation]] * [[User:Qianqian Z|Qianqian Z]] ([[User talk:Qianqian Z|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Qianqian Z|contribs]]) 05:19, 16 March 2026 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Zhang Yiming and Algorithm-Driven Content Platforms]] * [[User:EZMedina18|EZMedina18]] ([[User talk:EZMedina18|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/EZMedina18|contribs]]) 04:34, 27 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Trackman Golf Launch Monitors]] * [[User:Triajj|Trianna J.]] ([[User talk:Triajj|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Triajj|contribs]]) 23:26, 27 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Digital Marketing Strategies in K-Pop]] * [[User:Qiurick|Qiurick]] ([[User talk:Qiurick|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Qiurick|contribs]]) 20:50, 28 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Simon Collins-Laflamme]] * [[User:SwarG07|SwarG07]] ([[User talk:SwarG07|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SwarG07|contribs]]) 06:01, 30 March 2026 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Kanye West and the Living Album Concept]] * [[User:Joaquin A Quinonez|Joaquin A Quinonez]] ([[User talk:Joaquin A Quinonez|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Joaquin A Quinonez|contribs]]) 20:25, 30 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Environmental storytelling in Xenoblade Chronicles]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2025 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Yusuf152|Yusuf152] ([[User talk:Yusuf152|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yusuf152|contribs]]) 06:42, 27 October 2025 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Social Media Technology and the Arab Spring]] * [[User:Riaz23413|Riaz23413]] ([[User talk:Riaz23413|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Riaz23413|contribs]]) 06:42, 27 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Midjourney v6]]*[[User:JSDAID|JSDAID]] ([[User talk:JSDAID|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/JSDAID|contribs]]) 04:00, 26 October 2025 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Devine Lu Linvega]] * [[User:SrushDigitalMedia|SrushDigitalMedia]] ([[User talk:SrushDigitalMedia|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SrushDigitalMedia|contribs]]) 00:23, 8 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Jessica “Sting” Peterson]] *[[User:Lsingh29|Lsingh29]] ([[User talk:Lsingh29|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Lsingh29|contribs]]) 06:47, 19 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The Cultural Impact of Pokémon on Youth]] * [[User:Fnabong|Fnabong]] ([[User talk:Fnabong|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Fnabong|contribs]]) 03:19, 24 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Online Privacy Plan]] * [[User:Sharaf Obaid|Sharaf Obaid]] ([[User talk:Sharaf Obaid|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Sharaf Obaid|contribs]]) 16:25, 25 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Impact of AI on Social Media]] * [[User:A.A2711|A.A2711]] ([[User talk:A.A2711|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/A.A2711|contribs]]) 19:15, 25 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Paul Allen's Philanthropic Practices]] * [[User:AdamFlick18|AdamFlick18]] ([[User talk:AdamFlick18|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/AdamFlick18|contribs]]) 06:19, 27 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Automated Industrial Robotics Inc. (AIR)]] * [[User:Msingh132|Msingh132]] ([[User talk:Msingh132|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Msingh132|contribs]]) 07:23, 27 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The impact of renewable energy on emerging economies]] * [[User:CleaverCat2|<bdi>CleaverCat2</bdi>]] ([[User talk:CleaverCat2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/CleaverCat2|contribs]]) 06:26, 26 October 2025 (UTC) '''[[Digital Media Concepts/Generative AI on Game Development]]''' * [[User:Wesleyphin|Wesleyphin]] ([[User talk:Wesleyphin|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Wesleyphin|contribs]]) 23:04, 26 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Sora 2]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2025 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Gsingh598|Gsingh598]] ([[User talk:Gsingh598|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Gsingh598|contribs]]) 18:09, 10 April 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Refik Anadol: Blending Data and Art Through Machine Learning]] * [[User:Safaiqbal11|Safaiqbal11]] ([[User talk:Safaiqbal11|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Safaiqbal11|contribs]]) 04:58, 17 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The Evolution of the iPhone and Its Cultural Impact]] * [[User:Weswu341|Weswu341]] ([[User talk:Weswu341|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Weswu341|contribs]]) 01:27, 19 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Yucef Merhi]] * [[User:Mdelacruz7|Mdelacruz7]] ([[User talk:Mdelacruz7|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mdelacruz7|contribs]]) 02:32, 25 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Technology and its Influence on Romance.]] * [[User:Amojado1|Amojado1]] ([[User talk:Amojado1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Amojado1|contribs]]) 22:09, 28 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Samir Vasavada]] * [[User:TianxinXu0201|TianxinXu0201]] ([[User talk:TianxinXu0201|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/TianxinXu0201|contribs]]) 19:15, 29 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The Role of Autopilot in Tesla's Robotaxi Plan]] * [[User:Zsadozai|Zsadozai]] ([[User talk:Zsadozai|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Zsadozai|contribs]]) 05:31, 30 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The Influence of Live Creators]] * [[User:Dija8719|Dija8719]] ([[User talk:Dija8719|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dija8719|contribs]]) 06:53, 30 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Smartphones Impact on Communication]] * [[User:Ksak2|Ksak2]] ([[User talk:Ksak2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ksak2|contribs]]) 23:49, 30 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The Reflection of the Nintendo Wii on the Nintendo Switch]] * [[User:Nyanoble|Nyanoble]] ([[User talk:Nyanoble|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Nyanoble|contribs]]) 00:30, 31 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/ Impact AI has on the job market]] * [[User:Kjchai1|Kjchai1]] ([[User talk:Kjchai1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Kjchai1|contribs]]) 04:00, 31 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Alex Karp's impact on the public view of AI]] * [[User:Mpiquero1]] 23:07, 30 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Quantum Computing and Information Security]] * [[User:NoahMacias1|NoahMacias1]] ([[User talk:NoahMacias1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/NoahMacias1|contribs]]) 04:15, 2 April 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Marvel Rivals vs Overwatch]] * [[User:Cassidyhalen|Cassidyhalen]] ([[User talk:Cassidyhalen|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Cassidyhalen|contribs]]) 10:28, 5 April 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Waymo's impact on the economy]] * [[User:Glry2ua|Glry2ua]] ([[User talk:Glry2ua|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Glry2ua|contribs]]) 06:50, 27 May 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Counter-Drone Technologies]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2024 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Dawson Travis|Dawson Travis]] ([[User talk:Dawson Travis|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dawson Travis|contribs]]) 20:03, 2 November 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Bruce Laval]] * [[User:Jillianrae247|Jillianrae247]] ([[User talk:Jillianrae247|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jillianrae247|contribs]]) 06:21, 28 October 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/David LaRochelle]] * [[User:Jmartin51|Jmartin51]] ([[User talk:Jmartin51|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jmartin51j|contribs]]) 22:46, 27 October 2024 (UTC)[[Creating Digital Media Concepts/Relationship of GPUs and Bitcoin Mining]] * [[User:Hero1ghj|Hero1ghj]] ([[User talk:Hero1ghj|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Hero1ghj|contribs]]) 01:56, 28 October 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The Fortnite Storyline]] * [[User:Catalinajordanvillar|Catalinajordanvillar]] ([[User talk:Catalinajordanvillar|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Catalinajordanvillar|contribs]]) 06:57, 27 October 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Evolution Of Disney Animation]] * [[User:Daid gem|Daid gem]] ([[User talk:Daid gem|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Daid gem|contribs]]) 22:35, 25 October 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Webtoon Adaptations]] * [[User:Hillary Cheng|Hillary Cheng]] ([[User talk:Hillary Cheng|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Hillary Cheng|contribs]]) 18:37, 15 October 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Lane Centering Technology]] * [[User:Chloecastellana|Chloecastellana]] ([[User talk:Chloecastellana|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Chloecastellana|contribs]]) 23:04, 19 October 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Jack Ma]] * [[User:Durontop7|Durontop7]] ([[User talk:Durontop7|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Durontop7|contribs]]) 02:11, 28 October 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Getting Over It with Bennett Foddy]] * [[User:Megamatt02001|Megamatt02001]] ([[User talk:Megamatt02001|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Megamatt02001|contribs]]) 13:05, 28 October 2024 (UTC) [[Hideo Kojima's Podcast "Brain Structure"]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2024 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 20:28, 22 April 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Can't Help Myself Robot]] * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 23:24, 25 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Online Shopping]] * [[User:Homero021004|Homero021004]] ([[User talk:Homero021004|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Homero021004|contribs]]) 03:44, 25 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/AI’s Impact on Art]] * [[User:Diegou04|Diegou04]] ([[User talk:Diegou04|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Diegou04|contribs]]) 00:39, 25 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Apple Vision Pro Environmental Considerations ]] * [[User:Omegajame456|Omegajame456]] ([[User talk:Omegajame456|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Omegajame456|contribs]]) 10:40, 23 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Smart Roads]] * [[User:Ashlyn45|Ashlyn45]] ([[User talk:Ashlyn45|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ashlyn45|contribs]]) 06:50, 22 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Khan Academy Breakthrough]] * [[User:Myat K.S|Myat K.S]] ([[User talk:Myat K.S|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Myat K.S|contribs]]) 10:10, 7 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/BILL GATES (William Henry Gates III)]] * [[User:Yuyani0915|Yuyani0915]] ([[User talk:Yuyani0915|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yuyani0915|contribs]]) 22:38, 13 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Gaming Technology]] * [[User:RobbyDAID|RobbyDAID]] ([[User talk:RobbyDAID|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/RobbyDAID|contribs]]) 19:23, 19 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Lost Cities]] * [[User:Isaiah Guerrero|Isaiah Guerrero]] ([[User talk:Isaiah Guerrero|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Isaiah Guerrero|contribs]]) 04:15, 20 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Nano Bots and CO2]] * [[User:Xavierrrrrrr01|Xavierrrrrrr01]] ([[User talk:Xavierrrrrrr01|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Xavierrrrrrr01|contribs]]) 19:20, 20 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Uses of the Raspberry Pi]] * [[User:Luna, D Media|Luna, D Media]] ([[User talk:Luna, D Media|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Luna, D Media|contribs]]) 02:09, 23 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Science S.T.E.M. Influencers]] * [[User:Yueminl|Yueminl]] ([[User talk:Yueminl|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yueminl|contribs]]) 22:39, 23 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Information Cocoons Effect]] * [[User:Tarunya Dharma|Tarunya Dharma]] ([[User talk:Tarunya Dharma|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Tarunya Dharma|contribs]]) 01:59, 24 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/AI Human Clones]] * [[User:GCanilao|GCanilao]] ([[User talk:GCanilao|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/GCanilao|contribs]]) 05:56, 24 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Evolution of "Bits" in Game Graphics]] * [[User:Helldivers.2|Helldivers.2]] ([[User talk:Helldivers.2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Helldivers.2|contribs]]) 17:12, 23 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Helldivers 2 Impact on Gaming Community]] * [[User:Arbalest zy|Arbalest zy]] ([[User talk:Arbalest zy|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Arbalest zy|contribs]]) 03:45, 25 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Proprietary PS Vita memory card]] * [[User:RaymondHuang10|RaymondHuang10]] ([[User talk:RaymondHuang10|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/RaymondHuang10|contribs]]) 11:59, 25 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Keshi]] * [[User:Weijian Chen|Weijian Chen]] ([[User talk:Weijian Chen|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Weijian Chen|contribs]]) 21:17, 28 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/CPU Evolution]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2023 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Homero021004|Homero021004]] ([[User talk:Homero021004|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Homero021004|contribs]]) 06:23, 23 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Autism (ASD) & Social Media]] * -~--([Digital Media Concepts/Transforming Agriculture: A Case Study on Pakistan|)) * [[User:Garylongington|Garylongington]] ([[User talk:Garylongington|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Garylongington|contribs]]) 21:04, 22 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Slender: The Eight Pages]] * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 16:06, 6 June 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Wafaa Bilal Example]] * [[User:Archelone|Archelone]] ([[User talk:Archelone|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Archelone|contribs]]) 01:32, 16 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Representation in Baldur's Gate 3]] * [[User:Gauze0001|Gauze0001]] ([[User talk:Gauze0001|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Gauze0001|contribs]]) 01:11, 17 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Cameron's World]] * [[User:Owynmlee|Owynmlee]] ([[User talk:Owynmlee|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Owynmlee|contribs]]) 01:11, 18 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Shrinkwrapping]] * [[User:Atnguyen12|Atnguyen12]] ([[User talk:Atnguyen12|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Atnguyen12|contribs]]) 05:54, 21 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Wonderlab]] * [[User:BinhNguyenSKMT|BinhNguyenSKMT]] ([[User talk:BinhNguyenSKMT|discuss]] * [[Special:Contributions/BinhNguyenSKMT|contribs]]) 01:14, 22 October 2023 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Education with Generative AI]] * [[User:Jonnmac|Jonnmac]] ([[User talk:Jonnmac|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jonnmac|contribs]]) 02:50, 23 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Team Fortress 2 Culture]] * [[Digital Media Concepts/Transportation Technologies]] * [[User:Kalvabb|Kalvabb]] ([[User talk:Kalvabb|discuss]] * [[Special:Contributions/Kalvabb|contribs]]) 10:58, 22 October 2023 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Writing and Artificial Intelligence]] * [[User:Karan 035|Karan 035]] ([[User talk:Karan 035|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Karan 035|contribs]]) 02:07, 23 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Steve jobs and his Leadership styles]] * [[User:Elyssamlee|Elyssamlee]] ([[User talk:Elyssamlee|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Elyssamlee|contribs]]) 02:53, 23 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Steve Lacy]] * [[User:Daniel Lopezzz|Daniel Lopezzz]] ([[User talk:Daniel Lopezzz|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Daniel Lopezzz|contribs]]) 23:40, 19 November 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Xbox Technological Advances]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2022 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 19:27, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Wafaa Bilal 3]] * [[User:Logain.Abd|Logain.Abd]] ([[User talk:Logain.Abd|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Logain.Abd|contribs]]) 16:55, 1 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Prosthetic Body Parts]] * [[User:Ceruleansnake|Ceruleansnake]] ([[User talk:Ceruleansnake|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ceruleansnake|contribs]]) 19:29, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/ENA (web series)]] * [[User:SPiedyW5|SPiedyW5]] ([[User talk:SPiedyW5|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SPiedyW5|contribs]]) 19:33, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Streaming Platforms]] * [[User:AkhilKandkur|AkhilKandkur]] ([[User talk:AkhilKandkur|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/AkhilKandkur|contribs]]) 19:34, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/DVD-Video]] * [[User:Adamgmz|Adamgmz]] ([[User talk:Adamgmz|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Adamgmz|contribs]]) 19:47, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Physically Based Rendering]] * [[User:ZhuoL|ZhuoL]] ([[User talk:ZhuoL|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/ZhuoL|contribs]]) 20:29, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Audio Editing]] * [[User:WanderingWalruses|WanderingWalruses]] ([[User talk:WanderingWalruses|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/WanderingWalruses|contribs]]) 20:32, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Youtube Monetization]] * [[User:Anammughal|Anammughal]] ([[User talk:Anammughal|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Anammughal|contribs]]) 20:36, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Artificial Intelligence in Healthcare]] * [[User:Vlee88|Vlee88]] ([[User talk:Vlee88|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vlee88|contribs]]) 22:16, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Wacom/digital tablets]] * [[User:TZrng8|TZrng8]] ([[User talk:TZrng8|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/TZrng8|contribs]]) 20:07, 25 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Virtual Reality]] * [[User:Nooshas|Nooshas]] ([[User talk:Nooshas|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Nooshas|contribs]]) 04:57, 28 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Eduardo Saverin]] * [[User:Rjoyner1|Rjoyner1]] ([[User talk:Rjoyner1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Rjoyner1|contribs]]) 19:26, 1 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Higher Learning Podacast]] * [[User:Yaboiversity|Yaboiversity]] ([[User talk:Yaboiversity|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yaboiversity|contribs]]) 19:36, 1 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Ceramic 3D Printers]] * [[User:Ayeitsemmie|Ayeitsemmie]] ([[User talk:Ayeitsemmie|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ayeitsemmie|contribs]]) 20:35, 1 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Technology Used In “Rick and Morty”]] * [[User:Navveerbhangal|Navveerbhangal]] ([[User talk:Navveerbhangal|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Navveerbhangal|contribs]]) 19:56, 1 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Lex Fridman]] * [[User:Mayapose|Mayapose]] ([[User talk:Mayapose|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mayapose|contribs]]) 00:23, 2 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Hedy Lamarr]] * [[User:Ohlonestudengo12|Ohlonestudengo12]] ([[User talk:Ohlonestudengo12|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ohlonestudengo12|contribs]]) 00:23, 2 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Apple AirTag]] * [[User:Aayyaz|Aayyaz]] ([[User talk:Aayyaz|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Aayyaz|contribs]]) 20:08, 3 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Speech Recognition]] * [[User:Brana1|Brana1]] ([[User talk:Brana1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Brana1|contribs]]) 06:56, 9 March 2022 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Sony Playstation]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2021 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 22:37, 21 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Five Nights at Freddy's]] * [[User:Zkeeler1|Zkeeler1]] ([[User talk:Zkeeler1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Zkeeler1|contribs]]) 01:28, 22 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/The process of Encryption]] * [[User:Ronit Dhir|Ronit Dhir]] ([[User talk:Ronit Dhir|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ronit Dhir|contribs]]) 07:15, 14 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Shantanu Narayen]] * [[User:Joachanz|Joachanz]] ([[User talk:Joachanz|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Joachanz|contribs]]) 20:32, 28 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Riot Games Gender Discrimination Controversy]] * [[User:SauerPatch|SauerPatch]] ([[User talk:SauerPatch|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SauerPatch|contribs]]) 20:35, 28 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Bitcoin]] * [[User:Vy Trieu|Vy Trieu]] ([[User talk:Vy Trieu|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vy Trieu|contribs]]) 20:47, 28 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Virtual Influencer]] * [[User:GEEGOLLYY|GEEGOLLYY]] ([[User talk:GEEGOLLYY|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/GEEGOLLYY|contribs]]) 21:01, 28 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Valorant]] * [[User:Cheesze|Cheesze]] ([[User talk:Cheesze|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Cheesze|contribs]]) 21:10, 28 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Squid Game S1E6: Gganbu]] * [[User:PcPeou1|PcPeou1]] ([[User talk:PcPeou1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/PcPeou1|contribs]]) 21:19, 28 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Ace Combat 7: Skies Unknown]] * [[User:Ralph Lagmay|Ralph Lagmay]] ([[User talk:Ralph Lagmay|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ralph Lagmay|contribs]]) 19:24, 3 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Beeple]] * [[User:Nicole Wood|Nicole Wood]] ([[User talk:Nicole Wood|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Nicole Wood]]) 23:29, 5 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Sam Does Arts]] * [[User:Choopa land|Choopa land]] ([[User talk:Choopa land|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Choopa land|contribs]]) 21:31, 7 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Sudha Murty]] * [[User:Alex Walsh|Alex Walsh]] ([[User talk:Alex Walsh|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Alex Walsh|contribs]]) 07:35, 9 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Twitch Hate Raids]] * [[User:Just TMar|Just TMar]] ([[User talk:Just TMar|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Just TMar|contribs]]) 01:54, 11 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Doxing]] * [[User:Ghiyasat|Ghiyasat]] ([[User talk:Ghiyasat|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ghiyasat|contribs]]) 17:28, 11 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Polygraph]] * [[User:Snuckles49|Snuckles49]] ([[User talk:Snuckles49|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Snuckles49|contribs]]) 00:43, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/BattlEye Anti-Cheat]] * [[User:Nino02|Nino02]] ([[User talk:Nino02|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Nino02|contribs]]) (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Video Streaming Services]] * [[User:Ishadamle|Ishadamle]] ([[User talk:Ishadamle|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ishadamle|contribs]]) 16:56, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Aistė Stancikaitė]] * [[User:Zainab Attarwala|Zainab Attarwala]] ([[User talk:Zainab Attarwala|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Zainab Attarwala|contribs]]) 22:37, 21 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Tokyo Medical University for Rejected Woman]] * [[User:Yusef510|Yusef510]] ([[User talk:Yusef510|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yusef510|contribs]]) 21:26, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Women In Esports]] * [[User:SLBriscoe|SLBriscoe]] ([[User talk:SLBriscoe|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SLBriscoe|contribs]]) 21:36, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Dark Souls III]] * [[User:Phonemyat238|Phonemyat238]] ([[User talk:Phonemyat238|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Phonemyat238|contribs]]) 23:47, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Dota 2 Esport]] * [[User:JBauer4|JBauer4]] ([[User talk:JBauer4|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/JBauer4|contribs]]) 23:57, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/New World (game)]] * [[User:Rburnham1740|Rburnham1740]] ([[User talk:Rburnham1740|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Rburnham1740|contribs]]) 23:57, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Call Of Duty: Warzone]] * [[User:HellaCinema|HellaCinema]] ([[User talk:HellaCinema|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/HellaCinema|contribs]]) 06:39, 13 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/New Age Cinema - Film Cinematography]] * [[User:Tiwarisushant|Tiwarisushant]] ([[User talk:Tiwarisushant|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Tiwarisushant|contribs]]) 23:58, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/CGI - Uses and Importance]] * [[User:JoseNavarro15|JoseNavarro15]] ([[User talk:JoseNavarro15|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/JoseNavarro15|contribs]]) 05:26, 18 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Space X]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2020 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Daniyal.ak27|Daniyal.ak27]] ([[User talk:Daniyal.ak27|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Daniyal.ak27|contribs]]) 21:42, 15 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Neuralink/]] * [[User:Alisonmp|Alisonmp]] ([[User talk:Alisonmp|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Alisonmp|contribs]]) 21:41, 15 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Video Streaming Services/]] * [[Special:Contributions/2601:641:400:4F00:39DF:F97A:724A:496D|2601:641:400:4F00:39DF:F97A:724A:496D]] ([[User talk:2601:641:400:4F00:39DF:F97A:724A:496D|discuss]]) 21:40, 15 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Metroidvania/]] * [[User:Bandz21811|Bandz21811]] ([[User talk:Bandz21811|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Bandz21811|contribs]]) 03:26, 14 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Zoom Video Communications/]] * [[User:Nidhisgupta|Nidhisgupta]] ([[User talk:Nidhisgupta|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Nidhisgupta|contribs]]) 23:21, 11 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Cyber Crimes/]] * [[User:Melissalop551|Melissalop551]] ([[User talk:Melissalop551|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Melissalop551|contribs]]) 23:40, 9 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Iphone X (Face ID)/]] * [[User:Navink100|Navink100]] ([[User talk:Navink100|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Navink100|contribs]]) 20:03, 8 October 2020 (UTC) [[/The Evolution of Digital Scouting in the NBA/]] * [[User:Rthawani2|Rthawani2]] ([[User talk:Rthawani2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Rthawani2|contribs]]) 22:35, 6 October 2020 (UTC) [[/LD, 2D, SD, 3D, HD, 4D, 4K, 8K/]] * [[User:Bandz21811|Bandz21811]] ([[User talk:Bandz21811|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Bandz21811|contribs]]) 21:13, 6 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Tesla Inc./]] * [[User:MalakaiCaro|MalakaiCaro]] ([[User talk:MalakaiCaro|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MalakaiCaro|contribs]]) 21:03, 6 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Apple CarPlay/]] * [[User:Jb000ts|Jb000ts]] ([[User talk:Jb000ts|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jb000ts|contribs]]) 20:46, 6 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Porsche Taycan/]] * [[User:Simplyktp|Simplyktp]] ([[User talk:Simplyktp|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Simplyktp|contribs]]) 00:54, 6 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Animal Crossing: New Horizons/]] * [[User:Ankith Reddy Alwa|Ankith Reddy Alwa]] ([[User talk:Ankith Reddy Alwa|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ankith Reddy Alwa|contribs]]) 20:14, 1 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Narayana Murthy/]] * [[User:MoisesMorales04|MoisesMorales04]] ([[User talk:MoisesMorales04|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MoisesMorales04|contribs]]) 23:23, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Adaptive Cruise Control/]] * [[User:Rhummdan|Rhummdan]] ([[User talk:Rhummdan|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Rhummdan|contribs]]) 21:45, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/NBA 2K/]] * [[User:Yiyi799|Yiyi799]] ([[User talk:Yiyi799|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yiyi799|contribs]]) 20:36, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Snapchat Lenses/]] * [[User:Oaramirez780|Oaramirez780]] ([[User talk:Oaramirez780|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Oaramirez780|contribs]]) 20:17, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Image Comics/]] * [[User:Coleslamfreckle|Coleslamfreckle]] ([[User talk:Coleslamfreckle|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Coleslamfreckle|contribs]]) 19:36, 23 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Linux Beta/]] * [[User:Shaikhhiba|Shaikhhiba]] ([[User talk:Shaikhhiba|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Shaikhhiba|contribs]]) 02:01, 24 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Cancel Culture/]] * [[User:444juptr|444juptr]] ([[User talk:444juptr|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/444juptr|contribs]]) 20:33, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Otaku Life/]] *[[User:Shruthi2001|Shruthi2001]] ([[User talk:Shruthi2001|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Shruthi2001|contribs]]) 20:40, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Social Media Effect on Diet/]] * [[User:Vtran50|Vtran50]] ([[User talk:Vtran50|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vtran50|contribs]]) 20:51, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Slander/]] * [[User:JayceeLorenzo|JayceeLorenzo]] ([[User talk:JayceeLorenzo|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/JayceeLorenzo|contribs]]) 21:24, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Continuous Variable Transmission (CVT)/]] * [[User:IowaneNoka|IowaneNoka]] ([[User talk:IowaneNoka|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/IowaneNoka|contribs]]) 03:12, 10 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Call Of Duty:Modern Warfare (2019)/]] * [[User:Kban2001|Kban2001]] ([[User talk:Kban2001|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Kban2001|contribs]]) 16:11, 12 October 2020 (UTC) [[/ARK: Survival Evolved/]] * [[User:Christiand28|Christiand28]] ([[User talk:Christiand28|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Christiand28|contribs]]) 02:21, 13 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Call of Duty:Black Ops 2/]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2020 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Deuteryium|Deuteryium]] ([[User talk:Deuteryium|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Deuteryium|contribs]]) 22:28, 5 March 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Postmodern Jukebox]] * [[User:Deuteryium|Deuteryium]] ([[User talk:Deuteryium|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Deuteryium|contribs]]) 23:16, 27 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Breaking the Fourth Wall]] * [[User:PlasticOrPapper|PlasticOrPapper]] ([[User talk:PlasticOrPapper|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/PlasticOrPapper|contribs]]) 23:14, 27 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Tom Clancy's Rainbow Six Siege]] * [[User:Miranda Tapioca|Miranda Tapioca]] ([[User talk:Miranda Tapioca|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Miranda Tapioca|contribs]]) 23:04, 25 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Blizzard Entertaiment]] * [[User:Christinuh|Christinuh]] ([[User talk:Christinuh|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Christinuh|contribs]]) 23:07, 25 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Breaking News on Twitter]] * [[User:Emartinez40|Emartinez40]] ([[User talk:Emartinez40|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Emartinez40|contribs]]) 23:09, 25 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/The Witcher (Game Series)]] * [[User:MarkxG|MarkxG]] ([[User talk:MarkxG|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MarkxG|contribs]]) 23:26, 25 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Reddit]] * [[User:Dmusselwhite1|Dmusselwhite1]] ([[User talk:Dmusselwhite1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dmusselwhite1|contribs]]) 23:15, 25 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/CGI]] * [[User:Ericahy|Ericahy]] ([[User talk:Ericahy|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ericahy|contribs]]) 23:17, 25 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Siri]] * [[User:Aphon17|Aphon17]] ([[User talk:Aphon17|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Aphon17|contribs]]) 23:23, 25 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Inside (video game)]] * [[User:Mpaing2|Mpaing2]] ([[User talk:Mpaing2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mpaing2|contribs]]) 22:15, 27 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Apple Pencil]] * [[User:TakeCare2021|TakeCare2021]] ([[User talk:TakeCare2021|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/TakeCare2021|contribs]]) 22:52, 27 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Take Care (Album)]] * [[User:DixonCider1331|DixonCider1331]] ([[User talk:DixonCider1331|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/DixonCider1331|contribs]]) 22:55, 27 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Riot Games]] * [[User:John.rod22|John.rod22]] ([[User talk:John.rod22|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/John.rod22|contribs]]) 23:01, 27 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Grand Theft Auto V]] * [[User:Ankits2001|Ankits2001]] ([[User talk:Ankits2001|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ankits2001|contribs]]) 23:06, 27 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/iPhone 4s (Siri)]] * [[User:MichaelP75075|MichaelP75075]] ([[User talk:MichaelP75075|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MichaelP75075|contribs]]) 22:10, 5 March 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Black Mesa]] * [[User:Kfernes1|Kfernes1]] ([[User talk:Kfernes1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Kfernes1|contribs]]) 22:38, 5 March 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Joe Rogan Experience]] * [[Special:Contributions/207.62.190.33|207.62.190.33]] ([[User talk:207.62.190.33|discuss]]) 23:42, 5 March 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Tinder]] * [[User:Atul.mav|Atul.mav]] ([[User talk:Atul.mav|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Atul.mav|contribs]]) 17:48, 7 March 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Ralph Lauren]] * [[User:Namesshaikh|Namesshaikh]] ([[User talk:Namesshaikh|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Namesshaikh|contribs]]) 22:19, 9 March 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/CD Projekt Red]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2019 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:HPatel40|HPatel40]] ([[User talk:HPatel40|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/HPatel40|contribs]]) 19:23, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/5G Technologies]] * [[User:Hpatel42|Hpatel42]] ([[User talk:Hpatel42|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Hpatel42|contribs]]) 19:01, 26 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Larry Page]] * [[User:CRichards17|CRichards17]] ([[User talk:CRichards17|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/CRichards17|contribs]]) 19:38, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/White Supremacy on the Internet]] * [[User:Waterbottle50|Waterbottle50]] ([[User talk:Waterbottle50|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Waterbottle50|contribs]]) 19:55, 26 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Color-blind lens/EnChroma]] * [[User:Mcaya00|Mcaya00]] ([[User talk:Mcaya00|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mcaya00|contribs]]) 19:49, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Markus Perrson]] * [[User:Qinyu Chen|Qinyu Chen]] ([[User talk:Qinyu Chen|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Qinyu Chen|contribs]]) 19:36, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/teamLab]] * [[User:Soyoboy.exe|Soyboy.exe]] ([[User talk:Soyboy.exe|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Soyboy.exe|contribs]]) 20:04, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Nintendo Switch]] * [[User:Yjiang26|Yjiang26]] ([[User talk:Yjiang26|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yjiang26|contribs]]) 19:38, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Alipay]] * [[User:Lmurffrenninger1|Lmurffrenninger1]] ([[User talk:Lmurffrenninger1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Lmurffrenninger1|contribs]]) 19:39, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/MagicBands at Disneyland]] * [[User:Jalvarellos1|Jalvarellos1]] ([[User talk:Jalvarellos1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jalvarellos1|contribs]]) 19:41, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Rocket League]] * [[Adam3318|Adam3318]] ([[User talk:Adam3318|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Adam3318|contribs]]) 19:46, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/3D scanning with drones]] * [[User:SanIam|SanIam]] ([[User talk:SanIam|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SanIam|contribs]]) 19:57, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/The Legend Of Zelda: Breath of the Wild]] * [[User:Nphan16|Nphan16]] ([[User talk:Nphan16|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Nphan16|contribs]]) 20:02, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Hannah Alexander]] * [[User:Vluong6|Vluong6]] ([[User talk:Vluong6|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vluong6|contribs]]) 20:24, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Cyberware]] * [[User:Philventi|Philventi]] ([[User talk:Philventi|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Philventi|contribs]]) 22:33, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/iPadOS]] * [[User:Jwendland1|Jwendland1]] ([[User talk:Jwendland1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jwendland1|contribs]]) 19:05, 19 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Infinadeck Omnidirectional Treadmill]] * [[User:Ranle7|Ranle7]] ([[User talk:Ranle7|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ranle7|contribs]]) 19:06, 26 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/osu!]] * [[User:Andrewyamasaki|Andrewyamasaki]] ([[User talk:Andrewyamasaki|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Andrewyamasaki|contribs]]) 19:48, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Competitive Super Smash Bros Ultimate]] * [[User:Samuel3571|Samuel3571]] ([[User talk:Samuel3571|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Samuel3571|contribs]]) 20:35, 19 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Forensic Technology]] * [[User:Lmedina19|Lmedina19]] ([[User talk:Lmedina19|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Lmedina19|contribs]]) 20:00, 26 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Hayley Kiyoko]] * [[User:Djh42|Djh42]] ([[User talk:Djh42|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Djh42|contribs]]) 20:25, 26 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Nintendo Switch Controller]] * [[User:CharlieDub|CharlieDub]] ([[User talk:CharlieDub|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/CharlieDub|contribs]]) 19:42, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Porsche Ignition]] * [[User:Erick.Flore|Erick.Flore]] ([[User talk:Erick.Flore|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Erick.Flore|contribs]]) 20:40, 26 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The video hosting site BitChute]] * [[User:Dbarquin1|Dbarquin1]] ([[User talk:Dbarquin1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dbarquin1|contribs]]) 17:28, 27 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Custom Built Computer]] * [[User:Spcharc|Spcharc]] ([[User talk:Spcharc|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Spcharc|contribs]]) 18:07, 29 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/RSA (cryptosystem)]] * [[User:Krishnan1000|Krishnan1000]] ([[User talk:Krishnan1000|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Krishnan1000|contribs]]) 18:36, 29 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Competitive Pokemon Battling]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2019 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Mknight77|Mknight77]] ([[User talk:Mknight77|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mknight77|contribs]]) 22:52, 26 February 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Mayhem fest]] * [[User:Samirjan0420|Samirjan0420]] ([[User talk:Samirjan0420|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Samirjan0420|contribs]]) 22:05, 21 February 2019 (UTC) [[/The most hated car/]] * [[User:Tobilansangan|Tobilansangan]] ([[User talk:Tobilansangan|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Tobilansangan|contribs]]) 23:39, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/My Beautiful Dark Twisted Fantasy/]] * [[User:alyssamunoz|alyssamunoz]] ([[User talk: alyssamunoz|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/alyssamunoz|contribs]]) 14:57, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Dr.Pepper/]] * [[User:omergreengiant|omergreengiant]] ([[User talk:omergreengiant|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/omergreengiant|contribs]]) 14:57, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Kabul, Afghanistan/]] * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 22:14, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Wafaa Bilal/]] * [[User:Gum-POP|Gum-POP]] ([[User talk:Gum-POP|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Gum-POP|contribs]]) 22:37, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Gaming Desktop VS Gaming Laptop/]] * [[User:Magtotodile|Magtotodile]] ([[User talk:Magtotodile|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Magtotodile|contribs]]) 22:42, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Virtual Self/]] * [[User:Tvo36|Tvo36]] ([[User talk:Tvo36|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Tvo36|contribs]]) 23:13, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Markelle Fultz/]] * [[User:iluca|iluca]] ([[User talk:iluca|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/iluca|contribs]]) 23:14, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Nagishiro Mito/]] * [[User:Justinchau|Justinchau]] ([[User talk:Justinchau|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Justinchau|contribs]]) 23:16, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Best Pizza/]] * [[User:Ashwinjambu15|Ashwinjambu15]] ([[User talk:Ashwinjambu15|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ashwinjambu15|contribs]]) 23:19, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Mos Def & Talib Kweli Are Black Star/]] * [[User:Ationgson|Ationgson]] ([[User talk:Ationgson|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ationgson|contribs]]) 23:24, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/2JZ Engine/]] * [[User:Ddimitrov1|Ddimitrov1]] ([[User talk:Ddimitrov1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ddimitrov1|contribs]]) 23:29, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Theatre Of Blood/]] * [[User:Gli15|Gli15]] ([[User talk:Gli15|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Gli15|contribs]]) 22:12, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Matcha/]] * [[User:Akanijade|Akanijade]] ([[User talk:Akanijade|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Akanijade|contribs]]) 22:39, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Batik/]] * [[User:BrokenConsole|BrokenConsole]] ([[User talk:BrokenConsole|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/BrokenConsole|contribs]]) 22:46, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Custom Built Gaming Computers/]] * [[User:Lord Arugula|Lord Arugula]] ([[User talk:Lord Arugula|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Lord Arugula|contribs]]) 22:47, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Aurelio Voltaire/]] * [[User:Danialmirza99|Danialmirza99]] ([[User talk:Danialmirza99|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Danialmirza99|contribs]]) 22:50, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Spelling Bee (1938)/]] * [[User:Janine8100|Janine8100]] ([[User talk:Janine8100|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Janine8100|contribs]]) 22:52, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Brunei Rainforests/]] * [[User:D_Sh1nra|D_Sh1nra]] ([[User talk:D_Sh1nra|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/D_Sh1nra|contribs]]) 15:07, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Phosphenes/]] * [[User:Jameslacdao|Jameslacdao]] ([[User talk:Jameslacdao|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jameslacdao|contribs]]) 23:34, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Love of my Life (Queen song)/]] * [[User:Janinaengo|Janinaengo]] ([[User talk:Janinaengo|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Janinaengo|contribs]]) 06:04, 20 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Influence of 90s sitcom Friends/]] * [[User:Mdapostol|Mdapostol]] ([[User talk:Mdapostol|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mdapostol|contribs]]) 01:32, 26 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Regions of San Jose, California/]] * [[User:HellBlossoms|HellBlossoms]] ([[User talk:HellBlossoms|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/HellBlossoms|contribs]]) 14:13, 26 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Bill Kaulitz/]] * [[User:Nintenchris5963|Nintenchris5963]] ([[User talk:Nintenchris5963|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Nintenchris5963|contribs]]) 22:28, 28 February 2019 (UTC) [[/CrossCode/]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2018 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:J3tR0cK3t|J3tR0cK3t]] ([[User talk:J3tR0cK3t|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/J3tR0cK3t|contribs]]) 19:55, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Streets of Rage (Axel Stone)/]] * [[User:William Leber|William Leber]] ([[User talk:William Leber|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/William Leber|contribs]]) 19:56, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Ethoslab/]] * [[User:Vicpimentel99|Vicpimentel99]] ([[User talk:Vicpimentel99|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vicpimentel99|contribs]]) 20:19, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Micah Mahinay/]] * [[User:Magtotodile|Magtotodile]] ([[User talk:Magtotodile|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Magtotodile|contribs]]) 20:21, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Shelter (Song by Porter Robinson & Madeon)/]] * [[User:Ahuq2|Ahuq2]] ([[User talk:Ahuq2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ahuq2|contribs]]) 20:25, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Yakuza (video game series)/]] * [[User:Plam153|Plam153]] ([[User talk:Plam153|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Plam153|contribs]]) 20:22, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Trinh Cong Son (Vietnamese songwriter)/]] * [[User:DoomFry68|DoomFry68]] ([[User talk:DoomFry68|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/DoomFry68|contribs]]) 20:23, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Yakuza: Goro Majima/]] * [[User:FizzahKafil|FizzahKafil]] ([[User talk:FizzahKafil|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/FizzahKafil|contribs]]) 20:24, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Little Big Planet/]] * [[User:Dursa1|Dursa S]] ([[User talk:Dursa1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dursa1|contribs]]) 20:24, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/r.h. Sin/]] * [[User:ZaroonIqbal|ZaroonIqbal]] ([[User talk:ZaroonIqbal|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/ZaroonIqbal|contribs]]) 20:25, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Fortnite/]] * [[User:Lmascardo1|Lmascardo1]] ([[User talk:Lmascardo1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Lmascardo1|contribs]]) 20:31, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Stardew Valley/]] * [[User:Aungthuhtet245|Aungthuhtet245]] ([[User talk:Aungthuhtet245|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Aungthuhtet245|contribs]]) 20:32, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Science Behind Pixar/]] * [[User:Whill4|Whill4]] ([[User talk:Whill4|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Whill4|contribs]]) 15:06, 17 September 2018 (UTC) [[ /Mariner's Apartment Complex (Lana Del Rey song)/]] * [[User:WontonsofDMG|WontonsofDMG]] ([[User talk:WontonsofDMG|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/WontonsofDMG|contribs]]) 19:03, 18 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Heroes of the Storm/]] * [[User:PATISBACK9|PATISBACK9]] ([[User talk:PATISBACK9|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/PATISBACK9|contribs]]) 19:19, 18 September 2018 (UTC) [[/DJ screw/]] * [[User:EnderClevToby|EnderClevToby]] ([[User talk:EnderClevToby|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/EnderClevToby|contribs]]) 12:15, 18 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Matthew Fredrick/]] * [[User:Danny M487|Danny M487]] ([[User talk:Danny M487|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Danny M487|contribs]]) 19:30, 18 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Casey Neistat/]] * [[User:Itsjustkulsoom|Itsjustkulsoom]] ([[User talk:Itsjustkulsoom|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Itsjustkulsoom|contribs]]) 19:31, 18 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Zedd/]] * [[User:Josemazon123|Josemazon123]] ([[User talk:Josemazon123|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Josemazon123|contribs]]) 20:06, 18 September 2018 (UTC) [[/BROCKHAMPTON/]] * [[User:Ahernandez85|Ahernandez85]] ([[User talk:Ahernandez85|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ahernandez85|contribs]]) 19:17, 20 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Legend Of Zelda: Ocarina of Time/]] * [[User:JackyLu01|JackyLu01]] ([[User talk:JackyLu01|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/JackyLu01|contribs]]) 12:30, 20 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Smartisan/]] * [[User:Manohar singh 32|Manohar singh 32]] ([[User talk:Manohar singh 32|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Manohar singh 32|contribs]]) 19:51, 20 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Motion Capture/]] * [[User:Zwo1|Zwo1]] ([[User talk:Zwo1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Zwo1|contribs]]) 23:57, 23 September 2018 (UTC) [[/DJI Mavic 2 Pro/]] * [[User:Hartveit|Hartveit]] ([[User talk:Hartveit|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Hartveit|contribs]]) 01:49, 25 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Hurdal Verk Folk High School/]] * [[User:p_ng_r|p_ng_r]] ([[User talk:p_ng_r|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/p_ng_r|contribs]]) 12:41 25 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Wenqing Yan/]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2018 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] 01:01, 15 August 2016 (UTC) [[/Wafaa Bilal/]] * [[User:Wompaku|Wompaku]] ([[User talk:Wompaku|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Wompaku|contribs]]) 22:21, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Life is Strange/]] * [[User:Hamitaro|Hamitaro]] ([[User talk:Hamitaro|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Hamitaro|contribs]]) 22:22, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Persona 5/]] * [[User:Shayan223|Sean223]] ([[User talk:Shayan223|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Shayan223|contribs]]) 22:33, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/David Patrick Crane/]] * [[User:Touch92|Touch92]] ([[User talk:Touch92|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Touch92|contribs]]) 22:29, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/3D Printing/]] * [[User:Peg123|Peg123]] ([[User talk:Peg123|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Peg123|contribs]]) 22:32, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Dota 2/]] * [[User:Shadow1942oohwa|Shadow1942oohwa]] ([[User talk:Shadow1942oohwa|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Shadow1942oohwa|contribs]]) 22:34, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Dodge Charger Daytona/]] * [[User:Skullallen|Skullallen]] ([[User talk:Skullallen|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Skullallen|contribs]]) 22:38, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/DJI/]] * [[User:Johnbcuong|Johnbcuong]] ([[User talk:Johnbcuong|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Johnbcuong|contribs]]) 22:39, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Nguyen Tu Quang/]] * [[User:W popal1|W popal1]] ([[User talk:W popal1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/W popal1|contribs]]) 22:36, 15 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Lilly Singh/]] * [[User:Sankeerth1017|Sankeerth1017]] ([[User talk:Sankeerth1017|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Sankeerth1017|contribs]]) 22:41, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Pewdiepie/]] * [[User:Jpierceall1|Jpierceall1]] ([[User talk:Jpierceall1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jpierceall1|contribs]]) 22:49, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/The World of FPS/]] *[[User:ShardolBGupta|ShardolBGupta]] ([[User talk:ShardolBGupta|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/ShardolBGupta|contribs]]) 22:42, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Chevrolet Volt/]] * [[User:JoshM75401|JoshM75401]] ([[User talk:JoshM75401|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/JoshM75401|contribs]]) 22:49, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Jack Thompson/]] * [[User:Thaliatorres|Thaliatorres]] ([[User talk:Thaliatorres|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Thaliatorres|contribs]]) 23:04, 15 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Laserphaco Probe/]] * [[User:YuuchyHongroy|YuuchyHongroy]] ([[User talk:YuuchyHongroy|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/YuuchyHongroy|contribs]]) 23:23, 15 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Photoshop/]] * [[User:stzyjpg|stzyjpg]] ([[User talk:stzyjpg|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/stzyjpg|contribs]]) 23:23, 18 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Jeff Bezos/]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2017 === {{collapse top|Project List}} *[[User:Kbearrr|Kbearrr]] ([[User talk:Kbearrr|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Kbearrr|contribs]]) 19:20, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Detriments of the Internet/]] *[[User:Ratalouie|Ratalouie]] ([[User talk:Ratalouie|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ratalouie|contribs]]) 19:45, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Overwatch/]] *[[User:Inadversity574|Inadversity574]] ([[User talk:Inadversity574|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Inadversity574|contribs]]) 19:44, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Fire Emblem/]] *[[User:Dwingdwang|Dwingdwang]] ([[User talk:Dwingdwang|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dwingdwang|contribs]]) 20:02, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Fixed Gear Bikes/]] * [[User:Isaacpacheco12|Isaacpacheco12]] ([[User talk:Isaacpacheco12|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Isaacpacheco12|contribs]]) 20:12, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Amazon Echo/]] * [[User:Gdonpadlan|Gdonpadlan]] ([[User talk:Gdonpadlan|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Gdonpadlan|contribs]]) 20:21, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Nikon D850/]] *[[User:Cdb1015|Cdb1015]] ([[User talk:Cdb1015|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Cdb1015|contribs]]) 21:59, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Visual Effects in Television and Movies/]] * [[User:Sjsanchez|Sjsanchez]] ([[User talk:Sjsanchez|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Sjsanchez|contribs]]) 01:11, 20 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Ryan Higa/]] * [[User:Aevans28|Aevans28]] ([[User talk:Aevans28|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Aevans28|contribs]]) 03:56, 20 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Patty Jenkins/]] * [[User:Johnlee1234594|Johnlee1234594]] ([[User talk:Johnlee1234594|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Johnlee1234594|contribs]]) 11:17, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Tom Hanks/]] * [[User:Michaelellasos|Michaelellasos]] ([[User talk:Michaelellasos|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Michaelellasos|contribs]]) 21:36, 20 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Counter Strike: Global Offensive/]] * [[bilal621]] ([[User talk:bilal621|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/bilal621|contribs]]) 22:03, 20 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Call of Duty: Modern Warfare 2/]] * [[User:Alscylla|Alscylla]] ([[User talk:Alscylla|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Alscylla|contribs]]) 13:11, 21 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Final Fantasy Record Keeper/]] * [[User:Kshadd15|Kshadd15]] ([[User talk:Kshadd15|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Kshadd15|contribs]]) 10:59, 21 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Artificial Intelligence/]] * [[User:Greentea456|Greentea456]] ([[User talk:Greentea456|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Greentea456|contribs]]) 18:29, 21 September 2017 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Team Fortress 2|Team Fortress 2]] * [[User:Mehraan01|Mehraan01]] ([[User talk:Mehraan01|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mehraan01|contribs]]) 19:43, 21 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Tesla, Inc./]] * [[User:Zblazin|Zblazin]] ([[User talk:Zblazin|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Zblazin|contribs]]) 20:12, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Graphics processing unit/]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2017 === {{collapse top|Project List}} *[[User:Mattvs1|Mattvs1]] ([[User talk:Mattvs1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mattvs1|contribs]]) 22:56, 7 February 2017 (UTC) [[/No Man's Sky/]] * [[User:Ebondoc98|Ebondoc98]] ([[User talk:Ebondoc98|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ebondoc98|contribs]]) 22:26, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/League of Legends/]] * [[User:Dmendoza1|Dmendoza1]] ([[User talk:Dmendoza1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dmendoza1|contribs]]) 22:44, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/The Legend Of Zelda/]] * [[User:Mmmarrufo|Mmmarrufo]] ([[User talk:Mmmarrufo|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mmmarrufo|contribs]]) 22:58, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Gabe Newell/]] * [[User:Jfriedenberg|Jfriedenberg]] ([[User talk:Jfriedenberg|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jfriedenberg|contribs]]) 23:19, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Shinji Mikami/]] * [[User:AKW2017|AKW2017]] ([[User talk:AKW2017|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/AKW2017|contribs]]) 23:32, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Wii U/]] * [[User:Wramos1|Wramos1]] ([[User talk:Wramos1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Wramos1|contribs]]) 23:46, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/John Lasseter/]] * [[User:Yjohar1|Yjohar1]] ([[User talk:Yjohar1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yjohar1|contribs]]) 23:48, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Video Game Aggression/]] * [[User:Dzhang17|Dzhang17]] ([[User talk:Dzhang17|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dzhang17|contribs]]) 23:51, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Fan Bingbing/]] * [[User:Dougalhathaway|Dougalhathaway]] ([[User talk:Dougalhathaway|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dougalhathaway|contribs]]) 00:04, 10 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Rayman/]] * [[User:Mochill|Mochill]] ([[User talk:Mochill|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mochill|contribs]]) 04:05, 10 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Commercial Head-up displays/]] *[[User:Hdo18|Hdo18]] ([[User talk:Hdo18|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Hdo18|contribs]]) 18:38, 13 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Cory Arcangel/]] * [[User:GnaF69|GnaF69]] ([[User talk:GnaF69|discuss)]] • [[Special:Contributions/GnaF69|contribs]]) 20:22, 13 February 2017 (UTC) [[/John Romero/]] * [[User:Blizz23|Blizz23]] ([[User talk:Blizz23|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Blizz23|contribs]]) 23:45, 14 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Archaeology Robots/]] * [[User:Bchu55|Bchu55]] ([[User talk:Bchu55|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Bchu55|contribs]]) 23:50, 14 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Mark Zuckerberg/]] {{collapse bottom}} '''4. Research your topic'''<br> Look for at least three kinds of sources: # Articles, any published material, interviews, videos and information you can use for your own contributions to the site # Internet sources that can be linked to your page including multimedia content (please make sure that images and other visual materials not restricted by copyright)<br><br> '''5. Add or edit headings such as:''' * Early Life and Education or Biography * Career * Legacy * Personal Life * Exhibitions * Awards and Nominations (if relevant) * Bibliography or Further Reading * History * Software or Hardware * References * External Links For a detailed editing reference, go to: [[Wikiversity:FAQ/Editing|Wikiversity Editing Reference]] <br><br> '''6. Need Images?''' You can find images that are licensed under the Creative Comments license here [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Main_Page/ Wikimedia Commons]<br><br> Include <nowiki>[[Category:Digital Media Concepts]]</nowiki> at the bottom of the page to move the page into the assignment category. == Citations == APA style <ref>"Name of Article," accessed March 11, 2015, http://www.someURL.com.</ref> Chicago Style: <ref>Name of Article (for a source that does not list a copyright date, you use (n.d.) ). Retrieved October 15, 2015, from  http://www.someURL.com</ref> == Example of an annotated image == [[File:Great Wall of China in 2014.jpg|thumb|Great Wall of China in 2014]] <br style="clear: both;"> == Example of an [[Template:Infobox|infobox]] == {{Infobox |name = Wafaa Bilal |image = [[File:Wafaa-bilal2.JPG|thumb]] |title = Artist Wafaa Bilal |headerstyle = background:#ccf; |labelstyle = background:#ddf; |label1 = |data1 = Wafaa Bilal reading at Lannan Center for Poetics and Social Practice, Georgetown University |label2 = Nationality |data2 = {{{item_one| Iraqi American}}} |label3 = Born |data3 = {{{item_two|June 10, 1966}}} |label4 = Field of Research |data4 = {{{item_three|[[Video]], [[Electronic Arts]], [[New Media]]}}} |label5 = Birth Place |data5 = {{{item_Four|Najaf, Iraq}}} |label6 = Autor |data6 = {{{item_Five|Slowking4}}} }} <div style="clear:both;"></div> {{Infobox | name = Digital Media Concepts | bodystyle = | titlestyle = | abovestyle = background:#cfc; | subheaderstyle = | title = Test Infobox | above = Above text | subheader = Subheader above image | subheader2 = Second subheader | imagestyle = | captionstyle = | image = [[File:Example-serious.jpg|200px|alt=Example alt text]] | caption = Caption displayed below Example-serious.jpg | headerstyle = background:#ccf; | labelstyle = background:#ddf; | datastyle = | header1 = Header defined alone | label1 = | data1 = | header2 = | label2 = Label defined alone does not display (needs data, or is suppressed) | data2 = | header3 = | label3 = | data3 = Data defined alone | header4 = All three defined (header, label, data, all with same number) | label4 = does not display (same number as a header) | data4 = does not display (same number as a header) | header5 = | label5 = Label and data defined (label) | data5 = Label and data defined (data) | belowstyle = background:#ddf; | below = Below text }} <div style="clear:both;"></div> ==Navigational Templates== [[:w:Wikipedia:Navigation template|Navigation Template on Wikipedia]] == Media Templates == {{Listen | filename = Lion raring-sound1TamilNadu178.ogg | title = Lion roaring | plain = yes | style = float:left }} <div style="clear:both;"></div> == Useful links == * [[Help:Wikitext quick reference|Quick Reference]] * [[:w:Wikipedia:Tutorial/Wikipedia_links|Wikipedia Tutorial]] * [http://www.wikihow.com/Cite How to cite on Wikipedia] * [[:w:Help:Link|Using external links]] == Completed Assignments == {{Subpages/List}} ==References== {{reflist}} [[Category:Art]] [[Category:Culture]] [[Category:Human]] [[Category:Assignments]] [[Category:Digital art]] [[Category:Courses]] [[Category:Education]] 4l6f3te8g3420keb38s339vxiddn60v 2840374 2840373 2026-10-15T03:52:37Z Ireicher2 2797952 /* Fall 2026 */ 2840374 wikitext text/x-wiki == '''Digital Artists Wiki Project''' Assignment == === Assignment Description === For this assignment, you will write and publish a wiki-style article about a digital artist/technology of your choice on Wikiversity.<ref>https://www.techxlab.org/solutions/wikimedia-foundation-wikiversity</ref> You should begin by finding an article stub that needs to be developed or identifying a potential artist whose work is not featured currently. Remember that you are writing for the Wikiversity community and your article will be judged and graded on Wikipedia publishing standards.<ref>[[Wikipedia:Wikipedia:Policies and guidelines]]</ref> == Instructions == '''1. Create a user Profile here:'''<br> [[Special:CreateAccount]]<br> User Guidelines can be found here: [[Wikiversity:Introduction]]<br><br> '''2. Choose a Topic'''<br> You may choose any topic related to digital art and technology from any time period. Try to find a topic that's important to you and not already featured on wikipedia. In case you have difficulties finding a topic, please feel free to consult with your instructor.<br> Please note that each student must choose a unique topic. Once you have selected a digital artist, post your artist’s name along with your name under the Spring 2026 header. Please check that no one else has elected to work on the same artists. Example: <pre>* ~~~~[[Digital Media Concepts/YOUR PAGE TITLE]]</pre> for example <pre>* ~~~~[[Digital Media Concepts/Wafaa Bilal]]</pre> produces: * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] 01:01, 15 August 2016 (UTC) [[/Wafaa Bilal/]] '''3. OR Create your page using the following:''' <inputbox> type=create width=80 preload={{FULLPAGENAME}}/Template editintro= buttonlabel=Create project subpage searchbuttonlabel= break=no prefix={{FULLPAGENAME}}/ placeholder=enter title here </inputbox><br> This template can help get you started: [[Digital_Media_Concepts/Template|Template]] == Links == A wikilink (or internal link) links a page to another page within English Wikipedia. In wikitext, links are enclosed in double square brackets like this: <pre>[[abc]]</pre> is seen as [[abc]] External links use absolute URLs to link directly to any web page. External links are enclosed in single square brackets (rather than double brackets as with internal links), with the optional link text separated from the URL by a space <pre>[http://www.example.org/ link text]</pre> will be rendered as: [http://www.example.org/ link text] When no link text is specified, external links appear numbered: <pre>[http://www.example.org/some-other-page]</pre> becomes: [http://www.example.org/some-other-page] Links with no square brackets display in their entirety <pre>http://www.example.org/</pre> displays as http://www.example.org === Fall 2026 === {{collapse top|Project List}} Create your page here. {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2026 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Jaylor22|Jaylor22]] ([[User talk:Jaylor22|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jaylor22|contribs]]) 22:52, 7 April 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Use of CGI in Motion Picture Film How to Train Your Dragon]] * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 02:21, 4 April 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/TikTok and Its Impact on Self-Esteem]] * [[User:Ksafa1|Ksafa1]] ([[User talk:Ksafa1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ksafa1|contribs]]) 05:29, 1 April 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The Rise of Digital Music Therapy Apps and Teen Mental Health]] * [[User:Mina Safa|Mina Safa]] ([[User talk:Mina Safa|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mina Safa|contribs]]) 03:59, 1 April 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Digital Media Concepts/Algorithmic Mood Feeds]] * [[User:Aarna.Makam|Aarna.Makam]] ([[User talk:Aarna.Makam|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Aarna.Makam|contribs]]) 00:08, 31 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Virtual Concerts & Hologram-Style Live Events]] * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 18:27, 29 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/New StudyFetch]] * [[User:Vania Lat|Vania Lat]] ([[User talk:Vania Lat|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vania Lat|contribs]]) 20:33, 9 March 2026 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Technological Landscape of Esports]] * [[User:SarahLuber|SarahLuber]] ([[User talk:SarahLuber|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SarahLuber|contribs]]) 20:59, 9 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Notch's history In Games]] * [[User:5heep.doggydog|5heep.doggydog]] ([[User talk:5heep.doggydog|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/5heep.doggydog|contribs]]) 16:43, 13 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Radio Telemetry in Bear Conservation]] * [[User:Qianqian Z|Qianqian Z]] ([[User talk:Qianqian Z|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Qianqian Z|contribs]]) 05:19, 16 March 2026 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Zhang Yiming and Algorithm-Driven Content Platforms]] * [[User:EZMedina18|EZMedina18]] ([[User talk:EZMedina18|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/EZMedina18|contribs]]) 04:34, 27 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Trackman Golf Launch Monitors]] * [[User:Triajj|Trianna J.]] ([[User talk:Triajj|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Triajj|contribs]]) 23:26, 27 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Digital Marketing Strategies in K-Pop]] * [[User:Qiurick|Qiurick]] ([[User talk:Qiurick|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Qiurick|contribs]]) 20:50, 28 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Simon Collins-Laflamme]] * [[User:SwarG07|SwarG07]] ([[User talk:SwarG07|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SwarG07|contribs]]) 06:01, 30 March 2026 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Kanye West and the Living Album Concept]] * [[User:Joaquin A Quinonez|Joaquin A Quinonez]] ([[User talk:Joaquin A Quinonez|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Joaquin A Quinonez|contribs]]) 20:25, 30 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Environmental storytelling in Xenoblade Chronicles]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2025 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Yusuf152|Yusuf152] ([[User talk:Yusuf152|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yusuf152|contribs]]) 06:42, 27 October 2025 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Social Media Technology and the Arab Spring]] * [[User:Riaz23413|Riaz23413]] ([[User talk:Riaz23413|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Riaz23413|contribs]]) 06:42, 27 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Midjourney v6]]*[[User:JSDAID|JSDAID]] ([[User talk:JSDAID|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/JSDAID|contribs]]) 04:00, 26 October 2025 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Devine Lu Linvega]] * [[User:SrushDigitalMedia|SrushDigitalMedia]] ([[User talk:SrushDigitalMedia|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SrushDigitalMedia|contribs]]) 00:23, 8 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Jessica “Sting” Peterson]] *[[User:Lsingh29|Lsingh29]] ([[User talk:Lsingh29|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Lsingh29|contribs]]) 06:47, 19 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The Cultural Impact of Pokémon on Youth]] * [[User:Fnabong|Fnabong]] ([[User talk:Fnabong|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Fnabong|contribs]]) 03:19, 24 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Online Privacy Plan]] * [[User:Sharaf Obaid|Sharaf Obaid]] ([[User talk:Sharaf Obaid|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Sharaf Obaid|contribs]]) 16:25, 25 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Impact of AI on Social Media]] * [[User:A.A2711|A.A2711]] ([[User talk:A.A2711|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/A.A2711|contribs]]) 19:15, 25 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Paul Allen's Philanthropic Practices]] * [[User:AdamFlick18|AdamFlick18]] ([[User talk:AdamFlick18|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/AdamFlick18|contribs]]) 06:19, 27 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Automated Industrial Robotics Inc. (AIR)]] * [[User:Msingh132|Msingh132]] ([[User talk:Msingh132|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Msingh132|contribs]]) 07:23, 27 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The impact of renewable energy on emerging economies]] * [[User:CleaverCat2|<bdi>CleaverCat2</bdi>]] ([[User talk:CleaverCat2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/CleaverCat2|contribs]]) 06:26, 26 October 2025 (UTC) '''[[Digital Media Concepts/Generative AI on Game Development]]''' * [[User:Wesleyphin|Wesleyphin]] ([[User talk:Wesleyphin|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Wesleyphin|contribs]]) 23:04, 26 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Sora 2]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2025 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Gsingh598|Gsingh598]] ([[User talk:Gsingh598|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Gsingh598|contribs]]) 18:09, 10 April 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Refik Anadol: Blending Data and Art Through Machine Learning]] * [[User:Safaiqbal11|Safaiqbal11]] ([[User talk:Safaiqbal11|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Safaiqbal11|contribs]]) 04:58, 17 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The Evolution of the iPhone and Its Cultural Impact]] * [[User:Weswu341|Weswu341]] ([[User talk:Weswu341|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Weswu341|contribs]]) 01:27, 19 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Yucef Merhi]] * [[User:Mdelacruz7|Mdelacruz7]] ([[User talk:Mdelacruz7|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mdelacruz7|contribs]]) 02:32, 25 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Technology and its Influence on Romance.]] * [[User:Amojado1|Amojado1]] ([[User talk:Amojado1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Amojado1|contribs]]) 22:09, 28 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Samir Vasavada]] * [[User:TianxinXu0201|TianxinXu0201]] ([[User talk:TianxinXu0201|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/TianxinXu0201|contribs]]) 19:15, 29 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The Role of Autopilot in Tesla's Robotaxi Plan]] * [[User:Zsadozai|Zsadozai]] ([[User talk:Zsadozai|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Zsadozai|contribs]]) 05:31, 30 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The Influence of Live Creators]] * [[User:Dija8719|Dija8719]] ([[User talk:Dija8719|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dija8719|contribs]]) 06:53, 30 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Smartphones Impact on Communication]] * [[User:Ksak2|Ksak2]] ([[User talk:Ksak2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ksak2|contribs]]) 23:49, 30 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The Reflection of the Nintendo Wii on the Nintendo Switch]] * [[User:Nyanoble|Nyanoble]] ([[User talk:Nyanoble|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Nyanoble|contribs]]) 00:30, 31 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/ Impact AI has on the job market]] * [[User:Kjchai1|Kjchai1]] ([[User talk:Kjchai1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Kjchai1|contribs]]) 04:00, 31 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Alex Karp's impact on the public view of AI]] * [[User:Mpiquero1]] 23:07, 30 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Quantum Computing and Information Security]] * [[User:NoahMacias1|NoahMacias1]] ([[User talk:NoahMacias1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/NoahMacias1|contribs]]) 04:15, 2 April 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Marvel Rivals vs Overwatch]] * [[User:Cassidyhalen|Cassidyhalen]] ([[User talk:Cassidyhalen|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Cassidyhalen|contribs]]) 10:28, 5 April 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Waymo's impact on the economy]] * [[User:Glry2ua|Glry2ua]] ([[User talk:Glry2ua|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Glry2ua|contribs]]) 06:50, 27 May 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Counter-Drone Technologies]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2024 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Dawson Travis|Dawson Travis]] ([[User talk:Dawson Travis|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dawson Travis|contribs]]) 20:03, 2 November 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Bruce Laval]] * [[User:Jillianrae247|Jillianrae247]] ([[User talk:Jillianrae247|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jillianrae247|contribs]]) 06:21, 28 October 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/David LaRochelle]] * [[User:Jmartin51|Jmartin51]] ([[User talk:Jmartin51|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jmartin51j|contribs]]) 22:46, 27 October 2024 (UTC)[[Creating Digital Media Concepts/Relationship of GPUs and Bitcoin Mining]] * [[User:Hero1ghj|Hero1ghj]] ([[User talk:Hero1ghj|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Hero1ghj|contribs]]) 01:56, 28 October 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The Fortnite Storyline]] * [[User:Catalinajordanvillar|Catalinajordanvillar]] ([[User talk:Catalinajordanvillar|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Catalinajordanvillar|contribs]]) 06:57, 27 October 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Evolution Of Disney Animation]] * [[User:Daid gem|Daid gem]] ([[User talk:Daid gem|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Daid gem|contribs]]) 22:35, 25 October 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Webtoon Adaptations]] * [[User:Hillary Cheng|Hillary Cheng]] ([[User talk:Hillary Cheng|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Hillary Cheng|contribs]]) 18:37, 15 October 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Lane Centering Technology]] * [[User:Chloecastellana|Chloecastellana]] ([[User talk:Chloecastellana|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Chloecastellana|contribs]]) 23:04, 19 October 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Jack Ma]] * [[User:Durontop7|Durontop7]] ([[User talk:Durontop7|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Durontop7|contribs]]) 02:11, 28 October 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Getting Over It with Bennett Foddy]] * [[User:Megamatt02001|Megamatt02001]] ([[User talk:Megamatt02001|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Megamatt02001|contribs]]) 13:05, 28 October 2024 (UTC) [[Hideo Kojima's Podcast "Brain Structure"]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2024 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 20:28, 22 April 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Can't Help Myself Robot]] * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 23:24, 25 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Online Shopping]] * [[User:Homero021004|Homero021004]] ([[User talk:Homero021004|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Homero021004|contribs]]) 03:44, 25 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/AI’s Impact on Art]] * [[User:Diegou04|Diegou04]] ([[User talk:Diegou04|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Diegou04|contribs]]) 00:39, 25 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Apple Vision Pro Environmental Considerations ]] * [[User:Omegajame456|Omegajame456]] ([[User talk:Omegajame456|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Omegajame456|contribs]]) 10:40, 23 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Smart Roads]] * [[User:Ashlyn45|Ashlyn45]] ([[User talk:Ashlyn45|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ashlyn45|contribs]]) 06:50, 22 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Khan Academy Breakthrough]] * [[User:Myat K.S|Myat K.S]] ([[User talk:Myat K.S|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Myat K.S|contribs]]) 10:10, 7 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/BILL GATES (William Henry Gates III)]] * [[User:Yuyani0915|Yuyani0915]] ([[User talk:Yuyani0915|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yuyani0915|contribs]]) 22:38, 13 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Gaming Technology]] * [[User:RobbyDAID|RobbyDAID]] ([[User talk:RobbyDAID|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/RobbyDAID|contribs]]) 19:23, 19 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Lost Cities]] * [[User:Isaiah Guerrero|Isaiah Guerrero]] ([[User talk:Isaiah Guerrero|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Isaiah Guerrero|contribs]]) 04:15, 20 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Nano Bots and CO2]] * [[User:Xavierrrrrrr01|Xavierrrrrrr01]] ([[User talk:Xavierrrrrrr01|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Xavierrrrrrr01|contribs]]) 19:20, 20 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Uses of the Raspberry Pi]] * [[User:Luna, D Media|Luna, D Media]] ([[User talk:Luna, D Media|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Luna, D Media|contribs]]) 02:09, 23 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Science S.T.E.M. Influencers]] * [[User:Yueminl|Yueminl]] ([[User talk:Yueminl|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yueminl|contribs]]) 22:39, 23 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Information Cocoons Effect]] * [[User:Tarunya Dharma|Tarunya Dharma]] ([[User talk:Tarunya Dharma|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Tarunya Dharma|contribs]]) 01:59, 24 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/AI Human Clones]] * [[User:GCanilao|GCanilao]] ([[User talk:GCanilao|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/GCanilao|contribs]]) 05:56, 24 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Evolution of "Bits" in Game Graphics]] * [[User:Helldivers.2|Helldivers.2]] ([[User talk:Helldivers.2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Helldivers.2|contribs]]) 17:12, 23 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Helldivers 2 Impact on Gaming Community]] * [[User:Arbalest zy|Arbalest zy]] ([[User talk:Arbalest zy|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Arbalest zy|contribs]]) 03:45, 25 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Proprietary PS Vita memory card]] * [[User:RaymondHuang10|RaymondHuang10]] ([[User talk:RaymondHuang10|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/RaymondHuang10|contribs]]) 11:59, 25 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Keshi]] * [[User:Weijian Chen|Weijian Chen]] ([[User talk:Weijian Chen|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Weijian Chen|contribs]]) 21:17, 28 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/CPU Evolution]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2023 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Homero021004|Homero021004]] ([[User talk:Homero021004|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Homero021004|contribs]]) 06:23, 23 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Autism (ASD) & Social Media]] * -~--([Digital Media Concepts/Transforming Agriculture: A Case Study on Pakistan|)) * [[User:Garylongington|Garylongington]] ([[User talk:Garylongington|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Garylongington|contribs]]) 21:04, 22 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Slender: The Eight Pages]] * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 16:06, 6 June 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Wafaa Bilal Example]] * [[User:Archelone|Archelone]] ([[User talk:Archelone|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Archelone|contribs]]) 01:32, 16 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Representation in Baldur's Gate 3]] * [[User:Gauze0001|Gauze0001]] ([[User talk:Gauze0001|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Gauze0001|contribs]]) 01:11, 17 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Cameron's World]] * [[User:Owynmlee|Owynmlee]] ([[User talk:Owynmlee|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Owynmlee|contribs]]) 01:11, 18 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Shrinkwrapping]] * [[User:Atnguyen12|Atnguyen12]] ([[User talk:Atnguyen12|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Atnguyen12|contribs]]) 05:54, 21 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Wonderlab]] * [[User:BinhNguyenSKMT|BinhNguyenSKMT]] ([[User talk:BinhNguyenSKMT|discuss]] * [[Special:Contributions/BinhNguyenSKMT|contribs]]) 01:14, 22 October 2023 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Education with Generative AI]] * [[User:Jonnmac|Jonnmac]] ([[User talk:Jonnmac|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jonnmac|contribs]]) 02:50, 23 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Team Fortress 2 Culture]] * [[Digital Media Concepts/Transportation Technologies]] * [[User:Kalvabb|Kalvabb]] ([[User talk:Kalvabb|discuss]] * [[Special:Contributions/Kalvabb|contribs]]) 10:58, 22 October 2023 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Writing and Artificial Intelligence]] * [[User:Karan 035|Karan 035]] ([[User talk:Karan 035|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Karan 035|contribs]]) 02:07, 23 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Steve jobs and his Leadership styles]] * [[User:Elyssamlee|Elyssamlee]] ([[User talk:Elyssamlee|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Elyssamlee|contribs]]) 02:53, 23 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Steve Lacy]] * [[User:Daniel Lopezzz|Daniel Lopezzz]] ([[User talk:Daniel Lopezzz|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Daniel Lopezzz|contribs]]) 23:40, 19 November 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Xbox Technological Advances]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2022 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 19:27, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Wafaa Bilal 3]] * [[User:Logain.Abd|Logain.Abd]] ([[User talk:Logain.Abd|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Logain.Abd|contribs]]) 16:55, 1 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Prosthetic Body Parts]] * [[User:Ceruleansnake|Ceruleansnake]] ([[User talk:Ceruleansnake|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ceruleansnake|contribs]]) 19:29, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/ENA (web series)]] * [[User:SPiedyW5|SPiedyW5]] ([[User talk:SPiedyW5|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SPiedyW5|contribs]]) 19:33, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Streaming Platforms]] * [[User:AkhilKandkur|AkhilKandkur]] ([[User talk:AkhilKandkur|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/AkhilKandkur|contribs]]) 19:34, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/DVD-Video]] * [[User:Adamgmz|Adamgmz]] ([[User talk:Adamgmz|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Adamgmz|contribs]]) 19:47, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Physically Based Rendering]] * [[User:ZhuoL|ZhuoL]] ([[User talk:ZhuoL|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/ZhuoL|contribs]]) 20:29, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Audio Editing]] * [[User:WanderingWalruses|WanderingWalruses]] ([[User talk:WanderingWalruses|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/WanderingWalruses|contribs]]) 20:32, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Youtube Monetization]] * [[User:Anammughal|Anammughal]] ([[User talk:Anammughal|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Anammughal|contribs]]) 20:36, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Artificial Intelligence in Healthcare]] * [[User:Vlee88|Vlee88]] ([[User talk:Vlee88|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vlee88|contribs]]) 22:16, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Wacom/digital tablets]] * [[User:TZrng8|TZrng8]] ([[User talk:TZrng8|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/TZrng8|contribs]]) 20:07, 25 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Virtual Reality]] * [[User:Nooshas|Nooshas]] ([[User talk:Nooshas|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Nooshas|contribs]]) 04:57, 28 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Eduardo Saverin]] * [[User:Rjoyner1|Rjoyner1]] ([[User talk:Rjoyner1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Rjoyner1|contribs]]) 19:26, 1 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Higher Learning Podacast]] * [[User:Yaboiversity|Yaboiversity]] ([[User talk:Yaboiversity|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yaboiversity|contribs]]) 19:36, 1 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Ceramic 3D Printers]] * [[User:Ayeitsemmie|Ayeitsemmie]] ([[User talk:Ayeitsemmie|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ayeitsemmie|contribs]]) 20:35, 1 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Technology Used In “Rick and Morty”]] * [[User:Navveerbhangal|Navveerbhangal]] ([[User talk:Navveerbhangal|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Navveerbhangal|contribs]]) 19:56, 1 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Lex Fridman]] * [[User:Mayapose|Mayapose]] ([[User talk:Mayapose|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mayapose|contribs]]) 00:23, 2 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Hedy Lamarr]] * [[User:Ohlonestudengo12|Ohlonestudengo12]] ([[User talk:Ohlonestudengo12|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ohlonestudengo12|contribs]]) 00:23, 2 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Apple AirTag]] * [[User:Aayyaz|Aayyaz]] ([[User talk:Aayyaz|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Aayyaz|contribs]]) 20:08, 3 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Speech Recognition]] * [[User:Brana1|Brana1]] ([[User talk:Brana1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Brana1|contribs]]) 06:56, 9 March 2022 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Sony Playstation]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2021 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 22:37, 21 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Five Nights at Freddy's]] * [[User:Zkeeler1|Zkeeler1]] ([[User talk:Zkeeler1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Zkeeler1|contribs]]) 01:28, 22 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/The process of Encryption]] * [[User:Ronit Dhir|Ronit Dhir]] ([[User talk:Ronit Dhir|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ronit Dhir|contribs]]) 07:15, 14 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Shantanu Narayen]] * [[User:Joachanz|Joachanz]] ([[User talk:Joachanz|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Joachanz|contribs]]) 20:32, 28 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Riot Games Gender Discrimination Controversy]] * [[User:SauerPatch|SauerPatch]] ([[User talk:SauerPatch|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SauerPatch|contribs]]) 20:35, 28 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Bitcoin]] * [[User:Vy Trieu|Vy Trieu]] ([[User talk:Vy Trieu|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vy Trieu|contribs]]) 20:47, 28 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Virtual Influencer]] * [[User:GEEGOLLYY|GEEGOLLYY]] ([[User talk:GEEGOLLYY|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/GEEGOLLYY|contribs]]) 21:01, 28 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Valorant]] * [[User:Cheesze|Cheesze]] ([[User talk:Cheesze|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Cheesze|contribs]]) 21:10, 28 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Squid Game S1E6: Gganbu]] * [[User:PcPeou1|PcPeou1]] ([[User talk:PcPeou1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/PcPeou1|contribs]]) 21:19, 28 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Ace Combat 7: Skies Unknown]] * [[User:Ralph Lagmay|Ralph Lagmay]] ([[User talk:Ralph Lagmay|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ralph Lagmay|contribs]]) 19:24, 3 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Beeple]] * [[User:Nicole Wood|Nicole Wood]] ([[User talk:Nicole Wood|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Nicole Wood]]) 23:29, 5 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Sam Does Arts]] * [[User:Choopa land|Choopa land]] ([[User talk:Choopa land|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Choopa land|contribs]]) 21:31, 7 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Sudha Murty]] * [[User:Alex Walsh|Alex Walsh]] ([[User talk:Alex Walsh|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Alex Walsh|contribs]]) 07:35, 9 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Twitch Hate Raids]] * [[User:Just TMar|Just TMar]] ([[User talk:Just TMar|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Just TMar|contribs]]) 01:54, 11 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Doxing]] * [[User:Ghiyasat|Ghiyasat]] ([[User talk:Ghiyasat|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ghiyasat|contribs]]) 17:28, 11 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Polygraph]] * [[User:Snuckles49|Snuckles49]] ([[User talk:Snuckles49|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Snuckles49|contribs]]) 00:43, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/BattlEye Anti-Cheat]] * [[User:Nino02|Nino02]] ([[User talk:Nino02|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Nino02|contribs]]) (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Video Streaming Services]] * [[User:Ishadamle|Ishadamle]] ([[User talk:Ishadamle|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ishadamle|contribs]]) 16:56, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Aistė Stancikaitė]] * [[User:Zainab Attarwala|Zainab Attarwala]] ([[User talk:Zainab Attarwala|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Zainab Attarwala|contribs]]) 22:37, 21 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Tokyo Medical University for Rejected Woman]] * [[User:Yusef510|Yusef510]] ([[User talk:Yusef510|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yusef510|contribs]]) 21:26, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Women In Esports]] * [[User:SLBriscoe|SLBriscoe]] ([[User talk:SLBriscoe|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SLBriscoe|contribs]]) 21:36, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Dark Souls III]] * [[User:Phonemyat238|Phonemyat238]] ([[User talk:Phonemyat238|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Phonemyat238|contribs]]) 23:47, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Dota 2 Esport]] * [[User:JBauer4|JBauer4]] ([[User talk:JBauer4|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/JBauer4|contribs]]) 23:57, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/New World (game)]] * [[User:Rburnham1740|Rburnham1740]] ([[User talk:Rburnham1740|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Rburnham1740|contribs]]) 23:57, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Call Of Duty: Warzone]] * [[User:HellaCinema|HellaCinema]] ([[User talk:HellaCinema|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/HellaCinema|contribs]]) 06:39, 13 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/New Age Cinema - Film Cinematography]] * [[User:Tiwarisushant|Tiwarisushant]] ([[User talk:Tiwarisushant|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Tiwarisushant|contribs]]) 23:58, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/CGI - Uses and Importance]] * [[User:JoseNavarro15|JoseNavarro15]] ([[User talk:JoseNavarro15|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/JoseNavarro15|contribs]]) 05:26, 18 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Space X]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2020 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Daniyal.ak27|Daniyal.ak27]] ([[User talk:Daniyal.ak27|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Daniyal.ak27|contribs]]) 21:42, 15 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Neuralink/]] * [[User:Alisonmp|Alisonmp]] ([[User talk:Alisonmp|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Alisonmp|contribs]]) 21:41, 15 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Video Streaming Services/]] * [[Special:Contributions/2601:641:400:4F00:39DF:F97A:724A:496D|2601:641:400:4F00:39DF:F97A:724A:496D]] ([[User talk:2601:641:400:4F00:39DF:F97A:724A:496D|discuss]]) 21:40, 15 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Metroidvania/]] * [[User:Bandz21811|Bandz21811]] ([[User talk:Bandz21811|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Bandz21811|contribs]]) 03:26, 14 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Zoom Video Communications/]] * [[User:Nidhisgupta|Nidhisgupta]] ([[User talk:Nidhisgupta|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Nidhisgupta|contribs]]) 23:21, 11 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Cyber Crimes/]] * [[User:Melissalop551|Melissalop551]] ([[User talk:Melissalop551|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Melissalop551|contribs]]) 23:40, 9 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Iphone X (Face ID)/]] * [[User:Navink100|Navink100]] ([[User talk:Navink100|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Navink100|contribs]]) 20:03, 8 October 2020 (UTC) [[/The Evolution of Digital Scouting in the NBA/]] * [[User:Rthawani2|Rthawani2]] ([[User talk:Rthawani2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Rthawani2|contribs]]) 22:35, 6 October 2020 (UTC) [[/LD, 2D, SD, 3D, HD, 4D, 4K, 8K/]] * [[User:Bandz21811|Bandz21811]] ([[User talk:Bandz21811|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Bandz21811|contribs]]) 21:13, 6 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Tesla Inc./]] * [[User:MalakaiCaro|MalakaiCaro]] ([[User talk:MalakaiCaro|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MalakaiCaro|contribs]]) 21:03, 6 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Apple CarPlay/]] * [[User:Jb000ts|Jb000ts]] ([[User talk:Jb000ts|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jb000ts|contribs]]) 20:46, 6 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Porsche Taycan/]] * [[User:Simplyktp|Simplyktp]] ([[User talk:Simplyktp|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Simplyktp|contribs]]) 00:54, 6 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Animal Crossing: New Horizons/]] * [[User:Ankith Reddy Alwa|Ankith Reddy Alwa]] ([[User talk:Ankith Reddy Alwa|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ankith Reddy Alwa|contribs]]) 20:14, 1 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Narayana Murthy/]] * [[User:MoisesMorales04|MoisesMorales04]] ([[User talk:MoisesMorales04|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MoisesMorales04|contribs]]) 23:23, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Adaptive Cruise Control/]] * [[User:Rhummdan|Rhummdan]] ([[User talk:Rhummdan|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Rhummdan|contribs]]) 21:45, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/NBA 2K/]] * [[User:Yiyi799|Yiyi799]] ([[User talk:Yiyi799|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yiyi799|contribs]]) 20:36, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Snapchat Lenses/]] * [[User:Oaramirez780|Oaramirez780]] ([[User talk:Oaramirez780|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Oaramirez780|contribs]]) 20:17, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Image Comics/]] * [[User:Coleslamfreckle|Coleslamfreckle]] ([[User talk:Coleslamfreckle|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Coleslamfreckle|contribs]]) 19:36, 23 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Linux Beta/]] * [[User:Shaikhhiba|Shaikhhiba]] ([[User talk:Shaikhhiba|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Shaikhhiba|contribs]]) 02:01, 24 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Cancel Culture/]] * [[User:444juptr|444juptr]] ([[User talk:444juptr|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/444juptr|contribs]]) 20:33, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Otaku Life/]] *[[User:Shruthi2001|Shruthi2001]] ([[User talk:Shruthi2001|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Shruthi2001|contribs]]) 20:40, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Social Media Effect on Diet/]] * [[User:Vtran50|Vtran50]] ([[User talk:Vtran50|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vtran50|contribs]]) 20:51, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Slander/]] * [[User:JayceeLorenzo|JayceeLorenzo]] ([[User talk:JayceeLorenzo|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/JayceeLorenzo|contribs]]) 21:24, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Continuous Variable Transmission (CVT)/]] * [[User:IowaneNoka|IowaneNoka]] ([[User talk:IowaneNoka|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/IowaneNoka|contribs]]) 03:12, 10 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Call Of Duty:Modern Warfare (2019)/]] * [[User:Kban2001|Kban2001]] ([[User talk:Kban2001|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Kban2001|contribs]]) 16:11, 12 October 2020 (UTC) [[/ARK: Survival Evolved/]] * [[User:Christiand28|Christiand28]] ([[User talk:Christiand28|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Christiand28|contribs]]) 02:21, 13 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Call of Duty:Black Ops 2/]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2020 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Deuteryium|Deuteryium]] ([[User talk:Deuteryium|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Deuteryium|contribs]]) 22:28, 5 March 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Postmodern Jukebox]] * [[User:Deuteryium|Deuteryium]] ([[User talk:Deuteryium|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Deuteryium|contribs]]) 23:16, 27 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Breaking the Fourth Wall]] * [[User:PlasticOrPapper|PlasticOrPapper]] ([[User talk:PlasticOrPapper|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/PlasticOrPapper|contribs]]) 23:14, 27 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Tom Clancy's Rainbow Six Siege]] * [[User:Miranda Tapioca|Miranda Tapioca]] ([[User talk:Miranda Tapioca|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Miranda Tapioca|contribs]]) 23:04, 25 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Blizzard Entertaiment]] * [[User:Christinuh|Christinuh]] ([[User talk:Christinuh|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Christinuh|contribs]]) 23:07, 25 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Breaking News on Twitter]] * [[User:Emartinez40|Emartinez40]] ([[User talk:Emartinez40|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Emartinez40|contribs]]) 23:09, 25 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/The Witcher (Game Series)]] * [[User:MarkxG|MarkxG]] ([[User talk:MarkxG|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MarkxG|contribs]]) 23:26, 25 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Reddit]] * [[User:Dmusselwhite1|Dmusselwhite1]] ([[User talk:Dmusselwhite1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dmusselwhite1|contribs]]) 23:15, 25 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/CGI]] * [[User:Ericahy|Ericahy]] ([[User talk:Ericahy|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ericahy|contribs]]) 23:17, 25 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Siri]] * [[User:Aphon17|Aphon17]] ([[User talk:Aphon17|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Aphon17|contribs]]) 23:23, 25 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Inside (video game)]] * [[User:Mpaing2|Mpaing2]] ([[User talk:Mpaing2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mpaing2|contribs]]) 22:15, 27 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Apple Pencil]] * [[User:TakeCare2021|TakeCare2021]] ([[User talk:TakeCare2021|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/TakeCare2021|contribs]]) 22:52, 27 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Take Care (Album)]] * [[User:DixonCider1331|DixonCider1331]] ([[User talk:DixonCider1331|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/DixonCider1331|contribs]]) 22:55, 27 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Riot Games]] * [[User:John.rod22|John.rod22]] ([[User talk:John.rod22|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/John.rod22|contribs]]) 23:01, 27 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Grand Theft Auto V]] * [[User:Ankits2001|Ankits2001]] ([[User talk:Ankits2001|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ankits2001|contribs]]) 23:06, 27 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/iPhone 4s (Siri)]] * [[User:MichaelP75075|MichaelP75075]] ([[User talk:MichaelP75075|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MichaelP75075|contribs]]) 22:10, 5 March 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Black Mesa]] * [[User:Kfernes1|Kfernes1]] ([[User talk:Kfernes1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Kfernes1|contribs]]) 22:38, 5 March 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Joe Rogan Experience]] * [[Special:Contributions/207.62.190.33|207.62.190.33]] ([[User talk:207.62.190.33|discuss]]) 23:42, 5 March 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Tinder]] * [[User:Atul.mav|Atul.mav]] ([[User talk:Atul.mav|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Atul.mav|contribs]]) 17:48, 7 March 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Ralph Lauren]] * [[User:Namesshaikh|Namesshaikh]] ([[User talk:Namesshaikh|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Namesshaikh|contribs]]) 22:19, 9 March 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/CD Projekt Red]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2019 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:HPatel40|HPatel40]] ([[User talk:HPatel40|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/HPatel40|contribs]]) 19:23, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/5G Technologies]] * [[User:Hpatel42|Hpatel42]] ([[User talk:Hpatel42|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Hpatel42|contribs]]) 19:01, 26 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Larry Page]] * [[User:CRichards17|CRichards17]] ([[User talk:CRichards17|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/CRichards17|contribs]]) 19:38, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/White Supremacy on the Internet]] * [[User:Waterbottle50|Waterbottle50]] ([[User talk:Waterbottle50|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Waterbottle50|contribs]]) 19:55, 26 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Color-blind lens/EnChroma]] * [[User:Mcaya00|Mcaya00]] ([[User talk:Mcaya00|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mcaya00|contribs]]) 19:49, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Markus Perrson]] * [[User:Qinyu Chen|Qinyu Chen]] ([[User talk:Qinyu Chen|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Qinyu Chen|contribs]]) 19:36, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/teamLab]] * [[User:Soyoboy.exe|Soyboy.exe]] ([[User talk:Soyboy.exe|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Soyboy.exe|contribs]]) 20:04, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Nintendo Switch]] * [[User:Yjiang26|Yjiang26]] ([[User talk:Yjiang26|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yjiang26|contribs]]) 19:38, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Alipay]] * [[User:Lmurffrenninger1|Lmurffrenninger1]] ([[User talk:Lmurffrenninger1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Lmurffrenninger1|contribs]]) 19:39, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/MagicBands at Disneyland]] * [[User:Jalvarellos1|Jalvarellos1]] ([[User talk:Jalvarellos1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jalvarellos1|contribs]]) 19:41, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Rocket League]] * [[Adam3318|Adam3318]] ([[User talk:Adam3318|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Adam3318|contribs]]) 19:46, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/3D scanning with drones]] * [[User:SanIam|SanIam]] ([[User talk:SanIam|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SanIam|contribs]]) 19:57, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/The Legend Of Zelda: Breath of the Wild]] * [[User:Nphan16|Nphan16]] ([[User talk:Nphan16|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Nphan16|contribs]]) 20:02, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Hannah Alexander]] * [[User:Vluong6|Vluong6]] ([[User talk:Vluong6|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vluong6|contribs]]) 20:24, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Cyberware]] * [[User:Philventi|Philventi]] ([[User talk:Philventi|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Philventi|contribs]]) 22:33, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/iPadOS]] * [[User:Jwendland1|Jwendland1]] ([[User talk:Jwendland1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jwendland1|contribs]]) 19:05, 19 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Infinadeck Omnidirectional Treadmill]] * [[User:Ranle7|Ranle7]] ([[User talk:Ranle7|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ranle7|contribs]]) 19:06, 26 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/osu!]] * [[User:Andrewyamasaki|Andrewyamasaki]] ([[User talk:Andrewyamasaki|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Andrewyamasaki|contribs]]) 19:48, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Competitive Super Smash Bros Ultimate]] * [[User:Samuel3571|Samuel3571]] ([[User talk:Samuel3571|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Samuel3571|contribs]]) 20:35, 19 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Forensic Technology]] * [[User:Lmedina19|Lmedina19]] ([[User talk:Lmedina19|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Lmedina19|contribs]]) 20:00, 26 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Hayley Kiyoko]] * [[User:Djh42|Djh42]] ([[User talk:Djh42|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Djh42|contribs]]) 20:25, 26 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Nintendo Switch Controller]] * [[User:CharlieDub|CharlieDub]] ([[User talk:CharlieDub|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/CharlieDub|contribs]]) 19:42, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Porsche Ignition]] * [[User:Erick.Flore|Erick.Flore]] ([[User talk:Erick.Flore|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Erick.Flore|contribs]]) 20:40, 26 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The video hosting site BitChute]] * [[User:Dbarquin1|Dbarquin1]] ([[User talk:Dbarquin1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dbarquin1|contribs]]) 17:28, 27 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Custom Built Computer]] * [[User:Spcharc|Spcharc]] ([[User talk:Spcharc|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Spcharc|contribs]]) 18:07, 29 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/RSA (cryptosystem)]] * [[User:Krishnan1000|Krishnan1000]] ([[User talk:Krishnan1000|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Krishnan1000|contribs]]) 18:36, 29 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Competitive Pokemon Battling]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2019 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Mknight77|Mknight77]] ([[User talk:Mknight77|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mknight77|contribs]]) 22:52, 26 February 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Mayhem fest]] * [[User:Samirjan0420|Samirjan0420]] ([[User talk:Samirjan0420|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Samirjan0420|contribs]]) 22:05, 21 February 2019 (UTC) [[/The most hated car/]] * [[User:Tobilansangan|Tobilansangan]] ([[User talk:Tobilansangan|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Tobilansangan|contribs]]) 23:39, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/My Beautiful Dark Twisted Fantasy/]] * [[User:alyssamunoz|alyssamunoz]] ([[User talk: alyssamunoz|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/alyssamunoz|contribs]]) 14:57, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Dr.Pepper/]] * [[User:omergreengiant|omergreengiant]] ([[User talk:omergreengiant|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/omergreengiant|contribs]]) 14:57, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Kabul, Afghanistan/]] * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 22:14, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Wafaa Bilal/]] * [[User:Gum-POP|Gum-POP]] ([[User talk:Gum-POP|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Gum-POP|contribs]]) 22:37, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Gaming Desktop VS Gaming Laptop/]] * [[User:Magtotodile|Magtotodile]] ([[User talk:Magtotodile|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Magtotodile|contribs]]) 22:42, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Virtual Self/]] * [[User:Tvo36|Tvo36]] ([[User talk:Tvo36|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Tvo36|contribs]]) 23:13, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Markelle Fultz/]] * [[User:iluca|iluca]] ([[User talk:iluca|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/iluca|contribs]]) 23:14, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Nagishiro Mito/]] * [[User:Justinchau|Justinchau]] ([[User talk:Justinchau|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Justinchau|contribs]]) 23:16, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Best Pizza/]] * [[User:Ashwinjambu15|Ashwinjambu15]] ([[User talk:Ashwinjambu15|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ashwinjambu15|contribs]]) 23:19, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Mos Def & Talib Kweli Are Black Star/]] * [[User:Ationgson|Ationgson]] ([[User talk:Ationgson|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ationgson|contribs]]) 23:24, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/2JZ Engine/]] * [[User:Ddimitrov1|Ddimitrov1]] ([[User talk:Ddimitrov1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ddimitrov1|contribs]]) 23:29, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Theatre Of Blood/]] * [[User:Gli15|Gli15]] ([[User talk:Gli15|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Gli15|contribs]]) 22:12, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Matcha/]] * [[User:Akanijade|Akanijade]] ([[User talk:Akanijade|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Akanijade|contribs]]) 22:39, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Batik/]] * [[User:BrokenConsole|BrokenConsole]] ([[User talk:BrokenConsole|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/BrokenConsole|contribs]]) 22:46, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Custom Built Gaming Computers/]] * [[User:Lord Arugula|Lord Arugula]] ([[User talk:Lord Arugula|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Lord Arugula|contribs]]) 22:47, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Aurelio Voltaire/]] * [[User:Danialmirza99|Danialmirza99]] ([[User talk:Danialmirza99|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Danialmirza99|contribs]]) 22:50, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Spelling Bee (1938)/]] * [[User:Janine8100|Janine8100]] ([[User talk:Janine8100|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Janine8100|contribs]]) 22:52, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Brunei Rainforests/]] * [[User:D_Sh1nra|D_Sh1nra]] ([[User talk:D_Sh1nra|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/D_Sh1nra|contribs]]) 15:07, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Phosphenes/]] * [[User:Jameslacdao|Jameslacdao]] ([[User talk:Jameslacdao|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jameslacdao|contribs]]) 23:34, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Love of my Life (Queen song)/]] * [[User:Janinaengo|Janinaengo]] ([[User talk:Janinaengo|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Janinaengo|contribs]]) 06:04, 20 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Influence of 90s sitcom Friends/]] * [[User:Mdapostol|Mdapostol]] ([[User talk:Mdapostol|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mdapostol|contribs]]) 01:32, 26 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Regions of San Jose, California/]] * [[User:HellBlossoms|HellBlossoms]] ([[User talk:HellBlossoms|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/HellBlossoms|contribs]]) 14:13, 26 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Bill Kaulitz/]] * [[User:Nintenchris5963|Nintenchris5963]] ([[User talk:Nintenchris5963|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Nintenchris5963|contribs]]) 22:28, 28 February 2019 (UTC) [[/CrossCode/]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2018 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:J3tR0cK3t|J3tR0cK3t]] ([[User talk:J3tR0cK3t|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/J3tR0cK3t|contribs]]) 19:55, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Streets of Rage (Axel Stone)/]] * [[User:William Leber|William Leber]] ([[User talk:William Leber|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/William Leber|contribs]]) 19:56, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Ethoslab/]] * [[User:Vicpimentel99|Vicpimentel99]] ([[User talk:Vicpimentel99|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vicpimentel99|contribs]]) 20:19, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Micah Mahinay/]] * [[User:Magtotodile|Magtotodile]] ([[User talk:Magtotodile|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Magtotodile|contribs]]) 20:21, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Shelter (Song by Porter Robinson & Madeon)/]] * [[User:Ahuq2|Ahuq2]] ([[User talk:Ahuq2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ahuq2|contribs]]) 20:25, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Yakuza (video game series)/]] * [[User:Plam153|Plam153]] ([[User talk:Plam153|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Plam153|contribs]]) 20:22, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Trinh Cong Son (Vietnamese songwriter)/]] * [[User:DoomFry68|DoomFry68]] ([[User talk:DoomFry68|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/DoomFry68|contribs]]) 20:23, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Yakuza: Goro Majima/]] * [[User:FizzahKafil|FizzahKafil]] ([[User talk:FizzahKafil|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/FizzahKafil|contribs]]) 20:24, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Little Big Planet/]] * [[User:Dursa1|Dursa S]] ([[User talk:Dursa1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dursa1|contribs]]) 20:24, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/r.h. Sin/]] * [[User:ZaroonIqbal|ZaroonIqbal]] ([[User talk:ZaroonIqbal|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/ZaroonIqbal|contribs]]) 20:25, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Fortnite/]] * [[User:Lmascardo1|Lmascardo1]] ([[User talk:Lmascardo1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Lmascardo1|contribs]]) 20:31, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Stardew Valley/]] * [[User:Aungthuhtet245|Aungthuhtet245]] ([[User talk:Aungthuhtet245|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Aungthuhtet245|contribs]]) 20:32, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Science Behind Pixar/]] * [[User:Whill4|Whill4]] ([[User talk:Whill4|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Whill4|contribs]]) 15:06, 17 September 2018 (UTC) [[ /Mariner's Apartment Complex (Lana Del Rey song)/]] * [[User:WontonsofDMG|WontonsofDMG]] ([[User talk:WontonsofDMG|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/WontonsofDMG|contribs]]) 19:03, 18 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Heroes of the Storm/]] * [[User:PATISBACK9|PATISBACK9]] ([[User talk:PATISBACK9|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/PATISBACK9|contribs]]) 19:19, 18 September 2018 (UTC) [[/DJ screw/]] * [[User:EnderClevToby|EnderClevToby]] ([[User talk:EnderClevToby|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/EnderClevToby|contribs]]) 12:15, 18 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Matthew Fredrick/]] * [[User:Danny M487|Danny M487]] ([[User talk:Danny M487|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Danny M487|contribs]]) 19:30, 18 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Casey Neistat/]] * [[User:Itsjustkulsoom|Itsjustkulsoom]] ([[User talk:Itsjustkulsoom|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Itsjustkulsoom|contribs]]) 19:31, 18 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Zedd/]] * [[User:Josemazon123|Josemazon123]] ([[User talk:Josemazon123|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Josemazon123|contribs]]) 20:06, 18 September 2018 (UTC) [[/BROCKHAMPTON/]] * [[User:Ahernandez85|Ahernandez85]] ([[User talk:Ahernandez85|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ahernandez85|contribs]]) 19:17, 20 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Legend Of Zelda: Ocarina of Time/]] * [[User:JackyLu01|JackyLu01]] ([[User talk:JackyLu01|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/JackyLu01|contribs]]) 12:30, 20 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Smartisan/]] * [[User:Manohar singh 32|Manohar singh 32]] ([[User talk:Manohar singh 32|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Manohar singh 32|contribs]]) 19:51, 20 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Motion Capture/]] * [[User:Zwo1|Zwo1]] ([[User talk:Zwo1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Zwo1|contribs]]) 23:57, 23 September 2018 (UTC) [[/DJI Mavic 2 Pro/]] * [[User:Hartveit|Hartveit]] ([[User talk:Hartveit|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Hartveit|contribs]]) 01:49, 25 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Hurdal Verk Folk High School/]] * [[User:p_ng_r|p_ng_r]] ([[User talk:p_ng_r|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/p_ng_r|contribs]]) 12:41 25 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Wenqing Yan/]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2018 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] 01:01, 15 August 2016 (UTC) [[/Wafaa Bilal/]] * [[User:Wompaku|Wompaku]] ([[User talk:Wompaku|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Wompaku|contribs]]) 22:21, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Life is Strange/]] * [[User:Hamitaro|Hamitaro]] ([[User talk:Hamitaro|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Hamitaro|contribs]]) 22:22, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Persona 5/]] * [[User:Shayan223|Sean223]] ([[User talk:Shayan223|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Shayan223|contribs]]) 22:33, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/David Patrick Crane/]] * [[User:Touch92|Touch92]] ([[User talk:Touch92|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Touch92|contribs]]) 22:29, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/3D Printing/]] * [[User:Peg123|Peg123]] ([[User talk:Peg123|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Peg123|contribs]]) 22:32, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Dota 2/]] * [[User:Shadow1942oohwa|Shadow1942oohwa]] ([[User talk:Shadow1942oohwa|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Shadow1942oohwa|contribs]]) 22:34, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Dodge Charger Daytona/]] * [[User:Skullallen|Skullallen]] ([[User talk:Skullallen|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Skullallen|contribs]]) 22:38, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/DJI/]] * [[User:Johnbcuong|Johnbcuong]] ([[User talk:Johnbcuong|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Johnbcuong|contribs]]) 22:39, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Nguyen Tu Quang/]] * [[User:W popal1|W popal1]] ([[User talk:W popal1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/W popal1|contribs]]) 22:36, 15 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Lilly Singh/]] * [[User:Sankeerth1017|Sankeerth1017]] ([[User talk:Sankeerth1017|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Sankeerth1017|contribs]]) 22:41, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Pewdiepie/]] * [[User:Jpierceall1|Jpierceall1]] ([[User talk:Jpierceall1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jpierceall1|contribs]]) 22:49, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/The World of FPS/]] *[[User:ShardolBGupta|ShardolBGupta]] ([[User talk:ShardolBGupta|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/ShardolBGupta|contribs]]) 22:42, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Chevrolet Volt/]] * [[User:JoshM75401|JoshM75401]] ([[User talk:JoshM75401|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/JoshM75401|contribs]]) 22:49, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Jack Thompson/]] * [[User:Thaliatorres|Thaliatorres]] ([[User talk:Thaliatorres|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Thaliatorres|contribs]]) 23:04, 15 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Laserphaco Probe/]] * [[User:YuuchyHongroy|YuuchyHongroy]] ([[User talk:YuuchyHongroy|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/YuuchyHongroy|contribs]]) 23:23, 15 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Photoshop/]] * [[User:stzyjpg|stzyjpg]] ([[User talk:stzyjpg|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/stzyjpg|contribs]]) 23:23, 18 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Jeff Bezos/]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2017 === {{collapse top|Project List}} *[[User:Kbearrr|Kbearrr]] ([[User talk:Kbearrr|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Kbearrr|contribs]]) 19:20, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Detriments of the Internet/]] *[[User:Ratalouie|Ratalouie]] ([[User talk:Ratalouie|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ratalouie|contribs]]) 19:45, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Overwatch/]] *[[User:Inadversity574|Inadversity574]] ([[User talk:Inadversity574|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Inadversity574|contribs]]) 19:44, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Fire Emblem/]] *[[User:Dwingdwang|Dwingdwang]] ([[User talk:Dwingdwang|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dwingdwang|contribs]]) 20:02, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Fixed Gear Bikes/]] * [[User:Isaacpacheco12|Isaacpacheco12]] ([[User talk:Isaacpacheco12|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Isaacpacheco12|contribs]]) 20:12, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Amazon Echo/]] * [[User:Gdonpadlan|Gdonpadlan]] ([[User talk:Gdonpadlan|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Gdonpadlan|contribs]]) 20:21, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Nikon D850/]] *[[User:Cdb1015|Cdb1015]] ([[User talk:Cdb1015|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Cdb1015|contribs]]) 21:59, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Visual Effects in Television and Movies/]] * [[User:Sjsanchez|Sjsanchez]] ([[User talk:Sjsanchez|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Sjsanchez|contribs]]) 01:11, 20 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Ryan Higa/]] * [[User:Aevans28|Aevans28]] ([[User talk:Aevans28|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Aevans28|contribs]]) 03:56, 20 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Patty Jenkins/]] * [[User:Johnlee1234594|Johnlee1234594]] ([[User talk:Johnlee1234594|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Johnlee1234594|contribs]]) 11:17, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Tom Hanks/]] * [[User:Michaelellasos|Michaelellasos]] ([[User talk:Michaelellasos|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Michaelellasos|contribs]]) 21:36, 20 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Counter Strike: Global Offensive/]] * [[bilal621]] ([[User talk:bilal621|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/bilal621|contribs]]) 22:03, 20 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Call of Duty: Modern Warfare 2/]] * [[User:Alscylla|Alscylla]] ([[User talk:Alscylla|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Alscylla|contribs]]) 13:11, 21 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Final Fantasy Record Keeper/]] * [[User:Kshadd15|Kshadd15]] ([[User talk:Kshadd15|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Kshadd15|contribs]]) 10:59, 21 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Artificial Intelligence/]] * [[User:Greentea456|Greentea456]] ([[User talk:Greentea456|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Greentea456|contribs]]) 18:29, 21 September 2017 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Team Fortress 2|Team Fortress 2]] * [[User:Mehraan01|Mehraan01]] ([[User talk:Mehraan01|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mehraan01|contribs]]) 19:43, 21 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Tesla, Inc./]] * [[User:Zblazin|Zblazin]] ([[User talk:Zblazin|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Zblazin|contribs]]) 20:12, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Graphics processing unit/]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2017 === {{collapse top|Project List}} *[[User:Mattvs1|Mattvs1]] ([[User talk:Mattvs1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mattvs1|contribs]]) 22:56, 7 February 2017 (UTC) [[/No Man's Sky/]] * [[User:Ebondoc98|Ebondoc98]] ([[User talk:Ebondoc98|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ebondoc98|contribs]]) 22:26, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/League of Legends/]] * [[User:Dmendoza1|Dmendoza1]] ([[User talk:Dmendoza1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dmendoza1|contribs]]) 22:44, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/The Legend Of Zelda/]] * [[User:Mmmarrufo|Mmmarrufo]] ([[User talk:Mmmarrufo|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mmmarrufo|contribs]]) 22:58, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Gabe Newell/]] * [[User:Jfriedenberg|Jfriedenberg]] ([[User talk:Jfriedenberg|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jfriedenberg|contribs]]) 23:19, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Shinji Mikami/]] * [[User:AKW2017|AKW2017]] ([[User talk:AKW2017|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/AKW2017|contribs]]) 23:32, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Wii U/]] * [[User:Wramos1|Wramos1]] ([[User talk:Wramos1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Wramos1|contribs]]) 23:46, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/John Lasseter/]] * [[User:Yjohar1|Yjohar1]] ([[User talk:Yjohar1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yjohar1|contribs]]) 23:48, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Video Game Aggression/]] * [[User:Dzhang17|Dzhang17]] ([[User talk:Dzhang17|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dzhang17|contribs]]) 23:51, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Fan Bingbing/]] * [[User:Dougalhathaway|Dougalhathaway]] ([[User talk:Dougalhathaway|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dougalhathaway|contribs]]) 00:04, 10 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Rayman/]] * [[User:Mochill|Mochill]] ([[User talk:Mochill|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mochill|contribs]]) 04:05, 10 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Commercial Head-up displays/]] *[[User:Hdo18|Hdo18]] ([[User talk:Hdo18|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Hdo18|contribs]]) 18:38, 13 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Cory Arcangel/]] * [[User:GnaF69|GnaF69]] ([[User talk:GnaF69|discuss)]] • [[Special:Contributions/GnaF69|contribs]]) 20:22, 13 February 2017 (UTC) [[/John Romero/]] * [[User:Blizz23|Blizz23]] ([[User talk:Blizz23|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Blizz23|contribs]]) 23:45, 14 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Archaeology Robots/]] * [[User:Bchu55|Bchu55]] ([[User talk:Bchu55|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Bchu55|contribs]]) 23:50, 14 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Mark Zuckerberg/]] {{collapse bottom}} '''4. Research your topic'''<br> Look for at least three kinds of sources: # Articles, any published material, interviews, videos and information you can use for your own contributions to the site # Internet sources that can be linked to your page including multimedia content (please make sure that images and other visual materials not restricted by copyright)<br><br> '''5. Add or edit headings such as:''' * Early Life and Education or Biography * Career * Legacy * Personal Life * Exhibitions * Awards and Nominations (if relevant) * Bibliography or Further Reading * History * Software or Hardware * References * External Links For a detailed editing reference, go to: [[Wikiversity:FAQ/Editing|Wikiversity Editing Reference]] <br><br> '''6. Need Images?''' You can find images that are licensed under the Creative Comments license here [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Main_Page/ Wikimedia Commons]<br><br> Include <nowiki>[[Category:Digital Media Concepts]]</nowiki> at the bottom of the page to move the page into the assignment category. == Citations == APA style <ref>"Name of Article," accessed March 11, 2015, http://www.someURL.com.</ref> Chicago Style: <ref>Name of Article (for a source that does not list a copyright date, you use (n.d.) ). Retrieved October 15, 2015, from  http://www.someURL.com</ref> == Example of an annotated image == [[File:Great Wall of China in 2014.jpg|thumb|Great Wall of China in 2014]] <br style="clear: both;"> == Example of an [[Template:Infobox|infobox]] == {{Infobox |name = Wafaa Bilal |image = [[File:Wafaa-bilal2.JPG|thumb]] |title = Artist Wafaa Bilal |headerstyle = background:#ccf; |labelstyle = background:#ddf; |label1 = |data1 = Wafaa Bilal reading at Lannan Center for Poetics and Social Practice, Georgetown University |label2 = Nationality |data2 = {{{item_one| Iraqi American}}} |label3 = Born |data3 = {{{item_two|June 10, 1966}}} |label4 = Field of Research |data4 = {{{item_three|[[Video]], [[Electronic Arts]], [[New Media]]}}} |label5 = Birth Place |data5 = {{{item_Four|Najaf, Iraq}}} |label6 = Autor |data6 = {{{item_Five|Slowking4}}} }} <div style="clear:both;"></div> {{Infobox | name = Digital Media Concepts | bodystyle = | titlestyle = | abovestyle = background:#cfc; | subheaderstyle = | title = Test Infobox | above = Above text | subheader = Subheader above image | subheader2 = Second subheader | imagestyle = | captionstyle = | image = [[File:Example-serious.jpg|200px|alt=Example alt text]] | caption = Caption displayed below Example-serious.jpg | headerstyle = background:#ccf; | labelstyle = background:#ddf; | datastyle = | header1 = Header defined alone | label1 = | data1 = | header2 = | label2 = Label defined alone does not display (needs data, or is suppressed) | data2 = | header3 = | label3 = | data3 = Data defined alone | header4 = All three defined (header, label, data, all with same number) | label4 = does not display (same number as a header) | data4 = does not display (same number as a header) | header5 = | label5 = Label and data defined (label) | data5 = Label and data defined (data) | belowstyle = background:#ddf; | below = Below text }} <div style="clear:both;"></div> ==Navigational Templates== [[:w:Wikipedia:Navigation template|Navigation Template on Wikipedia]] == Media Templates == {{Listen | filename = Lion raring-sound1TamilNadu178.ogg | title = Lion roaring | plain = yes | style = float:left }} <div style="clear:both;"></div> == Useful links == * [[Help:Wikitext quick reference|Quick Reference]] * [[:w:Wikipedia:Tutorial/Wikipedia_links|Wikipedia Tutorial]] * [http://www.wikihow.com/Cite How to cite on Wikipedia] * [[:w:Help:Link|Using external links]] == Completed Assignments == {{Subpages/List}} ==References== {{reflist}} [[Category:Art]] [[Category:Culture]] [[Category:Human]] [[Category:Assignments]] [[Category:Digital art]] [[Category:Courses]] [[Category:Education]] asgd0nl2s4r43utqeb7094tm0mih66b 2840377 2840374 2026-10-15T04:59:20Z Hadfaiez 3112632 /* Fall 2026 */ Added my project link 2840377 wikitext text/x-wiki == '''Digital Artists Wiki Project''' Assignment == === Assignment Description === For this assignment, you will write and publish a wiki-style article about a digital artist/technology of your choice on Wikiversity.<ref>https://www.techxlab.org/solutions/wikimedia-foundation-wikiversity</ref> You should begin by finding an article stub that needs to be developed or identifying a potential artist whose work is not featured currently. Remember that you are writing for the Wikiversity community and your article will be judged and graded on Wikipedia publishing standards.<ref>[[Wikipedia:Wikipedia:Policies and guidelines]]</ref> == Instructions == '''1. Create a user Profile here:'''<br> [[Special:CreateAccount]]<br> User Guidelines can be found here: [[Wikiversity:Introduction]]<br><br> '''2. Choose a Topic'''<br> You may choose any topic related to digital art and technology from any time period. Try to find a topic that's important to you and not already featured on wikipedia. In case you have difficulties finding a topic, please feel free to consult with your instructor.<br> Please note that each student must choose a unique topic. Once you have selected a digital artist, post your artist’s name along with your name under the Spring 2026 header. Please check that no one else has elected to work on the same artists. Example: <pre>* ~~~~[[Digital Media Concepts/YOUR PAGE TITLE]]</pre> for example <pre>* ~~~~[[Digital Media Concepts/Wafaa Bilal]]</pre> produces: * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] 01:01, 15 August 2016 (UTC) [[/Wafaa Bilal/]] '''3. OR Create your page using the following:''' <inputbox> type=create width=80 preload={{FULLPAGENAME}}/Template editintro= buttonlabel=Create project subpage searchbuttonlabel= break=no prefix={{FULLPAGENAME}}/ placeholder=enter title here </inputbox><br> This template can help get you started: [[Digital_Media_Concepts/Template|Template]] == Links == A wikilink (or internal link) links a page to another page within English Wikipedia. In wikitext, links are enclosed in double square brackets like this: <pre>[[abc]]</pre> is seen as [[abc]] External links use absolute URLs to link directly to any web page. External links are enclosed in single square brackets (rather than double brackets as with internal links), with the optional link text separated from the URL by a space <pre>[http://www.example.org/ link text]</pre> will be rendered as: [http://www.example.org/ link text] When no link text is specified, external links appear numbered: <pre>[http://www.example.org/some-other-page]</pre> becomes: [http://www.example.org/some-other-page] Links with no square brackets display in their entirety <pre>http://www.example.org/</pre> displays as http://www.example.org === Fall 2026 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Hadfaiez|Hadfaiez]] ([[User talk:Hadfaiez|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Hadfaiez|contribs]]) 04:59, 15 October 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Smartwatch Technology for Health Monitoring and Fitness Tracking]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2026 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Jaylor22|Jaylor22]] ([[User talk:Jaylor22|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jaylor22|contribs]]) 22:52, 7 April 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Use of CGI in Motion Picture Film How to Train Your Dragon]] * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 02:21, 4 April 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/TikTok and Its Impact on Self-Esteem]] * [[User:Ksafa1|Ksafa1]] ([[User talk:Ksafa1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ksafa1|contribs]]) 05:29, 1 April 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The Rise of Digital Music Therapy Apps and Teen Mental Health]] * [[User:Mina Safa|Mina Safa]] ([[User talk:Mina Safa|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mina Safa|contribs]]) 03:59, 1 April 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Digital Media Concepts/Algorithmic Mood Feeds]] * [[User:Aarna.Makam|Aarna.Makam]] ([[User talk:Aarna.Makam|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Aarna.Makam|contribs]]) 00:08, 31 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Virtual Concerts & Hologram-Style Live Events]] * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 18:27, 29 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/New StudyFetch]] * [[User:Vania Lat|Vania Lat]] ([[User talk:Vania Lat|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vania Lat|contribs]]) 20:33, 9 March 2026 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Technological Landscape of Esports]] * [[User:SarahLuber|SarahLuber]] ([[User talk:SarahLuber|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SarahLuber|contribs]]) 20:59, 9 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Notch's history In Games]] * [[User:5heep.doggydog|5heep.doggydog]] ([[User talk:5heep.doggydog|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/5heep.doggydog|contribs]]) 16:43, 13 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Radio Telemetry in Bear Conservation]] * [[User:Qianqian Z|Qianqian Z]] ([[User talk:Qianqian Z|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Qianqian Z|contribs]]) 05:19, 16 March 2026 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Zhang Yiming and Algorithm-Driven Content Platforms]] * [[User:EZMedina18|EZMedina18]] ([[User talk:EZMedina18|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/EZMedina18|contribs]]) 04:34, 27 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Trackman Golf Launch Monitors]] * [[User:Triajj|Trianna J.]] ([[User talk:Triajj|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Triajj|contribs]]) 23:26, 27 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Digital Marketing Strategies in K-Pop]] * [[User:Qiurick|Qiurick]] ([[User talk:Qiurick|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Qiurick|contribs]]) 20:50, 28 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Simon Collins-Laflamme]] * [[User:SwarG07|SwarG07]] ([[User talk:SwarG07|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SwarG07|contribs]]) 06:01, 30 March 2026 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Kanye West and the Living Album Concept]] * [[User:Joaquin A Quinonez|Joaquin A Quinonez]] ([[User talk:Joaquin A Quinonez|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Joaquin A Quinonez|contribs]]) 20:25, 30 March 2026 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Environmental storytelling in Xenoblade Chronicles]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2025 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Yusuf152|Yusuf152] ([[User talk:Yusuf152|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yusuf152|contribs]]) 06:42, 27 October 2025 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Social Media Technology and the Arab Spring]] * [[User:Riaz23413|Riaz23413]] ([[User talk:Riaz23413|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Riaz23413|contribs]]) 06:42, 27 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Midjourney v6]]*[[User:JSDAID|JSDAID]] ([[User talk:JSDAID|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/JSDAID|contribs]]) 04:00, 26 October 2025 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Devine Lu Linvega]] * [[User:SrushDigitalMedia|SrushDigitalMedia]] ([[User talk:SrushDigitalMedia|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SrushDigitalMedia|contribs]]) 00:23, 8 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Jessica “Sting” Peterson]] *[[User:Lsingh29|Lsingh29]] ([[User talk:Lsingh29|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Lsingh29|contribs]]) 06:47, 19 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The Cultural Impact of Pokémon on Youth]] * [[User:Fnabong|Fnabong]] ([[User talk:Fnabong|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Fnabong|contribs]]) 03:19, 24 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Online Privacy Plan]] * [[User:Sharaf Obaid|Sharaf Obaid]] ([[User talk:Sharaf Obaid|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Sharaf Obaid|contribs]]) 16:25, 25 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Impact of AI on Social Media]] * [[User:A.A2711|A.A2711]] ([[User talk:A.A2711|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/A.A2711|contribs]]) 19:15, 25 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Paul Allen's Philanthropic Practices]] * [[User:AdamFlick18|AdamFlick18]] ([[User talk:AdamFlick18|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/AdamFlick18|contribs]]) 06:19, 27 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Automated Industrial Robotics Inc. (AIR)]] * [[User:Msingh132|Msingh132]] ([[User talk:Msingh132|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Msingh132|contribs]]) 07:23, 27 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The impact of renewable energy on emerging economies]] * [[User:CleaverCat2|<bdi>CleaverCat2</bdi>]] ([[User talk:CleaverCat2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/CleaverCat2|contribs]]) 06:26, 26 October 2025 (UTC) '''[[Digital Media Concepts/Generative AI on Game Development]]''' * [[User:Wesleyphin|Wesleyphin]] ([[User talk:Wesleyphin|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Wesleyphin|contribs]]) 23:04, 26 October 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Sora 2]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2025 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Gsingh598|Gsingh598]] ([[User talk:Gsingh598|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Gsingh598|contribs]]) 18:09, 10 April 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Refik Anadol: Blending Data and Art Through Machine Learning]] * [[User:Safaiqbal11|Safaiqbal11]] ([[User talk:Safaiqbal11|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Safaiqbal11|contribs]]) 04:58, 17 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The Evolution of the iPhone and Its Cultural Impact]] * [[User:Weswu341|Weswu341]] ([[User talk:Weswu341|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Weswu341|contribs]]) 01:27, 19 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Yucef Merhi]] * [[User:Mdelacruz7|Mdelacruz7]] ([[User talk:Mdelacruz7|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mdelacruz7|contribs]]) 02:32, 25 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Technology and its Influence on Romance.]] * [[User:Amojado1|Amojado1]] ([[User talk:Amojado1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Amojado1|contribs]]) 22:09, 28 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Samir Vasavada]] * [[User:TianxinXu0201|TianxinXu0201]] ([[User talk:TianxinXu0201|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/TianxinXu0201|contribs]]) 19:15, 29 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The Role of Autopilot in Tesla's Robotaxi Plan]] * [[User:Zsadozai|Zsadozai]] ([[User talk:Zsadozai|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Zsadozai|contribs]]) 05:31, 30 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The Influence of Live Creators]] * [[User:Dija8719|Dija8719]] ([[User talk:Dija8719|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dija8719|contribs]]) 06:53, 30 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Smartphones Impact on Communication]] * [[User:Ksak2|Ksak2]] ([[User talk:Ksak2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ksak2|contribs]]) 23:49, 30 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The Reflection of the Nintendo Wii on the Nintendo Switch]] * [[User:Nyanoble|Nyanoble]] ([[User talk:Nyanoble|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Nyanoble|contribs]]) 00:30, 31 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/ Impact AI has on the job market]] * [[User:Kjchai1|Kjchai1]] ([[User talk:Kjchai1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Kjchai1|contribs]]) 04:00, 31 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Alex Karp's impact on the public view of AI]] * [[User:Mpiquero1]] 23:07, 30 March 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Quantum Computing and Information Security]] * [[User:NoahMacias1|NoahMacias1]] ([[User talk:NoahMacias1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/NoahMacias1|contribs]]) 04:15, 2 April 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Marvel Rivals vs Overwatch]] * [[User:Cassidyhalen|Cassidyhalen]] ([[User talk:Cassidyhalen|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Cassidyhalen|contribs]]) 10:28, 5 April 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Waymo's impact on the economy]] * [[User:Glry2ua|Glry2ua]] ([[User talk:Glry2ua|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Glry2ua|contribs]]) 06:50, 27 May 2025 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Counter-Drone Technologies]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2024 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Dawson Travis|Dawson Travis]] ([[User talk:Dawson Travis|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dawson Travis|contribs]]) 20:03, 2 November 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Bruce Laval]] * [[User:Jillianrae247|Jillianrae247]] ([[User talk:Jillianrae247|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jillianrae247|contribs]]) 06:21, 28 October 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/David LaRochelle]] * [[User:Jmartin51|Jmartin51]] ([[User talk:Jmartin51|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jmartin51j|contribs]]) 22:46, 27 October 2024 (UTC)[[Creating Digital Media Concepts/Relationship of GPUs and Bitcoin Mining]] * [[User:Hero1ghj|Hero1ghj]] ([[User talk:Hero1ghj|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Hero1ghj|contribs]]) 01:56, 28 October 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The Fortnite Storyline]] * [[User:Catalinajordanvillar|Catalinajordanvillar]] ([[User talk:Catalinajordanvillar|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Catalinajordanvillar|contribs]]) 06:57, 27 October 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Evolution Of Disney Animation]] * [[User:Daid gem|Daid gem]] ([[User talk:Daid gem|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Daid gem|contribs]]) 22:35, 25 October 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Webtoon Adaptations]] * [[User:Hillary Cheng|Hillary Cheng]] ([[User talk:Hillary Cheng|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Hillary Cheng|contribs]]) 18:37, 15 October 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Lane Centering Technology]] * [[User:Chloecastellana|Chloecastellana]] ([[User talk:Chloecastellana|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Chloecastellana|contribs]]) 23:04, 19 October 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Jack Ma]] * [[User:Durontop7|Durontop7]] ([[User talk:Durontop7|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Durontop7|contribs]]) 02:11, 28 October 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Getting Over It with Bennett Foddy]] * [[User:Megamatt02001|Megamatt02001]] ([[User talk:Megamatt02001|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Megamatt02001|contribs]]) 13:05, 28 October 2024 (UTC) [[Hideo Kojima's Podcast "Brain Structure"]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2024 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 20:28, 22 April 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Can't Help Myself Robot]] * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 23:24, 25 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Online Shopping]] * [[User:Homero021004|Homero021004]] ([[User talk:Homero021004|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Homero021004|contribs]]) 03:44, 25 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/AI’s Impact on Art]] * [[User:Diegou04|Diegou04]] ([[User talk:Diegou04|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Diegou04|contribs]]) 00:39, 25 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Apple Vision Pro Environmental Considerations ]] * [[User:Omegajame456|Omegajame456]] ([[User talk:Omegajame456|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Omegajame456|contribs]]) 10:40, 23 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Smart Roads]] * [[User:Ashlyn45|Ashlyn45]] ([[User talk:Ashlyn45|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ashlyn45|contribs]]) 06:50, 22 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Khan Academy Breakthrough]] * [[User:Myat K.S|Myat K.S]] ([[User talk:Myat K.S|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Myat K.S|contribs]]) 10:10, 7 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/BILL GATES (William Henry Gates III)]] * [[User:Yuyani0915|Yuyani0915]] ([[User talk:Yuyani0915|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yuyani0915|contribs]]) 22:38, 13 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Gaming Technology]] * [[User:RobbyDAID|RobbyDAID]] ([[User talk:RobbyDAID|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/RobbyDAID|contribs]]) 19:23, 19 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Lost Cities]] * [[User:Isaiah Guerrero|Isaiah Guerrero]] ([[User talk:Isaiah Guerrero|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Isaiah Guerrero|contribs]]) 04:15, 20 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Nano Bots and CO2]] * [[User:Xavierrrrrrr01|Xavierrrrrrr01]] ([[User talk:Xavierrrrrrr01|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Xavierrrrrrr01|contribs]]) 19:20, 20 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Uses of the Raspberry Pi]] * [[User:Luna, D Media|Luna, D Media]] ([[User talk:Luna, D Media|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Luna, D Media|contribs]]) 02:09, 23 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Science S.T.E.M. Influencers]] * [[User:Yueminl|Yueminl]] ([[User talk:Yueminl|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yueminl|contribs]]) 22:39, 23 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Information Cocoons Effect]] * [[User:Tarunya Dharma|Tarunya Dharma]] ([[User talk:Tarunya Dharma|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Tarunya Dharma|contribs]]) 01:59, 24 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/AI Human Clones]] * [[User:GCanilao|GCanilao]] ([[User talk:GCanilao|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/GCanilao|contribs]]) 05:56, 24 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Evolution of "Bits" in Game Graphics]] * [[User:Helldivers.2|Helldivers.2]] ([[User talk:Helldivers.2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Helldivers.2|contribs]]) 17:12, 23 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Helldivers 2 Impact on Gaming Community]] * [[User:Arbalest zy|Arbalest zy]] ([[User talk:Arbalest zy|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Arbalest zy|contribs]]) 03:45, 25 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Proprietary PS Vita memory card]] * [[User:RaymondHuang10|RaymondHuang10]] ([[User talk:RaymondHuang10|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/RaymondHuang10|contribs]]) 11:59, 25 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Keshi]] * [[User:Weijian Chen|Weijian Chen]] ([[User talk:Weijian Chen|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Weijian Chen|contribs]]) 21:17, 28 March 2024 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/CPU Evolution]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2023 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Homero021004|Homero021004]] ([[User talk:Homero021004|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Homero021004|contribs]]) 06:23, 23 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Autism (ASD) & Social Media]] * -~--([Digital Media Concepts/Transforming Agriculture: A Case Study on Pakistan|)) * [[User:Garylongington|Garylongington]] ([[User talk:Garylongington|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Garylongington|contribs]]) 21:04, 22 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Slender: The Eight Pages]] * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 16:06, 6 June 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Wafaa Bilal Example]] * [[User:Archelone|Archelone]] ([[User talk:Archelone|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Archelone|contribs]]) 01:32, 16 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Representation in Baldur's Gate 3]] * [[User:Gauze0001|Gauze0001]] ([[User talk:Gauze0001|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Gauze0001|contribs]]) 01:11, 17 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Cameron's World]] * [[User:Owynmlee|Owynmlee]] ([[User talk:Owynmlee|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Owynmlee|contribs]]) 01:11, 18 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Shrinkwrapping]] * [[User:Atnguyen12|Atnguyen12]] ([[User talk:Atnguyen12|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Atnguyen12|contribs]]) 05:54, 21 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Wonderlab]] * [[User:BinhNguyenSKMT|BinhNguyenSKMT]] ([[User talk:BinhNguyenSKMT|discuss]] * [[Special:Contributions/BinhNguyenSKMT|contribs]]) 01:14, 22 October 2023 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Education with Generative AI]] * [[User:Jonnmac|Jonnmac]] ([[User talk:Jonnmac|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jonnmac|contribs]]) 02:50, 23 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Team Fortress 2 Culture]] * [[Digital Media Concepts/Transportation Technologies]] * [[User:Kalvabb|Kalvabb]] ([[User talk:Kalvabb|discuss]] * [[Special:Contributions/Kalvabb|contribs]]) 10:58, 22 October 2023 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Writing and Artificial Intelligence]] * [[User:Karan 035|Karan 035]] ([[User talk:Karan 035|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Karan 035|contribs]]) 02:07, 23 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Steve jobs and his Leadership styles]] * [[User:Elyssamlee|Elyssamlee]] ([[User talk:Elyssamlee|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Elyssamlee|contribs]]) 02:53, 23 October 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Steve Lacy]] * [[User:Daniel Lopezzz|Daniel Lopezzz]] ([[User talk:Daniel Lopezzz|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Daniel Lopezzz|contribs]]) 23:40, 19 November 2023 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Xbox Technological Advances]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2022 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 19:27, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Wafaa Bilal 3]] * [[User:Logain.Abd|Logain.Abd]] ([[User talk:Logain.Abd|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Logain.Abd|contribs]]) 16:55, 1 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Prosthetic Body Parts]] * [[User:Ceruleansnake|Ceruleansnake]] ([[User talk:Ceruleansnake|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ceruleansnake|contribs]]) 19:29, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/ENA (web series)]] * [[User:SPiedyW5|SPiedyW5]] ([[User talk:SPiedyW5|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SPiedyW5|contribs]]) 19:33, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Streaming Platforms]] * [[User:AkhilKandkur|AkhilKandkur]] ([[User talk:AkhilKandkur|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/AkhilKandkur|contribs]]) 19:34, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/DVD-Video]] * [[User:Adamgmz|Adamgmz]] ([[User talk:Adamgmz|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Adamgmz|contribs]]) 19:47, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Physically Based Rendering]] * [[User:ZhuoL|ZhuoL]] ([[User talk:ZhuoL|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/ZhuoL|contribs]]) 20:29, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Audio Editing]] * [[User:WanderingWalruses|WanderingWalruses]] ([[User talk:WanderingWalruses|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/WanderingWalruses|contribs]]) 20:32, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Youtube Monetization]] * [[User:Anammughal|Anammughal]] ([[User talk:Anammughal|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Anammughal|contribs]]) 20:36, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Artificial Intelligence in Healthcare]] * [[User:Vlee88|Vlee88]] ([[User talk:Vlee88|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vlee88|contribs]]) 22:16, 24 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Wacom/digital tablets]] * [[User:TZrng8|TZrng8]] ([[User talk:TZrng8|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/TZrng8|contribs]]) 20:07, 25 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Virtual Reality]] * [[User:Nooshas|Nooshas]] ([[User talk:Nooshas|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Nooshas|contribs]]) 04:57, 28 February 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Eduardo Saverin]] * [[User:Rjoyner1|Rjoyner1]] ([[User talk:Rjoyner1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Rjoyner1|contribs]]) 19:26, 1 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Higher Learning Podacast]] * [[User:Yaboiversity|Yaboiversity]] ([[User talk:Yaboiversity|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yaboiversity|contribs]]) 19:36, 1 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Ceramic 3D Printers]] * [[User:Ayeitsemmie|Ayeitsemmie]] ([[User talk:Ayeitsemmie|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ayeitsemmie|contribs]]) 20:35, 1 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Technology Used In “Rick and Morty”]] * [[User:Navveerbhangal|Navveerbhangal]] ([[User talk:Navveerbhangal|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Navveerbhangal|contribs]]) 19:56, 1 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Lex Fridman]] * [[User:Mayapose|Mayapose]] ([[User talk:Mayapose|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mayapose|contribs]]) 00:23, 2 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Hedy Lamarr]] * [[User:Ohlonestudengo12|Ohlonestudengo12]] ([[User talk:Ohlonestudengo12|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ohlonestudengo12|contribs]]) 00:23, 2 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Apple AirTag]] * [[User:Aayyaz|Aayyaz]] ([[User talk:Aayyaz|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Aayyaz|contribs]]) 20:08, 3 March 2022 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Speech Recognition]] * [[User:Brana1|Brana1]] ([[User talk:Brana1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Brana1|contribs]]) 06:56, 9 March 2022 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Sony Playstation]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2021 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 22:37, 21 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Five Nights at Freddy's]] * [[User:Zkeeler1|Zkeeler1]] ([[User talk:Zkeeler1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Zkeeler1|contribs]]) 01:28, 22 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/The process of Encryption]] * [[User:Ronit Dhir|Ronit Dhir]] ([[User talk:Ronit Dhir|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ronit Dhir|contribs]]) 07:15, 14 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Shantanu Narayen]] * [[User:Joachanz|Joachanz]] ([[User talk:Joachanz|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Joachanz|contribs]]) 20:32, 28 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Riot Games Gender Discrimination Controversy]] * [[User:SauerPatch|SauerPatch]] ([[User talk:SauerPatch|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SauerPatch|contribs]]) 20:35, 28 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Bitcoin]] * [[User:Vy Trieu|Vy Trieu]] ([[User talk:Vy Trieu|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vy Trieu|contribs]]) 20:47, 28 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Virtual Influencer]] * [[User:GEEGOLLYY|GEEGOLLYY]] ([[User talk:GEEGOLLYY|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/GEEGOLLYY|contribs]]) 21:01, 28 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Valorant]] * [[User:Cheesze|Cheesze]] ([[User talk:Cheesze|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Cheesze|contribs]]) 21:10, 28 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Squid Game S1E6: Gganbu]] * [[User:PcPeou1|PcPeou1]] ([[User talk:PcPeou1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/PcPeou1|contribs]]) 21:19, 28 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Ace Combat 7: Skies Unknown]] * [[User:Ralph Lagmay|Ralph Lagmay]] ([[User talk:Ralph Lagmay|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ralph Lagmay|contribs]]) 19:24, 3 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Beeple]] * [[User:Nicole Wood|Nicole Wood]] ([[User talk:Nicole Wood|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Nicole Wood]]) 23:29, 5 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Sam Does Arts]] * [[User:Choopa land|Choopa land]] ([[User talk:Choopa land|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Choopa land|contribs]]) 21:31, 7 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Sudha Murty]] * [[User:Alex Walsh|Alex Walsh]] ([[User talk:Alex Walsh|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Alex Walsh|contribs]]) 07:35, 9 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Twitch Hate Raids]] * [[User:Just TMar|Just TMar]] ([[User talk:Just TMar|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Just TMar|contribs]]) 01:54, 11 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Doxing]] * [[User:Ghiyasat|Ghiyasat]] ([[User talk:Ghiyasat|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ghiyasat|contribs]]) 17:28, 11 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Polygraph]] * [[User:Snuckles49|Snuckles49]] ([[User talk:Snuckles49|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Snuckles49|contribs]]) 00:43, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/BattlEye Anti-Cheat]] * [[User:Nino02|Nino02]] ([[User talk:Nino02|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Nino02|contribs]]) (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Video Streaming Services]] * [[User:Ishadamle|Ishadamle]] ([[User talk:Ishadamle|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ishadamle|contribs]]) 16:56, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Aistė Stancikaitė]] * [[User:Zainab Attarwala|Zainab Attarwala]] ([[User talk:Zainab Attarwala|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Zainab Attarwala|contribs]]) 22:37, 21 September 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Tokyo Medical University for Rejected Woman]] * [[User:Yusef510|Yusef510]] ([[User talk:Yusef510|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yusef510|contribs]]) 21:26, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Women In Esports]] * [[User:SLBriscoe|SLBriscoe]] ([[User talk:SLBriscoe|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SLBriscoe|contribs]]) 21:36, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Dark Souls III]] * [[User:Phonemyat238|Phonemyat238]] ([[User talk:Phonemyat238|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Phonemyat238|contribs]]) 23:47, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Dota 2 Esport]] * [[User:JBauer4|JBauer4]] ([[User talk:JBauer4|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/JBauer4|contribs]]) 23:57, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/New World (game)]] * [[User:Rburnham1740|Rburnham1740]] ([[User talk:Rburnham1740|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Rburnham1740|contribs]]) 23:57, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Call Of Duty: Warzone]] * [[User:HellaCinema|HellaCinema]] ([[User talk:HellaCinema|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/HellaCinema|contribs]]) 06:39, 13 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/New Age Cinema - Film Cinematography]] * [[User:Tiwarisushant|Tiwarisushant]] ([[User talk:Tiwarisushant|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Tiwarisushant|contribs]]) 23:58, 12 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/CGI - Uses and Importance]] * [[User:JoseNavarro15|JoseNavarro15]] ([[User talk:JoseNavarro15|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/JoseNavarro15|contribs]]) 05:26, 18 October 2021 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Space X]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2020 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Daniyal.ak27|Daniyal.ak27]] ([[User talk:Daniyal.ak27|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Daniyal.ak27|contribs]]) 21:42, 15 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Neuralink/]] * [[User:Alisonmp|Alisonmp]] ([[User talk:Alisonmp|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Alisonmp|contribs]]) 21:41, 15 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Video Streaming Services/]] * [[Special:Contributions/2601:641:400:4F00:39DF:F97A:724A:496D|2601:641:400:4F00:39DF:F97A:724A:496D]] ([[User talk:2601:641:400:4F00:39DF:F97A:724A:496D|discuss]]) 21:40, 15 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Metroidvania/]] * [[User:Bandz21811|Bandz21811]] ([[User talk:Bandz21811|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Bandz21811|contribs]]) 03:26, 14 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Zoom Video Communications/]] * [[User:Nidhisgupta|Nidhisgupta]] ([[User talk:Nidhisgupta|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Nidhisgupta|contribs]]) 23:21, 11 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Cyber Crimes/]] * [[User:Melissalop551|Melissalop551]] ([[User talk:Melissalop551|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Melissalop551|contribs]]) 23:40, 9 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Iphone X (Face ID)/]] * [[User:Navink100|Navink100]] ([[User talk:Navink100|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Navink100|contribs]]) 20:03, 8 October 2020 (UTC) [[/The Evolution of Digital Scouting in the NBA/]] * [[User:Rthawani2|Rthawani2]] ([[User talk:Rthawani2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Rthawani2|contribs]]) 22:35, 6 October 2020 (UTC) [[/LD, 2D, SD, 3D, HD, 4D, 4K, 8K/]] * [[User:Bandz21811|Bandz21811]] ([[User talk:Bandz21811|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Bandz21811|contribs]]) 21:13, 6 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Tesla Inc./]] * [[User:MalakaiCaro|MalakaiCaro]] ([[User talk:MalakaiCaro|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MalakaiCaro|contribs]]) 21:03, 6 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Apple CarPlay/]] * [[User:Jb000ts|Jb000ts]] ([[User talk:Jb000ts|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jb000ts|contribs]]) 20:46, 6 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Porsche Taycan/]] * [[User:Simplyktp|Simplyktp]] ([[User talk:Simplyktp|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Simplyktp|contribs]]) 00:54, 6 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Animal Crossing: New Horizons/]] * [[User:Ankith Reddy Alwa|Ankith Reddy Alwa]] ([[User talk:Ankith Reddy Alwa|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ankith Reddy Alwa|contribs]]) 20:14, 1 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Narayana Murthy/]] * [[User:MoisesMorales04|MoisesMorales04]] ([[User talk:MoisesMorales04|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MoisesMorales04|contribs]]) 23:23, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Adaptive Cruise Control/]] * [[User:Rhummdan|Rhummdan]] ([[User talk:Rhummdan|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Rhummdan|contribs]]) 21:45, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/NBA 2K/]] * [[User:Yiyi799|Yiyi799]] ([[User talk:Yiyi799|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yiyi799|contribs]]) 20:36, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Snapchat Lenses/]] * [[User:Oaramirez780|Oaramirez780]] ([[User talk:Oaramirez780|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Oaramirez780|contribs]]) 20:17, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Image Comics/]] * [[User:Coleslamfreckle|Coleslamfreckle]] ([[User talk:Coleslamfreckle|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Coleslamfreckle|contribs]]) 19:36, 23 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Linux Beta/]] * [[User:Shaikhhiba|Shaikhhiba]] ([[User talk:Shaikhhiba|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Shaikhhiba|contribs]]) 02:01, 24 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Cancel Culture/]] * [[User:444juptr|444juptr]] ([[User talk:444juptr|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/444juptr|contribs]]) 20:33, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Otaku Life/]] *[[User:Shruthi2001|Shruthi2001]] ([[User talk:Shruthi2001|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Shruthi2001|contribs]]) 20:40, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Social Media Effect on Diet/]] * [[User:Vtran50|Vtran50]] ([[User talk:Vtran50|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vtran50|contribs]]) 20:51, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Slander/]] * [[User:JayceeLorenzo|JayceeLorenzo]] ([[User talk:JayceeLorenzo|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/JayceeLorenzo|contribs]]) 21:24, 29 September 2020 (UTC) [[/Continuous Variable Transmission (CVT)/]] * [[User:IowaneNoka|IowaneNoka]] ([[User talk:IowaneNoka|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/IowaneNoka|contribs]]) 03:12, 10 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Call Of Duty:Modern Warfare (2019)/]] * [[User:Kban2001|Kban2001]] ([[User talk:Kban2001|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Kban2001|contribs]]) 16:11, 12 October 2020 (UTC) [[/ARK: Survival Evolved/]] * [[User:Christiand28|Christiand28]] ([[User talk:Christiand28|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Christiand28|contribs]]) 02:21, 13 October 2020 (UTC) [[/Call of Duty:Black Ops 2/]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2020 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Deuteryium|Deuteryium]] ([[User talk:Deuteryium|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Deuteryium|contribs]]) 22:28, 5 March 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Postmodern Jukebox]] * [[User:Deuteryium|Deuteryium]] ([[User talk:Deuteryium|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Deuteryium|contribs]]) 23:16, 27 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Breaking the Fourth Wall]] * [[User:PlasticOrPapper|PlasticOrPapper]] ([[User talk:PlasticOrPapper|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/PlasticOrPapper|contribs]]) 23:14, 27 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Tom Clancy's Rainbow Six Siege]] * [[User:Miranda Tapioca|Miranda Tapioca]] ([[User talk:Miranda Tapioca|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Miranda Tapioca|contribs]]) 23:04, 25 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Blizzard Entertaiment]] * [[User:Christinuh|Christinuh]] ([[User talk:Christinuh|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Christinuh|contribs]]) 23:07, 25 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Breaking News on Twitter]] * [[User:Emartinez40|Emartinez40]] ([[User talk:Emartinez40|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Emartinez40|contribs]]) 23:09, 25 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/The Witcher (Game Series)]] * [[User:MarkxG|MarkxG]] ([[User talk:MarkxG|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MarkxG|contribs]]) 23:26, 25 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Reddit]] * [[User:Dmusselwhite1|Dmusselwhite1]] ([[User talk:Dmusselwhite1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dmusselwhite1|contribs]]) 23:15, 25 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/CGI]] * [[User:Ericahy|Ericahy]] ([[User talk:Ericahy|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ericahy|contribs]]) 23:17, 25 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Siri]] * [[User:Aphon17|Aphon17]] ([[User talk:Aphon17|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Aphon17|contribs]]) 23:23, 25 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Inside (video game)]] * [[User:Mpaing2|Mpaing2]] ([[User talk:Mpaing2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mpaing2|contribs]]) 22:15, 27 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Apple Pencil]] * [[User:TakeCare2021|TakeCare2021]] ([[User talk:TakeCare2021|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/TakeCare2021|contribs]]) 22:52, 27 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Take Care (Album)]] * [[User:DixonCider1331|DixonCider1331]] ([[User talk:DixonCider1331|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/DixonCider1331|contribs]]) 22:55, 27 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Riot Games]] * [[User:John.rod22|John.rod22]] ([[User talk:John.rod22|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/John.rod22|contribs]]) 23:01, 27 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Grand Theft Auto V]] * [[User:Ankits2001|Ankits2001]] ([[User talk:Ankits2001|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ankits2001|contribs]]) 23:06, 27 February 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/iPhone 4s (Siri)]] * [[User:MichaelP75075|MichaelP75075]] ([[User talk:MichaelP75075|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MichaelP75075|contribs]]) 22:10, 5 March 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Black Mesa]] * [[User:Kfernes1|Kfernes1]] ([[User talk:Kfernes1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Kfernes1|contribs]]) 22:38, 5 March 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Joe Rogan Experience]] * [[Special:Contributions/207.62.190.33|207.62.190.33]] ([[User talk:207.62.190.33|discuss]]) 23:42, 5 March 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Tinder]] * [[User:Atul.mav|Atul.mav]] ([[User talk:Atul.mav|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Atul.mav|contribs]]) 17:48, 7 March 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Ralph Lauren]] * [[User:Namesshaikh|Namesshaikh]] ([[User talk:Namesshaikh|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Namesshaikh|contribs]]) 22:19, 9 March 2020 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/CD Projekt Red]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2019 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:HPatel40|HPatel40]] ([[User talk:HPatel40|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/HPatel40|contribs]]) 19:23, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/5G Technologies]] * [[User:Hpatel42|Hpatel42]] ([[User talk:Hpatel42|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Hpatel42|contribs]]) 19:01, 26 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Larry Page]] * [[User:CRichards17|CRichards17]] ([[User talk:CRichards17|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/CRichards17|contribs]]) 19:38, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/White Supremacy on the Internet]] * [[User:Waterbottle50|Waterbottle50]] ([[User talk:Waterbottle50|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Waterbottle50|contribs]]) 19:55, 26 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Color-blind lens/EnChroma]] * [[User:Mcaya00|Mcaya00]] ([[User talk:Mcaya00|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mcaya00|contribs]]) 19:49, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Markus Perrson]] * [[User:Qinyu Chen|Qinyu Chen]] ([[User talk:Qinyu Chen|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Qinyu Chen|contribs]]) 19:36, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/teamLab]] * [[User:Soyoboy.exe|Soyboy.exe]] ([[User talk:Soyboy.exe|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Soyboy.exe|contribs]]) 20:04, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Nintendo Switch]] * [[User:Yjiang26|Yjiang26]] ([[User talk:Yjiang26|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yjiang26|contribs]]) 19:38, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Alipay]] * [[User:Lmurffrenninger1|Lmurffrenninger1]] ([[User talk:Lmurffrenninger1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Lmurffrenninger1|contribs]]) 19:39, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/MagicBands at Disneyland]] * [[User:Jalvarellos1|Jalvarellos1]] ([[User talk:Jalvarellos1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jalvarellos1|contribs]]) 19:41, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Rocket League]] * [[Adam3318|Adam3318]] ([[User talk:Adam3318|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Adam3318|contribs]]) 19:46, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/3D scanning with drones]] * [[User:SanIam|SanIam]] ([[User talk:SanIam|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/SanIam|contribs]]) 19:57, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/The Legend Of Zelda: Breath of the Wild]] * [[User:Nphan16|Nphan16]] ([[User talk:Nphan16|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Nphan16|contribs]]) 20:02, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Hannah Alexander]] * [[User:Vluong6|Vluong6]] ([[User talk:Vluong6|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vluong6|contribs]]) 20:24, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Cyberware]] * [[User:Philventi|Philventi]] ([[User talk:Philventi|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Philventi|contribs]]) 22:33, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/iPadOS]] * [[User:Jwendland1|Jwendland1]] ([[User talk:Jwendland1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jwendland1|contribs]]) 19:05, 19 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Infinadeck Omnidirectional Treadmill]] * [[User:Ranle7|Ranle7]] ([[User talk:Ranle7|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ranle7|contribs]]) 19:06, 26 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/osu!]] * [[User:Andrewyamasaki|Andrewyamasaki]] ([[User talk:Andrewyamasaki|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Andrewyamasaki|contribs]]) 19:48, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Competitive Super Smash Bros Ultimate]] * [[User:Samuel3571|Samuel3571]] ([[User talk:Samuel3571|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Samuel3571|contribs]]) 20:35, 19 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Forensic Technology]] * [[User:Lmedina19|Lmedina19]] ([[User talk:Lmedina19|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Lmedina19|contribs]]) 20:00, 26 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Hayley Kiyoko]] * [[User:Djh42|Djh42]] ([[User talk:Djh42|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Djh42|contribs]]) 20:25, 26 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Nintendo Switch Controller]] * [[User:CharlieDub|CharlieDub]] ([[User talk:CharlieDub|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/CharlieDub|contribs]]) 19:42, 17 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Porsche Ignition]] * [[User:Erick.Flore|Erick.Flore]] ([[User talk:Erick.Flore|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Erick.Flore|contribs]]) 20:40, 26 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/The video hosting site BitChute]] * [[User:Dbarquin1|Dbarquin1]] ([[User talk:Dbarquin1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dbarquin1|contribs]]) 17:28, 27 September 2019 (UTC)[[Digital Media Concepts/Custom Built Computer]] * [[User:Spcharc|Spcharc]] ([[User talk:Spcharc|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Spcharc|contribs]]) 18:07, 29 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/RSA (cryptosystem)]] * [[User:Krishnan1000|Krishnan1000]] ([[User talk:Krishnan1000|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Krishnan1000|contribs]]) 18:36, 29 September 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Competitive Pokemon Battling]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2019 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Mknight77|Mknight77]] ([[User talk:Mknight77|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mknight77|contribs]]) 22:52, 26 February 2019 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Mayhem fest]] * [[User:Samirjan0420|Samirjan0420]] ([[User talk:Samirjan0420|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Samirjan0420|contribs]]) 22:05, 21 February 2019 (UTC) [[/The most hated car/]] * [[User:Tobilansangan|Tobilansangan]] ([[User talk:Tobilansangan|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Tobilansangan|contribs]]) 23:39, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/My Beautiful Dark Twisted Fantasy/]] * [[User:alyssamunoz|alyssamunoz]] ([[User talk: alyssamunoz|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/alyssamunoz|contribs]]) 14:57, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Dr.Pepper/]] * [[User:omergreengiant|omergreengiant]] ([[User talk:omergreengiant|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/omergreengiant|contribs]]) 14:57, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Kabul, Afghanistan/]] * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] ([[User talk:Ireicher2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ireicher2|contribs]]) 22:14, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Wafaa Bilal/]] * [[User:Gum-POP|Gum-POP]] ([[User talk:Gum-POP|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Gum-POP|contribs]]) 22:37, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Gaming Desktop VS Gaming Laptop/]] * [[User:Magtotodile|Magtotodile]] ([[User talk:Magtotodile|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Magtotodile|contribs]]) 22:42, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Virtual Self/]] * [[User:Tvo36|Tvo36]] ([[User talk:Tvo36|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Tvo36|contribs]]) 23:13, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Markelle Fultz/]] * [[User:iluca|iluca]] ([[User talk:iluca|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/iluca|contribs]]) 23:14, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Nagishiro Mito/]] * [[User:Justinchau|Justinchau]] ([[User talk:Justinchau|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Justinchau|contribs]]) 23:16, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Best Pizza/]] * [[User:Ashwinjambu15|Ashwinjambu15]] ([[User talk:Ashwinjambu15|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ashwinjambu15|contribs]]) 23:19, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Mos Def & Talib Kweli Are Black Star/]] * [[User:Ationgson|Ationgson]] ([[User talk:Ationgson|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ationgson|contribs]]) 23:24, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/2JZ Engine/]] * [[User:Ddimitrov1|Ddimitrov1]] ([[User talk:Ddimitrov1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ddimitrov1|contribs]]) 23:29, 14 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Theatre Of Blood/]] * [[User:Gli15|Gli15]] ([[User talk:Gli15|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Gli15|contribs]]) 22:12, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Matcha/]] * [[User:Akanijade|Akanijade]] ([[User talk:Akanijade|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Akanijade|contribs]]) 22:39, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Batik/]] * [[User:BrokenConsole|BrokenConsole]] ([[User talk:BrokenConsole|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/BrokenConsole|contribs]]) 22:46, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Custom Built Gaming Computers/]] * [[User:Lord Arugula|Lord Arugula]] ([[User talk:Lord Arugula|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Lord Arugula|contribs]]) 22:47, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Aurelio Voltaire/]] * [[User:Danialmirza99|Danialmirza99]] ([[User talk:Danialmirza99|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Danialmirza99|contribs]]) 22:50, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Spelling Bee (1938)/]] * [[User:Janine8100|Janine8100]] ([[User talk:Janine8100|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Janine8100|contribs]]) 22:52, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Brunei Rainforests/]] * [[User:D_Sh1nra|D_Sh1nra]] ([[User talk:D_Sh1nra|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/D_Sh1nra|contribs]]) 15:07, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Phosphenes/]] * [[User:Jameslacdao|Jameslacdao]] ([[User talk:Jameslacdao|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jameslacdao|contribs]]) 23:34, 19 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Love of my Life (Queen song)/]] * [[User:Janinaengo|Janinaengo]] ([[User talk:Janinaengo|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Janinaengo|contribs]]) 06:04, 20 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Influence of 90s sitcom Friends/]] * [[User:Mdapostol|Mdapostol]] ([[User talk:Mdapostol|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mdapostol|contribs]]) 01:32, 26 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Regions of San Jose, California/]] * [[User:HellBlossoms|HellBlossoms]] ([[User talk:HellBlossoms|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/HellBlossoms|contribs]]) 14:13, 26 February 2019 (UTC) [[/Bill Kaulitz/]] * [[User:Nintenchris5963|Nintenchris5963]] ([[User talk:Nintenchris5963|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Nintenchris5963|contribs]]) 22:28, 28 February 2019 (UTC) [[/CrossCode/]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2018 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:J3tR0cK3t|J3tR0cK3t]] ([[User talk:J3tR0cK3t|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/J3tR0cK3t|contribs]]) 19:55, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Streets of Rage (Axel Stone)/]] * [[User:William Leber|William Leber]] ([[User talk:William Leber|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/William Leber|contribs]]) 19:56, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Ethoslab/]] * [[User:Vicpimentel99|Vicpimentel99]] ([[User talk:Vicpimentel99|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vicpimentel99|contribs]]) 20:19, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Micah Mahinay/]] * [[User:Magtotodile|Magtotodile]] ([[User talk:Magtotodile|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Magtotodile|contribs]]) 20:21, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Shelter (Song by Porter Robinson & Madeon)/]] * [[User:Ahuq2|Ahuq2]] ([[User talk:Ahuq2|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ahuq2|contribs]]) 20:25, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Yakuza (video game series)/]] * [[User:Plam153|Plam153]] ([[User talk:Plam153|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Plam153|contribs]]) 20:22, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Trinh Cong Son (Vietnamese songwriter)/]] * [[User:DoomFry68|DoomFry68]] ([[User talk:DoomFry68|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/DoomFry68|contribs]]) 20:23, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Yakuza: Goro Majima/]] * [[User:FizzahKafil|FizzahKafil]] ([[User talk:FizzahKafil|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/FizzahKafil|contribs]]) 20:24, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Little Big Planet/]] * [[User:Dursa1|Dursa S]] ([[User talk:Dursa1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dursa1|contribs]]) 20:24, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/r.h. Sin/]] * [[User:ZaroonIqbal|ZaroonIqbal]] ([[User talk:ZaroonIqbal|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/ZaroonIqbal|contribs]]) 20:25, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Fortnite/]] * [[User:Lmascardo1|Lmascardo1]] ([[User talk:Lmascardo1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Lmascardo1|contribs]]) 20:31, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Stardew Valley/]] * [[User:Aungthuhtet245|Aungthuhtet245]] ([[User talk:Aungthuhtet245|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Aungthuhtet245|contribs]]) 20:32, 13 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Science Behind Pixar/]] * [[User:Whill4|Whill4]] ([[User talk:Whill4|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Whill4|contribs]]) 15:06, 17 September 2018 (UTC) [[ /Mariner's Apartment Complex (Lana Del Rey song)/]] * [[User:WontonsofDMG|WontonsofDMG]] ([[User talk:WontonsofDMG|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/WontonsofDMG|contribs]]) 19:03, 18 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Heroes of the Storm/]] * [[User:PATISBACK9|PATISBACK9]] ([[User talk:PATISBACK9|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/PATISBACK9|contribs]]) 19:19, 18 September 2018 (UTC) [[/DJ screw/]] * [[User:EnderClevToby|EnderClevToby]] ([[User talk:EnderClevToby|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/EnderClevToby|contribs]]) 12:15, 18 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Matthew Fredrick/]] * [[User:Danny M487|Danny M487]] ([[User talk:Danny M487|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Danny M487|contribs]]) 19:30, 18 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Casey Neistat/]] * [[User:Itsjustkulsoom|Itsjustkulsoom]] ([[User talk:Itsjustkulsoom|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Itsjustkulsoom|contribs]]) 19:31, 18 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Zedd/]] * [[User:Josemazon123|Josemazon123]] ([[User talk:Josemazon123|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Josemazon123|contribs]]) 20:06, 18 September 2018 (UTC) [[/BROCKHAMPTON/]] * [[User:Ahernandez85|Ahernandez85]] ([[User talk:Ahernandez85|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ahernandez85|contribs]]) 19:17, 20 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Legend Of Zelda: Ocarina of Time/]] * [[User:JackyLu01|JackyLu01]] ([[User talk:JackyLu01|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/JackyLu01|contribs]]) 12:30, 20 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Smartisan/]] * [[User:Manohar singh 32|Manohar singh 32]] ([[User talk:Manohar singh 32|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Manohar singh 32|contribs]]) 19:51, 20 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Motion Capture/]] * [[User:Zwo1|Zwo1]] ([[User talk:Zwo1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Zwo1|contribs]]) 23:57, 23 September 2018 (UTC) [[/DJI Mavic 2 Pro/]] * [[User:Hartveit|Hartveit]] ([[User talk:Hartveit|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Hartveit|contribs]]) 01:49, 25 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Hurdal Verk Folk High School/]] * [[User:p_ng_r|p_ng_r]] ([[User talk:p_ng_r|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/p_ng_r|contribs]]) 12:41 25 September 2018 (UTC) [[/Wenqing Yan/]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2018 === {{collapse top|Project List}} * [[User:Ireicher2|Ireicher2]] 01:01, 15 August 2016 (UTC) [[/Wafaa Bilal/]] * [[User:Wompaku|Wompaku]] ([[User talk:Wompaku|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Wompaku|contribs]]) 22:21, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Life is Strange/]] * [[User:Hamitaro|Hamitaro]] ([[User talk:Hamitaro|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Hamitaro|contribs]]) 22:22, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Persona 5/]] * [[User:Shayan223|Sean223]] ([[User talk:Shayan223|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Shayan223|contribs]]) 22:33, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/David Patrick Crane/]] * [[User:Touch92|Touch92]] ([[User talk:Touch92|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Touch92|contribs]]) 22:29, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/3D Printing/]] * [[User:Peg123|Peg123]] ([[User talk:Peg123|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Peg123|contribs]]) 22:32, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Dota 2/]] * [[User:Shadow1942oohwa|Shadow1942oohwa]] ([[User talk:Shadow1942oohwa|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Shadow1942oohwa|contribs]]) 22:34, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Dodge Charger Daytona/]] * [[User:Skullallen|Skullallen]] ([[User talk:Skullallen|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Skullallen|contribs]]) 22:38, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/DJI/]] * [[User:Johnbcuong|Johnbcuong]] ([[User talk:Johnbcuong|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Johnbcuong|contribs]]) 22:39, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Nguyen Tu Quang/]] * [[User:W popal1|W popal1]] ([[User talk:W popal1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/W popal1|contribs]]) 22:36, 15 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Lilly Singh/]] * [[User:Sankeerth1017|Sankeerth1017]] ([[User talk:Sankeerth1017|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Sankeerth1017|contribs]]) 22:41, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Pewdiepie/]] * [[User:Jpierceall1|Jpierceall1]] ([[User talk:Jpierceall1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jpierceall1|contribs]]) 22:49, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/The World of FPS/]] *[[User:ShardolBGupta|ShardolBGupta]] ([[User talk:ShardolBGupta|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/ShardolBGupta|contribs]]) 22:42, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Chevrolet Volt/]] * [[User:JoshM75401|JoshM75401]] ([[User talk:JoshM75401|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/JoshM75401|contribs]]) 22:49, 13 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Jack Thompson/]] * [[User:Thaliatorres|Thaliatorres]] ([[User talk:Thaliatorres|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Thaliatorres|contribs]]) 23:04, 15 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Laserphaco Probe/]] * [[User:YuuchyHongroy|YuuchyHongroy]] ([[User talk:YuuchyHongroy|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/YuuchyHongroy|contribs]]) 23:23, 15 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Photoshop/]] * [[User:stzyjpg|stzyjpg]] ([[User talk:stzyjpg|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/stzyjpg|contribs]]) 23:23, 18 February 2018 (UTC) [[/Jeff Bezos/]] {{collapse bottom}} === Fall 2017 === {{collapse top|Project List}} *[[User:Kbearrr|Kbearrr]] ([[User talk:Kbearrr|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Kbearrr|contribs]]) 19:20, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Detriments of the Internet/]] *[[User:Ratalouie|Ratalouie]] ([[User talk:Ratalouie|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ratalouie|contribs]]) 19:45, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Overwatch/]] *[[User:Inadversity574|Inadversity574]] ([[User talk:Inadversity574|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Inadversity574|contribs]]) 19:44, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Fire Emblem/]] *[[User:Dwingdwang|Dwingdwang]] ([[User talk:Dwingdwang|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dwingdwang|contribs]]) 20:02, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Fixed Gear Bikes/]] * [[User:Isaacpacheco12|Isaacpacheco12]] ([[User talk:Isaacpacheco12|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Isaacpacheco12|contribs]]) 20:12, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Amazon Echo/]] * [[User:Gdonpadlan|Gdonpadlan]] ([[User talk:Gdonpadlan|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Gdonpadlan|contribs]]) 20:21, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Nikon D850/]] *[[User:Cdb1015|Cdb1015]] ([[User talk:Cdb1015|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Cdb1015|contribs]]) 21:59, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Visual Effects in Television and Movies/]] * [[User:Sjsanchez|Sjsanchez]] ([[User talk:Sjsanchez|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Sjsanchez|contribs]]) 01:11, 20 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Ryan Higa/]] * [[User:Aevans28|Aevans28]] ([[User talk:Aevans28|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Aevans28|contribs]]) 03:56, 20 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Patty Jenkins/]] * [[User:Johnlee1234594|Johnlee1234594]] ([[User talk:Johnlee1234594|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Johnlee1234594|contribs]]) 11:17, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Tom Hanks/]] * [[User:Michaelellasos|Michaelellasos]] ([[User talk:Michaelellasos|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Michaelellasos|contribs]]) 21:36, 20 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Counter Strike: Global Offensive/]] * [[bilal621]] ([[User talk:bilal621|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/bilal621|contribs]]) 22:03, 20 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Call of Duty: Modern Warfare 2/]] * [[User:Alscylla|Alscylla]] ([[User talk:Alscylla|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Alscylla|contribs]]) 13:11, 21 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Final Fantasy Record Keeper/]] * [[User:Kshadd15|Kshadd15]] ([[User talk:Kshadd15|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Kshadd15|contribs]]) 10:59, 21 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Artificial Intelligence/]] * [[User:Greentea456|Greentea456]] ([[User talk:Greentea456|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Greentea456|contribs]]) 18:29, 21 September 2017 (UTC) [[Digital Media Concepts/Team Fortress 2|Team Fortress 2]] * [[User:Mehraan01|Mehraan01]] ([[User talk:Mehraan01|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mehraan01|contribs]]) 19:43, 21 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Tesla, Inc./]] * [[User:Zblazin|Zblazin]] ([[User talk:Zblazin|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Zblazin|contribs]]) 20:12, 19 September 2017 (UTC) [[/Graphics processing unit/]] {{collapse bottom}} === Spring 2017 === {{collapse top|Project List}} *[[User:Mattvs1|Mattvs1]] ([[User talk:Mattvs1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mattvs1|contribs]]) 22:56, 7 February 2017 (UTC) [[/No Man's Sky/]] * [[User:Ebondoc98|Ebondoc98]] ([[User talk:Ebondoc98|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Ebondoc98|contribs]]) 22:26, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/League of Legends/]] * [[User:Dmendoza1|Dmendoza1]] ([[User talk:Dmendoza1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dmendoza1|contribs]]) 22:44, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/The Legend Of Zelda/]] * [[User:Mmmarrufo|Mmmarrufo]] ([[User talk:Mmmarrufo|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mmmarrufo|contribs]]) 22:58, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Gabe Newell/]] * [[User:Jfriedenberg|Jfriedenberg]] ([[User talk:Jfriedenberg|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Jfriedenberg|contribs]]) 23:19, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Shinji Mikami/]] * [[User:AKW2017|AKW2017]] ([[User talk:AKW2017|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/AKW2017|contribs]]) 23:32, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Wii U/]] * [[User:Wramos1|Wramos1]] ([[User talk:Wramos1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Wramos1|contribs]]) 23:46, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/John Lasseter/]] * [[User:Yjohar1|Yjohar1]] ([[User talk:Yjohar1|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Yjohar1|contribs]]) 23:48, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Video Game Aggression/]] * [[User:Dzhang17|Dzhang17]] ([[User talk:Dzhang17|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dzhang17|contribs]]) 23:51, 9 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Fan Bingbing/]] * [[User:Dougalhathaway|Dougalhathaway]] ([[User talk:Dougalhathaway|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Dougalhathaway|contribs]]) 00:04, 10 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Rayman/]] * [[User:Mochill|Mochill]] ([[User talk:Mochill|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Mochill|contribs]]) 04:05, 10 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Commercial Head-up displays/]] *[[User:Hdo18|Hdo18]] ([[User talk:Hdo18|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Hdo18|contribs]]) 18:38, 13 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Cory Arcangel/]] * [[User:GnaF69|GnaF69]] ([[User talk:GnaF69|discuss)]] • [[Special:Contributions/GnaF69|contribs]]) 20:22, 13 February 2017 (UTC) [[/John Romero/]] * [[User:Blizz23|Blizz23]] ([[User talk:Blizz23|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Blizz23|contribs]]) 23:45, 14 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Archaeology Robots/]] * [[User:Bchu55|Bchu55]] ([[User talk:Bchu55|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Bchu55|contribs]]) 23:50, 14 February 2017 (UTC) [[/Mark Zuckerberg/]] {{collapse bottom}} '''4. Research your topic'''<br> Look for at least three kinds of sources: # Articles, any published material, interviews, videos and information you can use for your own contributions to the site # Internet sources that can be linked to your page including multimedia content (please make sure that images and other visual materials not restricted by copyright)<br><br> '''5. Add or edit headings such as:''' * Early Life and Education or Biography * Career * Legacy * Personal Life * Exhibitions * Awards and Nominations (if relevant) * Bibliography or Further Reading * History * Software or Hardware * References * External Links For a detailed editing reference, go to: [[Wikiversity:FAQ/Editing|Wikiversity Editing Reference]] <br><br> '''6. Need Images?''' You can find images that are licensed under the Creative Comments license here [https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Main_Page/ Wikimedia Commons]<br><br> Include <nowiki>[[Category:Digital Media Concepts]]</nowiki> at the bottom of the page to move the page into the assignment category. == Citations == APA style <ref>"Name of Article," accessed March 11, 2015, http://www.someURL.com.</ref> Chicago Style: <ref>Name of Article (for a source that does not list a copyright date, you use (n.d.) ). Retrieved October 15, 2015, from  http://www.someURL.com</ref> == Example of an annotated image == [[File:Great Wall of China in 2014.jpg|thumb|Great Wall of China in 2014]] <br style="clear: both;"> == Example of an [[Template:Infobox|infobox]] == {{Infobox |name = Wafaa Bilal |image = [[File:Wafaa-bilal2.JPG|thumb]] |title = Artist Wafaa Bilal |headerstyle = background:#ccf; |labelstyle = background:#ddf; |label1 = |data1 = Wafaa Bilal reading at Lannan Center for Poetics and Social Practice, Georgetown University |label2 = Nationality |data2 = {{{item_one| Iraqi American}}} |label3 = Born |data3 = {{{item_two|June 10, 1966}}} |label4 = Field of Research |data4 = {{{item_three|[[Video]], [[Electronic Arts]], [[New Media]]}}} |label5 = Birth Place |data5 = {{{item_Four|Najaf, Iraq}}} |label6 = Autor |data6 = {{{item_Five|Slowking4}}} }} <div style="clear:both;"></div> {{Infobox | name = Digital Media Concepts | bodystyle = | titlestyle = | abovestyle = background:#cfc; | subheaderstyle = | title = Test Infobox | above = Above text | subheader = Subheader above image | subheader2 = Second subheader | imagestyle = | captionstyle = | image = [[File:Example-serious.jpg|200px|alt=Example alt text]] | caption = Caption displayed below Example-serious.jpg | headerstyle = background:#ccf; | labelstyle = background:#ddf; | datastyle = | header1 = Header defined alone | label1 = | data1 = | header2 = | label2 = Label defined alone does not display (needs data, or is suppressed) | data2 = | header3 = | label3 = | data3 = Data defined alone | header4 = All three defined (header, label, data, all with same number) | label4 = does not display (same number as a header) | data4 = does not display (same number as a header) | header5 = | label5 = Label and data defined (label) | data5 = Label and data defined (data) | belowstyle = background:#ddf; | below = Below text }} <div style="clear:both;"></div> ==Navigational Templates== [[:w:Wikipedia:Navigation template|Navigation Template on Wikipedia]] == Media Templates == {{Listen | filename = Lion raring-sound1TamilNadu178.ogg | title = Lion roaring | plain = yes | style = float:left }} <div style="clear:both;"></div> == Useful links == * [[Help:Wikitext quick reference|Quick Reference]] * [[:w:Wikipedia:Tutorial/Wikipedia_links|Wikipedia Tutorial]] * [http://www.wikihow.com/Cite How to cite on Wikipedia] * [[:w:Help:Link|Using external links]] == Completed Assignments == {{Subpages/List}} ==References== {{reflist}} [[Category:Art]] [[Category:Culture]] [[Category:Human]] [[Category:Assignments]] [[Category:Digital art]] [[Category:Courses]] [[Category:Education]] pnpwcg6dh2sboge6qbi99z2dw1xmikb 0 235219 2840317 2388722 2026-10-14T19:09:23Z The Citer 3110681 Added phylogeny! 2840317 wikitext text/x-wiki [[Image:Gordiidae A MRKVICKA.JPG|thumb|300px|right|A worm in the family Gordiidae, within the Phylum Nematomorpha.]] *Nematomorpha *Name Meaning: Thread form *English Common Name: Horsehair worms, Gordian worms *Major distinguishing characteristics: *Approximate number of species described: about 320 known, about 2000 probable ==Description== The adult worms are free-living in freshwater, with the exception of 5 marine species known. The larvae are parasitic on arthropods (such as insects and crustaceans). The larva cause the changes in the brain of the host that eventually cause the host to seek water and drown. The parasite then emerges into the water as an adult worm. Adults sometimes congregate in balls, wrapping around one another. ==Taxonomy== There are two classes. * Nectonematoida, which includes the 5 marine species in the genus ''Nectonema''. * Gordioida which includes two families of freshwater species **Chordodidae **Gordiidae ==Phylogeny== {{Clade |label1=Nematomarpha |1={{Clade |label1=Gordioidea |1={{Clade |label1=Gordiidae |1={{Clade |1=''Acutogordius'' |2=''Gordius''}} |label2=Chordodidae |2={{clade |1=''Gordionus'' |2=''Parachordodes'' |3=''Paragordius'' |4=''Paragordionus'' |5=''Semigordionus'' |label6=Chordodinae |6={{Clade |1=''Chordodes'' |2=''Dacochordodes'' |3=''Euchordodes'' |4=''Neochordodes'' |5=''Pantachordodes'' |6=''Spinochordodes''}} }} }} |label2=''Nectonema'' |2={{clade |1=''Nectonema agile'' |2=''Nectonema melanocephalum'' |3=''Nectonema munidae'' |4=''Nectonema svensksundi'' |5=''Nectonema zealandica''}} }} }} ==Anatomy== Horsehair worms range in length from 50 millimeters (2 in) to 2 meters (6 feet). Their nervous system consists of a nerve ring that apparently serves as a brain near the "front", and a ventral nerve cord. There are no functioning digestive, circulatory or other systems. ==The Fossil Record== Fossils resembling Nematomorpha have been found in the early Cambrian of China. ==Quiz== * [[/Nematomorpha Quiz/]] ==References and Further Reading== *[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nematomorpha Nematomorpha] at Wikipedia *[http://tolweb.org/Nematomorpha/2473 Nematomorpha] at Tree of Life *[http://eol.org/pages/1539/overview Nematomorpha] at Encyclopedia of Life {{Animalia}} [[Category:Animals]] [[Category:Biology]] [[Category:Taxonomy]] [[Category:Zoology]] oaovrpgl2oy4jjh4hvduu6nly8ulyk3 0 235220 2840335 2388727 2026-10-14T21:44:18Z The Citer 3110681 Added phylogeny! 2840335 wikitext text/x-wiki [[Image:Micrura alaskensis.png|thumb|300px|right|Micrura alaskensis, a ribbon worm.]] *Nemertea *Name Meaning: A sea nymph *English Common Name: Ribbon worms *Major distinguishing characteristics: *Approximate number of species described: about 1200 ==Natural History== ==Taxonomy== There are three Classes: *Hoplonemertea *Palaeonemertea *Pilidiophora ==Phylogeny== {{Clade |label1=Nemertea |1={{Clade |label1=Heteronemertea |1={{clade |1={{clade |1=''Panorhynchus argentinensis'' |2=''Poliopsis lacazei''}} |2=''Gorgonorhynchus'' |3=Baseodiscidae |4=Mixolineidae |5=Polybrachiorhynchidae |6=Pussylineidae |7=Valenciniidae |8=Lineidae}} |label2=Hoplonemertea |2={{clade |label1=Monostilifera |1={{clade |1=Acteonemertidae |2=Cratenemertidae |label3=Eumonostilifera |3={{clade |1=''Quasitetrastemma'' |2=Carcinonemertidae |label3=Amphiporina |3={{clade |1=Amphiporidae |2=Carcinonemertidae |3=Prosorhochmidae |4=Tetrastemmatidae}} }} }} |label2=Polystilifera |2={{Clade |2=''Nectonemertes'' |1=''Phallonemertes murrayi'' |3={{clade |1=''Uniporus'' |2={{clade |label1=Panaequifurcata |1={{clade |label1=Inaequifurcata |1={{clade |1=''Drepanogigas'' |2=''Paradrepanophorus''}} |label2=Aequifurcata |2={{clade |1=''Brinkmannia'' |2=''Drepanobanda'' |3=Drepanophoridae}}}} |3={{clade |1=Siboganemertidae |label2=Pelagica |2={{Clade |1=''Buergeriella'' |2=Armaueriidae |3=Balaenanemertidae |4=Chuniellidae |5=Dinonemertidae |6=Pachynemertidae |7=Pelagonemertidae |8=Planktonemertidae |9=Protopelagonemertidae }} }} }} }} }} }} |label3=Palaeonemertea |3={{clade |1=Cephalotrichidae |2=Carininidae |label3=Tubulaniformes |3={{clade |1=Callineridae |2=Carinomellidae |3=Tubulanidae}} }} }} }} ==Anatomy== ==The Fossil Record== ==Quiz== * [[/Nemertea Quiz/]] ==References and Further Reading== *[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nemertea Nemertea] at Wikipedia *[http://tolweb.org/Nemertea/2489 Nemertea] at Tree of Life *[http://eol.org/pages/2855/overview Nemertea] at Encyclopedia of Life {{Animalia}} [[Category:Animals]] [[Category:Biology]] [[Category:Taxonomy]] [[Category:Zoology]] fitddunueboeqhenqppig7ivyspfoym 0 235221 2840352 2388735 2026-10-15T01:09:19Z The Citer 3110681 Added phylogeny! 2840352 wikitext text/x-wiki [[Image:Euperipatoides kanangrensis crop.jpg|thumb|300px|right|''Euperipatoides kanangrensis'', a velvet worm.]] *Onychophora *Name Meaning: Claw bearer *English Common Name: Velvet worms *Major distinguishing characteristics: Legs tipped by chitinous claws *Approximate number of species described: about 232 modern ==Natural History== ==Taxonomy== There are two extant families: *Peripatidae *Peripatopsidae ==Phylogeny== {{clade|{{clade |1=†''Antennacanthopodia'' [[File:Antennacanthopodia.jpg|80px]] |label2=Udeonychophora |2={{clade |label1=Peripatidae |1={{clade |1={{clade |1=''Eoperipatus'' [[File:Eoperipatus sp.png|70px]] |2={{clade |1=†''Cretoperipatus'' [[File:Cretoperipatus.jpg|90px]] |2=''Typhloperipatus'' }} }} |2={{clade |1=''Mesoperipatus'' |2='''Neopatida''' [[File:Velvet worm rotated, mirror.png|80px]] }} }} |2=†''Antennipatus'' [[File:Antennipatus SOT006706.jpg|90px]] |label3=Peripatopsidae |3={{clade |1={{clade |1=''Paraperipatus'' |2={{clade |1={{clade |1={{clade |1=Peripatopsidae sp. MCZ 131371 & MCZ 141416 |2={{clade |1=''Ooperipatus'' |2={{clade |1=''Phallocephale'' [[File:Phallocephale tallagandensis.jpg|80px]] |2={{clade |1=''Aethrikos'' |2=''Euperipatoides'' [[File:Euperipatoides rowelli 59574607.jpg|80px]] }} }} }} }} |2={{clade |1=''Occiperipatoides'' |2=''Kumbadjena'' [[File:Kumbadjena kaata 107418473.jpg|80px]] }} }} |2={{clade |1={{clade |1={{clade |1=''Peripatoides'' [[File:Peripatoides novaezealandiae 150609625.jpg|80px]] |2=''Diemenipatus'' }} |2=''Tasmanipatus'' [[File:Tasmanipatus barretti 283705657.jpg|80px]] }} |2=''Ooperipatellus'' [[File:Ooperipatellus viridimaculatus 177307616.jpg|80px]] }} }} }} |2={{clade |1={{clade |1=''Peripatopsis'' [[File:Peripatopsis overbergiensis 44941858.jpg|80px]] |2=''Metaperipatus'' }} |2=''Opisthopatus'' }} }} }} }}|style=font-size:100%;line-height:85%|label1='''Onychophora'''}} ==Anatomy== ==The Fossil Record== ==Quiz== * [[/Onychophora Quiz/]] ==References and Further Reading== *[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Onychophora Onychophora] at Wikipedia *[http://tolweb.org/Onychophora/2470 Onychophora] at Tree of Life *[http://eol.org/pages/6927/overview Onychophora] at Encyclopedia of Life {{Animalia}} [[Category:Animals]] [[Category:Biology]] [[Category:Taxonomy]] [[Category:Zoology]] 3x8pm083l3a2hbts54j5r25r830f0lz 0 264277 2840337 2840084 2026-10-14T22:29:30Z Scogdill 1331941 2840337 wikitext text/x-wiki [[Social Victorians/Timeline/1840s|1840s]] [[Social Victorians/Timeline/1850s |1850s]] [[Social Victorians/Timeline/1860s | 1860s]] [[Social Victorians/Timeline/1870s | 1870s]] [[Social Victorians/Timeline/1880s | 1880s Headlines]] [[Social Victorians/Timeline/1890s | 1890s Headlines]] 1890 [[Social Victorians/Timeline/1891 | 1891]] [[Social Victorians/Timeline/1892 | 1892]] [[Social Victorians/Timeline/1893 | 1893]] [[Social Victorians/Timeline/1894 | 1894]] [[Social Victorians/Timeline/1895 | 1895]] [[Social Victorians/Timeline/1896 | 1896]] [[Social Victorians/Timeline/1897 | 1897]] [[Social Victorians/Timeline/1898 | 1898]] [[Social Victorians/Timeline/1899 | 1899]] [[Social Victorians/Timeline/1900s|1900s]] [[Social Victorians/Timeline/1910s|1910s]] [[Social Victorians/Timeline/1920s-30s|1920s-30s]] ==January 1890== Sometime in January 1890, [[Social Victorians/People/Horniman|Annie Horniman]] was initiated into the Golden Dawn (Gilbert 86 144). Sometime in 1890 Annie Besant and [[Social Victorians/People/Helena Blavatsky|Helena Blavatsky]] founded the Working Women's Club in the East End (Besant Chronology.pdf). Maye Dilke was a member (Crawford 170). [[Social Victorians/People/Frank Harris|Frank Harris]] says,<blockquote>One day in 1890 I had George Meredith, Walter Pater and [[Social Victorians/People/Oscar Wilde|Oscar Wilde]] dining with me in Park Lane and the time of sex-awakening was discussed. Both Pater and Wilde spoke of it as a sign of puberty. Pater thought it began about thirteen or fourteen and Wilde to my amazement set it as late as sixteen. Meredith alone was inclined to put it earlier.<ref>Harris, Frank. ''My Life and Loves''.</ref></blockquote> ===1 January 1890, Wednesday, New Year's Day=== <blockquote>Sharp frost was experienced over the East of England yesterday morning, and in South London the thermometer had been as low as 27deg., and 28deg. in Hyde-park. It rose during the day to 41deg., but in the evening frost again set in. Later the thermometer rose again to 32deg., and there was an appearance as of coming rain.<ref><cite>The Morning Post. 1 January 1890 (No. 36,675): P. 4, Col. F.</cite></ref></blockquote>Influenza was spreading all over Europe. A true pandemic carried by international commerce and travel, it was called the Russian flu.<p> According to the "Court Circular: Orders for Court Mourning" in the Morning Post,<blockquote>A second supplement to the Gazette, issued last night, contains the following: — "Lord Chamberlain's Office, January 1. "Orders for the Court's going into mourning on Thursday next, the 2d instant, for her late Majesty the Empress of Brazil, viz." — "The ladies to wear black dresses, white gloves, black or white shoes, feathers, and fans, pearls, diamonds, or plain gold or silver ornaments. The gentlemen to wear black Court dress, with black swords and buckles. "The Court to change the mourning on Thursday, the 16th instant, viz.: — [new paragraph] The ladies to wear black dresses, with coloured ribbons, flowers, feathers, and ornaments, or grey or white dresses, with black ribbons, flowers, feathers, and ornaments. The gentlemen to continue the same mourning. "And on Thursday, the 23d instant, the Court to go out of mourning."<ref><cite>"Court Circular: Orders for Court Mourning." The Morning Post, 2 January 1890 (No. 36,676): page 5 Col. G.</cite></ref></blockquote> === 6 January 1890, Monday === Empress Augusta of Saxe-Weimar-Eisenach died on 7 January, and her funeral was on 11 January 1890. (She had been Queen of Prussia and the first German Empress. Her mother had been a Romanov, and she had been married to William I, German Emperor; their eldest son, Frederick William, married Vicky, Princess Royal, Queen Victoria's first-born child. She had politics similar to those of her daughter-in-law, but not of her grandson, Kaiser Wilhelm II or Bismarck.) Bertie did not attend her funeral:<blockquote>The decision of the Prince of Wales not to go to Berlin for the funeral of the Empress Augusta has caused much surprise, to say the least of it; but H.R.H. preferred to conclude his visit to Baron Hirsch at Merton, where there was a prodigious slaughter of partridges during the four days' ''chasse''.<p> The guests invited to Merton to meet the Prince were the Duc de Chartres, the Duchess of Manchester, Lord Hartington, Lord and Lady de Grey, [[Social Victorians/People/Mandeville|Lady Mandeville]], Mr. Henry Chaplin, and Mr. and Mrs. Arthur Sassoon.<ref>"What the World Says." ''The World'' 15 January 1890, Wednesday: 14 [of 40], Col. 2b [of 2]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0006339%2F18900115&page=14. Same print title and p.</ref></blockquote>The local paper, the Thetford and Watton Times and People's Weekly Journal, has a full account:<blockquote>Royal Visit. — On Monday H.R.H. the Prince of Wales arrived here by special train on a visit to the Baron de Hirsch, who is residing at Merton Hall. The train was in charge of Mr. Kimm, the District Superintendent. The Prince was accompanied by the Marquis of Hartington, and attended by Colonel Teesdale. Long before the arrival of the train a large number of the townspeople and many from neighbouring villages gathered in the station yard, the platform being kept clear by a staff of police, who were under the direction of Inspector Knights. Crimson cloth was laid from the platform through the station to Lord Walsingham’s carriage, which was in waiting to convey the visitors to the Hall. His Royal Highness was met on the platform by the Baron. The crowd cheered most heartily as the Prince left the station yard. The company invited to meet His Royal Highness and staying at the Hall are the Duchess of Manchester, Lord Hartington, Colonel Teesdale, Mr. Mackenzie, Colonel Ellis, Lord and Lady Brook, Earl and Countess de Grey, Duc de Chartres, Mr. and Mrs. Sassoon, Viscountess Mandeville and Miss Giese. The Right Hon. Henry Chaplin was prevented by illness from being present. On Tuesday the party went partridge shooting at Stanford, where game was abundant. Lord Hartington was taken ill from the effects of a cold soon after his arrival at Merton. On Wednesday and Thursday the party had "mixed shooting," and to-day (Friday) they shoot through the Home Coverts.<ref>"Watton." ''Thetford & Watton Times'' 11 January 1890, Saturday: 5 [of 8], Col. 1a [of 7]. ''British Newspaper Archive''https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0001533%2F18900111&page=5&article=091&stringtohighlight=mandeville+viscount. Print title: ''Thetford and Watton Times and People's Weekly Journal'', p. 5.</ref></blockquote>''Lloyd's Weekly Newspaper'' says,<blockquote>The Prince of Wales, attended by General Teesdale, C.B., left Sandringham on Monday afternoon [Monday, 6 January] for Merton. ... The Princess of Wales, with Princesses Victoria and Maud, remains at Sandringham. The Prince of Wales is the guest of the Baron de Hirsch at Merton, the ancient seat of the De Grey's in Norfolk. Among the other guests at Merton are the Marquis of Hartington, who travelled by special train with the Prince from Wolferton, via King's Lynn and Swaffham, to Wotton, where the host met them and conducted them to Merton; the Duc de Chartres, the Duchess of Manchester, Viscountess Mandeville, and Mr. and Mrs. Arthur Sassoon.<ref>"The Queen and Royal Family." ''Lloyd's Weekly Newspaper'' 12 January 1890, Sunday: 12 [of 12], Col. 2a [of 5]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0000079%2F18900112&page=12&article=046&stringtohighlight=mandeville+viscount. Print title: ''Lloyd's Weekly London Newspaper'', p. 12.</ref></blockquote>The ''Thetford and Watton Times and People's Weekly Journal'' has a little more:<blockquote>The Prince of Wales, attended by General Teesdale, C.B., left Sandringham on Monday afternoon for Merton. ... The Princess of Wales, with Princesses Victoria and Maud remain at Sandringham. The Prince of Wales is the guest of the Baron de Hirsch at Merton. Among the other guests at Merton are the Marquis of Hartington, M.P., who travelled by special train with the Prince from Wolferton, ''vía'' King’s Lynn and Swaffham, to Watton, where the host met them and conducted them to Merton; the Duc de Chartres, the Duchess of Manchester, the Earl and Countess de Grey, Viscountess Mandeville, General Ellis, Sir James Mackenzie, and Mr. and Mrs. Arthur Sassoon. Mr. Chaplin was expected to have joined the party, but at present is unable to do so.<ref>''Thetford & Watton Times'' 11 January 1890, Saturday: 4 [of 8], Col. 7c [of 7]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0001533%2F18900111&page=4&article=090&stringtohighlight=mandeville+viscount. Print title: ''Thetford & Watton Times and People's Weekly Journal'', p. 4.</ref></blockquote>And the ''County Gentleman'' has a little more:<blockquote>The party assembled to meet the Prince of Wales at Merton Hall included Lord Hartington, who came on from Wolferton with the Prince. Baron Hirsch met them at Walton Station, and conducted them back to Merton. There was a nice little crowd of country people at the station, who cheered H.R.H. lustily. The Duc de Chartres, the Duchess of Manchester, Lord and Lady de Grey, Lady Mandeville, and Mr. and Mrs. Arthur Sassoon were of the party. Mr. Chaplin, laid up with influenza, was unable to accept the Baron's invitation. The shooting was excellent. I hear that the Baron will, after all, buy Houghton, and take up his abode there next year. ...  Death has been busy in Imperial circles this week. Scarcely had mourning been decreed for the ex-Empress of Brazil than we heard of the death of the venerable Empress Augusta of Germany at the advanced age of 80. She had been a great invalid for many years past, and influenza found her an easy victim. ... The Empress Frederick's visit to Italy has been abruptly terminated by the death of her mother-in-law, the Empress Augusta. ... Court mourning will considerably modify the programmes arranged for next week at Bournemouth, Poole, and Canford Manor. The Prince and Princess will, of course, be Lord and Lady Wimborne's guests, but the balls will have to be given up, much to the vexation of spirit of all concerned. Mourning is to be worn for four weeks, from Wednesday until February 5.<ref>"The Man about Town." ''Sporting Gazette'' 11 January 1890, Saturday: 6 [of 34], Col. 1b–c [of 3]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0002525%2F18900111&page=6&article=039&stringtohighlight=mandeville+viscount. Print title: ''The County Gentleman'', p. 38.</ref></blockquote> === 1890 January 7, Tuesday === The newspaper reports of several fights lack dates, so these aggregated descriptions are still under construction. Check February, too. The Fracas at the Trocadero and the meeting at the Pelican Club occurred on the same day. The [[Social Victorians/Boxing/Smith-Slavin 1889-12-23|Smith-Slavin Fight]] was 23 December 1889. At least 2 [[Social Victorians/Boxing/Pelican Club Meeting Smith-Slavin match|meetings at the London Pelican Club]] followed, as well as the [[Social Victorians/Boxing/Fracas at the Trocadero|Fracas at the Trocadero]]. === 9 January 1890, Thursday === ==== The York Hunt Ball ==== This account is from the ''Irish Society'', which explains which women's costumes are the focus:<blockquote>The fashionable world and his wife are out of town just now, having good times at country houses. They shed the light of their brilliant presence on those annual functions known as county balls, and enjoy themselves also at those popular and picturesque entertainments to which they are bidden by the masters and members of the various hunts. One of the smartest dances of last week took place at York on Thursday evening. It was in fancy costume, and was in aid of funds for the York County Hospital. Once upon a time the journey from London to the Minster City of the North was a far cry, and one not lightly undertaken. Now it is luxurious and short. In consequence this hall presented the appearance of one in town in mid-season. There was conspicuous for height and handsomeness the familiar figure and face of Countess de Grey. Lady Helen Duncombe, too, who shares with her Grace of Leinster, and Lady Cynthia Graham, the family beauty of the House of Feversham, was seen in the marvellously becoming (to her) costume of the Empire period. Lady Lilian Wemyss, a lady "divinely tall,” and appropriately fair, was garbed in pink and white of a fashion hailing from the Empire. A "square;” in which the lady dancers were all gowned empirically, was the event of the evening. An event worth remembering it was. The costumes were superb, but their attractions were nowhere in comparison with the charms the [Col. 1c–2a] wearers. These were all tall and each one handsome. Lady de Trafford’s pretty face and fine figure showed to great advantage in her gown of white satin, veiled with gold-bordered ''chiffon'', and with an Empire trained cloak from her shoulders of Rose du Barri velvet lined with white satin, and bordered with gold galon. The colour of the velvet in what is seen in the half-yellow, half-scarlet petals of the soft textured nasturtium bloom. [[Social Victorians/People/Bourke|Mrs Algernon Bourke]] looked a picture in a Gainsborough gown. The white satin skirt was flounced with sable and veiled with ''chiffon'', the setuage of which was left to show without being hemmed up. There was a broad sash of rose-pink silk and each buttonhole was filled round with crimped lisse. One might go on for long enough describing costume after costume, and then leave them half out. Therefore, we shall, like the judge "sum up” and "charge” for a verdict of the utmost brilliancy.<ref>"Our London Letter." ''Irish Society'' (Dublin) 11 January 1890, Saturday: 17 [of 24], Col. 1b–2a [of 3]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/viewer/bl/0001939/18900111/042/0017. Same print title, p. 29.</ref></blockquote> === 1890 January 10, Friday === The ball at the Ulster Club Ball, Belfast:<blockquote>The Ulster Club gave on Friday evening last week, in the Ulster Hall, Belfast, one of the most successful balls ever held in that prosperous City of the North of Ireland. It was given in honour of the Marquis of Londonderry and the Marchioness, who, with their son, Lord Castlereagh, were the guests of the evening. Lord Londonderry is an Ulster man of whom the natives of the Northern Province are justly proud, and to entertain him was an honour which has been long looked for by the Club. The hall, which is a splendid building admirably adapted for the purpose of a large dance, was changed beyond the recognition of its oldest frequenters by the skill of clever and tasteful decorators. A temporary archway was erected at the entrance, with cloakrooms for ladies and men at either side. The entrance was prettily carpeted and gracefully draped with delicately-coloured Oriental silk. The walls were hung with handsome Eastern fabrics of rich and harmonious colour, with large mirrors at intervals, which served in effect to double the size of the room. The prettily proportioned vestibule and smaller apartments adjoining the ball-room were decorated and furnished each in the style of a different period. The ceilings were prettily draped with rich but soft-coloured India and China silks. The minor hall made an admirable supper-room, and was also most artistically decorated. The flowers on the table were much admired. The orchestra made music from out a very multitude of floral blooms, and that most effective decoration of blocks of ice hollowed out and lighted by electricity, which so puzzled the Shah of Persia when over here, was liberally made use of. The principal families in the north of Ireland were invited; among others, Prince and Princess Edward of Saxe-Weimar, the Duke and Duchess of Abercorn, the Duke and Duchess of Manchester, [[Social Victorians/People/Mandeville|Lady Mandeville]], the Marchioness of Downshire, the Earl and Countess of Lanesborough, the Earl and Countess of Enniskillen, the Earl and Countess of Belmore, the Earl and Countess of Caledon, the Earl and Countess of Gosford, the Earl and Countess of Ranfurley,  and the Earl and Countess of Erne, His Grace the Primate of all Ireland, Mrs. Knox and the Misses Knox. The regiments stationed in the North of Ireland were largely represented. Mr. J. Blakiston-Houston, V.L., as senior trustee of the club, had the honour of taking Lady Londonderry to supper. The Marquis took the Countess of Castlestuart; the Right Hon. Col. Forde, D.L., also a club trustee, Lady Fanny Lambert; Sir Edward Cowan, Lord Lieutenant of the County Antrim, Lady Clanmorris; Captain Cramsie, J.P., High Sheriff of Antrim, Lady O'Neill; Lord Castlestuart, Lady Charlotte Montgomery; Lord Clanmorris, the Hon. Mrs. Alexander; Lord O'Neill, Mrs. Forde; and General Wiseman-Clarke, Mrs. Knox. Dancing was kept up till an early hour on Saturday morning, the ball having proved a genuine success.<ref>"Court and Society Notes." ''Lady's Pictorial'' 18 January 1890, Saturday: 44 [of 60], Col. 1b [of 3]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0005980%2F18900118&page=44. Same print title, p. 94.</ref></blockquote>The Dublin Daily Express has a much fuller report, including a much longer guest list:<blockquote>Belfast, Friday. The Marquis and Marchioness of Londonderry, who reached Kingstown this morning by the mail steamer Munster from Holyhead, arrived by the Dublin Limited mail in Belfast in the forenoon, and proceeded direct by special train to Newtownards, and thence to Mountstewart, their county Down residence. This evening the Marquis and Marchioness returned to Belfast, and were the principal guests at a grand ball given by the Ulster Club in the Ulster Hall. Upwards of seven hundred and fifty invitations were issued for the ball, and the attendance included the ''elite'' of the North of Ireland. The Ulster Hall presented a most charming appearance. The piazza, vestible, and ladies' and gentlemen's cloakrooms were transformed into beautiful drawingingrooms [sic], fitted up with tasteful draperies, and furnished with suitable furniture, while beautiful evergreens distributed here and there gave the place a really lovely appearance. The large hall was striking and brilliant. The front of the orchestra across the hall was fitted up with silver plate-glass, and this mirroring was draped with crimson silk plush, and reflected the countess lights and surroundings to great advantage. The lofty windows especially looked well, draped and festooned as they were with rich material in gold and blue and white. Crimson Utrecht velvet, festooned with gold sateen, covered the front of the balconies, and the pillars below were also artistically draped with rich material. The corridors were fitted up as refreshment rooms, and also beautifully adorned with draperies of art muslin and other material. The Minor Hall was arranged as a supper room. The invitations included the following — General Prince Edward of Saxe-Weimar and Princess Edward of Saxe-Weimar, the Duke and Duchess of Manchester, Duke and Duchess of Abercorn, the Marchioness of Downshire, the Marquis and Marchioness of Londonderry, Viscountess Mandeville, Earl and Countess of Lanesborough, Earl and Countess of Enniskillen, Earl and Countess of Belmore, Earl and Countess of Caledon, Earl and Countess of Gosford, Earl and Countess of Ranfurly, Lord Herbert Vane Tempest, Earl and Countess of Erne, Lord and Lady De Ros, Lord and Lady Garvagh, Earl and Countess of Castlestuart and Ladies Muriel and Mary Stuart, Lord and Lady Langford, the Mayor and Mayoress of Belfast, his Grace the Primate of All Ireland, Mr Knox and the Misses Knox, Col Saunderson, MP, and the Hon Mrs Saunderson; Col the Hon Sir West Ridgeway and Lady Ridgeway, Right Hon A J Balfour, Lord A Hill, MP; the Inspector-General RIC. The military included — Headquarter Staff — Major-Gen Wiseman-Clarke, CB, and Mrs Wiseman-Clarke; Capt Wiseman-Clarke, ADC; Major and Mrs Pollock, Capt and Mrs Knocker, Lieut-Col, Mrs, and Miss Parker, Deputy Surgeon-Gen, Mrs, and Miss Tippets — Major and Mrs Brereton, Royal Scots Greys, Major the Hon W P Alexander, and Mrs Alexander; officers Royal Scots Greys, Major the Hon W Alexander and Mrs Alexander; Royal Engineers — Major J Cameron; Gordon Highlanders, Lieut-Col Essex, and officers 2nd Batt Gordon Highlanders — Major, Mrs, and Miss Robertson, Major the Hon J Scott Napier, Mrs Napier, and the Misses Leith, Capt W H Dick-Cunynghan [sic], VC, and Mrs Dick-Cunygham [sic], Capt and Mrs Singlair-Wemyss, Hon W R D Forbes and Mrs Forbes, Black Watch — Colonel Kidston and officers 2nd Batt the Black Watch, Colonel and Mrs Kidston, Major and Mrs Ganter. Capt and Mrs Coode, Capt and Mrs Moulton-Barrett, Mr and Mrs J Stuart, and Capt and Mrs Filmore. Royal Irish Ritles — Colonel Guiness, CB, and officers, Depot, Royal Irish Rifles; Major and Mrs Knox, Capt and Mrs Tobin, Lieut-Colonel Maberley and officers the Royal Scots Greys, Dundalk; Colonel Griffiths and officers 2nd Batt the East Lancashire Regt, Newry; Colonel Kinloch and officers 2nd Batt the Kings Royal Rifle Corps, Enniskillen; Colonel Latham and officers, Royal Artillery, Londonderry; Colonel Hopton, CB, and officers, depot Princess Victoria's, Armagh; Colonel Caldwell and officers depot the Royal Inniskilling Fusiliees [sic], Omagh; Colonel Dickson and officers 5th Dragoon Guards, Dublin; Colonel and Mrs Dickson, Major and Mrs  Bowers, Major and Mrs Bromfield, Captain and Mrs Forster. Medical Staff — Surgeon-Major and Mrs O F Molloy, Surgeon S J Flood, AMS, and Mrs  Flood; Surgeon J Watson, AMS; Surgeon P M Carleton, Surgeon R L Love, Surgeon F A B Daly, Surgeon T Moynihan, Surgeon J  M'Laughlin. Army Pay Department — Captain and Mrs W M F Trotman, Captain M'Causland. Army Service Corps — Captain A G lnglis, Major Forde, Miss Forde, Miss A Forde, Colonel Wm B Forde and Mrs Forde, the Countess Fingall, Mr H M Herron, RH; Captain and Mrs Greer, Mr and Mrs Edward Greer, Captain G O Gage, RM; and Miss Gage, Lady and the Misses Heygate, Mr J  Blakeston Houston, V L and Mrs Houston, Mr T B Houston and Miss Houston, Captain and Mrs Hobbs, Sir E J Harland, Bart, MP; Captain M'Calmont, MP, and Mrs M'Calmont, W Ellison Macartney, MP; Colonel H B Johnston, Lieutenant Colonel Knox, Dr and Mrs Letts, Captain Lloyd, Lady Fanny Lambert, Major Lambert, Sir Henry Lawrence, Bart; General Montgomery, CSI, and Mrs Montgomery; General Montgomery Moore and the Hon Mrs Moore, Mr and Mrs Harry S Moore, Major J F Mars, Major Somerset Maxwell and Lady Florence Maxwell, Mr and Mrs Stephen Percival Maxwell, Mr Robert Davidson Percival Maxwell, Captain Molesworth, Mr Hugh Montgomery and the Lady Charlotte Montgomery and Miss Evelyn Montgomery; Viscount Massereene and Ferrard, Major R Percival Maxwell, Colonel W E Montgomery, Lieutenant Colonel M'Cance, Miss Eva M'Cance, and Mrs J S M'Cance; Major H S M'Clintock and Miss M'Clintock, Captain and Miss M'Neill, Major M'Cammon, Lieut-General Nugent, Captain H M Orr, Mr James Owens, DL; the Hon R T O'Neill, MP; Lord and Lady O'Neill, Captain Preston, RM, and Mrs Preston, Mr John Preston, Lady Preston, and Mr and Mrs George J Preston, Mr and Mrs W J Perrie, Captain Perry, Captain, Mrs, and Miss Blackwood Price, Dr and Mrs Poole, Rev A H Pakenham, Captain and Mrs Richards, Miss Richardson, Mr Thomas Richardson, Major Rodgers, Mrs Charles H Richardson, Captain John Riky, Mr and Mrs A P Richardson, Mr Robert H Reade, Mr James Theodore Richardson, Mr Charles H Richardson, Captain W L Stronge, Mr C E Stronge, Commander Lester Stuart, Mrs Lester Stuart and Miss Lester Stuart, Miss Stronge and Miss Fanny Stronge, Mr and Mrs Stronge, Dr and Mrs Bryce Smith, Major and Mrs Stokes, Major and Mrs Scarlett, and Mr and the Hon Mrs Southby, Mr and Mrs Thomas R Stanus [sic] and Miss B Staunus [sic], Colonel Stoddert, Sir William and Lady Style, Major H Seymour Allen, Mr Edward and Mrs Archdale, Major A G S Alexander and Mrs Alexander, Major Alason, Major the Hon Chas and Mrs Alexander, Capt Stewart Bruce and Miss Bruce, Capt and Mrs Knox Browne, Miss Knox Browne, Mr Knox Browne, Mr and Mrs Barbour, Capt St G Burton, Sir Henry and Lady Bruce, Mr and Mrs J M'C Blizard, Miss C J Blizard, Mr and Mrs James Bruce, Mrs Bruce, Miss Bruce and Master Bruce, Col and Mrs Buchanan, Capt Buckle, Miss Erskine Brownrigg, Dr and Mrs J W Browne, Mr R N Batt, Mrs and Miss  Batt, Mr and Mrs Claud Brownlow and Miss Brownlow, Major Boyton, Lord Terence Blackwood, the Bishop of Down and Connor and Dromore, Sir Victor and Lady Brook, Mr J M Barbour, Mr E Jones Bristow, Mr Charles Brownlow, Mr William Charley, Miss Charley, Miss L Charley, Mr E J Charley, Mr Arthur Charley, Mr and Mrs Abraham Combe, Miss and Mr R H Crawford, Mr James Craig, Lord and Lady Clanmorris, Captain and Mrs J S Cramsie, Mr Robert Cramsie, Major and Mrs S K Cowan, Sir Edward Porter- Cowan, Lady Cowan, Miss Cowan, Mr Victor Cortes, Mr William Cortes, and Miss Cortes, Mr N Delacherois Crommelin, Captain Carden, Captain Arthur Chambers, RHA; Lady Elizabeth Cochrane, Major Campbell, Mr Colin Campbell, Captain Cuppadge, Mr and Mrs Robert G Dunville. Mr S and the Misses Delacherois, and Miss A J Delacherois, Captain Darwell, Miss de Wind, Lieutenant-General and Mrs Dickey, Rev Freeman and Mrs Dudley, Mr John Dunville, Mr H de Wind, Mr John Torrens and Mrs Torrens, Captain Townsend, Captain J A Torrens, the Town Inspector of Belfast, and Mrs Singleton; Mr H Verner, the Hon Kathleen Ward, the Hon Emily Ward, Colonel and the Misses White, Captain Robert Wallace, Captain R Wallace, the Misses Young, Mr Henry G Young, and Mr Wm R Young.<ref>"Grand Ball to the Marquis and Marchioness of Londonderry. (From our correspondent.)" ''Dublin Daily Express'' 11 January 1890, Saturday: 5 [of 8], Col. 3a–c [of 7]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0001384%2F18900111&page=5&article=095&stringtohighlight=mandeville+viscount. Print title: ''The Daily Express'', p. 5.</ref></blockquote>The Northern Whig gave even more attention to this event:<blockquote>"The Ulster Club Ball." A grand ball in honour of the Marquis and Marchioness of Londonderry was given at the Ulster Hall last night by the Committee and members of the Ulster Club. The affair, it is almost unnecessary to say, was conceived and carried out in a style fully worthy of the Club and its traditions. In the course of the last few years the Ulster Hall has witnessed many a brilliant gathering and been the subject of many a gorgeous transformation. Few, however, of such assemblies have been more brilliant than that of last night, and few of such transformations more splendidly effective than that which the taste and skill of those entrusted with the decorative design accomplished with a very few days’ preparation. With the exception perhaps of Sir Edward Harland’s ball in honour of the Prince and Princess of Wales, no recent local function has been associated with so elaborate and successful a scheme of artistic ornamentation. The interior furnished quite a series of beautiful pictures, for the work of adornment had been lavished not only on the main hall, which lends so kindly to such efforts, but to every nook and corner of the building. Vestibule, staircase and corridors, supper-room, drawing-rooms, and ante-rooms — each had apparently been the subject of a special and well-directed effort, so that, while each formed part of a highly effective whole, it possessed an individual attraction quite independent of its surroundings. Modern artistic tastes were oonsulted in the general plan of decoration, which was more or less of an Oriental character. Not that there was any suggestion of the semi-barbaric splendour or florld profusion of the East, but the liberal interspersion of palms, ferns, and exotics everywhere throughout the building, in addition to the splendid bank of foliage and blossom massed upon the orchestra, amidst which the electric lights sparkled like fireflies, gave a tropical colour to the scene. Luxurious furniture, costly art objects, beautiful mirrors, rich carpets and curtains, and hangings of delicate, soft-coloured material, all arranged with exquisite taste, assorted well with the lavish floral display. It would be impossible to adequately describe the beauty of the scene presented by the hall when brilliantly lighted and thronged with upwards of five hundred guests. We may, however, be able to give some very imperfect idea of the  decorative work, which fully deserved the praise unanimously bestowed upon it by those present. Messrs. [Mayrs ?] of Royal Avenue, and Mr. C. M'Kimm, of the Botanic Gardons, divided the honour and responsibility of the work, the former well-known firm being en trusted [sic] with the furnishing and upholstering department, and the latter equally well-known gentleman having charge of what may be called the botanical portion of the scheme, which, as already remarked, was of more than ordinary prominence and beauty. In the arrangements of the large hall, which, as the ball room, formed of course the centre of attraction, the resources of both departments had been fully brought into play. At the foot of the orchestra were placed a set of tall mirrors, draped with rich silk plush, and extending nearly the entire width of the hall. This was a most effective adornment, the mirrors, besides forming a handsome portion of the ''mise en scene'', reflecting the countless lights and brilliant surroundings to great advantage. The front of the balconies was covered with crimson Utrecht velvet, festooned with gold sateen, and the pillars supporting the balconies were also artistically draped with rich material. The walls of the hall were draped with art muslin, in which, at intervals, were placed rich mirrors. Under neath [sic] the balconies a crimson cloth carpet covered the floor. This portion of the hall was furnished with luxurious settees, couches, and gossip chairs; while palms and other graceful-foliaged plants, interspersed where practicable, gave this charming retreat for the dancers a very pleasant and inviting aspect. The draping of the lofty windows in material of blue, white, and gold was particularly elegant and effective. The centre of the hall was, of course, reserved for the dancers, and the floor was waxed to perfection. Charming, indeed, was the mass of foliage arranged on the orchestra, interspersed with bits of pretty rockery, cunning devices in virgin cork, and banks of rich bloom, backed by waving fronded growths. In the arrangement of this portion of the Interior Mr. M'Kimm had brought to his task all the originality of Idea, true artistic taste, and keen perception of natural effect which he has always displayed in connection with every form of horticultural art. Numbers of tiny electric lights peeping from amidst this bank of foliage and flowers enhanced its general beauty, without detracting from that of the various blossoms, for the soft-coloured points of light only served to deepen the scarlet glow of the poinsettia and the crimson blush of the camellia. Electric lighting was in fact a feature of the adornment of the hall. Nothing could be prettier than the hanging baskets pendent from the balcony filled with tradescantra [sic; s/b tradescantia?] and other trailing plants, and each bearing a little incandescent lamp, which reflected the soft tint of its globe. These globes were in various colours, and the unique effect may readily be conceived. At the lower end of the hall opposite to the orchestra a handsome "ice trophy" was erected, backed by mirrors, which reflected and multiplied its glittering outlines a thousand times, and surrounded by plants and twining foliage. This, besides bring highly ornamental, imparted a delicious coolness to the hall. The central light from the celling of the hall was adorned with fronds of nephrolepis fern, palm leaves, and trailing growths. The staircases leading to the balcony and Minor  Hall — the latter being the supper-room — were carpeted with crimson cloth. On the landing a barrier had been erected dividing the supper-room from the balcony entrance. This was in the form of a garden trellis, overhung with ivy — a very neat and appropriate arrangement. The balcony itself was carpeted and furnished. Here and there cosy little nooks were formed, adorned with prettily arranged rock work and flowers. To these guests might retire for rest or conversation and yet enjoy at the same time a splendid bird’s-eye view of the gay scene on the dancing floor. The entrance to the hall was from Franklin Street, and the entrance corridors as well as the main corridors on each side of the large hall were draped and carpeted in the most complete and elegant style. The main corridors were arranged as refreshment rooms for  the dancers. They were draped, tentwise, with light-coloured material, and the floor, like all the rest throughout the building, save that reserved for the dancers and that of the drawing-rooms, was carpeted with crimson cloth. On each ride of the vestibule the rooms ordinarily used as cloakrooms had been converted into drawing-rooms, brilliantly lighted, luxuriously furnished, and adorned with palms and ornamental foliaged plants. One of these rooms was furnished entirely in Japanese style. The vestibule and piazza were fitted up as promenade and lounge. Here again plant decoration was largely brought into requisition by the same skilled hand which had superintended the floral arrangements in the main hall. Ladies' and gentlemen’s cloakrooms were fitted up with equal completeness and good taste. The supper-room (Minor Hall) was ele gantly [sic] appointed, the tables bring furnished with flowers in design by Mr. R. Butler, of Balmoral Nurseries. Mr. G. A. Skilleter, of the Albert Hotel, High Street, was the purveyor, and catered for the large company (nearly six hundred) in a highly satisfactory manner. The following was the ''menu'':— Consommé à la Brunoise, fillets of sole à la Montezuma, mayonnaise of lobster, mayonnaise of chicken, quails in aspic, pâtés à la Toulouse, foie gras in aspic, boar’s head, galantine of turkey aux truffes, hunters’ beef, galantine of veal, chicken à la Bechamel, roast turkey, galantine of game, roast chicken, egg and veal pie, roast pheasant, Limerick ham and tongue;  macedoine de fruits Sabayon, Charlotte Russe, soufflé de péches, gelése [sic?] à la Danizic, gelées au Marbre, crême à la Chartreuse, meringues d’abricots, trifle à I’Orleans; dessert; tea and coffee, strawberry cream ice, lemon ice, orangeade, lemonade, champagne cup, claret cup, sherry, claret. Lord and Lady Londonderry, on arriving at the ball, were received, as well as the other guests, by the members the Reception Committee. [Col. 3c–4a] A number of the Scots Greys were in attendance in the ball room. The following was the dance programme, the music being furnished by Herr Wilhelm Iff's band, stationed in the orchestra:— Quadrille, "Yeomen of the Guard" (Bucalossi); valse, "Nachtechwärmer" ([Fols?]); valse, "Christmas Roses" (Waldteufel); lancers [?], "Doris" (Bucalossi); valse, "Donauweibchen" (Strauss); polka, "Fancy Dress" (Reeve); valse, "Eldorado" (Royle); lancers, "Faust Up to Date" (Luiz); valse, "Am Neckars [Strand]" (Milliecker); polka, "See me dance" (Solomon); valse, "Love’s Golden Dream" (Bonheur); valse, "Donauellen [sic]" (Ivanovici); lancers, "Pelikan" (Solomon); polka, "Go ahead" (Royle); valse, "La Jeune Vienne" (Fahrbach); polka, "Ulster Club” (Iff); valse, "Doris” (Bucalossi); valse, "Espana" (Waldteufel); polka, "Who is that calling" (Meissler); valse, "Schatz" (Strauss). The programme and ''menu'' cards were supplied by Mr. W. Rodman. Lady Londonderry was taken down to supper by Mr. J. B. Houston, V.L., while the Countess of Fingall was taken down by Lord Londonderry. Dancing continued until an advanced hour morning, everything passing off in the most successful manner. The following had the honour of receiving invitations to the ball:— Invitations were issued to the following:— General Prince Edward of Saxe Weimar and  Priacses Edward of Soxs Weimar.  The Duka and Duchess of Manchester.  Duke and Duchess of Abercorn.  The Marchioness of Downabiro.  The Marquis and Marchioness of Londonderry.  Viscountess Mandeville.  Earl and the Countesi of Lanesborough.  Earl and the Countess of Enniskillen  Earl and the Countees of Belmore.  Earl and the Countess Caledon.  Earl and the Countess of Goxford.  Earl and the Countess of Ranfurly.  Earl and the Countess of Erne.  Lord and the Ros.  Lord nod the Lady Gurvagh.  Earl acd the Countess of Gastlestuart and  Lidles Marie! and Mary Stoart.  Lord aid Lady Longford.  Tho Moyer and Mayoress of Balfa-t.  Hia Grace the Priaaata of All Ireland, Mra.  Knox, and »)ho Miasas Knox.  Colonel the Hon. Sir West Ridgeway and Lady  Ridgeway.  Right Hon. A. J. Balfour.  Tne lodpector-Geuer&l Royal Irish Constabu  T.io military included  Headquarter Staff—Major-General Wiseman  Clarke, C R., and Mrs. Wiseman Clarke;  Cap'ain Clarke, A.D.C.; Major and  Mrs Pollock, Captain and Mrs. Knocker,  Lieut. Colonel, Mrs., and Mias Parker; Deputy  Surgeon General, Mrs., and Miss Tippetts;  Major and Mrs. Drereton.  Royal Scots Oroya—Major Hon. W. P.  Alexander, and officers Royal Scots Greys;  Major Hon. W. P. Alexander and Mrs. Alexander.  Royal Engineers—Major J. Cameron.  Gordon Highlanders—Lfent. Colonel Essex  and officers 2nd Battalion Gordon Highlanders;  Major, Mrs., and Miss Robertson ; Major Hon.  J. Scott Napier, Mrs. Napier, aod the Mta-es  L.ibh Captain H. Dick Cooyngbam, V.C ,  and Mrs. Dick Cnoyngham ; Captain and Mra.  Sinclair-Wetnyss, Hon. W. R. D. Forbes and  Mrs. Forbes.  Black Watch—Colonel and officers  2nd Battalion Tho Black Watch, Colonel and  Kidston, and Mrs. Gunter, Captain  and Mrs. Goode, Captain and Mrs. Moulton-  Barrett, Mr. and Mrs. J. Smart, and Captain  and Mrs. Filmore.  Royal Irish Rifles—Colonel Oalnne«s, C.B ,  and officare depot Royal Irish Rifles, Major  and Mrs. Knox, Captain and Mra. Tobin.  Liont.-Colonel Maberly and officers the Royal  Scots Greys, Dundalk.  Colonel Griffi-hs and officers 2nd Battalion  the East Lancashire Regiment, Newry.  Colonel Kiolocb and officer* 2nd Battalion  the King’s Royal Rifle Corps, Enniskillen.  Colonel Latham and officers Royal Artillery,  Londonderry.  Colonel Hopton, C.B , and officers depot  Priooees Victoria’s, Armagh.  Colonel Caldwell and officers depot the Royal  loniskiUlng Fusiliers, Omagh.  Colonel Dickson aod officers s:h Draoxon  Guards, Dublin.  Colonel and Mrs. Dickson, Major and Mrs.  Bowers, Major and Mrs. Bromfleld, Captain  and Mr*. Forster.  Medical Staff—Surgeon Major Mrs. .0.  F. Mol toy, Snrgeon S. J. Flood, A.M.S., and  Mrs. Flood Surgeon J. Watson, A.M.S ;  Surgeon P. M. Carleton, Surgeon R. L. Love,  Surgeon B. Daly, Surgeon T. Moynihao,  Surgeon M'Lauarhlln,  Army Pay Department—Captalu and Mrs.  W. M. F. Tfobman, Captain M*Can*laDd.  Army Service Corps—Captain A. G. In gib.  The other Invitations were:—  A.—Alexander, Mr. John S -; Alexander,  Mra. and the Mbses ; Ash, Mr. T. Spots wood;  Ash, Mra. and Mbs Spotawood ; Allan, Major  F. Seymour ; Andrews, Mr. and Mra. George ;  Andrews, Mr. and Mrs. Thomas ; Andrews,  Mbs Eileen L.; Andrews, Mr. and Mrs. John ;  ArdlU, Mr. Robert; Andrews, Mr. H. W. ;  Archdale, Mr. and Mra. Edward Alexander,  Major H. S. and Mra. ; Alban, Major ;  Alexander, Major the Honourable Charles  Mrs. ; Alexander, Mrs. Andrews, and  Mrs. T, J. ; Andrews, Mr. J. M. ; Andrews,  Mr. Thomas Apperley, Mr. ; Allen, Mr  Samuel; Andrews, Mr. A. M.; Atkinson. Mr.  R B.  B.—Brace, Captain Stewart and Mias; Boyd,  Mlsa Beade ; Brownrigg. Q J., Mi?a and Mira  M.; Browne, Captain and Mr?. Knox; Browne,  MtuKnoz; Browne, Mr. Kcox; Bell, Mr.  John; Barton, John George; Burns, Mr. and  Mrs. G. A.; Barbour, Mr. William; Blackbarne,  Barton, Captain So. Bates,  Mr. H,; Bristow, Miss M.; Bristow, Mr.  John ; Brace, Sir Harvey and Lady; BHzard,  Mr. and Mrs. M*C,; Blizsrd, Mias C. J.;  Black, Mira and Mis* N.; Black, Miss S ;  Bristow, Mr. H. J.; Biiatow, Mr. 8. F.; Bruce.  Mr. and Mrs James; Bruce, Mrs., Mise, and  Master; Bowles, Mr. and Mra. Charles; Betham,  Mlea; Bacbanan, Colonel and Mrs.;  Bowen, Mr. G. B.; Barklle, Mrs. and Mira;  Brett, Mr. A. E, and Miss; Boyd, Mr. and  Mrs. Sinclair Boyd, Mies Boyd, Mr. and  Mrs. James S ; Black, Mr. Charle? and  Mbs; Brett, Mr, George; Brett, Mbs  Helen; Bnckle, Captain; Brownrigg, Mirs  Eveline; Browne, Dr. and Mrs. J. W.;  Brnco, Mr. Robert; Batt, Mr., Mrs. R. N,  and Mbs; Byroe, Mr. and Mrs. H. Morgan;  Btlstow, Miss ; Brownlow, Mr. and Mr«.  Claude; Brownlow, Mies; Benson, Mr. George;  Boy ton, Major; Beattie, Mbs; Black wood,  Lord Terence ; Barns, Mr. J. C. W.; Bishop of  Down and Codbor and Dromore, the Right Rev.  Lord; Brook. Sir Victor and tidy; Bell. Mr.  Richard; Bur boar, Mr. J. M Bristow, Mr. E.  Jones; Brownlow, Mr. Charles; Barton, Mr.  H. D. M.; Bristow, Mr. James R,; Boyd, Mr.  Robert; Brordell, Mr. Bt. John.  O.—Crawford, Mrs. Wm. ; Cook, Mr. and  Mrs. Alex.; Campbell, Lloyd ; Coming, Mr.  and Mias; Craig, Mr. Vincent; Craig, Mbs ;  Corry, Oscar; Charley, Mr. Wm.; Charley,  Mbs; Charley, Mbs L.; Charley, Mr. E. J.;  Charley, Mr. Arthur; Combo, Mr. and Mrs.  Abram; Crawford, Mias and Mr. A. H.;  Ctatg, Mr. James; Carlisle, Mr. and Mrs,  A. Carlisle, Mbs ; Coates, Mr. W. P.;  Coates, Mr , Mrs, David Lindsay, and Mira;  Carr, Mr. John and tbo Misses ; Cnnolngbam,  Mrs. W. C. and Mias Campbell, Mb-; Coates,  Mr. and Mrs. William; Clements, Mbs;  Cameron, Mbs; Clanmorrif, Lord, the Lady;  Cram-iie, Captain, Mrs. J. 8. Cram*!?, Mr.  Robert; Cameron, Mbs Annie; Copland, Mr.  and Mrs.;Craig, Mr. E. 8. Crawford, Mr.  J.; Crawford, Mr. Thomas D. and Mrs.; Crawford,  the Misses and Mr. Alfred; CbarnoA,  Mbs; Cowan, Major and Mrs. 8. K. ; Close,  Mr. 8. P.; Close, Mrs. and Mbs; Goatee, Mr.  William, Mr. Victor H., and Miee; Cromcoello,  Mr. N. Delacberols; Crawford, Mr. Henry;  Clarke, Mr. and Mrs. G. H.; Cowan, Sir Edward  Porter and Lady; Cowan, Mbs; Combe,  Mira; Carden, Captain; Mr. and Mrs.  Andrew; Chambers, Captain Arthur R. H.  Craig, Mr. Charles; Craig, Mr. and Mrs. R. 8.;  Carr, Mr. and Mrs. James; Colwell, Mr. B. I.;  Calwell, Mr. A. M Chaytor, Mr. C. H.;  Clarke, Mr. and Mrs. George; Cochrane, Lady  Elizabeth Carson, Mr. and Mrs. Tbo?. Greer;  Casey, Mies C.;Cfalpp, Mr. and Mrs. Herbert;  Campbell, Major; Campbell, Mr.. Colin; Cordner,  Mrs. Clement K ; Crawford, Mr. Wm.;  Coatee, Mr. Victor; Cunningham, Mr. P. A.;  CrommSUn, Mr. Y. D.; Cameras, Mr. H, |.j  Campbell, Mr. Howard; Campbell, Mr.  Garrattt; Cuppaidge, Captain.  D.—Davies, Mr.; Davies, Miss*; Danville,  Mr. and Mrs. Robert G.; Dundee, Mies A. B.;  Deacon, Mir?; Deacon, Mr. H Dixon, Mr,  Mrs., and the Misses ; Dunlop, Dr. and Mrs.;  Daffio, Mr. and Mrs. A.; Drcnnao, Miss;  Mr. acd Mrs. Charles ; Dolling, Mr.  aod Mrs.; Caledon, R.; DavD, Miss; Daly,  ; Dunbar, Miae; Dolaeborois, Mr. S aud the  Misses; Dixon, Mies Nora; Dickey, Mias;  D Mrs Dunaterville, M. J. Delachords,  Miss A. J.; Daviaor, Mr. and Mrs.  Richard ; Davlaon, Mr. Wm.; Dor wall, Capt.;  Davidson, Miea; Da Wind, Miss; Dickey,  Liantenaot-Goneral and Mrs ; Wind, Miss  E.; Dudley, Rev. Freeman and Mrs.; Darley,  Miss Ida; Dickey, Mr. E. O’Rorko ; Dunlop,  Mr. Bhuldham, M.D.; Dut&n, Mr. 0. H.; Dun  vlilo, Mr. John ; Do Wind. Mr. H.  £.—Eu-taco, Miss and MLs Grace; Ecblin,  Mr. Stafford ; Ewing, Mr. Patrick.  F.—Falkner, Mias; Fenton, Mr. and Mrs,  Frank G. ; Fordo, Major; Fordo, Miss;  Forde, Miea A.: Fordo, Mr. William George ;  Fordo, Colonel William Brownlow and Mrs.;  Finlayson, Mr. and Mrs. W. G. ; Floury, Mr.  E ; Ferrer, Mr. Mrs.; Firman, Miss;  Fingall, Che Countess; Fltzglbboo, Mr. aod  Mrs. M. ; Fenton, Mr. S, 6. ; Ferguson,  Mr. Godfrey Kerrar, Mr. H. M.. R.H.A.  G.—Grlmshaw, Mr. and Mrs. O'Donoell;  Grim-haw, Mies; Gairdner, Miss and Mias A.;  Gtionlog. Mr. and Mrs. P.; Garrett, Miea  and S. Dr. David P. ;  Guthrie, Mr. and Mrs. William; Grimenaw,  Mr. Reginald; Giveen, Mies; Graham,  Mr. and Mrs. O. B. ; Graham, Miss aud  Nellie; Graham, Mr. C. L Gumley,  Captain : Grimshaw, Miss Normb; Greer, Mr.  T. M.; Grimshaw, Miss M. 0. and Miss E.;  Gucbrle, Miss; Grimshaw, H. and Miss  M ; Guthrie, Miss; Gubbloa, Miss; Geoghegan,  Mir# N. and Miss Lena; Mr. W. L.;  Gone-log, Mias; Gordon, Mr. and Mrs. A. H ;  Gvu» : en. Mr. P. C.; Greer, Cap v aia aad Mrs.;  Grser, Mr. and Mr?. Edward; Gage, Miss;  Gaze, Mr. T. R Bailiio; Gage, Captain JO,  R.M ; Garre, MUs; Gage, Mr. and Mrs. R.  Balllie; Grimshaw, Mf?s Ida; Groor, Mr.  Franc!* N-; Gage, Miss Annie Gordon, Mr. J.  F. G ; Gray, Mr. Harold S ; Gray, Mr. Jamas;  Grimshaw, Mr.  H.—Heygate, Lady and the Misses ; Harris,  Mr. J ; Hannay, Miss; Mr. R.  T Hall, Mr. and Mrs.; Biggin, Mr. Wm.;  Hughe*. Mr. and Mra. E ; Harriro’i, Miss;  Heyn, Mr. and Mrs. P. L., Miss B. and Mbs  Houston, Mr. and Mrs. J. Blaklabon-  Houston, Mr. T. B. and Miss; Hncchln  son, Mr. William Forde ; Hutchinson,  Mbs Fordo; Hughes, Mr. Lloyd;  Head, Miss ; Hamilton, Mr. and Mrs.  Thomas; Harrison, Miss Celia ; Hopkinson,  Mrs. Charles; Hennah, Captain C. T.; Higglascn,  Mr. and Mra. Charles; Herdman, Mr.  Ernest; Hind, Mr. Joseph B.; Hoey, Mr. and  Mrs. Frederick ; Hind, A ; Hobbs, Captain  and Mr?.; Harris. Mr. C. D ; Hatton, Mr.  Frank; Han tor, Mbs LUy; Henderson, Mr.  and Mrs. Robert; Harrison, Captain; Hill,  Lord Arthur, M.P.; Houston, Mr. Charles  Blakbtcn ; Houston, Mr. R. Blakiston  Harlacd, Sir E J., Bark, M.P.; Harris, Mr.  C. D.  I-—lrwin, Mr. J. Stnarb; Irwin, Miss Janet  Irvine, Mies; Irvine, Mr. Robert.  J.—Johnson-Smyth, the Misses; Johnson-  Smyth, Mr. M.; Johnstone, Mr. and Mrs ;  Johnston, Mies; Johnson Smyth. Mrs.; Jackson.  Mies Fanny ; Johnston, Colonel, H. B.;  Jaffc*. Mr. and Mrs. Alfred ; Johnston, Mr. R.  Bc. George j Johnston, Mr. Frank; Johns, Mr.  J Dlgby; Johns, Mr. Henry L; Johns, Mr.  William ; Johnston, Mr. George : Johnston,  Mr. H. O.  K.—Knox, Mies Frances; Kirby, Mr. and  Mr*. T. Kelly, Mr. 8. C.; Kirk, Miss, and  Miss Ti?h; Kelly, Mr. H. C.; Kirk, Mr. J. C.;  Mr. and Mrs. R. Kyle, and the Misses;  Knox. Mrs. S. Wright; Kirkpatrick, Mr. and  Mrs. J. Johnston; Kerby, Mbsß.: Knox,  Mbs Aileen ; Knox, Lieutenant-Colonel ;  Kerby, Mbs; Kirk, Mr. and Mbs Geo E.;  Kinsey. Captain aod Mias; Kennedy, Mr.  James; Kioahan, Mr. Charles L; Kirkpatrick,  Mr. James 0.; Kennedy, Mr. Victor ; Kirk,  Mr. Pardo : Kingan, Mr. Samuel.  L. —Letts, Dr. and Mra.; Lepper, Mrs. and  Mbs; Lepper. Mbs; Lepper, Mr. John;  Lynn, Mr. W. ; Lane, Mr. and Mrs.; Lyle,  Mr., Mrs, and Miss; Liddell, Mr. and the  Mbses; Lloyd, Captain; Lnshlogton, Mr. T.  W ; Lambert, the Lady Fanny; Lambert,  Major ; Liddell, Mrs.; lindsay, Mr. and Mra.  John; Leslie, MajorF. M.; Lambert, Miss,  and Mbs Violet; Lyle, Mr. and Mra. D. 8.,  and Mbs; Lepper, Mr. and Mrs. P.  Lon yen, Mr. aod Mrs. John; Lepper, Mr.  Robert; Lyons, Mrs. and the Misses ; Lanyon,  Mr. H. O ; Lindsay, Mr. Crawford; Lawrence,  Sir Henry, Bart.  M. —Murtoo Neale, Mr. MacLaine, Mr.  and Mrs. George L. and Miss; Macaulay, Mr.  and Mrs. R. H ; Mailer, Mrs. and Miss; Mac-  Tear. Mrs.; Montray, Mrs. Aoketell; Montray,  Mr. Upton: Maguire, Mrs., Miss, and Mbs K ;  Magnlro, Mr. E ; Martin, Mra David the  Mi-30? ; Mitchell, Mr. Joseph; Mitchell, Mr.  Alex ; Mitchell. Mr. George T.; Mateer,Mlea;  Manley, Mr- Waring; Mulligan, Miss Moore,  Mr. end Mrs. James; Montgomery, Mbs ;  Montgomery, General,C.S Mrs.; Mosee,  Mrs.; Montgomery Moore, General and Hon.  Mrs.; Moore, Mr. and Mra. Harry S.; Manley,  Mr. and Mb? ; Manley, Dr.; Uaunsell, Mbs  Mulholland, Mr. and Mra. H. L ; Moore, Mr,  and Mrs. Lyon ; Mnsgrave, Mr. John R. •  Mu.rgrave, Mr. Henry ; Mnsgrave, Ur. Edgar;  Meats, Mr. C.; Mcsso, Major J. P.; Maxwell,  Major Somerset and Lady Florence;  Murpby, Mr., Mrs. Edmund, Mbs, and Miss  Maud ; Maclagan, Hr. Feigns MacLaine,  Mr. Harold S.; Maenaghten. the Misses ; Macartney,  Mr. Wm. Ellison, M.P.; Maxwell, Mr.  and Mrs. Stephen Perceval ; Maxwell, Mr.  Robert David Perceval ; Molony, Mbs Mao  rory, Mbs O. and Mbs K.; Macrory, Mr.  Georgo ; Magowan, Mr., Mrs., and Miss; Montgomery,  Mr. and Mrs.; Macrory, Mra ; Manley,  Mr. Henry J.; Martin, Mr. and Mrs. Brereton ;  Molcsworfcb, Captain ; Mailer, Ur. E. B;  Molony, Mr. George ; Moore, Mr. Maxwell S. ;  Mucn, Mr. Noel; Munce, Ur. and Miss ;  Montagu, Mr. and Mrs.; Melggs, Mbs;  Maseroon, Mr. and Mrs ; Moran, Mbs Edith ;  Montgomery, Mr. Hngh; Montgomery,  Lady Charlotte ; Montgomery, Miss and Miss  Evelyoe Morell, Mr. Henry; Molony, Mr. J.;  Maesereece and Ferrard, Viscount; Montgomery,  Mr. B. W. D.; Mitchell, Mr. John ;  Mnsgrave, Mr. James Macaulay, Mr. A. T.;  Maxwell, Major R. Perceval; Montgomery,  Color-el W. E.; Maguire, Mr. Charles ; Moore,  Mr. C. K.; Munnb, Mr. W. A.  M'C.—M*Cnll«gh, Mr. R. Cheveley, and  Mbs; M'Cance, Lieutenant-Colonel and Mrs.;  M'Cance, Mbs; M'Cance, Mbs Eva; M'Cance,  Mr J. 8.; M'CHatock, Major H 8.; M'Cllntock,  Mbs and Mbs Gertrude; M'Cllntock,  Miss; M'Nelll, {Captain and Mbs; M'Nclll,  Miss Snsan; M'Calmont, Captain and Mr*. J.i  M'Nelle, Mr, Mrs. H. H., and Mira; M'Fer  ran, Mbs; M'Cammond; Mr.  M'Ff-rran, Miss Edith; M'Ferran, John P.;  M'Neile, Mr. John; M*Cormlck, Mr. H.  M'Neile; M'Oregor, Mbs ; M'Gildowny, Mr.  H. M-; M'Gildowny, Mr. John E.;M*Oammon.  Majir; M'Crum, Mr. W,  N —Neill, Mr. William; Neill, Mira; Neill,  Mr. C.; Neill, Mbs Null, Mr. Reginald ;  Nogent, Lieutenant General,  O. Oulton, Mbs and Mbs M.; Orr, Mira;  O’Rcrkp, Mr. Amhroie; O'Hara, Mr. Charles  K,; O’Hara, Mbs; Orr, Captain H. M.;  Owers, Mr. James; O'Neill, Honourable  Robert T., M .P.; O’Neill, Lord and Lady.  P. Pieston, Captain and Mrs.; Preston, Sir  John and Lady; Preston, Mr. and Mrs. George  I. Platt Higgins, Mr. ond Mrs. Edward; Price,  Mbs May Blackwood ; Purcell, Mr, and Mrs.;  Prattcc, Mr. W. J Pirrie, Mr. and Mrs. W.  J Perry, Captain; Pollock, Mr. T. N.  Pine, Mr. and Thomas; Porter, Mr. and  Mra. Potter; Pirrie, Mbs Isabella; Peebles,  Mr. E.; Price, Captain, Mra, and Miss  Blackwood; Purdon, Mbs ; Pearson, Mr. E.  W.; Pocle, Dr. and Mrs.; Patterson, Mr. and  Mrs. Richard; Perceval, Mrs. and Mbs; Parker,  Mbs ; Putter eon, Mr, A. H.; Pakenham,  Rev. A. H.  R.—Kitchle, Mr. W. 6. and Mist ; Robloeoo,  M.; Richard?, Captain and Mrs Richardcod,  Mies; Richardson, Mr. Thomaa; Ratherford,  Mr. J. C., Mies, and Mise Grace: Ringlard,  Mr. and Mrs.: Riddel, Mr. Wm.; Reade,  Mr. Jo?cph ; Resdc, the j Reade, Mr.  cod Mrs. James T.; Rcdfern, Mian and UlaaA ;  Rowan, MNa; Richardson, Mr. and Mrs.  OecrgcF.; Riddel, Mite and Mira Isabella;  Riddel, Mr. Samuel; Richardson, Mr. Wm.  Rogers, Major; Richardson, Mn,  Richardson, Miss Bor tbs, Miss Ada, and Miss  Norah; Raweon, Miea; Redforo, Miss  Emily Rodfero, Mrs.; Rowan, Major and  Mrs. I. I.; Robinson, Mrs. and Miss; Riky,  Captain John; Richardson, Mr. and Mrs. A. P.;  Miss ; Mr. Robert H.  Richardson, Mr. James Then ; Richardson, Mr.  Charles H.  S. Stewart, Mr. C. A, W.;Syme?, Mr. R. G.  aad Miss; Symes, Glaeootb; Shaw, Mr. and  Mrs. G. Melville; Speddlng, Miss; Stewart,  Miss M. and Miss K Steward, Mr. E.; Smith,  Mr. J. W. T., M.D.; Smith, Miss G. and Mbs  A.; SaunderrOn, Colonel and the Horn Mrs.;  Stuart, Mr. S. H. Lochmero; Strange, the  Misses; Stronge, Captain L ; Strongo, Mr.  0. E.; Shaw, Mr. Harry; Stuart, Commander  taster; Stuart, Mra. Lester and MDa; Stronge,  Mias and Miss Fanny ; Stroogo, Mr. and Mrs ;  Smiles, Mr. and Mro.; Swlney, Mr. and Mra.  J. H. H.; Smyth, Dr. and Mrs. Brice; Stokes,  Major and Mrs.; Scarlout, Major and Mrs ;  Stewart Brown, Mies and Miss Nettie; Smith,  Mr. Gordon; Stewart, Mr. ; Stirling,  Mba: Stevelly, Mr. John; Stewart, Mr. Abram;  Sexton, Mias Amy; Stuart, Mr. Alexander  Bsrklie; Stanley, Mr. acd Mts. John;  Southby, Mr. and the Hon. Mrs.; Smith, Mrs.  S.afford, M.D.; Smith, Miss I.; Sc.ale?, Mr.  Adolphus ; Stannua, Mr. aud Mrs. R.  and Mbs R.; Stannua, Mr. Thomas R.  Alexander, and K ; Studdert, Colonel;  Shore, Mra. Oflley; Suddall, Mr. and Mra.;  Switch, Mias; Stylo, Sir William and Lady;  Shaw, Mr. F. H ; Seavor, Mr. C E.  T. —Torrens, Mra. end Mrs. John ; Thompson,  Mr.. Mrs. James, and Mias Mary 0. ;  Taylor, Mra.; Tracey, Mr. Harry Owens;  Tracoy, Mbs; Torrens, ; Tate, Mr. B. ;  Townsend, Mbs ; Taylor, Mr. and Mrs. J. A. ;  Taylor, Mias; Townsend, Captain ; Thomson,  Misa; Tate, Mr. Henry; Torrens, Captain J.  A ; Town-Inspector of Belfast and Mr*.  Singleton ; Torrens, Mrs. Robert; Torrens,  Mr. Thomas  U. Usher, Mr. A. A.  V. Valentine, Miss lea; Valentine, Mr,  William Valentloe, Mbs ; Vogaa, Mr.- John;  Voughao, Mr. and Mrs. Montgomery;  Vonghao, Mbs and Mbs M. Montgomery;  Vaoe*Tempe?t, Lord Herbert; Vomer, Mr. H.  W. Woods, Mr. and Mrs. Herbert; Wbitla,  Mbs; Walklngtoo, Mr.; Walklngton, Mia?;  Mbs Edith ; Wallace, Mr. end  Mrs. Percy; Wallace, Mlsi-; While, Mr. and  Mrs.; Ward, the HonourableKathloun; Ward,  the Honourable Emily ; Wales, Mr. and Mrs ;  White, Mrs.; Ward, Mbs; Wallace. Mr.  Claude C.; Mrs.; Wateon, Mr. aud  Mrs. Wesley; Ward, Mr. Robert E ; White,  Colonel aod the Mbses ; Watt, Mr. Andrew A.;  Wabb, Mrs.; Wilson, Mbs; Wilson, Mr. Percy;  Walsh, Mbs and France?; Wallace, Cap  tala Roberb; Walker, Mr. Fred Adam;  son, Mr. R. A,; '•%h|te, Miss; Word, Mr.  Herbert; Whelan, Mr. and Mrs. J. P ; Wibon,  Mr. D. M.; Wolff, Mr. G. W.; Wilson, Mr.  Walter H.; Wallace, Captain R.  Y.—Young, the Mb?es ; Young, Mr. Henry  G.; Young, Mr. Wm. R.<ref>"The Ulster Club Ball." ''Northern Whig'' 11 January 1890, Saturday: 8 [of 8], Col. 3a–6b [of 8]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0000434%2F18900111&page=8&article=189&stringtohighlight=mandeville+viscount. Same print title, p. 8.</ref></blockquote> === 1890 January 13, Monday === ==== Wallace-Camp Boxing Match ==== An Important Boxing Match between two 8-stone (112-pound, Bantam-weight) boxers. Lord Mandeville seems to have been an organizer. Nunc (Edwin) Wallace in June of 1890 fought American George Dixon, who defeated Wallace to become the first Black fighter to win a world prize in boxing.<blockquote>Nunc Wallace and G. Camp for £1,000. On Monday night, at the Ormonde Club, London, the above-named met to do battle for the largest sum of money that has ever been "put up" for a glove contest. That a couple of 8st [8 stone] men could be brought together in a glove contest for the sum of £1,000 would, even in the palmy days of the Prize Ring, have been scouted by the merest tyro in ring matters. Celebrities like Peter Morris, George Holden, Joe Nolan, and Dan Thomas never fought for more than £200, but here we have a stake of £500 a-side freely put down to see who is the better man of the  two. This money, when the match was made last autumn, would have been gladly increased by either side to double the amount, therefore "the fight of his life" is applicable to both George Camp and Edwin ("Nunc") Wallace. The match, made so far back as October last was really the outcome of the bout between Camp and Wallace in the second round of an 8st competition, decided at the Royal Aquarium in December, 1888. A very close struggle ensued, so close, indeed, that the judges ordered a fourth round of two minutes. Wallace eventually get- [Col. 2c–3a] ting the award. From the moment the decision was given Camp's friends were dissatisfied, and hence the contract which was signed for Monday night's battle. With thirteen weeks in which to get fit, neither man was in a hurry to commence work, and the match had been ratified neatly a month before  Wallace took up his quarters at Sutton Coldfield, with Ben Garrington to look after him. Camp journeyed to Brighton with his old trainer, George Bagnall, and it is needless to say neither man wanted for anything. Thinking a change desirable, Wallace a mouth ago also made a move to Brighton, where his interests were studied to the minutest detail by Mr. Sam Mordecai. Both men were waited on hand and foot. Mr. Sam Blandford, representing Camp's backer, took up residence in the famous watering-place, and hardly ever lost sight of the Bermondsey youth. On the other hand Wallace hardly ever drank out of a pot that Mr. Sam Mordecai did not examine, and in this way the men progressed satisfactorily in their training. Lords and Dukes begged for the "tip" as to where the meeting would be in vain, and letters from legal luminaries, magistrates and city magnates came in shoals to those entrusted with the management. The backers on each side were obdurate, and at the final deposit the names of the fortunate <nowiki>''</nowiki>thirty" agreed upon, were handed in. The men were articled to weigh at twelve o'clock on Monday, and so as not to attract attention it was decided this important part of the programme should be performed at Brighton. Accordingly the scales having been fixed in Camp's bedroom, the rivals, in the presence of Lord  Mandeville, Mr. E W Bayly, Mr. Derriman, Mr. Sam Blandfold, and Mr. Dunning, and their trainers, "tipped the beam[.]" Wallace was the first to "pass," weighing 8ths 8st 1 1/2lb stripped. Camp failing to reach this by half a pound, also clothed in Nature's garb. Both looked in splendid trim, though Camp's ruddy complexion was more taking to the eye than the pale appearance of "Nunc." Wallace was attired in black drawers with a gold stripe, red socks, and black rubber-soled shoes. Camp was all in white, with canvas shoes, and amidst almost oppressive silence they faced each other at 8.50 p.m. The Contest ... Round 15 and Iast. The doctoring of Harper and Habbijam brought Camp round before he had again to face the music, but he looked very bad indeed when the watch holder gave the word to start once more. It was only a question of a few minutes, for Wallace was as yet little the worse for the struggle so far, while on Camp's part there was everything to fear. The latter, however, without the slightest trace of the "white feather," sprang up and met Wallace full of confidence, the latter coming at his weak opponent with a straight left on the face. The "Brum forced" Camp back to the ropes, and then smashed the left on the mouth, and only just missed with the right. Still having the best of it he popped in the left again, and down Camp went Iike a log through the ropes. In quicker time than it takes to tell the Surrey boxer was up and at it once more, but with a manifest disadvantage. Receiving right and left on the head he again went down, and in falling strunk his head against the skirting board outside the ring. Wallace stood over him, but at respectable distance, like a Roman gladiator, and the smile which played round his features, was one of victory, for Camp this time was beaten. Failing to rise within the stipulated ten second[s], Mr Angle awarded the fight to Wallace, the round having lasted 2min 45sec. The award was received with exulting shouts by the friends of Wallace, and the clever little boxer was at once raised shoulder high and lifted from the ring. Poor Camp soon came to, but was terribly cut up over his defeat, and for a time refused to be comforted. Wallace, recognising the pluck and ability of his vanquished foe, shook hands in kindly fashion, and thus ended one of the best conducted of modern contests with the gloves. Time of contest, 58 min 45secs.<ref>"A Great Glove Fight." ''Dublin Sporting News'' 17 January 1890, Friday: 3 [of 4], Col. 2c–4x [of 4]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0004807%2F18900117&page=3&article=022&stringtohighlight=mandeville+viscount. Same print title and p.</ref> </blockquote> ===16 January 1890, Thursday=== <blockquote>About two hundred members of the newly formed Dulwich Literary and Scientific Association attended the conversazione given on Jan. 16 at Surrey House Museum, Forest Hill, when Mr. Horniman, F.R.G.S., acted as cicerone round the rooms, richly stored with historical relics, ornithological curiosities, and art treasures.<ref>''Illustrated London News'' (London, England), Saturday, January 25, 1890; pg. 120; Issue 2649, Col. 3.</ref></blockquote> === 1890 January 21, Tuesday === The marriage of Baron S. Alfred Oppenheim and Miss Florence Hutchins:<blockquote>In the church of St. Mary Abbotts, Kensington, the marriage took place of Baron S. Alfred von Oppenberm and Miss Florence Hutchins, daughter of Mrs. Parkinson Sharp, of Palace-gate. The Hon. and Rev E. Carr Glyn and the Rev. Henry White, M.A., officiated. Among those who attended the reception afterwards held were Prince and Princess Malcom Khan, [[Social Victorians/People/Mandeville|Viscountess Mandeville]], Dowager Countess of Harrington, Admiral Sir Edward Inglefield, Sir Arthur Sullivan, Lady Cottenham, and General Du Plat.<ref>"London Day by Day." ''Daily Telegraph & Courier'' (London) 22 January 1890, Wednesday: 5 [of 8], Col. 3b [of 8]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0001112%2F18900122&page=5&article=080&stringtohighlight=mandeville+viscount. Print title: ''Daily Telegraph'', p. 5.</ref></blockquote>The ''Pall Mall Gazette'' has a description that is slightly more full. Is Count von Alten related to [[Social Victorians/People/Louisa Montagu Cavendish|Louisa, Duchess of Manchester]]?<blockquote>At St. Mary Abbots, Kensington, yesterday, the marriage took place of Baron S. Alfred Von Oppenheim, only son of Baron Edward Von Oppenheim, of Cologne and Schloss Schlenderham, and Miss Florence Hutchins, only daughter of Mrs. Parkinson Sharp, of 10, Palace-gate. The service was fully choral, the officiating clergy being the Hon. R. E. Carr-Glyn, rector of St. Mary Abbots, and the Rev. Henry White, M.A., chaplain in ordinary to the Queen. The bride, who was given away by her stepfather, Mr Parkinson Sharp, wore a plain dress of rich white ivory satin, elaborately draped with real orange blossoms. Count C. Von Leyden, Councillor of the German Embassy, attended the Baron as best man. Half a dozen bridesmaids followed the bride elegantly attired in costumes of white cashmere, with white corded silk sashes. They were Miss Aim e [sic] Winslow, Miss Emry Von Oppenheim, Miss Vitty Von Oppenbeim, Miss Potter, Miss Eleanor Heywood, and Miss Seymour. The reception was given at Mrs. Parkinson Sharp's town residence, 10, Palace-gate, Kensington, which was largely attended among those present being Prince and Princess Malcom Khan, Baron and Baroness E. von Oppenheim, Baron Max Oppenheim, Baron von Wedd Yarlsberg, Countess de Bunsen, Baron and Baroness de Plency, Count von Alten, [[Social Victorians/People/Mandeville|Viscountess Mandeville]], Dowager Countess of Harrington, Admiral Sir Edward Inglefield, Sir Arthur Sullivan, Lady Cottenham, General Du Plat, &c.<ref>"Marriage of Baron S. Alfred Von Oppenheim." ''Pall Mall Gazette'' 22 January 1890, Wednesday: 7 [of 8m], Col. 2c [of 3]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0000098%2F18900122&page=7&article=016&stringtohighlight=mandeville+viscount. Same print title and p.</ref></blockquote> === 1890 January 28, Tuesday === According to the ''Dundee Evening Telegraph'' on 28 January 1890 people were buying "Exploration" shares, which funded exploration expeditions with the possibility of rights to minerals or resources or the development of monopolies for goods that were "discovered."<blockquote>Royalty and the peerage have gone in for "Exploration" shares. The Duchess of Albany is the possessor of fifty shares, which hardly seems to assume the dimensions of a royal investment. Certainly the general public would incline to the idea that a princess would never condescend to invest so small a sum as £25 in anything unless it were a hat or a jacket. The Duke of Fife, on the other hand, has been allotted a thousand shares. The Duchess of Manchester and the Countess of Mandeville have thirty each.<ref>"Notes — Mainly Personal." ''Dundee Evening Telegraph'' 28 January 1890, Tuesday: 2 [of 4], Col. 2b [of my 7]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0000453%2F18900128&page=2&article=001&stringtohighlight=mandeville+viscount. Print title: ''Evening Telegraph'', n.p.</ref></blockquote> === 1890 January 29, Wednesday === [[Social Victorians/Santurce Murrieta Wedding 1890-01-29|Santurce Murrieta Wedding 1890-01-29]] === 1890 January 30, Thursday, through at least 1890 February 8, Saturday === Kim, Lord Mandeville was in Brighton — at 80, King's-road — at least as early as 30 January.<ref>"Brighton Visitors." ''Brighton Gazette'' 30 January 1890, Thursday: 3 [of 8], Col. 2a [of 7]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0000938%2F18900130&page=3&article=073&stringtohighlight=mandeville+viscount. Print title: ''Brighton Gazette and Sussex Telegraph'', p. 3.</ref> The ''Lady's Pictorial'' lists "recent arrivals" in Brighton:<blockquote>Though a good many people have left Brighton, still fresh visitors arrive, and the front is crowded when the weather is a little kind. Amongst the most recent arrivals may be mentioned the Countess of Strafford, Lady Susan Byng, Lady Chelmsford, Lord and Lady Seaton, Lady Jane Grimston, [[Social Victorians/People/Mandeville|Lord Mandeville]], Lord Romilly and the Hon. John Romilly, Viscount and Viscountess Hampden, the Hon. R. Somerset, the Hon.  Thomas Dundas, the Hon. Sidney Greville, the Hon. A. W. Verney Cave, Lady Elizabeth Cartwright, Colonel Sir Alfred and Lady Kirby, Mr. Bazley White, M.P., and Lady Bazley White, Sir Hugh Montgomery, Sir Frederick and Lady Perkins, Lady Ellis, General Seymour, &c., &c.<ref>Dorothy. "Brighton Notes." ''Lady's Pictorial'' 8 February 1890, Saturday: 51 [of 60], Col. 3a [of 3]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0005980%2F18900208&page=51&article=671&stringtohighlight=mandeville+viscount. Same print title, p. 203.</ref></blockquote> ==February 1890== === 1890 February 6, Thursday === Before 6 February but not long before. The prize-fighter Pete Jackson fought a match at the New Pelican Club.<blockquote>It is always well to hear that distinguished visitors have enjoyed the hospitality which we have extended to them. This satisfaction is afforded us in full measure by the eminent "Parson" Davis, manager of Pete Jackson, the prize-fighter, who has just been regaling an American interviewer with an account of his experiences in England:— He had been treated in splendid style, and Jackson was received well everywhere. Nothing would give him greater pleasure than to revisit England, and he hoped soon to do so. "I shook a paw with the Prince,” said the parson. "We had a high old time with Albert E. His Royal Highness was exceptionally friendly with Jackson, and actually made a pump handle of his arm. He shook hands with him again and again. The Prince is in capital  health, and" —— But at this point the interviewer mysteriously breaks off. The Prince, however, was not the only British notable to whom Parson Davis referred. He explained that the cause of the trouble with Smith at the New Pelican Club was that the gloves furnished Jackson were too small in the fingers, and when he closed his hand he almost split them, and could not fight. The matter was explained to the officers of the Club, where the fight took place, and other gloves were procured for Jackson:— Fair play was given, and the audience, which included [[Social Victorians/People/Mandeville|Lords Mandeville]] and Lonsdale, were loud in their admiration of Jackson's skill.<ref>"The Tittle Tattle of the Week." ''Pall Mall Budget'' 6 February 1890, Thursday: 4 [of 36], Col. 1b [of 2]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0005967%2F18900206&page=4. Same print title, p. 162.</ref></blockquote> ==== The Fracas at the Trocadero ==== This report from the ''Eddowes's Shrewsbury Journal'', 12 January 1890, has paragraphs with gossip; the middle paragraph is not about Lord Mandeville, and the paragraph that follows these is about an epidemic in London; could it be the Russian flu?<blockquote>A great stir has been caused in London by the repert [sic] — only too well authenticated I regret to say — to the effect that a certain individual, who for some years past has been connected somewhat prominently alike with journalism and theatrical enterprise, has suddenly levanted [sic] in consequence of his name being associated with the recent West End scandals. What makes the matter all the more talked about is the fact that the person most concerned has for a long time posed as a conspicuous figure in Society, having given numerous receptions and himself being strongly to the fore at most of the big banquets, first nights and similar gatherings. He has hob-nobbed, in fact, with the wealthy and illustrious, but there is every reason to believe that his pleasant career has been prematurely cut short by a series of disclosures, which are too gross and too scandalous to be referred to in detail. The report is all the talk at the clubs.<ref>"Notes of the Week." ''Eddowes's Shrewsbury Journal'' 15 January 1890, Wednesday: 3 [of 12], Col. 2b [of 7]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0001504%2F18900115&page=3. Same print title and p.</ref></blockquote> === 12 February 1890, Wednesday === ==== Lady Constance Leslie's Reception ==== <blockquote>On Wednesday last Lady Constance Leslie had an evening party at her residence in Stratford-place.<p> The numerous guests included Prince Ernest of Hohenlohe, Princess Victor of Hohenlohe, and the Countesses Gleichen, the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador, Count Mensdorf, Count and Countess Henry Lützow, Mr. and Mrs. Henry White, Baroness de Brienen and Mdlles de Brienen, the Duke of Abercorn, the Duchess of Cleveland, the Marchioness of Blandford and Lady Frances Spencer Churchill, Earl and Countess of Portarlington, Earl Stanhope, the Earl of Northbrook, the Earl and Countess of Arran, the Earl and Countess of Erne and the Ladies Cole, Julia Countess of Jersey and Mr. Brandling, Viscount Clifden, Viscountess Bary, Viscount Torrington, Viscount and Viscountess Castlerosse and Lady Louisa Beauclerk, Viscount and Viscountess de Vesci and Lady Sarah Spencer, Viscountess Galway, and Mr Caryl Ramsden, Lord de L'Isle and Dudley, Lord Alcester, Lord and Lady Wantage, Lord Ashbourne, Lady Henry Grosvenor and Lady G. Ogilvy, Lady Cloncurry, Lord Morris and Mr. M. Morris, Lady Charles Beresford, Lord Rowton, Lady Blanche Hozier, Lady Colville, Lady Rayleigh, Lady Constance Lytton and Mr. Charles Earle, Lady Evelyn Sutton, Lady Ernest Seymour and Ladies Fortescue, Lord and Lady Sandhurst, Lady Mary Lloyd, Lady Tweedmouth, Lady Windsor, Lord and Lady William Seymour, Lady Guy Campbell, Lady Egerton, Lady Fitzgerald, Baron d'Erlanger and Mr. Charles Derenberg, Hon. R. C. Spencer, M.P., and Mrs. Spencer, Hon. Evelyn Ashley, Hon. W. Mansfield, Hon. Lionel Ashley, Hon. A. Hood, Hon. William Lowther and Miss Lowther, Hon. Sydney Greville, Hon. Fitzroy and Mrs. Stewart, Hon. Frederick Leveson Gower, Hon. Kenneth Howard, Hon. Francis Villiers, Hon. Francis Bertie, Hon. Arthur Walsh, Colonel the Hon. Charles Edgcumbe, General Hon. John Bourke, General and Hon. Mrs. Ellis and Mrs. R. Sneyd and Miss Ellis, [[Social Victorians/People/Bourke|Hon. Algernon and Mrs. Bourke]], Hon. Alan and Hon. Evan Charteris, Hon. Alexander Yorke, Hon. Derek Keppel, General Sir Dighton Probyn, Hon. Percy Wyndham, Hon. Everard Baring and Hon. Susan Baring, Hon. Mrs. Brett, Hon. Claud Hay, the Right Hon. Henry Matthews, Sir George Arthur, Sir George Maude, Sir Philip Currie, C.B., Sir Redvers and Lady Audrey Buller, Sir Charles Grant, Sir Mackenzie Wallace, Sir Herbert Maxwell, M.P., Sir Oscar Clayton, Sir Robert Gresley, Sir Algernon West and Mr. Horace West, Sir George and Lady Russell and Miss Brackenbury, Sir Henry and Lady Longley, the Sub-Dean of the Chapels Royal, General Crealock, General Charles Fraser, Colonel Saunderson, M.P., and Hon. Mrs. Saunderson, Colonel and Mrs. Stewart and Miss Streatfeild [siv], Colonel and Miss Balfour, Colonel and Mrs. Stanley Clarke and Miss Clarke, Colonel R. Baring, Captain and Mrs. Jekyll, Captain and Mrs. J. Bagot, Captain Lambert Ward, Captain A. Bagot, Mr. Charles Hall, Q.C, M.P., Mr[.] Hussey Walsh, M.P., Mr and Mrs. W. Hartpole Lecky, Mr. and Mrs. Richard Combe, Mr Henry Foley, Mrs. Arbuthnot and Miss Guthrie, Mr. and Mrs. Heseltine and Miss Dorothy Heseltine and Lord Cantelupe, the Miss Stopford Brooke, Mr. and Mrs. Thackeray Ritchie, Mr Edmund Byng, Mr. and Mrs. Wilton Phipps, Professor Sidney Colvin, Mr. and Miss Tennant, Mr. Godfrey Webb, Mr. and Mrs. Turton and Mr. Sidney Ponsonby, Mrs. Adare, Mrs Cecil Paget and Mr. Hugo Wemyss, Mrs. L. Drummond, Mr. and Mrs E. Hope, Mrs. L. Seymour and Miss Seymour, Mr. Guy Repton, Mr. and Mrs. Julian Sturgis and Miss Beresford, Mr. Poynter, R.A., Mrs. Daniel Cooper, Mr. Hamilton Aïdé, Mr. Alwyne Maude, Mrs. C. Bentinck, Mrs. Bingham Mildmay, Mr. Philip Habord, Mr. and Mrs. George Bulteel, Mrs. Beerbohm Tree and Miss Julia Neilson, Mr. Hallé [Halle?], Mr. Rudolph Lehmann and Miss Lehmann, [[Social Victorians/People/Fanny Ronalds|Mr. R. Ronalds]], Mr. Ellice, Mr. Arthur, Madame Blumenthal, Miss Julia Leslie, Mr. and Mrs. Jeune, Mr and Mrs. Charles Stuart-Wortley and Misses Millais, Mrs. Arkwright, Mr Joachim, Mr. Gillett, Mr. Pulteney (Scots Guards), Colone| Cuthbert Larking, Mr. Harry Higgins, M. Tividar Nachez, Mr. G. Ross, Herr Johannes Woolff, Mrs. Charles Bagot and Miss Bagot, Mrs. Bischoffsheim, Mr. Henry Petre, Miss Balch, Mr. and Lady Maud Ramsden, Mr. Adolphus Liddell, Mr Knowles, Mr. Grenfell, Mr. Edward Hamilton, Mrs. Henry Gordon and Miss Gordon, Mr. Henry James, Mr. St. Leger, Mrs. Dacre Hamilton and the Misses Nugent, Mr. Harbord, Mr Somerset, Mr. Ruggles-Brise, Mr. and Miss Hughes of Kinmel, Mr. and Mrs Douglas Freshfield, Mrs. Homer, Mr. W. H. Mallock, Mr. and Mrs. Robert Benson, Mr. H. Seymour, Mr. Ernest Law, Mr. Hugh Grimston, Mr. Lionel Cust, Mr. Chappell, Mr. and Mrs. Du Maurier, Mr. Boughton, R.A., and Mrs. Boughton, Mr. R. Roche, Mr. Montagu Wilson, Mr. Herbert Hope, &c.<ref>"Lady Constance Leslie's Reception." ''Morning Post'' 15 February 1890, Saturday: 2 [of 8], Col. 5c [of 7]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/viewer/bl/0000174/18900215/008/0002. Same print title and p.</ref></blockquote> === 24 February 1890, Monday === Lilly Langtry starred in Shakespeare's ''As You Like It'' at the St. James's Theatre. The Daily Telegraph had a long review and mentioned more names:<blockquote> The motto of Petronius, which is said to have adorned the Globe Theatre in Shakespeare's time, "Totus mundus agit histrionem," and which is reproduced in Jaques' famous speech, may be said to have received a novel illustration in the brilliant audience which completely filled the St. James's Theatre last evening. A very distinguished section of the world "played the actor" in the stalls, boxes, and dress-circle, and evinced the keenest dramatic interest in the long-deferred production of "As You Like It." The Prince and Princess of Wales, with the Duchess of Fife, surveyed the scene from the Royal box, while amongst the many who secured seats for the first were the Austrian Ambassador, the [[Social Victorians/People/Louisa Montagu Cavendish|Duchess of Manchester]], Countess de Grey, [[Social Victorians/People/Mandeville|Viscountess Mandeville]], Lady Colin Campbell, Lord Wolverton, Lord and Lady Coleridge, Sir Charles Russell, Sir Edward and Lady Guinness, Baroness de Stern, and Mr. Alfred Rothschild. Naturally enough there was much curiosity in seeing once more on the London stage an actress who has since her last appearance devoted so much serious study to her profession, and gained so much success both before American and provincial audiences; while the sympathy evoked by her recent severe illness, delaying for four weeks the production of the comedy, added an almost pathetic note to the general excitement and enthusiasm. In the second scene of the first act, when the tenderly attached cousins make their earliest appearance on the stage, Celia's first words, "| pray thee, Rosalind, sweet, my coz, be merry," answered by Rosalind’s "Dear Celia, I show more mirth than I am mistress of," were almost drowned in the applause which accompanied the recognition of Mrs. Langtry. From time to time, whenever opportunity served, enthusiasm broke out anew, culminating in the triumph of plaudits which formed the fit ending to the gracefully-delivered epilogue with which Rosalind takes her farewell of her audience. There can be no doubt that, with all due allowance for the inevitable nervousness which accompanied a first production before a critical though sympathetic house, the revival of the immortal comedy was generally pronoanced to be a success. The fancifally-named "As You Like It" — where even in nomenclature the author confesses his indebtedness to the romance of Thomas Lodge — with greater dullness than is usually the case with Shakespeare's plays. Indeed interest is hardly aroused till the scene before the Duke's Palace, where Rosalind and Celia witness the wrestling — which after a few more performances will probably go less stagily than it did last night — between Charles and Orlando. It is only when we are transported to the Forest of Arden that Shakespeare's romantic fancy allows itself full course, and it was only when she was accoutred in the doublet and hose that Mrs. Langtry exercised her full charm upon the audience. The difficulty for the actress in the character of Rosalind is the contrast between the early abandon of her frankly-expressed love for the son of Rowland de Bois and the subsequent archness and reserve with which she plays with her lover in the forest. Orlando goes through precisely an opposite change. From the careless desperateness of a man who is out of favour with fortune in the opening scene, he changes to the sentimental devotion of a "love-shaked fancy-monger" in the sylvan glades. If that interchange of parts be missed much is lost in the sprightly  contrasts of the drama. Unfortunately, no sooner did Orlando enter on the wrestling-ground last night, than he started and caught at his heart in obvious suggestion of love at first sight. Much is lost of the utter wonderment at Rosalind’s unexpected graciousness in giving him her chain, which keeps him tongue-tied later, if he betrays so early the fatal ravages of Cupid — a betrayal which is hardly likely in a man whom neglect and misery have driven to the last stage of reckless hardihood. Rosalind must love her champion before her winning thanks for his prowess have made the starred younger brother first marvel at and then adore the frank and generous advances of his benefactress. In the fine words, "My father was no traitor," Mrs. Langtry rose to the full height of the character she was depicting. Throughout the greater part of the first act there was grace, loveableness, charm, but also a kind of flatness, or, at all events, an even and somewhat uninteresting level of characterisation which did not convey the promise of all that this loveliest creation in Shakespeare's gallery could do, when the Court life was exchanged for the freer and less conventional existence in the woods. All the more praise, therefore, is Mrs. Langtry’s due, that when she finds herself in the Forest of Arden, she brings before us a truer Rosalind. The beautiful first scene between the disguised Ganymede and her amorous swain showed Mrs. Langtry at her best. The quick and nimble wit, the archness and pretty coquetry of a girl who is sick at heart with love and feeds her passion in a playful and adorable tyrannising over the unconscious lover, were depicted with a reality which won instant recognition from the spectators. For the rest, however, Mrs. Langtry’s Rosalind was an unequal performance, now rising with unexpected force into the regions of pure comedy, now sinking to an ordinary level of  uncomfortably-disguised womanishness. There were bright patches of power in the midst of a somewhat dull and colourless expanse. Much of this was, no doubt, due to the excitement and fatigue of a first night, to which also may be attributed possibly the sameness of some of her gestures and a restlessness which was something more than Rosalind's anxiety to win in her own incomparable way the happiness of which she was in search. A few nights hence firmness of carriage and self-control of manner will fill in the details of a character which was most graphically and sympathetically sketched in outline at the St. James’s last night. Mr Laurence Cautley as Orlando made most favourable impression on his audience. Through all the earlier scenes — with the exception of that wholly unnecessary lapse into amorousness on the lawn of Duke Frederick, which has been already noted — he sustained the character of a picturesque and youthful gallant with considerable success, though, possibly, a stronger dash of manly independence might not have come amiss to the Shakespearean hero. Touchstone is a more difficult part to play. Indeed, in some respects, he is the most difficult of all Shakespeare's clowns. He is on the borderland between the earlier, more conventional style of Costard, Launce, and Launcelot, and the far more elaborate and important clowns in "Twelfth Night" and "King Lear." He is not so clever as Feste, not so human and real as that inimitable and tender-hearted Edgar who tries to solace the wild ravings of his discrowned king. He is halfway between such farcical beings as Kempe and Tarlton probably depicted, and that witty, self-conscious, irresponsible Jester, which Shakespeare ultimately made an entirely new creation on Elizabethan boards. It is no discredit to Mr. Sugden that he failed to realise so ingenious a conception. He presented a Touchstone who was full of amusing quips, and he went through all the catalogue of points in the Book of Honour in the fifth act with admirable skill; the Touchstone of "As You Like It" we are probably not likely to see often on the modern stage. Mr. Bourchier’s Jaques was a far higher piece of portraiture, grave and bitter and cynical as that early disciple of Schopenhauer should be, with touches of humour which only serve to show the depths of a naturally perverse and misanthropical nature. The celebrated "Seven Ages" speech  was capitally delivered, with a conscientious care and easy mastery which are rare enough in an actor who has so lately left the ranks of the amateurs. For the rest, the Adam of Mr Everill, and the Andrey of Miss Marion Lea seemed to give most pleasure to the audience, though she was sometimes — espectally in the pronunciation of the word "poetry" — inclined to represent the boorishness of the wench with an accent  which reproduced simulated inebriation rather than native clumsiness. Miss Armbruster as Hymen also deserves a word of praise. The piece was produced under the direction of the Hon. Lewis Wingfield, and the scenery, which in the Forest Glade of Acts II., III., and IV., formed a beautiful stage picture, was designed by Messrs. Perkins and Bruce Smith. After all, was any one ever wholly satisfied with the representaton of one of Shakespeare's comedies? No thing is further from the truth as a general statement than the pedant’s theory that Shakespeare is for the study, and not for the boards. If ever, however, the paradox be true that a great dramatic artist suffers when his plays gain a dramatic representation, it is when "As You Like It," "Twelfth Night" and "Midsummer Night's Dream" are brought face to face with a modern audience and amid nineteenth century surroundings. It ts not with impunity that the light that never was on sea and land is parodied by the glare of the footlights. For, honest stage-craftsman as Shakespeare was, in the full spring-tide of his poetic genius there was a divine and masterful intolerance of the real and the commonplace, a reckless flight into an ideal world, peopled by beings coined in the mint of his dainty imagination — aerial and disembodied creations whose actions and characters refuse to submit themselves to the narrow rules of the every-day world. In such a sphere banished lovers shall be predestined to meet and cement their happy unions, and lions and snakes shall be the habitual denizens of a forest where shepherds and shepherdesses prattle their erotic strains, and even a crafty Oliver shall repent of his past sins and fall in love with gentle Celia, owing to the poetic exigencies of Cloud Cuckoo Land. How can one  see all these things with the cynical eye of the modern ''Fin de Siècle'' and not feel an inevitable shock of dissatisfaction and surprise? How is it possible to avoid the jarring sense of discord when the dream picture is realised in the setting of prosaic reality? For Shakespeare's comedy is a romantic work of the mind, a refuge for all those delightful improbabilities which an indolent or whimsical fancy strings together to construct a series of complications and incidents which interest us, while they elude the sober tests of reason and judgment. But we must not carry this vein of thought too far. It is true that we have in such plays comedies of incident rather than of character. Yet Shakespeare is too and heart-whole to linger only at the Ivory gate. He throws even into these merry plots the force of that instinctive knowledge of human nature which produces real personages, tricked out in witty and imaginative guise. Shakespeare was able to pour everything into his comedies which he did into his tragedies, though in the one there is only suggestion, while in the other there is the elaboration of that is deep and tragic as well as humorous in life. Rosalid, Orlando, Touchstone, and Jaques are none the less real because they are ideal; and it is on these grounds that we can praise the conscientious and capable artists who presented these characters in flesh and blood on the St. James's stage. Nor does Shakespeare, as some have thought, intend in this play to preach [Col. 1c–2a]  any polemic against the life of the town, or compose any passionate encomium for the simple graces of the country. He is too great to be didactic on such narrow issues. Wherever men and women live, there they can be happy; or, as Touchstone says to Corin, when he expresses ignorance of the Court, one-sided enthusiasts for either streets or hedge-rows are truly damned, "like an ill-roasted egg, all on one side." Equanimity, such that of the Duke and old Adam, carries with it, wherever it be, the gracious gentleness of an eternal Eden.<ref>"St. James's Theatre." ''Daily Telegraph & Courier'' (London) 25 February 1890, Tuesday: 5 [of 12], Col. 6a–7a [of 7]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0001112%2F18900225&page=5&article=048&stringtohighlight=mandeville+viscount. Print title: ''The Daily Telegraph'', p. 5. </ref></blockquote> The ''St. James's Gazette'' reported:<blockquote> We came intending to like it very much, and we succeeded in our intention. Indeed, we spent a really pleasant evening at the St. James's Theatre, Many of us knew one another to nod to, and some of us had bowing acquaintance with the author of the play; so it was all very sociable and comfortable. There were just enough shop-window celebrities to give an air of distinction to the rest of the audience, and everybody had a right to hope that his neighbours were wondering who he was. The critics were quite at their ease, having nothing to criticise except the acting; not being expected to suggest any slight alterations in the play (such as cutting out Acts I., III., and V., and rewriting Acts II. and IV.), but just to accept it as it stood, without even tracing it back to the French vaudeville from which it was, no doubt, originally adapted. The performance had many individual merits, but it also had two general faults. The first and least striking fault was that the interludes were  slurred over instead of being played up to. Now, the plot of "As You Like It" is so loose that a lengthy interlude (provided it be pretty) does not check the flow of interest; indeed, it gives a welcome rest and allows you to pick up your thoughts again. The other fault is one which may be, and is likely to be, remedied the play goes on. But at present it is neither smart nor spontaneous: the parts do not hang well together, and there is none of the enthusiasm which helps to pass off the interior performances of less skilful actors. The deficiency which we have noted was probably due to the serious illness from which Mrs. Langtry had been suffering and from which it was evident last night that she had not made a complete recovery. She worked very hard as Rosalind, and worked very well, and several times she made a really good hit; she was, perhaps, at her best in her indignant appeal to the usurper Duke against his unexpected and unjust decree of banishment. She was charming, again, in her embarrassment (as Miss Litton was charming before her) when she had her first meeting with her unconscious lover and she suggested very cleverly the absence of her skirts. She did her love-making archly and merrily; but though the pretended pretence gave her a right to go beyond the limits of maiden coyness, she seemed occasionally to assume the masculine Initiative when the feminine Suggestive would have been prettier. it was a pleasant though uneven performance, with plenty of grace in it and plenty of brains. The Touchstone of Mr. Sugden was in every way admirable — crisp, humorous, and distinctive. That his clowning was occasionally tedious was no fault of his. The palate of a modern audience does not relish these long-drawn pedantries of buffoonery. Our sense of humour is not more refined — it is different, and that's the end of it. But in the scenes with Audrey (and Miss Marion Lea made a capital Audrey — open-mouthed and innocently wicked or wickedly innocent) Mr. Sugden had a better opportunity and he made the most of it. There the humour was not conventional, and the audience enjoyed a laugh which was not scholarly. A word of praise must given to Mr. Brodie for his conscientious and effective rendering of the difficult and ungrateful part of the moonstruck lover of the wayward Phoebe. The first appearance of Mr. Bourchier in London attracted much interest. As an amateur at Oxford and elsewhere he was believed Iikely to to great things upon the stage, and his performance of Jaques was by no means a disappointment. The fault of it was that he did not suggest either the melancholy or the sententiousness which we associate with the character. The melancholy was but skin-deep, and the sententiousness simply was not there. But every actor has a right to read a part in his own way if it is a good way. And there is much to said for Mr. Bourchier's interpretation of Jaques. The temptation is to be stagy; Mr. Bourchier's tendency is to be natural. And he carried it out with great success in speaking the lines of the Seven Ages of Man. He caught up the Duke's phrase just as if it had dropped in the course of an ordinary conversation; and he played with it for a time until it seemed of itself to suggest to his mind the famous soliloquy. Certainly Mr. Bourchier’s method was effective, as it drew one of the heartiest rounds of applause in the whole evening. Among the company were noticed the following well known persons:— His  Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, the Duke and Duchess of Fife, [[Social Victorians/People/Mandeville|Lady Mandeville]], Lord De Grey, Mr. Alfred De Rothschild, Lord Lurgan, Sir Charles Russell, Sir Edward Guinness, Lady Colin Campbell, Lady Curzon, Lady Londonderry, Lady Hothfield, Hon. Alan Charteris, Mr. Oscar Wilde, Mr. Akers Douglas, M.P., Mr. Justin McCarthy, M.P., Sir Allen Young, Lord and Lady Coleridge, the Austrian Ambassador, the Spanish Ambassador, Lady Hozier, Mr. George Lewis, Mr. Whistler, Lady Greville [<nowiki/>[[Social Victorians/People/Lady Violet Greville|Lady Violet Greville]]?].<ref>"As You Like It."  ''St James's Gazette'' 25 February 1890, Tuesday: 5 [of 16], Col. 1b–c [of 2]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0001485%2F18900225&page=5&article=027&stringtohighlight=mandeville+viscount. Same print title and p. </ref></blockquote> This report is from ''Blalud, The Bath Society Paper'':<blockquote>Happily, there was no disappointment in store for the friends and admirers of Mrs. Langtry, who gathered on Monday night at the St. James’s Theatre in great force, to welcome this popular lady back to London and receive her with an extra warmth of cordiality in token of satisfaction at her recovery from her recent severe illness. Eight years have elapsed since she last played Rosalind in London. Since then she has travelled much, both at home and abroad, and followed the study and practice of her art with unfailing spirit and determination. She returns to the character which all leading actresses aspire to play in Shakespeare’s glorious dream of the Court of Duke Frederick and the forest of Arden a far riper artist, and, says the ''Daily News'', she presented us on Monday with an impersonation which compared to her former efforts is as the finished portrait to the crude sketch. Her performance may lack the great high tide of girlish impulsiveness, but first nights before an exceptionally critical audience and some remains of the languor of her recent indisposition doubtless contributed to rob her acting of something of its force and impulse. But her ''Rosalind'' remains a most winning and beautiful performance. A handsomer ''Rosalind'', or one that has worn the doublet and hose with more grace and picturesqueness (Mrs, Langtry, we may here note, scorns the modern heresy of boots, and appears in the more orthodox hose cross-gartered), has certainly not been seen in our time. The performance is full of good points; as when at the words, "here on the skirts of this forest like the fringe of a petticoat," she remembers with a momentary touch of maidenly shyness that petticoats no longer form part of her attire. Again, when in bantering her lover, who exhibits so strange an inability to recognize the voice and features of the woman whom he passionately loves, she pauses at "a beard neglected," and pointing at ''Orlando’s'' smooth chin bursts into uncontrollable laughter; again, when in the mock marriage scene, with ''Celia'' for the priest, her mind for the moment seems to wander away into such a dream as this mockery might suggest to one so deeply in love. The distinguishing feature of the impersonation, indeed, is the subtle suggestion of serious passion that underlies the frolicsome and bantering moods, and exhibits itself again and again in many subtle forms. The play is beautifully put on the stage, and if some of the performers fall a long way short of ideal excellence there are several impersonations that stand forth in strong relief and are of far more than common excellence. The ''Phœbe'' and ''Silvius'' of Miss Beatrice Lamb and Mr. Matthew Brodie deserve special note: but the most brilliant success of all in the case of the minor characters was undoubtedly the ''Audrey'' of Miss Marion Lee, whose hoydenish, but not ungraceful antics, whose happy, contented ignorance, whose mingled wonderment and admiration at ''Touchstone's'' philosophical utterances were admirable. Everything that taste can suggest has been done to embellish the play; the musical features are strengthened by an efficient chorus, and the costumes designed by the Hon. Lewis Wingfield are rich and handsome. Perhaps it might be objected that Mrs. Langtry’s beautiful green velvet doublet, with its slashes, tags, and laces, her cinnamon jerkin, her black cap and jewelled buckle, and her rich and massive cloak were hardly suited to her daring enterprise on the highways and in the forests of the Duke’s dominions. The restoration of Hymen, gracefully represented by Miss Violet Armbruster, and the final morris dance in honour of the nuptials, gave the crowning fanciful touch to the performance, and prepared the spectators for the playful epilogue, which was spoken by Mrs. Langtry, in her simple nuptial white robe and leopard skin, with rare elocutionary grace and effect,. [sic] The audience which greeted Mrs. Langtry was at once distinguished and interesting. The Royal box was occupied by the Prince and Princess of Wales, the Duchess of Fife, the Princesses Victoria and Maud of Wales, and the Duke of Fife. Among the representatives of "Society" were Lady Londonderry, [[Social Victorians/People/Mandeville|Lady Mandeville]], Lord de Grey, Lord and Lady Coleridge, Lady Curzon, Lady Hothfield, Lord Lurgan, Lady Greville [<nowiki/>[[Social Victorians/People/Lady Violet Greville|Lady Violet Greville]]?], Lady Hozier, Mr. Alfred de Rothschild, Sir Charles Russell, Sir Edward Guinness, Mr. Coningsby Disraeli, Mr. Akers Douglas, M.P., Mr. Justin M‘Carthy, M.P., Sir Allen Young, Lady Colin Campbell, Lady Monckton, Mrs. Labouchere, and the Austrian and Spanish Ambassadors. Pictorial art was represented by Mr. Whistler; music by Mdme. Antoinette Sterling; dramatic writing by Mr. H. A. Jones; and theatrical interests by Mrs. Bancroft, Miss Genevieve Ward, Mr. and Mrs. John Lart, Mrs. John Hare, Mr. M. L. Mayer, Mr. Augustus Harris, &c.<ref>"Mrs. Langtry." ''Bladud'' 26 February 1890, Wednesday: 9 [of 16], Col. 2b–c [of 3]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0005771%2F18900226&page=9&article=055&stringtohighlight=mandeville+viscount. Print title: ''Blalud, The Bath Society Paper'', p. 9.</ref></blockquote> === 25 February 1890, Tuesday === On 5 March, the ''World'' reports on a party hosted by Mrs. Adair that must have been held the week before:<blockquote>Many smart people were present at Mrs. Adair's party in Curzon Street on Tuesday night. The rooms, lighted by electricity, looked their prettiest with floral decorations consisting entirely of tulips, the hostess appearing in a gown of terra-cotta velvet trimmed with dark fur. The Austrian Ambassador and Madame Waddington were among those who listened to Miss Damian’s rendering of a new song by Tosti, and to the glees sung by Mr. Avon Saxon's American quartet; and among others present were Lady Charles Beresford, [[Social Victorians/People/Mandeville|Lady Mandeville]], the Duchess of Marlborough, Lady Fanny Marjoribanks, who brought her sister, Lady Sarah Churchill, Sir Arthur Sullivan (just back from his annual sojourn at Monte Carlo), Lord and Lady Wharncliffe, Lady Howe and Lady Edith Curzon, Lord and Lady William Nevill, Mrs. Cavendish-Bentinck, General Charles Fraser, Lady Conyers, Madame de Brienen, and Sir Philip Currie.<ref>"What the World Says." ''The World'' 5 March 1890, Wednesday: 19 [of 44], Col. 2a [of 2]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0006339%2F18900305&page=19&article=061&stringtohighlight=mandeville+viscount. Same print title and p.</ref></blockquote>The ''Daily Telegraph'' covered the party with a few additional names:<blockquote>A casual passer-by in Curzon-street last night might almost have imagined from the long string of carriages assembled there that, in spite of the cold east wind blowing, the London season had already begun. Mrs. Adair had together to hear some beautiful music, including a celebrated quartette of American singers, a large and fashionable crowd, composed of the ''élite'' of London society, comprising among many others, the Austrian Ambassador, the French Ambassadress, the Marquis and Marchioness of Tweeddale, Lady Charles Beresford, Lady Fanny Marjoribanks and Lady Sarah Spencer-Churchill, Earl and Countess of Wharncliffe, Countess Howe and Lady Edith Curzon, Lord and Lady William Nevill, Lord George Nevill, Viscount and Viscountess Curzon, Countess of Sefton and Lady Rose Molyneux, Viscountess Mandeville, Julia Countess of Jersey and Mr Brandling, Viscount and Viscountess Bury and the Hon. Mary Keppel, the Countess of Crawford, the Earl of Clonmell, the Countess of Antrim and Lady Louisa Beauclerk, Viscountess Melgund, Lady Conyers, Hon. Lady Cotterell and Miss Cotterell, Lord Alington, Lord Alcester, Lord Greenock, Viscount de Vesci, Lady Hilda Brodrick, Hon. W. Lowther, M.P., and Mrs. Lowther, Hon. Mrs. Bampfylde, Hon. Hallyburton Campbell, Mrs. and Miss Campbell, Hon. Kenneth Howard, Hon. Derek Keppel, Hon. FitzRoy and Mrs. Stewart, Lady FitzGerald, Mrs. Bischoffsheim, Madame de Brienen, Lieutenant-General Sir Seymour Blane, General C. Fraser, M.P., Mr. Chamberlain, M.P., Mr. Howard Vincent, M.P., and Mrs Vincent, Mr. Charles Hall, M.P., Mrs. Cavendish-Bentinck, Sir C. Rivers Wilson, Sir Arthur Sullivan, Sir Philp Currie.<ref>"London Day by Day." ''Daily Telegraph & Courier'' (London) 26 February 1890, Wednesday: 5 [of 8], Col. 4a [of 8]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0001112%2F18900226&page=5&article=094&stringtohighlight=mandeville+viscount. Print title: ''The Daily Telegraph'', p. 5. </ref></blockquote>The ''Sporting Gazette'' also had a report, on 1 March:<blockquote>Mrs. Adair's party in Curzon-street on Tuesday night was, as usual, exceedingly smart and dressy. The "smarties" turned out strong for this Anglo-American function, and wore their best frocks and jewels. Lady Tweeddale, Lady Howe, with Lady Edith Curzon, Lady Fanny Majoribanks chaperoning her younger sister, Lady Sarah Churchill, Lady Curzon, Lady Antrim with Lady Louisa Beauclerk, Lady William Nevill with some lovely diamonds, [[Social Victorians/People/Mandeville|Lady Mandeville]], Lord Alington, Sir Arthur Sullivan, Mrs Cavendish Bentinck, and others. The singing of an American quartette was ''the'' feature of the evening.<ref>"The Man About Town." "The County Gentleman." ''Sporting Gazette'' 1 March 1890, Saturday: 6 [of 38], Col. 2b [of 3]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0002525%2F18900301&page=6&article=053&stringtohighlight=mandeville+viscount. Same print title, p. 274.</ref></blockquote> ==March 1890== === 10 March 1890, Monday === The Prince and Princess of Wales hosted a ball in celebration of their wedding anniversary. This report from the ''Bedfordshire Mercury'' is very brief:<blockquote> The Prince and Princess of Wales, in celebration of the anniversary of their wedding on March 10, 1863, gave a dance at Marlborough House on Monday night. The Danish Minister and Madame de Falbe were among the company invited, also the Earl and Countess Brownlow, [[Social Victorians/People/Mandeville|Viscountess Mandeville]], Lord Alwyne Compton, Baron F. de Rothschild, &c.<ref>"Notes of the Aristocracy." ''Bedfordshire Mercury'' 15 March 1890, Saturday: 7 [of 8], Col. 4b [of 6]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0001290%2F18900315&page=7&article=073&stringtohighlight=mandeville+viscount. Same print title and p.</ref></blockquote> The report from the ''Morning Post'' suggests that this was a smaller party than usual for the Prince and Princess of Wales:<blockquote>In celebration of the anniversary of the Prince and Princess of Wales's wedding day, their Royal Highnesses gave an evening party (dancing) at Marlborough House last night. His Royal Highness the Duke of Edinburgh, her Royal Highness Princess Beatrice (Princess Henry of Battenberg) and his Royal Highness Prince Henry of Battenberg, her Royal Highness the Princess Louise of Wales (Duchess of Fife) and the Duke of Fife, his Royal Highness Prince George of Wales, her Royal Highness the Princess Victoria of Wales, her Royal Highness the Princess Maud of Wales, her Royal Highness the Princess Mary Adelaide (Duchess of Teck), and his Highness the Duke of Teck and her Serene Highness the Princess Victoria of Teck and his Serene Highness Prince Francis of Teck, and their Serene Highnesses the Prince and Princess Victor of  Hohenlohe-Langenburg and the Countess Victoria Gleichen were present. The following had the honour to receive invitations, but some amongst them were unavoidably prevented from attending: — The French Ambassador (M. Waddington) and Madame Waddington, the German Ambassador (Count Hatzfeldt) and the Countess Marie Hatzfeldt, the Turkish Ambassador (Rustem Pasha), the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador (Count Deym) and the Countess Deym, the Italian Ambassador  (Count Tornielli), the Countess Tornielli, and Mademoiselle Virginia dei Conti Lazzari, the Danish Minister (M. de Falbe) and Madame de Falbe, the Russian Chargé d'Affaires (M. Bontineff), his Serene Highness Prince Louis Esterhazy, M. A. Kroupensky, M. A. de Stoeckl, Count Leyden, Count Albert Mensdorff, Count Reventlow, Mr. and Mrs. Henry White, M. de Soveral, the Marques and Marquesa de Santurce, Mr. A. de Murrieta, Mr. C. de Murrieta. The Duke and Duchess of Leeds and Lady Alice Osborne, the Duke and Duchess of Buccleuch, the Duke and Duchess of Portland, the Duke and Duchess of Westminster, the Marchioness of Blandford and Lady Frances Spencer Churchill, the Marquis and Marchioness of Granby, the Marquis and Marchioness of Londonderry, the Marquis and Marchioness of Ormonde, the Marquis and Marchioness of Salisbury and Lady Gwendolen Cecil, the Marquis and Marchioness of Stafford, Count Gleichen, the Earl and Countess Brownlow, the Earl and Countess Cadogan and Lady Emily  Cadogan, the Earl and Countess of Clarendon, the Earl of Chesterfield, the Earl of Clonmell, the Earl of Dudley, the Earl and Countess of Dunraven and Lady Florence Wyndham Quin, the Earl and Countess Granville and Lady Victoria Leveson Gower, the Earl and Countess of Hardwicke, the Earl and Countess Howe and Lady Evelyn Curzon, the Earl and Countess of  Kilmorey, the Earl and Countess of Lathom and Lady Alice Wilbraham, the Earl and Countess of Lucan and Lady Rosalind Bingham, the Earl of Mount Edgcumbe and Lady Albertha Edgcumbe, the Earl and Countess of Romney and Lady Florence Marsham, the Earl and Countess of Rosebery, the Earl of Shaftesbury, the Earl of Stradbroke, the Earl and Countess of Sefton and Lady Gertrude Molyneux, the Earl and Countess Spencer, Viscount Drumlanrig, Lord and Lady Randolph Spencer Churchill, Lord Frederick Hamilton, Lord Ernest Hamilton, Lord and Lady Algernon Gordon Lennox, [[Social Victorians/People/Mandeville|Viscountess Mandeville]], Lord Charles Montagu, Viscount Chelsea, Viscount and Viscountess Coke and the Hon. Violet White, Viscount Curzon, Lady Georgina Curzon and Lady Sarah Spencer Churchill, Viscount Fincastle, Viscount Royston, Viscount Valletort, Lord and Lady Brooke, Lord Burghersh, Lord Capell, Lord and Lady Norreys and the Hon. Coralie Glyn, Lady Charles Beresford, Lord Marcus Beresford, Lord Alwyne Compton, Lord and Lady William Nevill, Lord Richard Nevill, Lord Henry Paulet, Lord Henry Vane Tempest, Lord Herbert Vane Tempest, Admiral Lord Alcester, Lady Ampthill and the Hon. Constance Russell, Lord Alington and the Hon. Winifred and Hon. Mildred Sturt, Lord and Lady Colville of Culross  and the Hon. Blanche Colville, Lord and Lady De  Ramsey, Lady Hastings, Lord and Lady Hindlip, Lord Lurgan, Lord and Lady Revelstoke and the Hon. Susan Baring, Lord and Lady Rothschild,  Lord Rowton, Lord Suffield and the Hon. Judith and Hon. Eleanor Harbord, Lord and Lady Wimborne and the Hon. Frances Guest, Lord Wolverton, Baron Ferdinand Rothschild, Captain the Hon. Maurice Bourke, R.N., Colonel the Hon. Henry Byng and the Misses Byng, the Hon. Alan Charteris, Lieutenant-Colonel the Hon. C. Edgcumbe, the Hon. Sir Spencer and Lady Ponsonby Fane, the Hon. Sidney Greville, Colonel the Hon. Oliver Montagu, the Hon. C. R. and Mrs. Spencer, the Hon. S. M'Donnell, the Hon. Alexander Yorke, the Hon. H. and Lady Feodora Sturt, the Hon. Arthur Walsh, the Hon. R. Winn, the Right Hon. W. E. and Mrs. Gladstone and Miss Gladstone, the Right Hon. A. J. Balfour, the Right Hon. H. Chaplin, the Right. Hon. Sir Henry James, the Right Hon. Sir C. L. Wyke, the Hon. S. C. Colville, the Hon. Assheton Harbord, the Hon. Julia Stonor, the Hon. H. Stonor, the Hon. E. Stonor, Captain the Hon. Henry White, Sir Edward and Lady Guinness, Sir Charles Hartopp, Sir Frederick Johnstone, Sir John and Lady Lister Kaye, Sir James and Lady  Mackenzie, Colonel Sir Nigel and Lady Emily Kingscote, Admiral Sir R. and the Hon. Lady Macdonald and Miss Macdonald, General Sir Dighton and Lady Probyn, Sir Francis and the Hon. Lady Knollys, Major-General Sir Christopher Teesdale, Sir Oscar Clayton, Sir Allen Young, Lieutenant-General Bateson, Lieutenant-General Charles Fraser, Major-General and the Hon. Mrs. Arthur Ellis and Miss Ellis, Colonel J. P. Brabazon, Colonel and Mrs. Stanley Clarke and the Misses Clarke, Captain H. F. Stephenson, R.N., Lieutenant-Colonel F. H. Poore, Lieutenant-Colonel R. Vivian, Major C. Swaine, Captain Douglas Dawson, Captain C. H. A. Hervey, the officers of the Queen's Guard, St. James's Palace, Mr. G. Byng, Mr. Henry Calcraft, Mr. Victor Cavendish, Mr. Henry Ellis, Mr. Horace Farquhar, Mr. and Mrs. George Forbes and Miss Forbes, Mr. Montagu Guest, Mr. Charles Hall, Mr. E. W. Hamilton, Mr. and Lady Hilda Higgins, Mr. Holzmann, Miss Knollys, Mr. and Mrs. F. R. Knollys, Mr. Ronald Moncrieffe, Mr. Alfred Montgomery, Mr. Arnold Morley, Mr. Henry Petre, Mr. Alfred de Rothschild, Mr. and Mrs. Leopold de Rothschild, Mr. Reuben Sassoon and Miss Sassoon, Mr. and Mrs. Arthur Sassoon, Mr. Edgar Sebright, Mr. and Mrs. Ralph Sneyd, Mr. Christopher Sykes, and Mr. O. G. St. George Williams. Messrs. Coote and Tinney's band was in attendance.<ref>"Marlborough House." ''Morning Post'' 11 March 1890, Tuesday: 5 [of 8]. Col. 6b–c [of 7]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.com/image-viewer?issue=BL%2F0000174%2F18900311&page=5&article=055&stringtohighlight=mandeville+viscount. Same print title and p. </ref></blockquote> ==April 1890== Arnold Dolmetsch took out a three-day ticket to the Reading Room in April 1890 (Campbell 22). === 9 April 1890, Wednesday === ==== The New Forest United Hunt Ball ==== <blockquote>This annual ball was beld at the New Forest Hall, Lyndhearst, on Wednesday night, and was a most brilliant gathering, upwards of 200 being present, not only the New Forest but also neighbouring hunts being well represented. Among those present were Earl and Countess of Londesborough, Lady Mildred Denison, Lady Lilian Denison, Hon. Louis Johnstone, Hon. Gerald and Mrs Lascelles, Major Downman, Capt. Sandbach, R.H.A., Col. and Mrs Sinkins, Col. Fitzroy Smyth, Lady Thursby and party, Mr Stanley Pearce (Master of the Foxhounds), Mr F. Lovell (Master of the Deerhounds) and party, Lady Adela Goff and party, Hon. Miss St. Leger Glyn and party, Mr A. H. Jeffreys, M.P., and Mrs Jeffreys, Hon. Mrs A. Peter, Mr Somerset H. Onslow, Mr Lancelot Orde, Lord Garioch, Mr and Mrs C. K. Francis, the Countess of Normandy, Lady Mary Agar, Lord Montagu, Hon. John Scott Montagu, Viscount Cantelupe, Prince Dhuleep Singh, Hon. D. Keppel, Col. Charles Needham (1st Life Guards), [[Social Victorians/People/Bourke|Hon. Mrs Algernon Bourke]], Mrs Cornwallis West, Mr and Mrs Shelley Bontein, Col. Gridley, Col. Newton, Col. Elliot, R.H.A., Lady Meyrick and party, Sir W. Jervois, Lady Jervois and party, &c.<ref>"The New Forest United Hunt Ball." ''The Sportsman'' 11 April 1890, Friday: 2 [of 4], Col. 5c [of 7]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/viewer/bl/0001055/18900411/024/0002. Same print title and p.</ref></blockquote> ==May 1890== Leonora Braham appeared at the Opera Comique as Ruth Ferns in ''Gretna Green''. ===21 May 1890, Wednesday=== It was his pupil the young Countess Valda Gleichen who found a sponsor for Dolmetsch's first but brief appearance at a London concert on 21 May 1890, when the 'Magpie Minstrels' … gave one of their bi-annual performances at the Princes' Hall" (Campbell 30). ==June 1890== === 3 June 1890, Tuesday === ==== Dinner and Concert Hosted by Mrs. Arthur Williams and Ball by Mrs. Menzies ==== <blockquote>Yesterday evening society passed a large proportion of time on wheels, and the number of receptions was more than the most inveterate could get through wvith comfort. ... Meanwhile, the Duke of Clarence and Avondale dined with Mrs. Arthur Wilson in Grosvenor-place, and a small and select concert followed. The Duchess of Leinster was, as ever, the most beautiful among many beauties, the Hon. Helen Henniker, after her long mourning, was warmly greeted by swarms of friends, and the Countess of Lovelace, in grey satin, chaperoned her débutante niece, Miss Milbank. Prince "Eddie" went from Mrs. Arthur Wilson's hospitable mansion to that of Mrs. J. Graham Menzies. It is unusual to find mother and daughter entertaining this illustrious young man on the same evening. Mrs. Menzies, who has succeeded Lord Suffield in his beautiful house in Upper Grosvenor-street, had one of the smartest and most successful balls of the present season. The Blue Hungarians played with immense vigour and owing to the postponement of Lady Carnarvon's ball, there was no competition for men and married women. Countess Howe, Lady Brougham and Vaux, Lady Aveland and Miss Willoughby, Viscountess Stormont, the Hon. Lady Grey Egerton and Miss Egerton, the Duchess of Buccleuch, the [[Social Victorians/People/Bourke|Hon. Mrs. Algernon Bourke]], the Earl of Craven, Countess of Coventry, Mrs. Mackay, Lady Sykes, the Marchioness of Granby, Mrs. Hwfa Williams, Lord Garioch, Sir Savile and Lady Crossley, Mr. and Mrs. Harry Lawson, and many others were present.<ref>"Yesterday Evening Society." ''Pall Mall Gazette'' 4 June 1890, Wednesday: 4 [of 8], Col. 3a [of 3]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/viewer/bl/0000098/18900604/015/0004. Same print title and p.</ref></blockquote> ==== Münster-Hay Wedding ==== Account of the wedding of Count Alexander Münster and Lady Muriel Henrietta Constance Hay. Count Bismarck sent a gift.<blockquote>St. Andrew's Church, Wells-street, was completely filled yesterday afternoon on the occasion of the marriage of Count Alexander Münster, son of Count Münster, German Ambassador in Paris, with Lady Muriel Henrietta Constance Hay, younger daughter of the Earl and Countess of Kinnoull. The ceremony was fixed for half-past two o'clock, but all the seats in the body of the church were occupied long before that time by invited guests. The rood screen was hidden with white flowers, and a number of tall palms were skilfully arranged in and about the chancel. The bridegroom was early in his place, and wore the splendid white and gold uniform of the Garde du Corps of the Emperor; his best man, Prince Hans Heinrich Pless, wearing the scarlet and gold uniform of the Garde Hussars. The six bridesmaids were Lady Mildred Denison, Lady Dorothea Stewart Murray, Hon. Marie Hay, Hon. Marjory Murray, Miss Rosalind Lovell, and Miss Gladys Hadow (niece of the bride). They wore pretty dresses of pale blue satin, veiled with white chiffon; the skirts were edged with a frill, and the bodices finished with quaint fichus of the chiffon, fastened in front with a bunch of forget-me-nots. They wore drawn hats of the chiffon, covered with forget-me-nots, and their posies were of the same flowers, intermixed with pink roses, and tied with narrow pink ribbons. Each wore a gold bangle with centre forming the initials "A.M.," and a single turquoise drop. The bride entered the church at half-past two, and was received by her father, who led her to the chancel steps, preceded by the choristers singing a nuptial hymn. The bride's dress was of ivory satin made with a very long train. The front was fringed round the hem with orange blossoms and veiled with old Brussels lace, the gift of her mother; the bodice was entirely covered with beautiful old lace, and finished at the neck on one side with a cluster of orange blossoms. She wore a small wreath of orange blossoms and myrtle arranged in the hair at the back and a tulle veil falling almost to the end of the train and held by diamond stars, the gift of the bridegroom. The bride's other jewels included two diamond drop hairpins, the gift of Count Münster; an emerald and diamond brooch, from the bridegroom; enamel and diamond heartsease brooch, from Lady Mary Mills; a diamond and emerald bracelet, from the Duke of Beaufort; and a diamond bracelet, from the Duke and Duchess of Athole. Her train was held by her two little nephews, Masters Roland and Patrick Hadow, wearing Scotch dress with lace ruffles. The service, which was fully choral, was performed by the Rev. Provost Rorison, of St. Ninian's Cathedral, Perth, assisted by the Rev. W. T. Houldsworth, rector of St. Andrew's. The Earl and Countess of Kinnoull afterwards entertained the bridal party at the residence of the Earl of Londesborough, uncle of the bride, in Grosvenor-square. Among the numerous guests were the Russian Ambassador and Madame de Staal, the German Ambassador, the Austrian Ambassador and Countess Deym, Count Münster and the Countesses Marie, Julia, and T. Münster, Prince Pless, Prince Louis Esterhazy, Count Donhoff, Baroness von Beckendorff-Hindenburg, Baron E. Fürstenberg, Count Paul Metternich, Geheimrath Schmettau, Countess Valentin, [[Social Victorians/People/de Soveral|M. de]] [[Social Victorians/People/de Soveral|Soveral]], Captain Hasenclever, Count Leyden, Herr von Rath, Count Francis Deym, Baron and Baroness Deichmann, Count Mensdorff, Herr Pilgrim Baltazzi, Count and Countess Henry Lützow, Baroness d' Erlanger [?], Herr von Kemnitz, Baron Cramm, Vicomte de Janzé, the Duke of Beaufort, the Duchess of Athole, and the Ladies Stewart Murray, the Marchioness of Downshire, the Marchioness of Stafford and Lady Sybil St. Clair Erskine, Maria Marchioness of Ailesbury, the Countess of Dunraven and Ladies Wyndham Quin, the Countess of Kilmorey, the Countess of Galloway and Miss Stewart, the Countess of Dudley and Lady Edith Ward, the Countess of Strathmore and Lady Constance Lyon, the Earl and Countess of Roden, Lady Willoughby de Eresby and Hon. Miss Willoughby, the Countess of Westmorland. Viscount and Viscountess Raincliffe, Viscountess Coke, Viscountess Stormont and Hon. MabeI Murray, Viscountess Malden and Hon. Miss Capel, Lord Hay of Kinfauns [?], Lady Delamere and Miss Cholmondeley, Lady Brougham, Lady Esher, Lord Saye and Sele and Hon. Maud and Hon. Gertrude Fiennes, Lady Helen MacGregor and Miss MacGregor, Lord and Lady Algernon Gordon Lennox and Lady Angela St. Clair Erskine, Lady Raglan, Lord Charles Innes Ker, Lady Elizabeth Bertie, Lady Frances Pratt and Lady Clementine Pratt, Lady Geraldine Somerset, Lady Dalton Fitzgerald and Miss Payne, Lady Mary Mills and Miss Pereira, Lady Dorchester, Lady Louisa Moncreiffe and Misses Moncreiffe, Lady Norreys, Lady Petre, Lady Jane Trefusis, Lord Frederic Hamilton, Baroness de Brienen and Miss de Brienen, Helen Lady Forbes and the Misses Forbes, Lady Scott, Miss Scott and Mrs. Green, Lord Zouche and Hon. Miss Curzon, Mr. and Lady Constance Hadow, Hon. Lady Campbell, Lady William Nevill and Miss Bannerman, Hon. Alastair and Mrs. Hay, Hon. Miss Greville, Captain Hon. Randolph Stewart, Hon. FitzRoy and Mrs. Stewart, Hon. Charles Walsh, Hon. William Walsh, [[Social Victorians/People/Bourke|Hon. Mrs. Algernon Bourke]], Colonel Hon. Charles and Mrs. Hay and Miss Maude Hay, Hon. Mrs. Greville Nugent, Hon. Mrs. Colville and Miss Streatfeild [sic], Hon. Claude Hay, Sir Charles and Lady Forbes of Newe, Laely Borthwick, Sir Francis Montefiore, Sir Henry Hoare, Sir George Arthur, Sir William Gordon Cumming, General and Mrs. Wilkinson, Colonel and Mrs. Chaine, Colonel Arthur Paget, Colonel H. M. Hozier, the Provost of St. Ninian's, Major Finch, Major Candy, Colonel Lloyd, Captain and Mrs. Stewart, Mr. and Mrs. Hay Drummond, Captain and Mrs. Lloyd, Mr. William Gillett, Mr. Hulse, M.P., and Mrs. Hulse, Captain Lumley, Captain Barrow, Major Anstruther, Mrs. Hwfa Williams, Mr. Arthur Hay, Mr. Raglan Somerset, Mr. and Mrs. George Cavendish Bentinck, Mrs. Villiers, Mr. Henry Petre, Mrs. Keighley, Mrs. E. Balfour and Miss Balfour and Miss Ellice, Mrs. Dick Cunynghame and Miss A. M'Gregor, Rev. C. Weidemann, Miss Balfour and Miss E. Balfour, Mrs. and Miss Halford, Mr. and Mrs. Toler, Mrs. and Miss Townley, Rev. Dr. M'Ewan, Mr. A. F. Levita, Mr. F. Stephens, Mrs. and Miss Leigh, Mr. and Mrs. George Forbes and Miss Forbes, Mrs. Luke Wheeler, Mrs. J. Beerbohm, Dr. and Mrs. W. M. Collins, Mrs. and Miss Orde, Mrs. Murray, Miss Glyn, Mrs. Godfrey Pearse, Mr. Balfour, Mr. Leopold Goldberg, Mr. and Miss Oswa d [Oswald], Mr. and Mrs. C. Bulteel, Mrs. Brydges Wyllyams, Mr. H. Balfour, the Misses Codrington, Miss Finch, Mrs. Barron and Miss Sullivan, Mr. Hamilton Aidé, Mr. Granville and Miss Berkeley, Mr. M'Gregor, Mrs. and Miss Needham, Mr. and Mrs. A. Consett and Miss Consett, Mrs. Herbert Naylor LeyIand, Mr. and Mrs. A. Darby, Mrs. Montefiore, Mrs. Charles Murray and Miss Murray, Mrs. Thomas Legh, the Rev. John F. Mitchell, Mr. and Mrs. Claud Hay, Mr. Fiztalan Manners, Mr. Albert Stopford, Mr. Hervey Pechell, and Mr. and Mrs. Charles Orde. Later in the day Count Alexander Münster and his bride left for Hillingdon Court, Uxbridge, the residence of the Hon. A. Mills, where they will pass the early days of the honeymoon, and then proceed to Chàlet Sans Souci, Bellaggio, Lake of Como, lent by Mr. Hervey Pechell. They will afterwards go to Wiesbaden, and thence to Count Münster's German country seat, where a great reception awaits them. The wedding presents were very numerous. Count Munster presented the bride with a diamond necklace and pair of diamond drop hairpins. The bridegroom's gifts to his bride included a tiara of three diamond stars, a brooch formed of an emerald of unusual size set in diamonds, large pearl pendant, gold bracelet set with turquoises, and diamond and turquoise ring. The Duke of Beaufort presented Lady Muriel with an emerald and diamond bracelet. The Earl and Countess of Kinnoull's presents included a quantity of plate and other articles. Prince Henry of Battenberg sent a large silver-mounted claret jug; Count Bismarck, a silver box; the Marchioness of Waterford, gold snake bracelet, with pearl head and ruby eyes; the Duke and Duchess of Athole, diamond "M" bangle; Lady Ermyntrude Malet, massive silver bowl; Countess Marie Münster, silver tea set and tray; Baron E. Fürstenberg, pair of gold-mounted claret jugs; Baron and Baroness Erlanger, large silver bowl; Baron and Baroness Gungberg, pair of antique silver mounted jugs.<ref>"Marriage of Count Alexander Münster and Lady Muriel Hay." ''Morning Post'' 4 June 1890, Wednesday: 7 [of 12], Col. 7a–c [of 7]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/viewer/bl/0000174/18900604/064/0007. Same print title and p.</ref></blockquote> ===4 June 1890, Wednesday=== Derby Day. According to the Morning Post, <quote>Lady Thurlow's first dance. / Mrs. Coddington's Ball. / The Fourth of June celebration at Eton. / ... Royal Society of Literature — Paper on "Early England," by Mr. Carmichael, S. </quote> ("Arrangements for This Day." The Morning Post Wednesday, 4 June 1890: p. 7 [of 12], Col. 6A). ===13 June 1890, Friday=== ? or on the 12th? Arnold Dolmetsch had a concert at which his students performed (Campbell 31). It was reviewed very positively in the 13 June Daily Graphic, especially Helene Dolmetsch's performance. They did Purcell's Fairy Queen. They used a harpsichord. ===26 June 1890, Thursday=== There was apparently a regular celebration of [[Social Victorians/People/Arthur Collins|Arthur Collins]]' birthday, 26 June, by Bret Harte, George Du Maurier, [[Social Victorians/People/Arthur Sullivan|Arthur Sullivan]], Alfred Cellier, Arthur Blunt, and John Hare (Nissen, Axel. Brent Harte: Prince and Pauper: 239. [http://books.google.com/books?id=WEDewmUnapcC]). Choosing 1885–1902 as the dates because those apparently are the dates of the close relationship between Harte and Collins, ending in Harte's death in 1902. ==July 1890== ===3 July 1890, Thursday=== <blockquote>On July 3, 1890, Besant’s house at 19 Avenue Road, St. John’s Wood, was inaugurated as a new center of Theosophical work, serving as the European headquarters of the [[Social Victorians/Theosophical Society|Theosophical Society]] and as HPB’s residence. That house became also the meeting place of HPB’s Inner Group, twelve of her students who were eager for more intense training than was feasible in a larger, more general gathering.</blockquote>That Inner Group is different from the Esoteric Section.<ref>"Esoteric World Chapter 23." ''The Theosophical Society of America, Online Resources''. http://www.theosophical.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&catid=23&id=1725&Itemid=53</ref><blockquote>The hall had a seating capacity of about 200. On the opening night [July 3, 1890] [sic] the room was crammed, and many were unable to gain admission. The speakers were Mrs. Besant, Mr. Sinnett, a Mrs. Woolff (of America), and Mr. [Bertram] Keightley. HPB was present but said nothing, on account of the critical state of her health.<ref>"23a. Henry S. Olcott, July 1890, London [Olcott 1931, 4:254–6]." Esoteric World Chapter 23. ''The Theosophical Society of America, Online Resources''. http://www.theosophical.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&catid=23&id=1725&Itemid=53.</ref></blockquote> === 4 July 1890, Friday, 11 p.m. === ==== The Queen's State Ball at Buckingham Palace ==== The Prince and Princess of Wales were hosts of this ball, as Queen Victoria was not present. Many of the Queen's children and their spouses were present.<ref>"State Ball at Buckingham Palace." ''Morning Post'' 5 July 1890, Saturday: 5 [of 8], Col. 5a–7b [of 7]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/viewer/bl/0000174/18900705/038/0005. Same print title and p.</ref> The dancing commenced shortly after the Prince and Princess of Wales arrived at 11:00. === 1890 July 15, Tuesday === ==== Garden Party at Marlborough House to Meet the Queen ==== The beginning of the ''Morning Post'' article, which is followed by a very long list of people invited:<blockquote>Their Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess of Wales gave a garden party at Marlborough House yesterday afternoon to meet the Queen. Her Majesty was accompanied by their Royal Highnesses the Princesses Victoria and Margaret of Prussia, and was attended by the Duchess of Roxburghe, Miss M'Neill, the Hon. Evelyn Moore, the Hon. Bertha Lambert, and Major-General Sir Henry Ewart and Major F. A. Bigge. Madlle. De Perpigna was in attendance on the Princesses Victoria and Margaret. The following were present: — Their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of Edinburgh and Prince Alfred, and the Princesses Marie, Victoria, Alexandra, and Beatrice of Edinburgh; their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of Connaught and Prince Arthur, and the Princesses Margaret and Patricia of Connaught; their Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess Christian of Schleswig-Holstein Sonderburg-Augustenburg and Princess Victoria and Princess Louisa of Schleswig-Holstein, her Royal Highness the Princess Louise, Marchioness of Lorne, and the Marquis of Lorne. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Albany, her Royal Highness the Princess Frederica and the Baron von Pawell-Rammingen, his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, her Royal Highness Princess Mary Adelaide Duchess of Teck and his Highness the Duke of Teck and Princess Victoria of Teck, his Royal Highness the Duke d'Orleans and Princess Hélène d'Orleans, his Imperial Highness Don Pedro Augustus of Coburg and Braganza, his Serene Highness the Prince of Schaumburg-Lippe, his Serene Highness the Prince of Leiningen and their Serene Highnesses Prince and Princess Victor of Hohenlohe-Langenburg and the Countesses Gleichen, and Count Gleichen.<ref>"Garden Party at Marlborough House." ''Morning Post'' 15 July 1890, Tuesday: 5 [of 8], Col. 3a–7c [of 7]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/viewer/bl/0000174/18900715/044/0005. Same print title and p.</ref></blockquote> === 19 July 1890, Saturday === ==== Wedding of James Francis Harry St. Clair-Erskine and Violet Aline Vyner ==== This report from the ''Fife Free Press'' is missing a big piece of the 2nd paragraph, where the bridesmaids' and bride's dresses are described, because the page was damaged. The digitized copy is also generally poor.<blockquote>On Saturday forenoon, in Michael’s Church, Chester Square, London, was celebrated the marriage of Lord Loughhorough, eldest son of the Earl of Rosslyn with Miss Violet Aline Vyner, younger daughter of Mr R. C. Vyner, of Fairfield, Yorkshire. The chancel was beautifully decorated with palms and a profusion of lilies most artistically arranged. The Prince of Wales, Duke of Cambridge. Princess Mary Adelaide, Duchess and the Duke of Teck, and Princess Victoria, and the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone were among those present. The wedding party began to arrive at 11 o’clock, the bridesmaids being early in attendance. They were the Ladies Sybil and Angela St Clair Erskine, sisters of the bridegroom; Lady Anne Lambton, Miss Musgrave, Miss Rachel Gurney, and Miss Fleming. They were charmingly dressed in soft cream crepon, with violet velvet Zoave jackets, forming half sleeves and capes at the back, and pretty turn-down collars and cravats of white mosseline [mousseline?] chiffon, and the skirts were very plainly made. They wore large white hats lined with a band of violet velvet near the face, and trimmed on the crown with white ostrich plumes, a bunch of violets fastening the brim at the back. Each wore a brooch — the St Clair cross in rubies and diamonds set in a circle of the latter, and surmounted by a baron’s cornet of the same precious stones — the gift of the bri[degroom]; and carried a bouquet of Marechal Niel [roses?] ...ging sprays of the same, and tied w... ribbons. The bride entered the ... eleven o’clock, being received at ... father, who led her to the cha... her away. The service be... procession was preceded up ... choir, who sang "The voic..." The bride’s dress was ... with a long court train, ... white velvet being embro... ...und the train, and fasten... ...ver true lover’s knot. The picture... ...gh silver waistband, had full slee... mousseline chiffon; and a small ... blossoms was most becomingly arra... with a long tulle veil. The Earl of Chesterfield discharged the duties of best man. The Rev. Canon Fleming, Chaplain in Ordinary to the Queen and Vicar of St Michael's, performed the marriage rite, assisted by the Rev. Edgar Sheppard, Sub-Dean of the Chapels Royal, and the Rev. J. Thomson, of Rosslyn, near Edinburgh. The hymn “Thine for ever! For of love,” was sung the end of the service. Canon Fleming afterwards delivered a most impressive address. After the benediction the clergy and bride and bridegroom passed to the vestry, the Prince of Wales following with Mrs Vyner. Pretty wedding favours of orange blossoms, Parma violets, and white heather were then distributed amongst the congregation. Mr and Mrs Vyner afterwards welcomed the wedding party at Ashburnham House, Dover-street. The ''dejeuner'' was served in three rooms, one being reserved for the bride and bridegroom and the Royal party. The table in the latter room was decorated with several of Mr Vynet's racing trophies. The band of the Grenadier Guards performed in the garden during the reception. The Prince of Wales, Duke of Cambridge, the Duke and Duchess of Teck and Princess Victoria were present at the breakfast, and among the general company were Count Munster and Countess Maria Munster, the Marchese and Marchesa de Montagliari, the Marquis and Marchioness of Ripon, the Marquis and Marchioness of Stafford, the Marquis of Cholmondeley, the Marquis of Northampton, Maria Marchioness of Ailesbury, the Dowager Marchioness of Conyngham and Lady Blanche Conyngham, the Marchioness of Downshire, the Countess of Rosslyn, Earl and Countess Compton, the Earl of Feversham, the Earl of Durham, the Countess of Coventry and the Ladies Coventry, Countess Howe and Ladies Curzon, the Countess of Yarborough, the Earl of Clonmell, the Earl and Countess of Loudoun, the Countess of Kilmorey, Countess de Grey, Viscount Molyneux, the Bishop of Gibraltar and Mrs Sandford, Viscountess de Labrosse and Mdles. de Labrosse, Lord Greenock, Lord and Lady Algernon Lennox, Lady Lilian Wemyss, Lady Julia Wombwell and Miss Wombwell, Hon. Lady Campbell of Blythswood, Lady Constance Harris, Lady Florence Harris, Lord and Lady Burghley, Lady Dorchester, Lord Houghton, Lady Curzon, Lady Brougham and Vaux and Miss Musgrave, Baron de Hirsch, Helen Lady Forbes and the Misses Forbes, Baroness Burdett Coutts and Mr Burdett Coutts, M.P., Lady Astley, Lord and Lady William Nevill, Lord and Lady Brooke and Hon. Leopold and Hon. Marjorie Greville, Lady Dalton Fitzgerald and Miss Payne, Lord Elcho, Lady Willoughby de Eresby and the Misses Willoughby, Lady Ewart, Lady Hindlip, Lady Cecilia Rose, Lord Rowton, Lord Capell, Lady Mabel Compton, Lord and Lady Herries, Lady Sykes, Lord and Lady Alwyne Compton, Lady Ventry and Hon. Miss de Moleyns, Hon. Lady Knollys, Lady Manners, Hon. Lady Drummond and Misses Drummond, Hon. Sydney Greville, Hon. Assheton Harbord, Hon. Derek Keppel, Hon. Captain Bourke, Hon. Mrs Percy Mitford, Hon. Philip Harbord, Hon. and Rev. L. Tyrwhitt, Hon. Coralie Glyn, Hon. M. Lambton, Hon L. Greville, Hon. Alwyn Greville, Hon[.] Eva Greville, Hon. Frances Dawnay, Hon Evelyn Paget, Hon Mrs Algernon Grosvcnor, Hon and Mrs Lambton. Hon. Mrs Evelyn Pelham, Hon. Fitzroy St Clair Erskine, [[Social Victorians/People/Bourke|Hon. Mrs Algernon Bourke]], Hon. W. Maxwell, Hon. G. and Mrs Dawnay, Hon. Captain Lambton, General Sir Seymour Blane, Sir William Gordon Cumming, Sir Archibald and Miss Edmunstone, Sir Henry and Lady Meysey Thompson, Mrs Gladstone, Mr and Lady Margaret Cameron, Mr and Lady Florence Astley, Mr and Lady Elizabeth Melville Cartwright and Miss Melville Cartwright, General and Mrs Duff and Miss Duff, General Owen Williams, Colonel and Mrs Anstruther Thompson, Colonel Stopford Sackville, Colonel Craig, Colonel Brabazon, Colonel Forester, Colonel Stanley Clarke (in attendance on the Prince of Wales) and Miss Clarke, Major Davidson, Canon and Mrs Fleming, Captain St John Mildmay (in attendance on the Duke of Cambridge), Captain and Mrs FitzGeorge, Mrs William Portal, the Sub Dean of the Chapels Royal, Rev. W. M. and Mrs Wollaston, Rev. R. West, Mr and Miss Chamberlain. Mr and Mrs W. H. Grenfell, Mr Christopher Sykes, M.P., Mr Reuben Sassoon, Mr Arthur Sassoon, Mrs Bischoffsheim, Mr and Mrs Herbert Naylor Leyland, Dr and Mrs Anderson, Mrs Oswald, Mr and Mrs Surtees, Mr Fitzgerald, Mr and Mrs Menzies, Miss Willoughby and Miss Gertrude Willoughby, Mr Arthur Paget, Miss Christie, Mr Dowdall, Mrs Eastwood and the Misses Eastwood, Mr Frederick Warre, Mr William Williamson, Mrs Burton, Mrs Chaine, Captain and Mrs Livesey Wardle, Captain A. R. Hill, Miss Helby, Mrs and Miss Winslow, Mr and Miss Oswald, Mr Willoughby, Mr Quintin Hume, Mr F and Miss Fitzherbert, Mrs and Miss F. Hotham, Mr and Mrs Moreton Frewin, Mrs Charles Otway, Mr Calcraft, Mr Watson, Mr Fennick, Mr Montgomery, Mr Cecil Murray, Mr and Mrs Sneyd, Mr Leslie Stephen, Mr Edgar Sebright, Miss Fleetwood Wilson, Mrs and Miss Farmer of Nonsuch, Mr and Mrs Dennistoun and Miss Dennistoun, Mr and Mrs J. R. Lane Fox and Miss Lane Fox, &c. The bride and bridegroom left early in the afternoon for Easton Lodge, Dunmow, the seat of Lord and Lady Brooke, in Essex, where they will spend the honeymoon. The bride travelled in a costume of biscuit coloured armure silk, the top of the bodice and sleeves being of pale pink mousseline de soie, and the lower part of the former inserted with pink velvet ribbons to form a high band, Tuscan straw-hat trimmed with pink crepe de chine, and biscuit feathers. The presents exceeded four hundred in number. The Prince of Wales presented the bride with a trefoil moonstone and diamond brooch and the bridegroom with a sapphire and diamond pin. The Princess of Wales's gift the bridegroom was a silver-necked claret jug. The Duke of Cambridge gave an amethyst and diamond pendant, and the bridegroom a pair of silver gilt candlesticks; and Princess Mary and the Duke of Teck presented the bride with a silver sugar basin. The bridegroom’s gifts to the bride were a diamond and sapphire watch bracelet, a diamond half-hoop ring, diamond brooch with pearl centre, diamond and turquoise brooch, formed of the St Clair badge in rubies and diamonds set in a circle of diamonds, surmounted by a baron’s coronet in the same precious stones, a large salts bottle with two heart-shaped moonstones set with rubies and diamonds and a silver sugar basin. The bride presented Lord Loughborough with a turquoise and diamond stud. The Earl of Rosslyn presented the bride with diamond necklet. The Countess of Rosslyn’s gifts were diamond orchid brooch and a pink feather fan. Mr R. C. Vyner’s gifts to his daughter were a diamond and pearl tiara and gold mounted dressing case, and Mrs Vyner gave her a sapphire and diamond ring. The Marchioness of Stafford gave a ruby and diamond pin; Lady Mary Vyner antique diamond tiara; the Ladies Angela and Sybil Erskine sapphire and diamond bracelet; Hon. Fitzroy St Clair Erskine with "1890" in rubies and diamonds; Lord and Lady A. Compton large diamond star; the Earl of Rosslyn presented his son with a large silver bowl and two silver dishes; the Countess of Rosslyn's present was a travelling bag; Mr Vyner gave him a luncheon basket; Mrs Vyner a silver ''entree'' dish; the Marchioness of Stafford case containing silver coffee and tea pots, urn and stand, sugar basin, and cream jug; Lord and Lady Brooke four antique silver sauce boats; Lord and Lady Algernon Gordon ['''Col. 1c–2a'''] Lennox three antique silver ''entree'' dishes. The Earl of Rosslyn's Fifeshire tenants presented Lord Loughborough with a beautiful antique silver bowl, two antique silver dessert dishes, and two antique sugar castors; and to the bride they gave an antique silver tea service. The congregation of Rosslyn Chapel presented the bridegroom with a complete and elegant writing set, whilst Lord Rosslyn's servants gave him a silver inkstand and pair of silver candlesticks. Mr Vyner's servants presented the bride with a silver salver and six ''liqueur'' cups. The servants of Newby Hall gave a silver coffee pot, and Mr Vyner’s Cheshire tenants presented a case containing silver tea pot, sugar basin, and cream jug. The bride also received from the Duchess of Portland a travelling bag; the Duchess de Luynes, sapphire and diamond ring; the Duke of Westminister, Indian necklace; the Marquis of Northampton, diamond bracelet; the Marquis of Ripon, sapphire and diamond bracelet; the Marchioness of Ripon, turquoise and diamond bangle, the Earl of Durham, a diamond half hoop bracelet; Earl and Countess Cowper, a diamond "V V” brooch; Dowager Viscountess Downe, moonstone and diamond crescent; Lady Skyes [Sykes] ruby and diamond fish brooch; Lady Millbank, sapphire and diamond brooch Lord Douglas Compton, double heart brooch; Lord Herbert Vane Tempest, gold curb chain bracelet set with pearls; Earl and Countess Compton, bangle with “Vi” and “good luck” on it; the Duke and Duchess of St Albans, tea service with table; the Marchioness Conyngham, silver cream jug; the Marchioness of Tavistock, silver vase; the Countess of Rodin, a silver I bowl; the Countess of Yarborough, silver candlesticks; Viscountess Downe, silver tea caddie; Lady de Trafford, gold mounted salts bottle; the Hon. F. Dawnay, large silver candlesticks[;] Hon. F and Lady Lampton, travelling clock; Hon. W. Lambton, silver candlesticks; Sir R. and Lady Graham, silver salver; Sir Roderick and Miss Cameron, two silver dishes; General Williams, diamond bangle; Colonel and Mrs G. FitzGeorge, gold mounted bottle; Major and Mrs Egerton, pair of silver candlesticks; Major Stuart Wortley, diamond Swallow; Major Davidson, heart-shaped brooch in coral and diamonds; Captain and Lady Cecilia Rose, a brougham; Mr Beaumont, silver bowl; Miss Edmonstone, moonstone and diamond hat pins; Mrs Harris, sapphire and diamond bracelet; Mr Egerton, turquoise and diamond brooch; Sir Cecil Murray, sapphire and diamond pin; Mr A. Farquharson, diamond swallow brooch; Mr and Mrs Hulse, two small silver vases; Miss Fleetwood Wilson, diamond bangle; Mrs A. Wilson, tortoiseshell candlestick; Mr Quintin Hume, salts bottle mounted with diamonds and rubies; Miss Helbert, gold violet pin; Mr Chamberlain, pair of silver candlesticks; Hon. Arthur Coventry, gold mounted bottle with "Vi" in diamonds; Mrs Leopold de Rothschild, diamond hand brooch, together with a number of other gifts. Among the presents to the bridegroom were — from the Marchioness of Downshire, antique silver sugar sifter; the Marquis of Exeter, silver sandwich case; the Marchioness of Bath, antique Dutch silver box; the Marquis of Downshire, a gold pencil; Count Munster, cigarette case and match box; Count Alexander Munster, a hunting flask; the Countess of Lindsay, antique silver pen-tray; the Earl of Mar and Kellie, silver matchbox; the Earl and Countess of Loudoun, silver cigarette box; the Earl of Chesterfield, antique silver gilt inkstand; the Countess of Bradford, gold seal with agate; the Countess of Warwick, antique silver bowl; the Earl of Coventry, silver pen-tray; the Countess of Wharncliffe, two silver candlesticks; the Earl and Countess of Cromartie, two antique silver cups; Viscountess of Newport, silver paper knife; Mr and Mrs A. Sassoon, ruby and diamond pin; Lord John Cecil, silver salver; Lord and Lady Willoughby de Eresby, antique silver-mounted cruet stand; Lord William Nevtll, antique brandy carrier; Lady Margaret Spicer, silver match box; Lord Burghley, four silver salt cellars and spoons; Baron de Hirch [Hirsch?], silver inkstand; Lady W. E. Osborne Elphinstone, silver inkstand; Lord Kesteven, silver cream jug; Lord Capell, silver cigarette case; Lord and Lady Gerard, tortoiseshell and silver travelling clock; Lady Lilian Wemyss, silver cigarette case; Dad Alwyne Compton, umbrella containing matchbox and whistle; Lord and Lady Lennox, two antique silver ''entree'' dishes and bacon dish; Lord Burghersh, silver cigarette lighter; Lady Angela 8t Clair Erskine, four silver salt cellars; Lady Randolph Churchill, gold pencil case, with two sapphires; Lord Houghton, antique gold basket; Lady Sybil St Clair Erskine, umbrella; Lord and Lady Dorchester, large crystal seal; Hon. Derek P. Keppel, pair of silver candlesticks; Hon. E. and Mrs Pelham, silver inkstand; Hon. G. N. Curzon, silver gilt bowl; Hon. F. St Clair Erskine, four silver candle-sticks; [[Social Victorians/People/Bourke|Hon. A. and Mrs Bourke]], four small silver dessert dishes; Hon. Mrs Elliot Yorke, pair of silver candlesticks; Hon. Mr and Mrs L. Greville, tortoise-shell and silver box; Hon. R Somerset, diamond and pearl pin; Hon. G. H. Willoughby, silver ink-stand; Hon. H. and Mrs Grosvenor, umbrella; [[Social Victorians/People/Bourke|Hon. Mrs Algernon Bourke]], enamel and diamond pin; Captain Hon. Maurice Bourke, cigarette case and lighter; Hon. W. Maxwell, silver-backed clothes and hat brushes; Hon. Sidney Greville, saltspoons; Hon. M. C. Maxwell Scott, two silver ''menu'' plates; Hon. W. Edwardes, pin; [[Social Victorians/People/Greville|Captain Hon. A.]] and [[Social Victorians/People/Lady Violet Greville|Mrs Greville]], silver gilt bowl, fork, spoon, and ladle; Sir Frederick Milner, diamond and moonstone pin; Sir George Chetwynd, two long silver flagons; Sir M. and Lady Fitzgerald, two silver saltspoons; Sir N. Gordon Gumming, silver-handled paper knife, &c.<ref>"Marriage of Lord Loughborough with Miss Vyner." ''Fife Free Press'' 26 July 1890, Saturday: 2 [of 8], Col. 1a–2b [of 6]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/viewer/bl/0001110/18900726/015/0002. Same print title and p.</ref> </blockquote> === 24 July 1890, Thursday === ==== Dinner and Dance Hosted by Lord Alington ==== Perhaps the date on this is uncertain, since the article in ''Truth'' would suggest it was held in late May or early June. The newspaper story in the ''Queen'' mentions another occasion in which the flowers were notable as well. From ''Truth'':<blockquote> But not a quarter of a mile distant [from a dinner and dance hosted by Lord Rothschild featuring Princess Louise and the Marquis of Lorne] a more important event was proceeding, for Lord Alington, having previously walked down the Row and invited his friends right and left to Alington House, South Audley-street, proceeded to give a dance which was honoured by the presence of the Prince and Princess of Wales, the Princesses Victoria and Maud, the Duke of Clarence, Princess Mary Adelaide, and Princess "May" and Prince and Princess Christian. This without exaggeration, with the exception of Lady Leconfield's, Lady Willoughby de Eresby's, and Lady Cadogan's, was the best ball hitherto given this season, and the prolific way ortolans [small songbirds regarded as a delicacy] were distributed at supper will long linger in the memories of those by whom these delicacies are cherished. One lady displayed her enthusiastic appreciation by devouring five of these, and it is to be hoped her devotion did not endanger her life. As for beauty, seldom before have so many pre-eminent for good looks been present at one gathering, as a mere enumeration of a few of these will prove. Of course the Duchess of Leinster heads the list, followed in quick succession by the Duchess of Portland, Lady de Grey, Lady Randolph Churchill, Lady Dudley, Lady Kilmorey, Lady Brooke, Lady de Trafford, Lady Helen Duncombe, Lady Hilda Dundas, Lady Sybil St. Clair Erskine, Lady Olivia Taylour, Miss Rachael Gurney, Lady Cardross, Miss Bourke, Lady Rose Leigh and her sister-in-law, Miss Leigh, Miss Berens (sister to Lady Cairns), Mrs. Ralph Sneyd, Lady Gerard, and a host of others far too numerous to mention. I often wonder that no painter has yet attempted to give us in one picture a permanent record of the chief beauties of our day. It would make a most interesting and exquisite group of lovely women, such as could not be found probably in any other country than this.<ref>Marmaduke, pseud. "Letters from the Linkman." ''Truth'' 12 June 1890, Thursday: 26 [of 56], Col. 1a–b [of 2]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/viewer/bl/0002961/18900612/064/0026. Same print title, p. 1212.</ref></blockquote> From the ''Queen'':<blockquote>The P<small>RINCE AND</small> P<small>RINCESS OF</small> W<small>ALES</small> and the Princesses Victoria and Maud honoured L<small>ORD</small> A<small>LINGTON</small> by their presence at D<small>INNER</small>, at A<small>LINGTON</small> H<small>OUSE</small>, South Audley-street, on the 24th ult., when a distinguished party was present to meet them, including, among others, the Duke and Duchess of Leinster, the Marquis of Hartington, the Marquis and Marchioness of Ormonde, Maria Marchioness of Ailesbury, Earl and Countess Cadogan and Lady Emily Cadogan, the Earl Countess of Lucan and Lady Rosaline Bingham, the Earl of Hardwicke, the Countess of Dudley and Lady Edith Ward, the EarI of Chesterfield, the Earl of Stradbroke and Lady Hilda Rous, and Earl Annesley. Covers were laid for sixty. Lord Alington afterwards gave a dance to meet the Prince and Princess of Wales and their daughters. As on the previous occasion, the floral decorations were exquisite. The entrance hall and the approaches to the reception rooms were decorated with tall palms and a profusion of lilies, pelargoniums, ferns in every variety, and roses in every imaginable shade. The conservatories at the back were carpeted and furnished luxuriously, and blocks of ice, lighted by fairy lamps, were placed about with artistic effect, serving to keep the atmosphere cool and fresh. Feathery palms, hydrangeos [hydrangeas] and arums were here used freely, and a particularly pretty result was obtained by the windows being framed, one in a fringe of ferns and red pelargoniums, and the other in ferns and fuschias. The ballroom fireplaces were adorned on each side with palms reaching to the ceiling, the mantelpieces being hidden by a delicate arrangement of roses in various shades springing from banks of hydrangeas, calceolarias, pelargoniums, and marguerites, and the walls of the staircase leading from the conservatory to the ball-room were hung with half-balls of floral roses. The supper was served in the dining-room, the tables being embellished with the loveliest orchids and roses of the most delicate tints, intermixed with pancretia; the arrangement was so light and elegant that it was difficult to believe that hands had ever touched the flowers. On those tables with silver candelabra in the centre, the flowers were all pure white, and those having gold candelabra were treated with mauve orchids and the palest pink and yellow roses. A tent, arranged near the conservatory for the Prince of Wales, was draped with Oriental hangings, and outside were groups of flowers and myriads of fairy lamps. The company began to arrive at eleven o'clock, when dancing commenced to the strains of the Blue Hungarian Band. The Princess of Wales was dressed in white striped satin and silk, the front being embroidered in pale shades, and wore handsome diamond ornaments. The Princesses Victoria and Maud wore white tulle over satin, the front being sprinkled all over with tiny sprays of lilies of the valley, each laid on a single leaf. The Duchess of Wellington was in black satin, with a pink sash arranged very prettily across the back of the bodice, and falling to the feet; a cluster of pink flowers and a beautiful diamond spray were fastened in the front of the bodicea and a diamond rivière was arranged in the hair, a diamond necklace being also worn. The Duchess of Westminster was in white satin trimmed with gold embroidery, and veiled in white chiffon. The Marchioness of Ormonde wore white striped brocade and satin trimmed with white lace, and a splendid diamond tiara and other ornaments. Countess de Grey, palest blue satin, with front beautifully embroidered in beads, and a diamond and pearl coronet. Maria, Marchioness of Ailesbury, white brocade and lace, with splendid diamond and emerald ornaments. The Marchioness of Bath, cream an violet brocaded velvet, the front being covered with mauve [38, Col. 3c – 39, Col. 1a] violets. Lady Mary Mills, rose-pink satin, with front richly embroidered; Lady Cardross, white satin, trimmed round the bodice and train with silver embroidery; Lady William Nevill, pale yellow brocade, the front veiled with black net, trimmed up the side with jet leaves, and all round the skirt was a bordering of Maréchal Niel roses, over a flounce of black net; Countess Granville wore rich white brocade and beautiful jewels; the Countess of Sefton, black satin and diamonds; Viscountess Dungan, white mousseline de soie, the skirt edged with a deep flounce; Lady Brooke, pale blue satin, trimmed with silver; Lady Emma Crichton, white satin train, with front of white lisse, prettily embroidered in red; Lady Idina Brassey, pale mauve bengaline, with front of chiffon and a handsome diamon coronet; Lady Rose Molyneux, white cross crêpe de Chine, with a pale green sash, and prettily trimmed with pink roses; Lady Wimborne, pale grey satin; the Hon. Miss Guest, pink satin, veiled with white net, sparkling with silver; Lady Sarah Spencer Churchill, white satin, with a chiffon frill; Lady Chesham, white silk, with pink roses; the Countess of Normanton, pale grey satin, with front of fine old lace; Mrs Hulse, handsome white brocade, diamond tiara, &c.; Mrs Bischoffsheim, white silk, embroidered with silver, and trimmed round the bottom of the skirt and train with a ruche of pale yellow crèpe; the Hon. Muriel Brassey, white chiffon, over satin, slightly trimmed with pink; and the [[Social Victorians/People/Bourke|Hon. Mrs Algernon Bourke]] was in pink, with magnificent diamonds.<ref>"Entertainments, Balls, &c." ''The Queen'' 2 August 1890, Saturday: 38, Col. 3c – 39 [of 82], Col. 1a–1c [of 3]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/viewer/BL/0002627/18900802/237/0038 and https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/viewer/bl/0002627/18900802/237/0039. Print: ''The Queen, The Lady's Newspaper'', pp. 170–171.</ref></blockquote>This is the story from the ''Morning Post'':<blockquote>The Prince and Princess of Wales and the Princesses Victoria and Maud honoured Lord Alington by their company at dinner last evening at Alington House, South Audley-street. The guests present to meet their Royal Highnesses comprised the Duke and Duchess of Leinster, the Marquis of Hartington, the Marquis and Marchioness of Ormonde, Maria Marchioness of Ailesbury, Earl and Countess Cadogan and Lady Emily Cadogan, the Earl and Countess of Lucan and Lady Rosaline Bingham, the Earl of Hardwicke, the Countess of Dudley and Lady Edith Ward, the Earl of Chesterfield, Earl Annesley, the Earl of Stradbroke and Lady Hilda Rous, Lord and Lady Gerard, Lady Norreys, Lord Rowton, Lord Calthorpe, Lord Frederick Hamilton, Lord Charles Montagu, Lord Herbert Vane Tempest, Lord Arthur Grosvenor, Lady Lilian Wemyss, Colonel the Hon. Oliver Montagu, Sir John and Lady Lister Kaye, the Hon. Humphrey and Lady Feodore Sturt, the Hon. John Baring, the Hon. Henry and the Hon. Julia Stonor, the Hon. Gilbert Willoughby, Lady Suffield and Major-General Ellis, in waiting on the Prince and Princess of Wales; Sir Henry Calcraft, Mr. and Lady Rose Leigh, General and Mrs. Owen Williams, Mr. Mildmay, M.P., Mr. and Mrs. Arthur Sassoon, Mr. Montague Guest, Captain Orr-Ewing, Mrs. Bulkeley, Mr. Ricardo, and Mr. Caryl Craven. Lord Alington afterwards gave a dance expressly to meet the Prince and Princess of Wales. Among the company were— The Russian Ambassador, the Danish Minister, Prince Louis Esterhazy, Comte Costa de Beaunyardt, the Duchess of Buccleuch and Lady Evelyn Fitzmaurice, the Duchess of Westminster, the Dowager Duchess of Marlborough and Lady Sarah Spencer Churchill, the Duchess of Wellington and Lady Cardross, the Marquis and Marchioness of Granby and Miss Bourke, the Marchioness of Stafford and Lady Sybil St. Clair Erskine, the Marchioness of Bath and Lady Beatrice Thynne, the Marquis of Cholmondeley, the Marquese and Marquesa de Santurce and Lady Wilham Nevill, Countess Spencer, Countess Granville and Lady Victoria Leveson-Gower, Countess de Grey, the Earl of Dunraven, the Countess of Lathom and Lady Edith Wilbraham, the Countess of Enniskillen and Lady Christian Cole, the Earl of Ilchester, the Earl of Durham and Lady Anne Lambton, the Earl of Dalkeith and Lord Ernest Scott, the Countess of Sefton and Lady Rose Molyneux, Countess Howe and the Ladies Curzon, the Countess of Normanton and Lady Mary Agar and Miss Mary Liddell, Earl Craven, Viscount Clifden, Viscount Ennismore and Lady Beatrice Hare, Viscount Coke and the Hon. Violet White, Viscount and Viscountess Castlerosse and the Hon. Susan Baring, Viscountess Newport and the Hon. Miss Bruce, Viscount and Viscountess Melgund, Viscount and Viscountess Curzon, Viscount and Lady Violet Dangan and Lady Eva Wellesley, Viscount Dungarvan, Viscount Chelsea, Viscount Royston, Lady Hastings, Lord Capell, Lord and Lady Willoughby de Eresby and Hon. Margaret Willoughby, Lady Cloncurry and Hon. Miss Winn, Lord and Lady Brooke, Lady Wimborne and Hon. Miss Guest, Lord Sandhurst, Lord and Lady Edmund Talbot, Lord and Lady Alwyne Compton and Miss Gurney, Lord and Lady Chesham, Lady Rossmore and Miss Naylor, Lord Kenyon, Lord Garioch, Lady Alice Portal, Lady Margaret Levett and the Ladies Ashley, Lady W. Nevill, Lord Paulet, Lady Charles Beresford, Lady Forbes and Misses Forbes, Lady Claud Hamilton, Lord Carlow, Lady Mary Mills, Lord Lurgan, Lord Henry Vane Tempest, Lord and Lady Algernon Gordon Lennox, Lord Richard Nevill, the Hon. W. Coventry, the Hon. G. Joliffe, the Hon. Schomberg M'Donnell, the Hon. H. Coventry, Captain the Hon. E. Dawson, the Hon. Alistair and Mrs. Hay, the Hon. Mrs. Grosvenor, [[Social Victorians/People/Bourke|the Hon. Algernon and Mrs. Bourke]], the Hon. F. Dawnay, the Hon. E. J. Mills, the Hon. A. Johnstone, the Hon. Claude Hay, the Hon. Sidney Greville, the Hon. Mr. Dundas and Lady Hilda Dundas, the Hon. Thomas and Lady Idina Brassey and the Hon. Muriel Brassey, the Hon. Mr. Mansfield, Colonel the Hon. Henry Byng and Miss Byng, the Hon. Mrs. Oliphant, the Hon. Mr. Harbord, the Right Hon. Henry Chaplin, M.P., the Hon. G. Somerset, Sir William Gordon Cumming, Sir George Arthur, Sir Hubert Miller, Sir Charles Forbes, Sir William and Lady Eden, Sir George Chetwynd, Sir Frederick Johnstone, Sir John D. Poynder, Colonel and Lady Emma Crichton, the Hon. Miss Harbord, Captain and Lady Jane Combe, Colonel Paget, Captain Williams, Captain Ford, Captain Doyle, Captain Hanbury, Captain Campbell, Captain Constable, Captain Kinloch, Captain Longfield, M. Gutmansthal, Mrs. Bingham, Mr. Guthrie, Mrs. Arthur Paget, Mrs. Charles Wilson and Miss Wilson, Mr. Hulse, M.P., and Mrs. Hulse, Mr. de Murrieta, Mrs. Bischoffsheim, Mr. Spencer Portal, Mr. and Mrs. Gerald Paget, Mr. Leigh and Miss Leigh, Mr. Percy Daniell, Mr. Lister, Mr. Frederick Vincent, Mr. Cazalet, Mr. Alfred de Rothschild, Mr. John Savile Lumley, Mr. and Mrs Leopold de Rothschild, Mr. and Mrs. Skeffington Smith and Miss Taylor, Mrs. George Cavendish Bentinck, Mr. Alfred Farquhar, [[Social Victorians/People/Fanny Ronalds|Mr. Reginald Ronalds]], Miss Alice Ellice, Mr. George Marjoribanks, Mr. Wyndham, Mr. Dugdale, Mr. Montagu, Mrs. Sneyd, Mr. Wynn, Mr. Edward Hamilton, Mr. Murray Guthrie, Mr. George Lambert, Mrs. Sanford, Miss Mabel Forbes. Mr. Herbert Magniac, Mr. Bailey, Mr. Milner, Mr. Charles Kindersley, Mr. Beaumont, Mr. Walter Hervey, Mr. H. Hoare, Mr. Foley, Mr. Scott Murray, Mr. Coventry, Mr. Bertie, Mr. Jarvis, Mr. Guthrie, Mr. George Cavendish Bentinck, Mr. E. Charteris, Mr. Cholmondeley, Mr. Oswald Magniac, Mr. Cecil Campbell, Mr. and Mrs. Henry Oppenheim, Mr. Peploe, Mr. A. Charteris, Mr. Seymour Gore, Mr. Robert Antrobus, Mr. Elliot, M. de Champs, Mr. Wombwell, Mr. Charles Hoare, M.P., and many others.<ref>"Lord Alington's Ball." ''Morning Post'' 25 July 1890, Friday: 3 [of 8], Col. 5 b–c [of 7]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/viewer/bl/0000174/18900725/014/0003. Same print title and p.</ref></blockquote> ==August 1890== ===6 August 1890, Friday=== ==== Beautiful Women ==== The ''Lancaster Observer and Morecambe Chronicle'' reprinted a story from ''Vanity Fair'' about "Beautiful Women":<blockquote>Beautiful Women. — ''Vanity Fair'' asks what country in the world can show a more beautiful bevy of women than England? When Lady Helen Vincent, with her sister, Lady Cynthia Graham; when Lady Warwick with her sisters, the Duchess of Sutherland and Lady Westmorland; and when Lady Mar and Kellie, Lady de Trafford, Princess Pless, Lady de Gray[,] Lady Naylor-Leyland, the Duchess of Portland, Lady Alington, Lady Sophie Scott, Lady Chelsea, [[Social Victorians/People/Bourke|Lady Algernon Bourke]], Lady Henry Bentinck, Mrs. Willie Grenfell, Mrs. Rupert Beckett, Mrs. Arthur Paget, and Countess Clary are gathered together it is a sight to make an old man young; while Mrs. Gerard Leigh and her sister, Lady Yarborough, and Lady Powis, Lady Norreys, Mrs Farquharson, Mrs. Willie James, Lady Dalkeith, Mrs. Pretyman, Mrs. Gervase Beckett, Lady Rossmore, Lady Sarah Wilson, Lady Colebrook, Lady Hartopp, Mrs. Willie Walker, and Lady Milton are almost equally admired. The many pretty girls include Miss Enid and Miss Muriel Wilson, who still head the list of the unmarried beauties, Lady Beatrice Butler, Lady Alexandra Hamilton, Miss Kennard, Miss Madeline Bourke, and Miss Leila Crichton; while among the debutantes Lady Evelyn Crichton and Lady Vivian's daughters have had a great success, and Lady Alice Montagu, petite and charmingly pretty, has been so much admired. The daughters of Lady Gosford, Lady Verulam, Lady Leitrim, Lady Inchiquin, and Lady Grey have also been admired, as well as Lady Helen Stewart, Lady Katherine Scott, and Miss Chaplin.<ref>"Beautiful Women." ''Lancaster Observer and Morecambe Chronicle'' 6 August 1897, Friday: 2 [of 8], Col. 5b [of 8]. ''British Newspaper Archive'' https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/viewer/bl/0001804/18970806/023/0002. Same print title and p.</ref></blockquote> ===25 August 1890, Monday=== Summer Bank Holiday ==September 1890== ==October 1890== ===22 October 1890, Wednesday=== Arnold Dolmetsch went to the Reading Room (Campbell 22). ===25 October 1890, Saturday=== [[Social Victorians/Loder De Vere Beauclerk Wedding|Loder—De Vere Beauclerk Wedding]] ===31 October 1890, Friday=== Halloween. ==November 1890== ===5 November 1890, Wednesday=== Guy Fawkes Day ===19 November 1890, Wednesday=== Arnold Dolmetsch, with some of his students and his daughter Helene, provided musical illustrations for a lecture given by Dr. Frederick Bridge on "Mozart as Teacher," probably at Gresham College, where Bridges was professor (Campbell 34). ===21 November 1890, Friday=== Dr. Frederick Bridge's last fall 1890 lecture at Gresham College, for which Dolmetsch provided illustration. Campbell says, "it is, in fact, the first record in modern times of music by Byrd, Dr. Bull, Jenkins, Simpson, Lawes, Locke and Purcell being played 'on the instruments for which it was written'" (Campbell 34). ===25 November 1890, Tuesday=== Arnold Dolmetsch got a three-month pass to the Reading Room and "thereafter held yearly tickets until 1916" (Campbell 22). ==== 1890 November 29, Saturday ==== ===== [[Social Victorians/Dudley-Beckwith Wedding 1890-11-29|Wedding of Francis Dudley, Lord Leigh and Héléne Forbes Beckwith]] ===== ==December 1890== Sometimes in December 1890, [[Social Victorians/People/William Robert Woodman|William Woodman]], one of the founding members of the [[Social Victorians/Golden Dawn|Golden Dawn]], died (Gilbert 86 12). === 4 December 1890, Thursday === ==== [[Mure-Portal Wedding 1890-12-04|Wedding of Miss Mure and Mr. S. J. Portal]] ==== ===19 December 1890, Friday=== "The eleventh annual ''Truth'' Toy Exhibition for the children in London hospitals, workhouses, and infirmaries was held at the Grosvenor Gallery, Bond-street, on Dec. 19 and 20. There are over 22,000 children in these institutions, and each of them has a separate toy, besides the large and more expensive toys which are presented for the general use of the inmates. A special feature of the show was the dolls dressed by lady readers of ''Truth''. Several special donations in connection with the fund have been made, the principal of which is that of 10,200 new sixpences sent for distribution by the same liberal donor who has given a similar present on former occasions; while Mr. Tom Smith has had specially made, and has forwarded for distribution, over 22,000 crackers; and Mr. Horniman (as stated in our last issue) has given to the adults in hospitals and workhouses 1200 packets of tea, to be given to them as Christmas boxes." (Illustrated London News (London, England), Saturday, December 27, 1890; pg. 806; Issue 2697, Col. B) ===20 December 1890, Saturday=== "In order that the adults connected with the hospitals and workhouses may participate in the good things given to the children in the ''Truth'' toy distribution, Mr. F. J. Horniman, of Wormwood-street, City, has sent Mr. Labouchere 1200 packets of tea to be given to them as a Christmas box." (Illustrated London News (London, England), Saturday, December 20, 1890; pg. 774; Issue 2696, Col. B) From the ''Times'', 22 December 1890, "The Late Sir Edgar Boehm": <blockquote>On Saturday, in accordance with the special request of the Queen, the late Sir Edgar Boehm, R.A., was buried in St. Paul’s Cathedral, in the south aisle of the crypt, the spot being known as “The Painters Corner.” [new paragraph] The funeral cortége left the residence of the deceased at about 11 o’clock, there being five mourning and several private carriages. In the first carriage were the chief mourners, Sir Edgar Collins Boehm, the only son of the late baronet, and Mr. Conrad Herapath. The second and third carriages were occupied by Sir Frederic Leighton, P.R.A., Sir Nigel Kingscote, Mr. Richard Mills, Colonel Francis Baring, Mr. Alma-Tadema, R.A., Sir R. H. Collins, Mr. Edward J. Poynter, R.A., and Mr. Duncan MacGregor, all of whom subsequently, at the cathedral, acted as pall bearers. The fourth carriage contained representatives of the Council of the Royal Academy – Mr. Edwin Long, R.A., Mr. J. B. Burgess, R.A., Mr. F. Goodall, R.A., and Mr. Beavis. In the fifth carriage were the following members of the professional staff of the deceased – Mr. R. Glassby, Mr. E. Lantéri, Signor Finili, and Herr Gross. The cortége stopped for a few moments at the Royal Academy, in order that it might be joined by two carriages containing other representatives of the institution. Leaving Piccadilly, the route taken was Waterloo-place, Pall-mall, Cockspur-street, the Strand, Fleet-street, and Ludgate-hill, the cathedral being reached about noon. The procession was met at the great west door by Canon Gregory, the Archdeacon of London, the Rev. Dr. Baker, Minor Canons Milman, Russell, and Kelly, and the choir, who had a few minutes previously left the vestry; by Major Bigge, Equerry to the Queen, representing her Majesty; Colonel Stanley Clarke, who attended on behalf of the Prince and Princess of Wales; and Colonel W. J. Colville, representing the Duke of Edinburgh. The [[Social Victorians/People/Princess Louise|Princess Louise]] (Marchioness of Lorne) attired in deep mourning, and accompanied by [[Social Victorians/People/Arthur Collins|Lieut.-Col. Arthur Collins]] and Lady Sophia Macnamara, arrived at the cathedral a few minutes before 12 o’clock, and was conducted to a seat in the south side of the nave, close to the late Sir Edgar Boehm’s two daughters, upon whom her Royal Highness had called earlier in the morning. As the procession came slowly up the nave towards the chancel, “I am the resurrection of life” and other sentences of the burial service were chanted to music by Dr. Croft. The coffin, which was completely hidden by splendid wreaths, was preceded by the choristers and the clergy. Then followed Sir E. C. Boehm, with Mr. Conrad Herapath and Mr. Alfred Gilbert, A.R.A., the officers and council of the Royal Academy, and members of the deceased’s studio. The coffin was deposited upon a bier, which had been placed under the dome in front of the opening into the crypt, through which the body was subsequently lowered. The mourners having been conducted to the seats which had been reserved for them, and the clergy and choir having proceeded to their places in the chancel, Psalms xxxix. and xc. Were sung to music by Purcell and Felton, followed by Spohr’s anthem, “Blest are the departed,” and the lesson 1 Cor. Xv. 20, which was read by Canon Gregory. Whilst the hymn “Days and moments quickly flying” was being sung the Archdeacon of London and Minor Canon Milman proceeded from the chancel and took up positions by the side of the coffin. The remainder of the service preceding and following the lowering of the body into the crypt was read by Minor Canon Milman, and the collect was impressively recited by Archdeacon Sinclair. The late Dr. Newman’s beautiful hymn, “Lead kindly light,” was afterwards sung by the choir, and the service was brought to a close by Beethoven’s Funeral March, which was played in compliance with the special request of her Majesty, at whose desire also Chopin’s Funeral March had preceded the service. Dr. Martin was the organist. While Beethoven’s march was being played the son and daughters of the late “Sculptor in ordinary to her Majesty,” together with other mourners, descended the crypt by the door near Howard’s monument, and saw the coffin for the last time. It bore the following inscription:- “Joseph Edgar Boehm. Born July 6, 1834; died at his work December 12, 1890. Thy will be done.” The coffin had already been deposited in the brick grave prepared for it, which is next to that of Sir Edwin Landseer. Immediately around it lie the remains of painters and sculptors of bygone days – Sir Joshua Reynolds, James Barry, Benjamin West, Henry Fuseli, Sir Thomas Lawrence, J. M. W. Turner, and John Henry Foley, while within half-a-dozen yards is the tomb of the great architect of the cathedral, Sir Christopher Wren. The coffin as last seen was covered by the floral tributes of loving friends, the symbolic laurel wreath forwarded by her Majesty surmounting them. This bore the inscription, “A tribute of gratitude for many beautiful memorial works executed for her. From Victoria, R. I.” Attached to the beautiful wreath sent by the Prince and Princess of Wales were the words, “A token of sincere regard and friendship.” Wreaths were forwarded by other members of the Royal Family, by Sir John and Lady Millais, Lord and Lady Reay, the Countess Sydney, Lord and Lady de Vesci, Mr. Henry Irving, Mr. and Mrs. Bancroft, by members of the council, students and officers of the Royal Academy, the Society of Artistic Sculptors (Vienna), and by the London Hungarian Association." (http://glassby.com/Chapter1.htm) </blockquote> ===24 December 1890, Wednesday=== "The people of South London and adjacent suburbs have to be grateful to Mr. Frederick Horniman, a well-known City merchant residing at Dulwich, for a munificent and beneficial Christmas gift. This gentleman has, during thirty years, formed a collection, worth above £100,000, of specimens of art, European, Indian, Chinese, and Japanese, also of decorative manufactures, and of ethnology and natural history, and rare books and manuscripts, at Surrey House, Forest Hill, which he intends to present to the public. The museum was opened by Sir Morell Mackenzie on Wednesday afternoon, Dec. 24. It already comprises twenty-four rooms, containing many beautiful specimens of horse and chain armour, Elizabethan bed-room furniture, an old English parlour and pantry, an Oriental armoury, a bible and manuscript room, an Egyptian gallery, and ethnographical saloon, a book and embroidery saloon, a porcelain and glass room, and a zoological saloon, with two live Russian bears and a monkey. We may describe the museum further, after another visit. Our Artist has sketched, in the ethnograhical saloon, an idol's shrine, made of cocoanut-fibre, from Fiji. Mr. Horniman, in acknowledging a vote of thanks, said that in an adjoining house he had accumulated a vast library of bibles and entomological works and specimens. It was his intention to build a hall at the back of the present building to contain a thousand persons, while the galleries would contain a library, and a stage would be provided, so that both eye and ear could be amused. He also contemplated buying sufficient land to enable a public body to erect class-rooms and gymnasia. Three cheers were given for Mr. Horniman, and the company proceeded to inspect the museum." "(Mr. F. Horniman's Museum, Forest Hill." Illustrated London News (London, England), Saturday, January 03, 1891; pg. 7; Issue 2698, Col. C) ===25 December 1890, Thursday=== Christmas Day ===26 December 1890, Friday=== Boxing Day ==Works Cited== *"Besant Chronology.pdf." From Anderson, Nancy Fix, Walter L Arnstein, Deborah Logan, and Susie L Steinbach, Volume Editors. Lives of Victorian Political Figures, Part III: Queen Victoria, Florence Nightingale, Annie Besant and Millicent Garrett Fawcett by their Contemporaries. Volume 3 of Lives of Victorian Political Figures. Series Editors, Nancy LoPatin-Lummis and Michael Partridge. London: Pickering and Chatto, 2008. *Crawford, Elizabeth. The Women’s Suffrage Movement: A Reference Guide, 1866–1928. Google Books. Accessed 14 October 2010. ezl8awq15l6ub59dufm9ahrgd455729 0 264724 2840288 2839828 2026-10-14T15:57:12Z Scogdill 1331941 2840288 wikitext text/x-wiki {{Short description|Dress worn by Queen Victoria at her wedding to Prince Albert in 1840}} = Sandbox = Page to draft revisions for Wikipedia articles. For Gwladys Robinson, see Gwladys Lowther Robinson, [[Social Victorians/People/Ripon|Marchioness of Ripon]] and, earlier, [[Social Victorians/People/Lowther|Countess of Lonsdale]] ==References== {{reflist|2}} [[Category:1840 works]] [[Category:Royal wedding dresses|Victoria Queen]] [[Category:1840s fashion]] [[Category:British royal attire]] [[Category:Dresses in the Royal Collection of the United Kingdom|Victoria, Wedding]] [[Category:Diamond Jubilee of Queen Victoria]] = Victorian fashion = == Notes and Quotes == * Women followed Paris fashion in Europe and America, but London tailors led the way for men’s fashion. The Industrial Revolution actually impacted men’s fashion more than women’s. * Sewing machines in factories began mass producing cheap clothing for the largest group in the population, working class men. * Ready-made clothing affected the social structure, the economy, and gender differentiation. * Paper patterns, introduced in fashion magazines that targeted women, along with domestic sewing machines had more impact on women’s fashion than men’s. Haute couture was still bespoke (being individually constructed by tailors or dressmakers or fashion houses like Maison Worth). Sewing Machines and Clothes Before the industrial revolution wealthy people paid others to sew their clothes by hand and those who were of much lower economic status did all the manual labor necessary to feed and clothe the rich minority. The working class had to make all their own clothes. Sewing, however, came at the end of the process.  They began with raw wool cut from the backs of sheep or gathering flax.  Only the wealthy could afford to buy fabric.  They followed processes for cleaning and spinning the wool into thread and the processes of soaking and pulling out the fibrous strips to make into thread for linen fabric. After they had thread, it was tied to a loom so it could be woven into cloth.  Then it had to be cut or torn into pieces. For many families scissors were a luxury. And the last step is sewing the pieces together to create a garment. Machines could not only sew, they could process the raw materials into thread and weave it into fabric much  quicker. Regarding clothing, working class men and their families benefitted greatly from ready-made clothes. Manufacturers marketed to them because they were the largest class. For example,<blockquote>–Men’s shirts, made by machine, take 3 hours and 10 minutes each to do; by hand, 15 hours and 20 minutes; a lady’s dress, by machine, takes 12 hours 4 minutes; by hand 20 hours 35 minutes; . . . a common frock-coat, by the machine occupies 17 hours 20 minutes; by the hand, 27 hours and 40 minutes: a linen vest, by machine, 3 hours 44 minutes; by hand 7 hours 18 minutes; a fine overcoat, by machine, 28 hours 13 minutes; by hand 31 hours 20 minutes; . . . <ref>Mitchell, Rebecca, ed. "22. 'Progress of the Sewing Machine,' ''Bow Bells'' (19 April 1865), p. 283." Part 6: Production and Industry. ''Fashioning the Victorians: A Critical Sourcebook''. Bloomsbury Visual Arts, 2018.</ref></blockquote> === Industrial Revolution and Technological Advancements === * the railroad * mass production of fabrics for working-class men's clothing ** Jacquard looms * sewing machines * aniline dyes, including black === Expanding Middle Class === * gender roles getting more clearly defined and rigid (referring back to page overview) === French Revolution === Sarah Gharmallah Alzahrani and Safia Abdelaziz Saroukh (https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Safia-Saroukh/publication/385099194_The_Semiotic_Dimension_of_Men's_Fashion_in_Modern_Eras/links/671686fbd796f96b8ec4f90e/The-Semiotic-Dimension-of-Mens-Fashion-in-Modern-Eras.pdf):<blockquote>The 19th century started with a fashion landscape that was changing dramatically and rapidly from the styles of a generation earlier. The French Revolution brought fashions that had been emerging since the 1780s to the forefront. Neoclassicism now defined fashion as both men and women taking inspiration from classical antiquity. For women, the high-waisted silhouette in lightweight muslin was the dominant style, while fashionable men looked to the tailors of Britain for a new, refined look [17]. [17]  Franklin, H. (Aug 18, 2020). Published on Jun 25, 2020, Retrieved: <nowiki>https://fashionhistory.fitnyc.edu/1800-1809/</nowiki> 11/11/2023. Edited. ...</blockquote>Brent Shannon:<blockquote>"Costume," wrote Max Beerbohm in 1896, "enables us to classify any 'professional man' at a glance, be he lawyer, leech or who not" (24–25). A man's profession and class were read by his jacket, his hat, what he rode in, and how he carried himself. "Perhaps there is a tendency among Englishmen to judge a man too much by the shape of his hat or the kind of collar he wears," conduct author John Wanamaker confessed; "But one must remember that in England if you ''wear'' the wrong thing, you will probably ''do'' the wrong thing, and generally ''be'' the wrong thing" (1).¹¹ Such assertions were predicated on the powerful Victorian conviction that outward appearance reflected inner qualities.<ref>{{Cite book|title=The Cut of His Coat: Men, Dress, and Consumer Culture in Britain, 1860–1914|last=Shannon|first=Brent Alan|publisher=Ohio University Press|year=2006|location=Athens, Ohio}}</ref> (148)</blockquote> ==Women's fashion== == Men's fashion == (Two intros: one to Victorian Fashion, giving background for both women's and men's fashions; two to the decades for men's fashion) Among the influences on men's styles: * differentiation of genders (domestic ideology, ideology of the spheres) * the "Great Male Renunciation," the French Revolution and English tailoring * industrial revolution: mass production of fabrics and articles of clothing, especially for working-class men * sports and country clothing * Albert Edward, Prince of Wales, later King Edward VII, influence went beyond England; tailors led by him led fashion for the upper classes * then later, cult of youth * military uniforms * comfort and convenience * evolving definitions of gender, both femininity and masculinity evolved as concepts. The changing definitions of masculinity affected men's clothing. For the growing and rising middle classes, gender roles became more and more rigid around the concept of the separate spheres, the public for men and the private sphere for women. Cultural sources for men's clothing and men's fashion: industrial revolution; expanding middle class; technological advancements; an association in the culture between outward appearance and inward nature; French Revolution; Albert Edward, Prince of Wales Citation for Victorian Hell: <ref name=":29">{{Cite web|url=https://victorianhell.substack.com/p/victorian-mens-fashion-history-and|title=Victorian Men’s Fashion History and Clothing Guide|last="It's Monty, Actually"|date=31 October 2025|website=Victorian Hell|access-date=7 September 2026}}</ref> === Frock coats === * Apostol Mănescu, politician, wearing a frock coat, butterfly tie, black waistcoat with button chain and light coloured pants, drainpipe type. Circa 1866. Photo by Franz Duschek.jpg (1866)[[File:Apostol Mănescu, politician, wearing a frock coat, butterfly tie, black waistcoat with button chain and light coloured pants, drainpipe type. Circa 1866. Photo by Franz Duschek.jpg|thumb|Romanian (?) Politician, c. 1866, ill-fitting but probably handmade suit|center]] Full-length portrait of two young men wearing frock coats with sashes and pistols at their waists LCCN2006689564.tif (right)[[File:Full-length portrait of two young men wearing frock coats with sashes and pistols at their waists LCCN2006689564.jpg|thumb|1860, American, young men with frock coats, performers??|center]] * George Augustus Henry Sala.jpg (Mathew Brady, 1855–1865) * [[File:George Augustus Henry Sala.jpg|center|thumb|George Augustus Sala, 1855–1865, LoC]] ==== Dress and Conduct Manuals, Histories, Victorian Theory, Catalogs ==== # [Baker, William Henry.]  ''Clothes Dictionary''. Chicago, Ill.: Cahn, Wampold, 1901. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Clothes_dictionary;_(IA_clothesdictionar00bake).pdf. # [[c:File:Hint's_about_men's_dress,_right_principles_economically_applied_(IA_hintsaboutmensdr00barr).pdf|Hint's about men's dress, right principles economically applied (IA hintsaboutmensdr00barr).pdf]] (book, conduct manual, American, 1888) #[https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/69/Fashion-_the_power_that_influences_the_world_%28IA_fashionpowerthat00foxg%29.pdf?utm_source=commons.wikimedia.org&utm_campaign=index&utm_content=original Fashion- the power that influences the world (IA fashionpowerthat00foxg).pdf] (1871) (American, incl court dress, Victorian fashion theory, livery, "White, as it is the color of day, is expressive to us of the cheerfulness or gaiety which the return of day brings." [145], "Gentlemen's Furnishing and Goods," "Head and Foot Covering," Index) # [https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/ae/How_to_behave_and_how_to_amuse._A_handy_manual_of_etiquette_and_parlor_games_%28IA_howtobehavehowto00sand%29.pdf?utm_source=commons.wikimedia.org&utm_campaign=index&utm_content=original How to behave and how to amuse. A handy manual of etiquette and parlor games (IA howtobehavehowto00sand).pdf] (1895; American; Men's Dress, p. 23; besides conduct and dress, it has parlor games) # [https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/8e/The_etiquette_of_men%27s_dress_%28IA_etiquetteofmensd00cluc%29.pdf?utm_source=commons.wikimedia.org&utm_campaign=index&utm_content=original The etiquette of men's dress (IA etiquetteofmensd00cluc).pdf] (1888; American; some ads; anthology of individually written articles; lots of sports, outdoor events; search for "frock" — cutaway vs Prince Albert) #[https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/e9/S.W._Silver_%26_Co.%27s_handbook_for_transatlantic_travellers_.._%28IA_swsilvercoshandb00silv%29.pdf?utm_source=commons.wikimedia.org&utm_campaign=index&utm_content=original S.W. Silver & Co.'s handbook for transatlantic travellers .. (IA swsilvercoshandb00silv).pdf] (1883; American; lots of ads from SW Silver, with prices; has blank pages where ppl can write "Introductions" and "Engagements," but this is not a conduct book, it's travel guide / catalog to London) #[https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f6/How_we_go_to_those_who_cannot_come_to_us.._%28IA_howwegotothosewh00roge%29.pdf?utm_source=commons.wikimedia.org&utm_campaign=index&utm_content=original How we go to those who cannot come to us.. (IA howwegotothosewh00roge).pdf] (Roger, Peet & Co.; American; catalog, spring 1891; pp. 11, clerical frock; 7 "Prince Alberts" double-breasted frocks; p. 23 shirts as underwear; has a thing on fitting and mail order; bathing suits, collars and cuffs; tennis shoes) == Victorian Men's Fashion (Intro to the Men's Fashion Section) == Museums and other historical sites have plenty of women’s clothes from the nineteenth century. There is great variety in both outer wear and underwear. “Men’s garments of the Victorian period have survived in far less quantity than women’s.” Buck p. 185 More waistcoats have survived than any other garment. The hardest garment to find are trousers. Very few survived the nineteenth century. Buck p. 185 By 1850 trousers dominated the fashion for men; the trouser straps under the shoe had disappeared; and a fly front had replaced the fall-front. Buck 185 It took most of the nineteenth century for men’s fashion to evolve into the coat, trousers and vest (waistcoat) that dominated the twentieth century and appears to be unchanging in the twenty-first century. “Men’s clothing, like women’s, was specific to each occasion and type of activity during the late nineteenth century.” Payne2, p. 518 For example, formal wear for social events was different from the casual, everyday wear for upper middle class and aristocratic men. Victorians also dressed in ensembles for hunting and riding (included knickerbockers–breeches that had a fuller cut). Casual and looser clothing was worn when participating in sports. Many different cuts of coats were available, like the Norfolk jacket, the morning coat, or the sack coat. “Tailored wool garments , originally inspired by the clothing of English country gentry, formed the backbone of men’s wardrobes in the early nineteenth century.” Men’s clothing began to change from styles that were colorful and flamboyant in the eighteenth century to styles that emphasized cut over color. By the end of the century men’s clothing had settled into a kind of uniform with coats and trousers usually made of the same fabric, often with a vest or waistcoat of the same fabric. The uniform included a shirt with a stiff collar, a necktie and very little jewelry. It took the entire nineteenth century to change to a rather static style that is still worn today. Ready-made clothing affected the social structure, the economy, and the gender differentiation. David Kutcha traces the origin of the 3-piece men's suit to King Charles II of England, who may be said to be wearing a coat, pants and a waistcoat, but otherwise is not wearing a "suit" we — or the Victorians — would recognize as such: <blockquote>... since 1666, male gentility has been associated with modesty and plainness in dress. Eschewing fashion as an increasingly feminized realm Charles II's vest inaugurated a new and essentially modern era of masculine aesthetics, one that reversed a long-held association between elaborate display and high social status. Manly thrift now displayed elite status.<ref>{{Cite book|title=The Three-Piece Suit and Modern Masculinity, England 1550–1850|last=Kutcha|first=David|publisher=University of California Press|year=2002|location=Berkeley and Los Angeles}}</ref> (2)</blockquote>So it's really Cromwell who should get credit?? The French Revolution caused both men and women to change stylistic direction radically. For one generation, stylish women wore simple white muslin dresses without foundation garments underneath. The changes in men's fashion was more lasting: men turned away from the ornamentation and ruffles of the ''ancien régime'', choosing instead understated and subtle tailoring to indicate good taste and wealth. Poole "comfort and convenience" — trousers, sack coats, collars and cuffs without a shirt, wool rather than silks and satins; knee breeches constantly riding up men as leaders of fashion, in spite of our sense that men didn't do fashion in the way that women did, were more serious than that === Dandy Stuff === Beau Brummell: "Men began to aspire to fine cutting, tailoring, and perfect fit in their clothes, flawless grooming and manners in themselves. The Englishman George Bryan (Beau) Brummell deserves much credit for the ideal of meticulous masculine appearance."<ref name=":25">{{Cite book|title=The History of Costume: From Ancient Mesopotamia Through the Twentieth Century|last=Payne|first=Blanche|last2=Winakor|first2=Geitel|last3=Farrell-Beck|first3=Jane|publisher=Addison-Wesley Longman|year=1992|isbn=0-06-047141-7|edition=2nd|location=New York, New York}}</ref> (458) "From 1796 to 1816, the Beau set the pattern for cleanliness and liberal use of starch." (459) === Gender Ideologies === '''Victorian gender ideologies''' relegated men to the "public sphere" and women to the "domestic sphere." (??) More than that “the cult of youth . . . the secularization of sport and the influence of modern warfare in generating men’s fashions, the tendency to prefer modern ideas of comfort and convenience, and the transformation of fashion knowledge and fashion urbanism from print to hyperreality”<ref name=":26">McNeil, Peter. "Men's Fashion: 1800–2022." Chapter 22. ''The Routledge History of Fashion and Dress, 1800 to the Present''. Routledge, 2024. https://opus.lib.uts.edu.au/bitstream/10453/182707/2/Men%27s%20Fashion%20200822_24_12_20_09_29_44.pdf DOI: 10.4324/9780429295607-27.</ref> (McNeil 1 or 411) changed the perceptions of masculinity and femininity. === Class === The growing middle class involved among other things more and more jobs and careers for young men as clerks, office workers, they were junior, subordinate, and they were commuting on the railroads from suburbs. Carolyn Kirby:<blockquote>In western Europe the fashion for plain dark suits coincided with the rise of the affluent middle-classes in a world where the pace of industrialisation and the globalisation of trade was accelerating as never before. The sharp, dark business suit became the last word in male power-dressing. And so it remains to this day.<ref name=":27">{{Cite web|url=https://historiamag.com/invent-masculine-fashion/|title=The invention of masculine fashion|last=Kirby|first=Carolyn|date=3 December 2025|website=Historia: Magazine of the Historical Writers' Association|access-date=25 August 2026}}</ref></blockquote> === Bertie === Albert Edward, Prince of Wales was very concerned with fashion and authoritative about it, with a very specific eye to small details. He was increasingly influential in men's fashion from the last third of the 19th and into the 20th century, and many noticed what he did and copied him.<blockquote>When that great lover of pleasure, Edward VII, visited Marienbad incognito as the Duke of Lancaster, he was followed by tailors from Paris, Budapest, Vienna, and Berlin who photographed him and took notes about his clothes. Edward VII introduced many [423–424] novelties into men’s fashion. ... He is also credited with making fashionable the creased trouser in 1909 (his groom dried them with a board weight after heavy rain, resulting in the line), turned-up cuff trouser (after hitching his trouser bottoms at a dirty racing track) and, as his girth grew, undoing the bottom button of his waistcoat."<ref name=":26" /> (424)</blockquote>Cowles<blockquote>The Prince was not just ‘a swell’. In the jargon of the day he was ‘a heavy swell’, and apparently there was a world of difference between the two terms. A swell was a rich young aristocrat who lived in extreme comfort; but a heavy swell added showmanship to the comfort and lived in a stylish luxury that even the French were obliged to envy. And of course the heavy swell was the acme of sartorial elegance. The Prince did not mind changing his dress half a dozen times a day. He loved clothes, and since whatever he chose to wear became the prevailing fashion overnight, he soon was regarded as an expert on the subject. His tailor-in-chief made a fortune. For many years he patronised a Mr. Poole. He discovered this gentleman by accident. He went to the theatre one night to see a well-known actor by the name of Fecher playing ‘Robert Macaire’. As an impecunious adventurer [129–130] Fechter was obliged to wear a coat that was torn and dirty, but Bertie’s expert eye noticed the elegant cut. At the end of the performance he asked Fechter for the name of his tailor, and Mr. Poole’s future was assured. The Prince had so many clothes he could never travel with less than two valets; and two more valets were left at home cleaning, brushing and pressing his vast wardrobe. There were suits and coats for every variation of every climate the world over. There were over a hundred pieces of headgear; and since Bertie was an honorary admiral and an honorary general of most of the countries of Europe, there was an entire room devoted to uniforms, sashes, epaulettes, belts, buckles, swords, feathers and other regalia. ... Men’s clothes became of such importance that new [130–131] shops sprang up like mushrooms in Savile Row, Clifford Street and Bond Street. Most of the Prince’s innovations were inspired by comfort and convenience. He altered the cut of the evening dress waistcoat, he shortened the tails on the tail coat, he left his frock coat open (due to an increasing girth), he introduced the black homburg, and he attended race meetings, not in the frock coat hitherto ''de regueur'' but in tweeds. He tried having his trousers creased down the sides rather than the front and back, in order to hide his bandy legs, but this idea did not catch on, and he soon discarded it himself. But the prince was not the only arbiter of men’s fashions. The band of  "heavy swells" who followed his lead gave him plenty of competition. Lord Raglan and Lord Petersham invented coats which are still named after them. Lord Dupplin the dinner jacket and Lord Cardigan the button-up sweater. But Lord Hardwicke made the most spectacular contribution. Men’s silk hats were made of beaver which was left in its original rough, shaggy state. Lord Hardwicke polished his hat until he could see his face in it, and consequently was known as "Glossy Top". He is responsible for the top hat as we know it today.<ref name=":28">{{Cite book|title=Gay monarch, the life and pleasures of Edward VII|last=Cowles|first=Virginia|publisher=Harper|year=1956|location=New York, New York|archive-url=https://archive.org/details/gaymonarchlifepl0000cowl/}}</ref> (129–131)</blockquote> === Men’s Clothing 1830–1900 (Intro to the Decades) === “Tailored wool garments , originally inspired by the clothing of English country gentry, formed the backbone of men’s wardrobes in the early nineteenth century.”<ref name=":25" /> (458) Men’s clothing began to change from styles that were colorful and flamboyant in the eighteenth century to styles that emphasized cut over color. By the end of the century men’s clothing had settled into a kind of uniform with coats and trousers usually made of the same fabric, often with a vest or waistcoat of the same fabric. The uniform included a shirt with a stiff collar, a necktie and very little jewelry. It took the entire nineteenth century to change to a rather static style that is still worn today. (this is middle-class men for day wear?) The silhouette for men sometimes followed the same line as women’s clothing on the top half of their bodies. For example, as women’s sleeves grew into the huge leg-of-mutton fullness, the shoulders of men’s coats also had added fabric to make a pouf at the shoulder, thus emphasizing a broad shouldered look across the front. Men’s silhouettes changed subtly without the exaggerated fullness of women’s skirts or the raising and lowering of the neckline. Once men began to wear trousers, they did not go back to formal knee breeches (except in European courts or for court wear for Victoria). The line of men’s garments changed in smaller increments than women’s. Coats and trousers might fit tighter in some decades and looser in others. They were slim, then boxy, flared, then straight and evolved into the contemporary line we see on men today. ==== Court and Formal Dress ==== Livery, working class Formal dress was separate attire, used for specified occasions, varies by decade ==== Shirts ==== Shirts and collars separated: "by 1827 detachable collars became available."<ref name=":25" /> (477) Shirts were considered more like underwear early in the century but by the end of the 1800s, they were becoming the outside garments popular in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Neck treatments (and shirt cuffs) ==== Coats and Jackets ==== The 1901 ''Clothes Dictionary'' says coats were "The principal garment of men's attire."<ref name=":30" /> (10) Several styles of coats were available to fashion-conscious aristocratic and upper-middle-class men. Men’s suits in this period were tailor made, fitted to one specific man. The factories, however, knew that the vast majority of men were working class and began to manufacture and sell ready-made shirts, coats and trousers. More clothes were available for working men and they cost less. The cheaper work clothes enabled upper-working-class men to own more than one set of clothes and to have more formal clothes for church or other events. Ready-made shirts were also available in generic sizes, small, medium and large. Generic sizing speeded up the mass production process and, since little of the shirts could be seen, they did not need custom fitting. Almost all of the coats Victorian men wore could be single or double breasted, with a couple of exceptions like morning coats and Norfolk jackets. On more formal occasions upper-class men wore a cutaway morning coat with light trousers during the daytime, and a dark tail coat and trousers in the evening. ==== Frock Coats ==== [[File:Frock coat MET CI38.23.39 F.jpeg|alt=Old-fashioned coat hanging on a mannequin|thumb|Frock coat, 1840, American]] Frock coats were introduced in the 1820s and worn throughout the nineteenth century with only minor changes to the line or fit. Sleeves were full at the top and waists were tight, creating an hourglass form. Initially frock coats were tightly fitted and closed with buttons. The more tailored frock coats had a waist seam and a flared skirt almost to the knees. The rate of fashion change notable in women's fashion was true for men's clothing as well. The frock coat persisted for a century, but it was in a state of constant (but subtle) evolution, with collars and lapels, coat length, the waist seam, the fullness of the coat itself as well as the sleeve, color, patterns like stripes or plaids. A Prince Albert is a double-breasted, very well-tailored, form-fitting frock coat.<ref name=":30">[Baker, William Henry.] ''Clothes Dictionary''. Chicago, Ill.: Cahn, Wampold, 1901. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Clothes_dictionary;_(IA_clothesdictionar00bake).pdf.</ref> (33) Gentlemen, clergy, military Men around the world and especially in the British Empire wore frock coats: images and descriptions exist of men wearing frock coats in India<ref>Woodyatt, Nigel Gresley. ''Under Ten Viceroys; The Reminiscences of a Gurkha''. London: H. Jenkins Limited, 1922. Pp. 31, 107, 1774.</ref>, Iran (Persia at that time)<ref>Sparroy, Wilfrid. ''Persian children of the royal family; the narrative of an English tutor at the court of H. I. H. Zillus-Sultán, G.C.S.I''. London and New York, J. Lane, 1902. Pp. 11, 29, 30.[https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/d1/Persian_children_of_the_royal_family%3B_the_narrative_of_an_English_tutor_at_the_court_of_H._I._H._Zillus-Sult%C3%A1n%2C_G._C._S._I_%28IA_persianchildreno00sparrich%29.pdf?utm_source=commons.wikimedia.org&utm_campaign=index&utm_content=original https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/d1/Persian_children_of_the_royal_family%3B_the_narrative_of_an_English_tutor_at_the_court_of_H._I._H._Zillus-Sult%C3%A1n%2C_G._C._S._I_%28IA_persianchildreno00sparrich%29.pdf].</ref>, Japan<ref>Watson, W. Petrie. ''Japan, Aspects and Destinies''. New York, Dutton: 1904. P. 7, 19, 31.</ref>, Egypt and Turkey<ref>Butler, Alfred Joshua. ''Court Life in Egypt''. London: Chapman and Hall, 1887. P. 7.</ref>, .... ==== Trousers ==== Breeches: Men’s bifurcated garment that ended just below the knee Trousers: men’s bifurcated garment that went down to the ankles or foot The most sweeping change in men’s fashion before 1820 was in the length of their pants. Trousers that went from waist to foot were so much more comfortable and popular than knee breeches that they replaced what had dominated men’s wear since the sixteenth century. And trousers have been worn for over two centuries now. They were originally tailored but began to be mass produced. Although the aristocracy were required to wear knee breeches at court, they wore trousers more than they wore breeches, and they could afford to have their suits and shirts hand sewn and individually. Working class men had to contend with small, medium, and large from mass production. This bifurcated garment was modified in specific places, like the length, the fullness over the hips or the width of the leg. In summer trousers were lighter in color — "grayish blue, aqua and pearl gray." (Payne 2, 505) In winter trousers mixed darker colors like "steel gray and brown, black and brown, and black and green." (Payne 505) More on summer colors, winter colors? [Find quote about QV's men's court dress and the men being so cold] ==== Waistcoats ==== Victorian men put their creativity, color and specialty fabrics into their waistcoats. At the beginning of the century men's waistcoats were made from specialty fabrics, like velvet or brocade or a patterned silk, sometimes two at the same time: "During the 1820s and 1830s, men sometimes wore two waistcoats, in combinations like white velvet over rose-and-gold brocade."<ref name=":25" /> (474) Long after coats and trousers were made from the same dark wool, waistcoats continued to be colorful, making them the focus of the ensemble. By the end of the 19th century waistcoats made from the same fabric as the trousers and coat dominated men’s fashion. 1880s: "The term vest now applied to all but low-necked formal styles, which were still called waistcoats." (Payne 2 528) [[File:Homosexualitywilde.jpg|thumb|Oscar Wilde and Bosie Douglas, straw boater and derby, 1894]] ==== Overcoats ==== Overcoats became a significant fashion element and many styles were seen throughout the century. <ref name=":24" />Kay, Fiona and Neil R. Storey, ''Victorian Fashions for Women'', Pen & Sword History, Yorkshire - Philadelphia, 2022 Surtout: "An overcoat cut in the style of a frock coat."<ref name=":30" /> (39) ==== Hats ==== The upper-class continued to wear top hats, and [[bowler hats]] were worn by the working class. 1830s Men wore [[top hats]], with wide brims in sunny weather. 1830s - 1900 Top hats briefly became the very tall "stovepipe" shape, but a variety of other hat shapes were popular. ==== Shoes ==== [[File:Men's fashion silhouette of 1837.jpg|thumb|Men's coats, 1837]] [[File:Lev Wittgenstein by F. Kruger.JPG|thumb|Lev Wittgenstein by F. Kruger, 1836]] === 1830s and 1840s === Men's fashions in the 19th century have been less researched than women's fashions, in part because of fewer artifacts of what men wore were saved in museums for study. Photography, the first century that we have actual images (rather than artists' interpretations) of what people wore.[[File:Man's Frock Coat LACMA M.2007.211.61 (1 of 4).jpg|alt=Male mannequin wearing a light-colored thigh-length coat similar to a suit jacket and a top hat|thumb|Men's frock coat, c. 1845]] [[File:Stockholms mode-journal- Tidskrift för den eleganta werlden 1847, illustration nr 2.jpg|thumb|Stockholm's fashion magazine, 1847]]Some men wore corsets, so the waist was nipped in and the skirt of the frock coat flared out. The sleeves were slightly puffed at the shoulders. The trouser legs were straight with a strap under the instep. The figure on the left in the fashion plate from ''Modes de Paris Journal des Tailleurs'' (right) illustrates this silhouette very clearly. ==== Coats and Shirts ==== Frock coats became fashionable for day wear in the 1820s<ref name=":25" /> (474) and were worn throughout the century. The main changes in frock coats in these two decades were in the colors and the neck treatment (collar and lapels). Initially frock coats were brightly colored, like "plum, mulberry, brown, bright blue, and bottle green,"<ref name=":25" /> (474) although the truly bright, saturated colors made possible by synthetic dyes were a couple of decades away still. Middle- and upper-class men limited their use of tailcoats to evening wear and more formal occasions. Shirts were made of linen or cotton with low collars, occasionally turned down, and were worn with wide [[cravats]] or neck ties. Before shirts were mass produced, they were tailored for upper and wealthy middle-class men. ==== Trousers ==== "Trousers of the 1830s fit quite snugly ..., but in the 1840s they became looser."<ref name=":25" /> (477) Knee breeches still existed, but only for court wear, riding and country wear (in the form of knickerbockers). ==== Waistcoats ==== waistcoat; vest “Waistcoats [or vests] remained colorful, decorative items in men’s wardrobes after the rest of their costumes had become plain.” (Payne 2 460-462) They could be single- or double-breasted, with shawl or notched collars, and might be finished in double points at the lowered waist. Collars gradually lowered over the course of the two decades. Often the colorful vests were decorated with fur or velvet collars. ==== Overcoats ==== Men wore a variety of topcoats or overcoats The redingote was most popular in the 1830s and 1840s. Redingotes had a rolled collar, sleeves with fullness at the shoulders and upper arm and narrow at the elbows to the wrist. It was fitted at the waist and reached mid-calf. ==== Original Text ==== During the [[1840s in fashion|1840s]], men wore tight-fitting, calf length [[frock coat]]s and a [[waistcoat]] or vest. Sleeves were full at the top and waists were tight, creating an hourglass form. For more formal occasions, a cutaway morning coat was worn with light trousers during the daytime, and a dark tail coat and trousers was worn in the evening. Shirts were made of linen or cotton with low collars, occasionally turned down, and were worn with wide [[Cravat (early)|cravat]]s or neck ties. Men wore [[top hat]]s, with wide brims in sunny weather. === 1850s === The 1850s revealed several industrial inventions that significantly impacted clothing. First, the Industrial Revolution began (and still does today) with machines to weave fabric and machines to sew fabrics. Manufacturers quickly learned that the majority of the population was working class. Theirs were the simplest, least trimmed garments made in the nineteenth century. Second, mass production of shirts, trousers and coats changed how most people shopped for clothes. The aristocracy and upper middle class folks could still have their clothes made to specifically fit their bodies. Manufacturers knew that they could not mass produce clothing for each individual’s body. They invented generic sizing in small, medium, and large. They could, therefore, produce many more items of clothing with generic sizing. Third, Isaac Singer patented and began to manufacture home or domestic sewing machines (treadle machines) enabling more form-fitted '''dresses''' to be constructed for an individual’s specific shape and size. The fourth item to impact fashion and clothing was the invention of the paper pattern. These were introduced in fashion magazines targeting women. Almost all women were taught to sew by hand, whether they were aristocrats or working class. Sewing machines enormously speeded up the '''process of constructing from hours to minutes'''. Finally, aniline dyes made colors brighter and longer lasting. Prints and stripes, checks and plaids, fabrics had much more vibrant color with aniline dyes. The Industrial Revolution impacted the working class and changed their lives the most. children's clothes? Women made men's clothing too According to Judith Flanders, working-class men's clothes could be colorful. For example drivers of hansom cabs () dressed more up-scale, and drivers of hackneys () did not.<blockquote>While hackney drivers were also considered to be stereotypically shabby, hansom-cab drivers were generally represented as smartly dressed. A print in 1850 showed a driver in a snappy brown coat instead of the coachman’s heavy multiple-caped outfit, pale green striped trousers, short boots and top hat, the [167–168] reins held daintily in his gloved hands. Both cab and coach drivers wore top hats, but cabbies of a sporting bent later switched to bowlers, and in summer donned bright checked outfits.<ref name=":23">{{Cite book|title=The Victorian City: Everyday Life in Dickens' London|last=Flanders|first=Judith|publisher=Thomas Dunne Books|year=2012|location=New York, New York}}</ref> (167–168 [of 972])</blockquote> A variety of silhouettes was seen in the 1850s. Trousers were long and slim with a strap under the instep of the shoe. '''Coats and Shirts''' “Although the frock coat was worn throughout the century, it lost its dominant position in the 1850s, when the morning coat began to replace it.”<ref name=":29" /> A jacket shorter than the frock coat or morning coat that had visible pockets began to be worn in about 1850. By the 1860s, it had become the most popular casual coat. Cutaway tail coats were still reserved for formal occasions. All of these coats could be single or double breasted. During the [[1850s in fashion|1850s]], men started wearing shirts with high upstanding or turnover [[collar (clothing)|collars]] and [[necktie#Four-in-hand|four-in-hand necktie]]s tied in a bow, or tied in a knot with the pointed ends sticking out like "wings." '''Trousers''' Trousers had fly fronts and breeches were used for formal functions and knickers (short pants fuller cut than breeches) for horseback riding. Men's choice to wear trousers is an instance of the importance of comfort and convenience outweighing style and presentation, a value that increased in importance through the 20th century. '''Waistcoats''' Waistcoats remained the one garment that could be brightly colored and copiously trimmed on exotic fabrics. Waistcoats show that men were concerned with decorative elements in their ensemble. ==== Notes & Quotes ==== * transition from frock coats to ditto suits, 1850s (Payne, 463) ==== Hats ==== The upper-class continued to wear top hats, and [[bowler hat]]s were worn by the working class. Caps ==== Overcoats ==== Overcoats were cut fuller with wider sleeves and no extra fullness at the shoulder. Unlike the redingote, the overcoats had straight seams to the knee length. Many had wide lapels that reached below the waist. Working class men and their families benefitted more from the industrial revolution in regards to clothing.  Manufacturers marketed to them because because they were the largest class. [[File:Gazette of Fashion, February 1865, RP-P-2009-2675.jpg|thumb|1865, Frock coats, etc. (Paris)]] [[File:Gazette of Fashion, October 1864, RP-P-2009-2673.jpg|thumb|1864, Frock coats, etc., Paris]] [[File:Broadway fashions, New York LCCN2003677917.jpg|thumb|Butterick, Spring-Summer 1866, Broadway Fashions]] [[File:Four young men wearing frock coats - DPLA - 4706a21c9267c45034d51c8fc5309251 (page 1).jpg|thumb|1860s, working class?, ill fitting, frock coats, trousers, shirts, vest, derby hats]] === 1860s === [[File:Corporal frock coat 1862 med.jpg|thumb|Corporal frock coat 1862, 9-botton military]]The 1860s saw fewer inventions that influenced or changed the way people were acquiring clothes. But the changes begun by mass production continued with the working class. Little changed for the higher classes, except maybe paper patterns and sewing machines. The different shape and size in clothing continued to provide slightly different silhouettes for men in the upper and middle classes. As women's clothes grew more complex in cut and style, men's clothes became simpler in cut and style. '''Coats and Shirts''' Individualized fittings continued for upper class and wealthy middle class clients. Working class as well as middle and upper class. Morning coats still led the way but frock coats were still in demand and worn in business and more casual situations. Leisure wear like knickers and ditto suits became more popular in the 1860s. Haute couture wanted every occasion or event to have special clothing. In some ways men dressed more alike (coat, trousers, waistcoat) and in some ways there was more variety in the cut of their coats and in the manufactured clothing they could buy. Many upper class men still had their shirts custom made. Frock coats were shortened to knee-length and were worn for business, while the mid-thigh length [[sack coat]] slowly displaced the frock coat for less-formal occasions, with the overall effect of a looser silhouette. The Prince of Wales: "For the countryside such as at Sandringham, he permitted an informal dress code. The Henry Poole ledger marked as 'HRH 1865' is for an evening coat without tails, the first 'dinner jacket.'"<ref name=":26" /> (424) Shirts '''Trousers''' Trousers were cut full and boxy during most of the 1850s and 1860s. The strap under the shoe disappeared and trouser legs reached the back of the heel in length. Knickers were still worn for hunting or riding and breeches were still ''de rigueur'' at court. '''Waistcoats''' Waistcoats remained decorative and worn with most of the coats that were popular. The young “dandies” wore the most colorful and decorated waistcoats. These “dandies” gave their highest priority to their appearance. They were the avant garde of haute couture. ==== Necks ==== In the [[1860s in fashion|1860s]], men started wearing wider neckties that were tied in a bow or looped into a loose knot and fastened with a stickpin. ==== Hats ==== Top hats briefly became the very tall "stovepipe" shape, but a variety of other hat shapes were popular. ==== Overcoats ==== The single-breasted redingote continued in popularity among the aristocracy and upper middle-class.  These coats were often “in colors such as plum, mulberry, brown, bright blue, and bottle green . . . [with] contrasting velvet collars.” Payne2 p. 474 [[File:Mens Coats 1872 Fashion Plate.jpg|thumb|upright|Drawing of Victorian men 1870s]] [[File:Ashurst frock coat.jpg|thumb|Ashurst Frock coat]] [[File:Grand Duke Alexis Alexandrovich of Russia Wearing a Frock Coat; Standing (fbc266c2feca43f6ad5b44e031635a8d).tif|alt=Old photograph of a man wearing a dark thigh-length coat similar to a suit coat with light-colored trousers|thumb|Grand Duke Alexis Alexandrovich of Russia Wearing a Frock Coat, c. 1872]] [[File:Caillebotte Hugot.jpg|thumb|Portrait of Paul Hugot, 1878]] [[File:Oscar Wilde (1854-1900), by Hills & Saunders, Rugby & Oxford 3 april 1876.jpg|thumb|Oscar Wilde, 1876, ditto suit]] [[File:FrockCoat.jpg|thumb|English frock coat, 1870s]] === 1870s === To correct and prevent errors being made in court dress, in 1875 the Lord Chamberlain published ''Dress Worn by Gentleman at Her Majesty's Court'', "a summary of regulations for court uniform and dress."<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://www.google.com/books/edition/Dress_worn_by_Gentlemen_at_Her_Majesty_s/pvrbQCXq0MEC?hl=en|title=Dress worn by Gentlemen at Her Majesty's Court|last=Britain)|first=Victoria (Queen of Great|date=1875|language=en}}</ref> This is the kind of thing Bertie really cared about. Define court dress. A portly, boxy silhouette was sought for most of the 1870s. Older men whose stomachs had spread outward and thus looked prosperous to the Victorians were the ideal for men’s high fashion. Sack coats and trousers were cut a little wider in the legs. '''Coats and Shirts''' There were minor changes to some of the coats Victorian men wore. Frock coats were shortened to the knee. Sack coats (or ditto coats — the forerunner of the suits worn by men in the western cultures of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries) were found to be so comfortable that most men of the upper and middle classes had a ditto suit. Men still wore morning coats and the aristocracy still wore cutaway coats with trousers to parties and balls but cutaway coats with knee breeches at court. Although ready-made shirts were available, the upper and middle classes still wore bespoke clothing hand-made, with better fabric and an excellent fit but stitched on machines. The suits and shirts made for the working class were of cheaper fabrics. Corduroy for trousers and muslin for shirts was often used in working class clothing.. '''Trousers''' Most men were wearing trousers  all of the time (except at court) and have worn them ever since. Trousers had button flies by the 1870s which most men found to be much more convenient than laces. Trousers did not “ride up” the leg in the way that knee breeches did when dancing or sitting. If a man did not have fashionable legs, they could be obscured behind trousers. '''Waistcoats''' ==== Overcoats ==== A longer version of the standard overcoat, “sometimes with fur collar, cuffs, and lining” was often worn for warmth. Payne2 p. 519 Added to overcoats, “Chesterfield coats were single-breasted, with fly fronts and velvet collars.”  Payne2 p. 519 ==== Original Text ==== During the [[1870s in fashion|1870s]], three-piece suits grew in popularity along with patterned fabrics for shirts. Neckties were the four-in-hand and, later, the [[Ascot tie]]s. A narrow ribbon tie was an alternative for tropical climates, especially in the Americas. Both frock coats and sack coats became shorter and more form fitting. Flat straw boaters were worn when boating. [[File:Elliott & Fry10a.jpg|thumb|William Gladstone, 1887, morning coat]] [[File:British politicians gambling at Ascot Wellcome V0050378.jpg|thumb|British Politicians Gambling at Ascot, 1884]] [[File:Scribner's magazine (1887) (14595087238).jpg|thumb|1887, types of American servants]] === 1880s === The silhouette narrowed and straightened. That is, the line went straight down without the flare of skirts on the coats. This smooth line had few decorations. Men wore hardly any jewelry. They might have a boutonniere or a ring.  Suits were not  decorated. All coats were straighter and shorter. Depending on the time of day, the Prince of Wales might change his clothes (thus, his silhouette) up to six times per day,<ref name=":28" /> (129) and some aristocrats and upper-class men would follow his lead. ==== Coats and Shirts ==== Although the frock coat was worn throughout the nineteenth century, the single fabric sack suit was worn for casual wear and was beginning to be seen as a businessman’s suit.  Morning coats were still in use for some events as well as casual occasions. The modern tuxedo or Cowes jacket appeared and was worn for formal occasions. The tuxedo is still worn as formal dress today. Shirts were still custom made for the rich and the working class bought ready-made shirts. The shirt remained basically the same but it could handle the different neck treatments.  Even mass produced shirts could have buttons or button holes for detachable collars and cuffs. ==== Trousers ==== Trouser legs began to decrease in width as the coat became narrower and emphasized strong vertical lines. ==== Waistcoats ==== During the 1880s waistcoats were called vests and much of their bold trim and colorful fabric disappeared and vests were constructed from the same fabric as the coat and trousers. The business suit for men developed in the 1880s and was firmly established in the 1890s. ==== Overcoats ==== Versions of topcoats increased, adding an ulster overcoat for travel and an Inverness coat with up to five cape collars and a high curved collar. Double breasted topcoats were popular and some were knee-length and some calf-length. ==== Original Text ==== During the [[1880s in fashion|1880s]], formal evening dress remained a dark tail coat and trousers with a dark waistcoat, a white bow tie, and a shirt with a winged collar. In mid-decade, the dinner jacket or [[tuxedo]], was used in more relaxed formal occasions. The [[Norfolk jacket]] and tweed or woolen breeches were used for rugged outdoor pursuits such as shooting. Knee-length topcoats, often with contrasting velvet or fur collars, and calf-length overcoats were worn in winter. Men's shoes had higher heels and a narrow toe. [[File:American fashions - The Jno. J. Mitchell Co. Litho., New York. LCCN2006676665.jpg|thumb|Fashion plate from the Jno. J. Mitchell Co., New York, 1899]] [[File:Alfred Milner Vanity Fair 1897-04-15.jpg|thumb|Alfred Milner, 1897, Leslie Ward ("Spy"), for Vanity Fair]] [[File:Nobl-08.jpg|thumb|Sherlock Holmes, 1892, Sidney Paget]] [[File:PUK1894page380rector poor.jpg|thumb|Rector and Drinker, 1894]] === 1890s === The dominant silhouette for men became the sack suit in the 1890s and while changes in the sack have been subtle, it remains the dominant silhouette today. ==== Coats and Shirts ==== “Sacks became ''the'' favored style of suit coat,”(Payne2, p. 532) especially among the younger men. Frock coats were associated with older men along with the cutaway coat. There were many more choices for sports wear and leisure wear than ever before. Norfolk jackets were often worn while hunting. Most informal styles could be purchased ready made. The rich still had their clothing custom made by tailors but even working class men could purchase most ready-made versions of the coats, trousers, and vests. Shirts could be made of patterned fabric as well as solid colors and white.  Shirts were beginning to be acceptable as outer wear especially when worn as sporting clothing. ==== Trousers ==== Early in the 1890s, “slim, straight trousers were news.” (Payne 2, p. 532) Trousers could be plaid or checked as well as the same fabric as the coat and vest. ==== Waistcoats ==== Fancy fabrics and bold trim were not seen much as the more subdued vest dominated the fashion scene. ==== Overcoats ==== “Topcoats included fingertip-length styles made of twill covert cloth. Single-breasted, fly-front overcoats were fashionable too. Roomy overcoats with fur linings and collars warmed the wealthy. Inverness overcoats remained in vogue.” Payne2, p.532 ==== Original Text ==== Starting from the [[1890s in fashion|1890s]], the [[blazer]] was introduced, and was worn for sports, sailing, and other casual activities.<ref>{{cite web|last=Landow|first=George|url=http://www.victorianweb.org/art/costume/90s/2.html|title=Men's informal sporting dress, late 1880s and '90s}}</ref> Throughout much of the Victorian era most men wore fairly short hair. This was often accompanied by various forms of facial hair including moustaches, side-burns, and full beards. A clean-shaven face did not come back into fashion until the end of the 1880s and early 1890s.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.victorianweb.org/art/costume/nunn21.html|title=Victorian Men's Fashions, 1850–1900: Hair}}</ref> Distinguishing what men really wore from what was marketed to them in periodicals and advertisements is difficult, as reliable records do not exist.<ref name="shannon597">{{cite journal|last=Shannon|first=Brent|title=Refashioning Men: Fashion, Masculinity, and the Cultivation of the Male Consumer in Britain, 1860–1914|journal=Victorian Studies|year=2004|volume=46|issue=4|pages=597–630|doi=10.1353/vic.2005.0022}}</ref> === Notes === *Men's suits buttoned higher up than today (Payne, 467) * Norfolk jackets and sack suits (Payne, 471) * formal attire, tuxedos with tails, cutaways (Payne, 469) * Keith Middlemas (https://archive.org/details/storyoffiesta00huxf/page/200/mode/2up?q=fashion) *Brent Shannon. "Refashioning Men: Fashion, Masculinity, and the Cultivation of the Male Consumer in Britain, 1860–1914." Victorian Studies 46, no. 4 (Summer 2004): 597–630. == Hats and headwear == [[File:Ford.madox.brown.last.emma.study.jpg|thumb|''Emma Hill'' by [[Ford Madox Brown]] (1853), a woman wearing a later version of the [[poke bonnet]]]] [[File:Hoed,_objectnr_KA_1237.tif|left|thumb|Perched bonnet style of the early 1870s.]] Hats were crucial to a respectable appearance for both men and women. === Men's Hats === The top hat, for example, was standard formal wear for upper- and middle-class men.[Payne] According to Blanche Payne, "The high top hat, usually black or dark gray, had reached its characteristic shape by 1798 and dominated the entire nineteenth century." (457–58) Although top hats were the dominant hat in the 19th century, other hats became popular for working classes and lower income middle class. “The style of an individual’s hat varied, depending on fashion and their social position, as well as their profession or chosen activity..” ''Goodman 53 of 460'' Other hats that became necessary and popular include the Derby, the straw Boater, and a flat cap with a short brim. In many cases the class, work activity and income could be determined by what kind of hat was on the head of the wearer. For some men, a hat supporting a particular sport or team was important. The Derby or Bowler hat was designed by William and Thomas Bowler, brother shopkeepers in 1849. ''(Goodman 55 of 460)'' It cost less than a top hat but  lasted longer and was soon worn by middle class bankers and clerks. Straw boaters were worn by the aristocracy for casual events and working class factory workers and agricultural laborers. By 1901 working class men had changed their preference to the flat caps which became the most popular hat for the workers. Headdress for men was an essential part of dress for the entire period of the Victorian age, from the 1830s through the end of the century. Judith Flanders describes the hats worn by men in London, <blockquote>It is difficult to bear in mind the importance of hats as not only markers of class and income, but also as indicators of respectability. [509–519] [George Augustus] Sala commented that "every" man throughout the history of the world "must, necessarily and habitually, wear some kind of covering to his head". Postmen wore hats, small children wore hats, field labourers and market gardeners wore hats, cricketers, skaters — all sportsmen — wore hats. It was, self-evidently, impossible to go outdoors without one. ... Those in professional occupations wore pot hats, as did clerks and all those with pretensions to middle-class status. Even doctors' delivery boys wore battered hand-me-down pot hats: "the nap rusty, the band a mournful strip of tarnished lace; but still a Hat", which "stamps him as being associated, in however slender a manner, with a learned profession". Cloth caps were for labourers, for costers and for boys. ... Artisans wore caps made out of paper, which they folded [510–511] themselves and so could easily replace as they became dirty.<ref name=":23" /> (509–511 [of 972]) </blockquote>A pot-hat is a kind of derby or bowler in men's hats. (Lewandowski, 237) ==== Original Text ==== Hats were crucial to a respectable appearance for both men and women. The top hat, for example, was standard formal wear for upper- and middle-class men.<ref name=":4">{{Cite book |last=Steele |first=Valerie |url=https://archive.org/details/fashioneroticism0000stee |title=Victorian Fashion. Fashion and Eroticism: Ideals of Feminine Beauty from the Victorian Era to the Jazz Age |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=1985 |isbn=978-0-19-503530-8 |pages=[https://archive.org/details/fashioneroticism0000stee/page/51 51]–84 |url-access=registration}}</ref> For women, the styles of hats changed over time and were designed to match their outfits. === Women's Hats === For a discussion of the history of plumes and feathers, see [[Social Victorians/Victorian Things#Ostrich Plumes and Prince of Wales's Feathers|Ostrich Plumes and Prince of Wales's Feathers in ''Victorian Things'']]. ==== Original Wikipedia Text ==== During the early Victorian decades, hats were modest in size and design, straw and fabric bonnets being the popular choice. [[Poke bonnet]]s, which had been worn during the late [[Regency period]], had high, small crowns and brims that grew larger until the 1830s, when the face of a woman wearing a poke bonnet could only be seen directly from the front. They had rounded brims, echoing the rounded form of the bell-shaped hoop skirts. Bonnets shrunk at the end of the 1860s and moved to a perched position in the early 1870s as hairstyles grew in scale and intricacy. This led to the popularization of hats, which became the headwear of choice for the remainder of the Victorian era.<ref name="g4223">{{cite book |last=Cunnington |first=Cecil Willett |title=English Women's Clothing in the Nineteenth Century |date=1990-05-01 |publisher=Courier Corporation |isbn=0-486-26323-1 |publication-place=New York |page=}}</ref> [[File:The_London_and_Paris_ladies'_magazine_(Apr_1885)_03.png|thumb|Flower pot style hat of 1885.]] The 1880s saw a hat inspired by the top hat for women known as the flowerpot hat, and the 1890s saw the popularity of the boater. The hats of the late Victorian era were covered with elaborate creations of silk flowers, ribbons, and above all, exotic plumes; hats sometimes included entire exotic birds that had been stuffed. Many of these plumes came from birds in the Florida everglades, which were nearly made entirely extinct by overhunting. By 1899, early environmentalists like [[Adeline Knapp]] were engaged in efforts to curtail the hunting for plumes. By 1900, more than five million birds a year were being slaughtered, and nearly 95 per cent of Florida's shore birds had been killed by [[Plume hunting|plume hunter]]s.<ref>{{cite web|title=Everglades National Park|url=https://www.pbs.org/nationalparks/parks/everglades/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090927085907/http://www.pbs.org/nationalparks/parks/everglades/|url-status=dead|archive-date=27 September 2009|publisher=PBS|access-date=7 November 2011}}</ref> == Shoes == The women's shoes of the early Victorian period were narrow and heelless, in black or white satin. By 1850s and 1860s, they were slightly broader with a low heel and made of leather or cloth. Ankle-length laced or buttoned boots were also popular. From the 1870s to the twentieth century, heels grew higher and toes more pointed. Low-cut pumps were worn for the evening.<ref name=":4" /> == Cosmetics == [[Victorian-era cosmetics]] were typically less obvious than ours. However, small amounts of pale face powder or powdered blush were widely used.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Goodman |first=Ruth |title=How to be a Victorian |date=2014 |publisher=Penguin Books |isbn=978-0-670-92136-2 |location=London}}</ref> Tints were sometimes added to face creams. Some cosmetics contained toxic or caustic ingredients like lead, mercury, ammonia, and arsenic {{Citation needed|date=October 2025}}. Hair color ==Mourning black== {{See also |Mourning stationery}} [[File:The royal children in mourning Mar 1862.jpg|thumb|Victoria's five daughters (Alice, Helena, Beatrice, Victoria and Louise), photographed wearing mourning black beneath a bust of their late father, Prince Albert (1862)]] [[File:Mourning dress MET 50.40.3a-b front CP4.jpg|alt=Black Victorian mourning dress|thumb|Mourning Dress, 1894–95]] In Britain, black is the colour traditionally associated with mourning for the dead. The customs and etiquette expected of men, and especially women, were rigid but evolving during much of the Victorian era. The expectations depended on a complex hierarchy of close or distant relationship with the deceased. (Davidoff) The closer the relationship, the longer the mourning period and the wearing of black. The wearing of full black was known as First Mourning, which had its own expected attire, including fabrics, and an expected duration of 4 to 18 months. Following the initial period of First Mourning, the mourner would progress to Second Mourning, a transition period of wearing less black, which was followed by Ordinary Mourning, and then Half-mourning. Some of these stages of mourning were shortened or skipped completely if the mourner's relationship to the deceased was more distant. Half-mourning was a transition period when black was replaced by acceptable colours such as lavender and mauve, possibly considered acceptable transition colours because of the tradition of [[Church of England]] (and [[Catholic Church|Catholic]]) clergy wearing lavender or mauve [[Stole (vestment)|stoles]] for funeral services, to represent the [[Passion (Christianity)|Passion of Christ]].<ref>{{cite web|title=The Colors of the Church Year|url=http://fullhomelydivinity.org/articles/colors.htm|publisher=Consortium of Country Churches|access-date=6 November 2011|archive-date=13 November 2011|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111113075214/http://fullhomelydivinity.org/articles/colors.htm|url-status=dead}}</ref> The mourning dress worn by Queen Victoria (below, right) "shows the traditional touches of mourning attire, which she wore from the death of her husband, Prince Albert (1819–1861), until her own death."<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/155839?&searchField=All&sortBy=Relevance&deptids=8&ft=queen+victoria&offset=0&rpp=20&amp;pos=2|title=Mourning Dress, 1894–95|last=The Metropolitan Museum of Art|date=7 September 2019|website=The Metropolitan Museum of Art|access-date=7 September 2019}}</ref> Dating from 1894–95, Queen Victoria wore this dress as a result of the death of the eldest son of the Prince and Princess of Wales, Eddy, in line to the throne. === Norms for mourning=== ''Manners and Rules of Good Society, or, Solecisms to be Avoided'' (London, Frederick Warne & Co., 1887) gives clear instructions, such as the following:<ref>{{cite book|last=Flanders|first=Judith|title=The Victorian House|year=2003|publisher=Harper Perennial|location=London|isbn=0-00-713189-5|pages=378–83}}</ref> {| class="wikitable" |- ! Relationship to deceased !! First mourning !! Second mourning !! Ordinary mourning !! Half-mourning |- | Wife for husband || 1-year, 1-month; [[bombazine]] fabric covered with [[Crape|crepe]]; [[widow's cap]], [[lawn cuff]]s, collars || 6 months: less crepe || 6 months: no crepe, silk or wool replaces bombazine; in last 3 months jet jewellery and ribbons can be added || 6 months: colours permitted are grey, lavender, mauve, and black-and-grey |- | Daughter for parent || 6 months: black with black or white crepe (for young girls); no linen cuffs and collars; no jewellery for first 2 months || 4 months: less crepe || – || 2 months as above |- | Wife for husband's parents || 18 months in black bombazine with crepe || – || 3 months in black || 3 months as above |- | Parent for son- or daughter-in-law's parent || – Black armband in representation of someone lost || – || 1-month black || – |- | Second wife for parent of a first wife || – || – || 3 months black || – |} The complexity of these etiquette rules extends to specific mourning periods and attire for siblings, step-parents, aunts and uncles distinguished by blood and by marriage, nieces, nephews, first and second cousins, children, infants, and "connections" (who were entitled to ordinary mourning for a period of "1–3 weeks, depending on level of intimacy"). Men were expected to wear mourning black to a lesser extent than women, and for a shorter mourning period. After the mid-19th century, men would wear a black hatband and black suit, but for only half the prescribed period of mourning expected of women. Widowers were expected to mourn for a mere three months, whereas the proper mourning period expected for widows was up to four years.<ref>{{cite book|last=Flanders|first=Judith|title=The Victorian House|year=2003|publisher=Harper Perennial|location=London|isbn=0-00-713189-5|pages=378–9}}</ref> Women who mourned in black for longer periods were accorded great respect in public for their devotion to the departed, the most prominent example being Queen Victoria herself. It was not uncommon for a widow who did not remarry to wear half-mourning for the rest of her life, except when another death necessitated full mourning. For example, Alexandra, Princess of Wales wore half-mourning for the rest of her life after her eldest son Eddy died in 1894. Empress Elisabeth of Austria did the same, as did Empress Eugénie of France. They reverted to full mourning when appropriate, but they never wore less than half-mourning after their sons' deaths. Women with lesser financial means tried to keep up with the example being set by the middle and upper classes by dyeing their daily dress. Dyers made most of their income during the Victorian period by dyeing clothes black for mourning.<ref>{{cite book|last=Flanders|first=Judith|title=The Victorian House|year=2003|publisher=Harper Perennial|location=London|isbn=0-00-713189-5|page=341}}</ref> == Technological advancement == The technological changes that affected the manufacture and consumption of clothing in the Victorian age included the following: * the mass production of fabrics — for example, "by the early 1850s there were thousands of steam-powered looms churning out millions of miles of fabric every year"  [62] * the invention of aniline dyes, which were much more vibrantly colored and resistant to fading than the natural dyes that had been used. — . Invented by chemist [[William Henry Perkin]] in 1856, the first aniline dye mauveine (or mauve) "wash[ed] the fashionable landscape in a haze of purple."<ref name=":22">{{Cite book|title=The Dress Diary: Secrets from a Victorian Woman's Wardrobe|last=Strasdin|first=Kate|publisher=Pegasus Books|year=2023|location=New York, New York}}</ref> (247) Other intense and, to the Victorians, intensely exciting colors followed, but the new synthetic additions to fabric sometimes included chemicals harmful to their wearers. For example, a "bright-magenta hue was achieved by adding arsenical-based chemicals to existing aniline dyes, brightening the already luminous shades – but these left residues themselves, along with a toxic labour trail in their wake."<ref name=":22" /> (255) Perhaps the most famous of these is arsenic green, used on fabrics, wallpapers, and trim: "The craze for artificial foliage to adorn the heads and dresses of women of fashion in the mid-nineteenth century had seen the proliferation of flower workshops, where young women in their hundreds laboured to produce the lifelike green leaves and blooms that would make a fetching headdress or would trail becomingly across the bodice of a gown. The lushness of the green was achieved by the application of a powder, a pigment that was created by mixing copper and the highly toxic chemical, arsenic trioxide. The physical effects of working with this poisonous compound were horrific. Contemporary medical drawings depict the green hue of the skin and dreadful open lesions on the hands of the maker, whilst the daily gradual ingestion of the powder by the flower girls was eventually fatal."<ref name=":22" /> (255) * the invention of a sewing machine that could be used in the home. Although sewing machines were already in use in the clothing industry, in 1858 Isaac Merritt Singer began to sell "lightweight domestic machines" for home sewing, radically increasing women's control over their own dress.<ref name=":24">{{Cite book|title=Victorian Fashions for Women|last=Kay|first=Fiona|last2=Storey|first2=Neil R.|publisher=Pen & Sword History|year=2022|isbn=978 1 39900 416 9|location=Yorkshire and Philadelphia|pages=}}</ref> (91 [of 298]) * the spread of journalism for women and fashion journalism * the Jacquard loom: "French inventor Joseph-Marie Jacquard’s loom attachment mechanized the weaving of figured fabrics by 1804."<ref name=":25" /> (454) Perhaps not at the same scale as these but as important in 1850s designs was a technology that turned iron into steel, which could then be drawn into fine wires.<ref name=":3">{{Cite book|title=The Culture of Fashion|last=Breward|first=Christopher|publisher=Manchester University Press|year=1995|pages=145–180}}</ref> Steel was refined to a malleable state so that thin blades could be curved into concentric circles (called hoops) and connected with wires to form the cage. Technological advancements not only influenced the economy but brought a major change in the fashion styles worn by men and women. As the Victorian era was based on the principles of gender, race and class.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Graham|first1=P|title=The Victorian Era|url=https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.261548|journal=Digital Library of India}}</ref> Much advancement was in favor of the upper class as they were the ones who could afford the latest technology and change their fashion styles accordingly. In 1830s there was introduction of horse hair crinoline that became a symbol of status and wealth as only the upper-class women could wear it. In 1850s there were more fashion technological advancements hence 1850s could rightly be called a revolution in the Victorian fashion industry such as the innovation of artificial cage crinoline that gave women an artificial hourglass silhouette without layers of petticoats, which was lighter and more hygienic.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Shrimpton|first1=J|title=Victorian Fashion|publisher=Bloomsbury Shire Publications}}</ref> Synthetic dyes, such as [[mauveine]] (aniline purple), were introduced in 1856, adding bright colours to garments. In 1855's ''[[Haute couture]]'' was introduced as tailoring became more mainstream in years to follow.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Aspelund|first1=Karl|title=Fashioning Society|publisher=Fairchild Books}}</ref> Charles Frederick Worth, a prominent English designer, became popular amongst the upper class though its city of destiny always is Paris. Haute couture became popular at the same time that sewing machines were invented.<ref name="Haute Couture">{{cite book|last1=Martin|first1=Richard|last2=Koda|first2=Harold|title=Haute Couture|publisher=The Metropolitan Museum of Art}}</ref> Princess [[Eugénie de Montijo|Eugenie]] of France wore the Englishman dressmaker, Charles Frederick Worth's couture and he instantly became famous in France though he had just arrived in Paris a few years ago. In 1855, Queen Victoria and Prince Albert of Britain welcomed [[Napoleon III]] and Eugenie of France to a full state visit to England. Eugenie was considered a fashion icon in France. Queen Victoria, who had been the fashion icon for European high fashion, was inspired by Eugenie's style and the fashions she wore.{{Citation needed|date=October 2025}} Later, Queen Victoria also appointed Charles Frederick Worth as her dress maker and he became a prominent designer amongst the European upper class. Charles Frederick Worth is known as the father of the haute couture as later the concept of labels were also invented in the late 19th century as custom, made to fit tailoring became mainstream.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Saillard|first1=Olivier|last2=Zazzo|first2=Anne|title=Paris Haute Couture|publisher=Skira Flammarion}}</ref> By the 1860s, when made-to-fit tailoring was popular in Europe, crinolines were considered impractical. In the 1870s, women preferred more slimmer silhouettes, hence bodices grew longer and the polonaise, a skirt and bodice made together, was introduced. In 1870s the Cuirass Bodice, a piece of armour that covers the torso and functions like a corset, was invented. Towards the end of Victoria's reign, dresses were flared naturally as crinolines were rejected by middle-class women. Designers such as Charles Frederick Worth were also against them. All these inventions and changes in fashion led to women's liberation as tailored looks improved posture and were more practical.<ref name="Haute Couture"/> dressmakers, couturiers, modistes == Home decor == {{main|Victorian decorative arts}} Home decor started spare, veered into the elaborately draped and decorated style we today regard as Victorian, then embraced the retro-chic of [[William Morris]] as well as pseudo-[[Japonaiserie]]. == Myths and Oversimplifications == === Modesty === {{main|Victorian morality}} {{Original research|section|date=May 2008}} [[File:1868-skirt-lengths-girl-ages-Harpers-Bazar.gif|thumb|upright|"The proper length for little girls' skirts at various ages", from ''[[Harper's Bazaar]]'', showing a 1900 idea of how the hemline should descend towards the ankle as a girl got older]]Many myths and exaggerations about the period persist to the modern day. Examples include the idea of men's clothing is seen as formal and stiff, women's as elaborate and over-done; clothing covered the entire body, and even the glimpse of an ankle was scandalous. Critics contend that [[corset]]s constricted women's bodies and lives. Homes are described as gloomy, dark, cluttered with massive and over-ornate furniture and proliferating [[bric-a-brac]]. Myth has it that even piano legs were scandalous, and covered with tiny [[pantalette]]s. === Tight Lacing === Tight-lacing, which was not possible until the development of the grommet in 1828, was famously controversial in the Victorian age, generating many column inches of profitable newspaper copy, in part because it was (and still is) fetishistic and subversive in that adolescent girls used it as a means of rebellion and upper-working- or lower-middle-class shop girls saw it as a means of upward mobility.<ref name=":21">{{Cite book|title=Fashion and Fetishism: Corsets, Tight-Lacing and Other Forms of Body-sculpture|last=Kunzle|first=David|publisher=History Press|year=2013|isbn=978 0 7524 9545 3|location=Stroud, Gloucestershire|pages=}}</ref> (71 [of 1182]) No evidence exists that tight lacing was widespread or particularly dangerous.<ref name=":21" /> () In truth, men's formal clothing may have been less colourful than it was in the previous century, but brilliant [[waistcoat]]s and [[cummerbund]]s provided a touch of colour, and [[smoking jacket]]s and [[robe|dressing gown]]s were often of rich Oriental [[brocade]]s. This phenomenon was the result of the growing textile manufacturing sector, developing mass production processes, and increasing attempts to market fashion to men.<ref name="shannon597"/> Corsets stressed a woman's sexuality, exaggerating hips and bust by contrast with a tiny waist. Women's [[evening gown]]s bared the shoulders and the tops of the breasts. The [[jersey dress]]es of the 1880s may have covered the body, but the stretchy novel fabric fit the body like a glove.<ref>{{cite book |last=Gernsheim |first=Alison |title=Victorian & Edwardian Fashion: A Photographic Survey |year=1981 |publisher=Dover Publications |location=New York |page=65|edition=New |isbn=0-486-24205-6}}</ref> Home furnishing was not necessarily ornate or overstuffed. However, those who could afford lavish draperies and expensive ornaments, and wanted to display their wealth, would often do so. Since the Victorian era was one of increased social mobility, there were ever more ''[[nouveaux riches]]'' making a rich show. The items used in decoration may also have been darker and heavier than those used today, simply as a matter of practicality. London was noisy and its air was full of [[soot]] from countless coal fires. Hence those who could afford it draped their windows in heavy, sound-muffling curtains, and chose colours that didn't show soot quickly. When all washing was done by hand, curtains were not washed as frequently as they might be today. There is no actual evidence that piano legs were considered scandalous. Pianos and tables were often draped with [[shawl]]s or cloths—but if the shawls hid anything, it was the cheapness of the furniture. There are references to lower-middle-class families covering up their [[pine]] tables rather than show that they couldn't afford [[mahogany]]. The piano leg story seems to have originated in the 1839 book, ''A Diary in America'' written by Captain [[Frederick Marryat]], as a satirical comment on American prissiness.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Marryat |first1=C.B. |title=A Diary in America: With Remarks on Its Institutions |date=1839 |publisher=Longman, Orme, Brown, Green, and Longmans |location=London, England |volume=2 |pages=246–247 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2-VEAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA246}} From pp. 246-247: "I was requested by a lady to escort her to a seminary for young ladies, and on being ushered into the reception-room, conceive my astonishment at beholding a square piano-forte with four ''limbs''. However, that the ladies who visited their daughters, might feel in its full force the extreme delicacy of the mistress of the establishment, and her care to preserve in their utmost purity the ideas of the young ladies under her charge, she had dressed all these four limbs in modest little trousers, with frills at the bottom of them!"</ref> Victorian manners may have been as strict as imagined—on the surface. One simply did not speak publicly about sex, childbirth, and such matters, at least in the respectable middle and upper classes. However, as is well known, discretion covered a multitude of sins. Prostitution flourished. Upper-class men and women indulged in [[adultery|adulterous]] liaisons. == Gallery == {{gallery |2=A mid-Victorian interior: ''Hide and Seek'' by [[James Tissot]], c. 1877 Image:Winterhalter Elisabeth.jpg|3=Dress designed by [[Charles Frederick Worth]] for [[Elisabeth of Bavaria|Elisabeth of Austria]] painted by [[Franz Xaver Winterhalter]].|4=File:Frith A Private View detail.jpg|5=[[William Powell Frith]]'s painting of 1883 contrasts women's [[Aesthetic dress]] (left and right) with fashionable attire (center).|6=File:Tissot lilacs 1875.jpg|7=Day dress, c. 1875 [[James Tissot]] painting.|8=File:James Abbot McNeill Whistler 011.jpg|9=[[James McNeill Whistler|Whistler]]'s [[Portrait of Lady Meux]], 1882 Image:Jeanna_Samary-Renoir.png|10=[[Pierre-Auguste Renoir|Renoir]]'s portrait of [[Jeanne Samary]] in an [[evening gown]], 1878|11=File:Melville_-_Queen_Victoria.jpg|12=Portrait by [[Alexander Melville (artist)|Alexander Melville]] of [[Victoria of the United Kingdom|Queen Victoria]], 1845|13=File:Henry Treffry Dunn Rossetti and Dunton at 16 Cheyne Walk.jpg|14=An artistic interior: [[Dante Gabriel Rossetti]] reading to [[Theodore Watts-Dunton]] in the drawing room at No. 16 [[Cheyne Walk]], 1882|15=File:Punch - Masculine beauty retouched1.png|16=Men's swimwear: Cartoon from ''[[Punch (magazine)|Punch]]'' by [[George du Maurier]]}} == See also == * [[Emily Clapham]] * [[Victorian decorative arts]] * [[Victorian dress reform]] * [[Victorian morality]] * [[Victoriana]] * [[Women in the Victorian Era]] * [[Charles Frederick Worth]] === Time periods === * [[1830s in fashion]] * [[1840s in fashion]] * [[1850s in fashion]] * [[1860s in fashion]] * [[1870s in fashion]] * [[1880s in fashion]] * [[1890s in fashion]] === Women's clothing === * [[Corset]] * [[Corset controversy]] * [[Tightlacing]] * [[Bloomers (clothing)|Bloomers]] * [[Bodice]] === Contemporary interpretations === * [[Steampunk]] * [[Neo-Victorian]] * [[Lolita Fashion|Lolita]] == References == {{Reflist}} == Further reading == *{{cite book |author=Phipps, Elena| title= ''From Queen to Empress: Victorian dress 1837-1877'' | location=New York | publisher=The Metropolitan Museum of Art | year=1988 | isbn=0870995340| url= http://libmma.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/compoundobject/collection/p15324coll10/id/69547/rec/235 | display-authors=etal}} * Sweet, Matthew – ''Inventing the Victorians'', St. Martin's Press, 2001 {{ISBN|0-312-28326-1}} == External links == * [http://www.victorians.co.uk/victorian-fashion Victorian Fashion] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180407223711/http://www.victorians.co.uk/victorian-fashion |date=7 April 2018 }} * [https://www.victorianvoices.net/topics/fashion/index.shtml VictorianVoices.net] – Fashion articles and illustrations from Victorian periodicals; extensive fashion image gallery * [http://www.cracked.com/article_19575_5-ridiculous-sex-myths-from-history-you-probably-believe.html Victorian myths] * [http://www.victorianstation.com/lifestylemenu.htm Victorian fashion, etiquette, and sports] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180103162620/http://www.victorianstation.com/lifestylemenu.htm |date=3 January 2018 }} * [http://www.thesmartset.com/article/article12180701.aspx Background on "A Diary in America"] * [http://www.mccord-museum.qc.ca/en/keys/webtours/VQ_P2_17_EN.html Form and Fashion] — the evolution of women's dress during the 19th century (many photographs) * [http://www.mccord-museum.qc.ca/en/keys/games/jeu2/ Educational Game: Mix and Match] — build a 19th-century dress using a virtual mannequin * {{cite web |publisher= [[Victoria and Albert Museum]] |url= http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/articles/v/victorian-dress-at-v-and-a/ |title= Victorian Dress |work= Fashion, Jewellery & Accessories |date= 14 January 2011 |access-date= 2011-04-03}} *[http://cv.vic.gov.au/stories/creative-life/fashion-detective-fashion-fiction-and-forensics/ Fashion detective: Fashion, Fiction and Forensics in nineteenth century Australian fashion] on Culture Victoria {{Timeline of clothing and fashion|state=collapsed}}{{Victorian era|state=collapsed}} [[Category:Victorian fashion| ]] [[Category:19th-century fashion|*]] [[Category:1900s fashion]] [[Category:History of Western fashion]] [[Category:19th century in the arts]] =From ''Women in the Victorian era''= ===Victorian women's fashion=== {{Multiple issues|{{tone|date=March 2023}} {{more footnotes needed|date=March 2023}}|section=y}}{{Further|Victorian fashion}} The ideal Victorian woman was pure, chaste, refined, and modest. This ideal was supported by etiquette and manners. The etiquette extended to the pretension of never acknowledging the use of undergarments (sometimes generically referred to as "unmentionables"). The discussion of such a topic, it was feared, would gravitate towards unhealthy attention on anatomical details. As one Victorian lady expressed it: "[those] are not things, my dear, that we speak of; indeed, we try not even to think of them", in contrast to current norms.<ref>{{cite book |last=Cunnington |first=C. Willett |title=English Women's Clothing in the Nineteenth Century: A Comprehensive Guide with 1,117 Illustrations |publisher=Dover Publications |year=1990 |isbn=978-0-486-26323-6 |pages=20}}</ref> The pretence of avoiding acknowledgement of anatomical realities met with embarrassing failure on occasion. In 1859, the Hon. Eleanor Stanley wrote about an incident where the [[Louisa Cavendish, Duchess of Devonshire|Duchess of Manchester]] moved too quickly while manoeuvring over a [[stile]], tripping over her large [[hoop skirt]]: {{blockquote|[the Duchess] caught a hoop of her cage in it and went regularly head over heels lighting on her feet with her cage and whole petticoats above, above her head. They say there was never such a thing seen – and the other ladies hardly knew whether to be thankful or not that a part of her undergarments consisted in a pair of scarlet tartan [[knickerbockers (clothing)|knickerbockers]] (the things Charlie shoots in) which were revealed to the view of all the world in general and the [[Aimable Pélissier|Duc de Malakoff]] in particular".<ref>{{cite book|last=Cunnington|first=C. Willett|title=English Women's Clothing in the Nineteenth Century: A Comprehensive Guide with 1,117 Illustrations|year=1990|publisher=Dover Publications|isbn=978-0-486-26323-6|pages=20–1}}</ref>}} However, despite the fact that Victorians considered the mention of women's undergarments in mixed company unacceptable, men's entertainment made great comedic material out of the topic of ladies' [[bloomers (clothing)|bloomers]], including men's magazines and music hall skits.<ref>{{cite book |last=Cunnington |first=C. Willett |title=English Women's Clothing in the Nineteenth Century: A Comprehensive Guide with 1,117 Illustrations |publisher=Dover Publications |year=1990 |isbn=978-0-486-26323-6 |pages=22}}</ref> Victorian women's clothing followed trends that emphasised elaborate dresses, skirts with wide volume created by the use of layered material such as [[crinoline]]s, hoop skirt frames, and heavy fabrics. Because of the impracticality and health impact of the era's fashions, a [[Victorian dress reform|dress reform movement]] began among women. The ideal silhouette of the time demanded a narrow waist, which was accomplished by constricting the abdomen with a laced [[corset]]. While the silhouette was striking, and the dresses themselves were often exquisitely detailed creations, the fashions were cumbersome. At best, they restricted women's movements and at worst, they had a harmful effect on women's health. Physicians turned their attention to the use of corsets and determined that they caused several medical problems: compression of the thorax, restricted breathing, organ displacement, poor circulation, and prolapsed uterus.<ref name="O'Connor"/> Articles advocating the reform of women's clothing by the British National Health Society, the Ladies' Dress Association, and the [[Rational Dress Society]] were reprinted in ''The Canada Lancet'', Canada's medical journal. In 1884, Dr J. Algernon Temple of Toronto even voiced concern that the fashions were having a negative impact on the health of young women from the working classes. He pointed out that a young working-class woman was likely to spend a large part of her earnings on fine hats and shawls, while "her feet are improperly protected, and she wears no flannel petticoat or woollen stockings".<ref name="O'Connor"/> [[File:Bloomers.jpg|thumb|1850s illustration of a woman wearing [[bloomers]]]] [[Florence Pomeroy]], Lady Haberton, was president of the Rational Dress movement in Britain. At a National Health Society exhibition held in 1882, Viscountess Haliburton presented her invention of a "[[divided skirt]]", which was a long skirt that cleared the ground, with separate halves at the bottom made with material attached to the bottom of the skirt. She hoped that her invention would become popular by supporting women's freedom of physical movement, but the British public was not impressed by the invention, perhaps because of the negative "unwomanly" association of the style with the American [[Bloomers]] movement.<ref>{{cite book|last=Murray|first=Janet Horowitz|title=Strong-Minded Women and Other Lost Voices from 19th Century England|year=1982|publisher=Pantheon Books|location=New York|isbn=0-394-71044-4|pages=[https://archive.org/details/strongmindedwome00jane/page/68 68–70]|url=https://archive.org/details/strongmindedwome00jane/page/68}}</ref> [[Amelia Jenks Bloomer]] had encouraged the wearing of visible bloomers by feminists to assert their right to wear comfortable and practical clothing, but it was no more than a passing fashion itself among radical feminists. The movement to reform women's dress would persist and have long-term success, however; by the 1920s, [[Coco Chanel]] was successful at selling a progressive, far less restrictive silhouette that abandoned the corset and raised hemlines. The new silhouette symbolised modernism for trendy young women and became the 20th century standard. Other Paris designers continued reintroducing pants for women and the trend was gradually adopted over the next century. Fashion trends, in one sense, travelled "full circle" over the course of the Victorian era. The popular women's styles during the [[Georgian era]], and at the very beginning of Victoria's reign, emphasized a simple style influenced by flowing gowns worn by women in [[Ancient Greek clothing|Ancient Greece]] and [[Clothing in ancient Rome|Rome]]. The [[Empire waist]] silhouette was replaced by a trend towards ornate styles and an artificial silhouette, with the restrictiveness of women's clothing reaching its low point during the mid-century passion for narrow corseted waists and hoop skirts. The iconic wide-brimmed women's hats of the later Victorian era also followed the trend towards ostentatious display. Hats began the Victorian era as simple [[Bonnet (headgear)|bonnets]]. By the 1880s, milliners were tested by the competition among women to top their outfits with the most creative (and extravagant) hats, designed with expensive materials such as silk flowers and exotic plumes such as ostrich and peacock. As the Victorian era drew to a close, however, fashions were showing indications of a popular backlash against excessive styles. Model, actress and socialite [[Lillie Langtry]] took London by storm in the 1870s, attracting notice for wearing simple black dresses to social events. Combined with her natural beauty, the style appeared dramatic. Fashions followed her example (as well as Queen Victoria's wearing of mourning black later in her reign). According to [[Harold Koda]], the former Curator-in-chief of the [[Costume Institute at The Met|Metropolitan Museum of Art's Costume Institute]],<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.metmuseum.org/about-the-museum/press-room/exhibitions/2014/death-becomes-her|title=Death Becomes Her: A Century of Mourning Attire : October 21, 2014-February 1, 2015|website=Metmuseuim.org|access-date=7 November 2021}}</ref> "The predominantly black palette of [[mourning]] dramatizes the evolution of period silhouettes and the increasing absorption of fashion ideals into this most codified of etiquettes," said Koda, "The veiled widow could elicit sympathy as well as predatory male advances. As a woman of sexual experience without marital constraints, she was often imagined as a potential threat to the social order." ====Evolution of Victorian women's fashion==== <gallery> File:Fashion plate December 1844.jpg|Ladies' December Fashions (1844). Hand-coloured steel engraving from a women's magazine. File:Thegalleryofhmscalcutta james tissot 1876.jpg|''[[The Gallery of HMS Calcutta]]'' by [[James Tissot]] (1876). [[Bustle]]s were fashionable in the 1870s and 1880s. File:Mrs lillie langtry george frederic watts 1880.jpg|''Mrs. Lillie Langtry'' by [[George Frederic Watts]] (1880). File:Five-women-on-queenslander-steps-r.jpg|Fashionable women in [[Queensland]], Australia around 1900. </gallery> {{Short description|Irish writer (born 1963)}} {{Use Irish English|date=August 2025}} {{Use dmy dates|date=August 2025}} {{Infobox writer | name = Darach Ó Scolaí | image = Darach Ó Scolaí.JPG | alt = Man holding prize-winning book | caption = Ó Scolaí in 2019 | birth_name = Darach Ó Scolaí | birth_date = {{Birth date and age|1963|df=y}} | birth_place = [[County Galway]], The Republic of Ireland | death_date = | death_place = | occupation = Writer, artist, publisher | alma_mater = [[University of Galway]] | years_active = 1998–present | genre = Novel, retelling, translation, play, screenplay, illustrated book for children and adults | other_names = | spouse = | children = 3 | awards = [[Awards and Honors received by Darach Ó Scolaí|Awards and Honors]] | signature = | website = }}[[File:Darach Ó Scolaí.JPG|thumb|Darach Ó Scolaí, holding ''Oileán an Órchiste'' (his translation of Robert Louis Stevenson's ''Treasure Island'')]] == Darach Ó Scolaí == Darach Ó Scolaí (<small>Irish:</small> [/ˈda.rax/ /oː/ /sˠkˠoː/l̪ˠəi/]; born 1963<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://portraidi.ie/en/darach-o-scolai/|title=Darach Ó Scolaí|date=20 October 2017|website=Portráidí (Portraits of Irish-Language Writers)|access-date=1 August 2025}}</ref>) is an Irish author who works in a number of genres, from novels, plays and screenplays to illustrated books for children and adults. He began his literary career in 1998 writing screenplays, stage plays, retellings and translations; he began to publish novels in 2008. Ó Scolaí is widely recognized as a leading figure in contemporary Irish literature, known as “one of the most important Irish language writers of his generation”<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Poirtéir|first=Cathal|date=2022|title=? Suil an Daill: Constant Tensions and Shifting Allegiances|url=https://booksirelandmagazine.com/suil-an-daill-constant-tensions-and-shifting-allegiances/|journal=Books Ireland}}</ref> and "one of the great Irish language novelists [duine d’úrscéalaithe móra na Gaeilge]."<ref name=":17" /> His writing has been called “the high literature of the Irish language.”<ref>Ó Coimín, Maitiú. ''Nós'' 2 February 2018). Qtd. in "Táin Bó Cuailnge." ''Leabhar Breac''. Retrieved 25 August 2025.</ref> Much of his fiction is based on a knowledge of traditional Irish tales and narrative practices as well as Irish history. He specializes in literary and [[wikipedia:Historical_fiction|historical fiction]], or as novelist Alan Titley says, Ó Scolaí’s “peak (for now), or at least his greatest imaginative interest, is the historical novel [tá an chuma air gurb é a bhuaic (go fóill), nó ar a laghad, a mhórspéis samhlaíochta, an t-úrscéal staire].”<ref name=":11">{{Cite journal|last=Titley|first=Alan|date=Fall 2020|title=An Stíl Go Deo!: Soather Dharach Uí Scolaí (The style would be forever!: Worker Darach Ó Scolaí)|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/27046090|journal=Comhar|volume=80, No. 10|pages=27|via=JSTOR}}</ref> His retellings of old stories and tales from their original Middle and Early-Modern Irish into Modern Irish ([[wikipedia:Irish_language|Gaeilge]]) are respected for their accessibility to students and language learners as well as for their artistry. Ó Scolaí also regularly reviews books and lectures and writes on literature and culture. Beyond his writing, Ó Scolaí is a publisher and has co-produced a number of film, television shows and stage plays. == Life == Ó Scolaí was born in Dublin and raised in the Galway [[wikipedia:Gaeltacht#Galway Gaeltacht|Gaeltacht]] (Irish-speaking) regions of Cois Fharraige on the north shore of Galway Bay, in the Republic of Ireland, where he lives now with his wife and children in Lochán Beag (Indreabhán).<ref name=":7">{{Cite journal|date=30 October 2024|title=Duais don úrscéal liteartha is fearr buaite ag Darach Ó Scolaí ag Oireachtas na Samhna|url=https://tuairisc.ie/duais-don-ursceal-liteartha-is-fearr-buaite-ag-darach-o-scolai-ag-oireachtas-na-samhna/|journal=Tuairisc}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last=Ní Scolaí|first=Aifric|date=2024|title=Darach Ó Scolaí|url=https://www.taiscecf.ie/ealaiontoiri?category=Scr%C3%ADbhneoir|journal=Taisce Chois Fharraige}}</ref> He graduated the [[wikipedia:University_of_Galway|University of Galway]] (then University College Galway) with a B.A. in 1983.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.linkedin.com/in/darach-ó-scolaí-20026920/|title=Darach Ó Scolaí|last=Ó Scolaí|first=Darach|date=August 2025|website=LinkedIn}}</ref> === Writing and Publishing === Ó Scolaí writes in Irish ([[wikipedia:Irish_language|Gaeilge]]), his native language, and lives in an area defined for the predominant presence of Irish as the vernacular language, the language spoken at home. Irish was the language of his parents' home and is the language of children as well. He is fluent in Irish and English and conversant in French. None of his works has been translated into English. ==== Leabhar Breac ==== In 1995 Darach Ó Scolaí and his brother Caomhán Ó Scolaí — a [[wikipedia:Typography|typographer]] and designer — founded the publishing house Leabhar Breac at Indreabhán (Inverin), County Galway. Their father “Séamas Ó Scolaí was an editor at An Gúm and worked on the Irish-English dictionary team [bhí a n-athair Séamas Ó Scolaí ina eagarthóir sa Ghúm agus d’oibrigh sé ar fhoireann an fhoclóra Gaeilge-Béarla].”<ref name=":0">{{Cite web|url=https://leabharbreac.com/en/about-us/|title=About Us|date=2024|website=Leabhar Breac|access-date=1 July 2025}}</ref> Darach Ó Scolaí has been publisher and literary editor at Leabhar Breac since its founding. Named for [[wikipedia:An_Leabhar_Breac|An Leabhar Breac (The Speckled Book)]], Leabhar Breac publishing house has more than 140 books in print.<ref name=":0" /> Leabhar Breac aims to publish Irish-language books that meet “a high literary and artistic standard.”<ref name=":0" /> Besides the content, Leabhar Breac is known for the typically "superb [thar cionn]" quality of the design and production of the "physical book [leabhar fisiciúil]."<ref name=":8">{{Cite journal|last=Ní Mhuilneoir|first=Gráinne|date=30 July 2024|title=‘Bláthnaid’ – leabhar álainn i sraithín álainn faoi mhná|url=https://tuairisc.ie/blathnaid-leabhar-alainn-i-sraithin-alainn-faoi-mhna/|journal=Tuairisc}}</ref> Its books regularly win awards for literary and artistic quality. Leabhar Breac also publishes translations for children and adults from various early versions of Irish as well as from French and English (and has published translations of books for young readers from Spanish, Catalan, and Italian as well). Leabhar Breac prints its books in Ireland. === Stage and Screen === ==== Rosg ==== In 1998 along with Ciarán Ó Cofaigh,<ref name=":1">{{Cite web|url=http://www.rosg.ie/en/about/History_6/|title=About Us: History|date=July 2025|website=Rosg|access-date=1 August 2025}}</ref> Ó Scolaí co-founded the film and television production company [http://www.rosg.ie/en/ Rosg] and was co-director until 2006. Rosg produced Ó ScolaÍ’s films ''Cosa Nite'' (1999), ''An Leabhar'' (2001) and ''Na Cloigne'' (2010). He left Rosg in 2006 to devote his time to other artistic activities. ==== Ealaín ar Oileán ==== In 2004, along with Val Balance, Ó Scolaí co-founded the annual artists' symposium Ealaín ar Oileán (trans., Art on an Island). The Irish-language symposium was held annually in the Áras Éanna arts and cultural center on Inis Oírr ([[wikipedia:Inisheer|Inisheer]], the smallest of the [[wikipedia:Aran_Islands|Aran Islands]]) from 2004 to 2013. Ó Scolaí was its co-director from its founding<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://ga.wikipedia.org/wiki/Darach_Ó_Scolaí.|title=Darach Ó Scolaí|date=3 February 2024|website=Vicipéid|access-date=1 July 2025}}</ref> until 2013. Besides being its co-director, Ó Scolaí has taken part in this conference as an artist<ref>{{Cite journal|date=16 January 2005|title=Darach Ó Scolaí|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20050116163252/http://bliainiris.com/authors/darach_oscolai.html|journal=Bliainiris}}</ref> and writer<ref name=":2">{{Cite web|url=http://ealainaroilean.ie/ealainaroilean.html|title=The Conference|date=7 September 2013|website=Ealaín ar Oileán|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130907083744/http://ealainaroilean.ie/ealainaroilean.html|archive-date=7 September 2013|access-date=1 August 2025}}</ref>. ==== Salamandar ==== In 2006 Ó Scolaí founded the stage production company Salamandar and directed his own play ''An Braon Aníos''. His plays ''An tSeanbhróg'' (2009) and ''Craos'' (2008) were also produced by Salamandar.<ref name=":19">{{Cite web|url=https://leabharbreac.com/en/product-category/darach-o-scolai/|title=Darach Ó Scolaí|date=2024|website=Leabhar Breac|access-date=1 July 2025}}</ref> == Works == === Novels === * [[wikipedia:An_Cléireach|''An Cléireach'' (trans., ''The Clerk'')]], Leabhar Breac, 2007. The Oireachtas Prize for Literary Fiction, 2007; The Ó Súilleabháin Award (Book of the Year) in 2008, and "named as ‘the best novel since the turn of the Century’ by Comhar."<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://leabharbreac.com/en/shop/fiction/an-cleireach/|title=An Cléireach - Leabhar Breac - Irish language novel|website=Leabhar Breac|language=en-US|access-date=2025-10-24}}</ref> * ''Na Comharthaí'' (trans., ''The Signs''), Leabhar Breac, 2014. * ''Súil an Daill'' (trans., ''The Eye of the Blind''), Leabhar Breac, 2021. The Oireachtas Prize for Literary Fiction, 2019.<ref name=":4">{{Cite web|url=https://leabharbreac.com/en/shop/fiction/suil-an-daill/|title=Súil an Daill|date=2024|website=Leabhar Breac|access-date=1 August 2025}}</ref> * ''Bódléar'', Leabhar Breac, 2024. The Oireachtas Prize for Literary Fiction, 2024<ref name=":7" />; The Ó Súilleabháin Award (Book of the Year) in 2025; featured in the 2025 Listen-Up Irish Summer Challenge for students of the Irish language.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://connachttribune.ie/novel-approach-helps-people-learn-irish-in-a-creative-way/|title=Novel approach helps people learn Irish in a creative way|last=Murphy|first=Judy|date=3 October 2025|work=Connaught Tribune|access-date=24 October 2025}}</ref> === Retellings, Translations and Editions === The retellings and translations are into modern Irish. * ''Feis Tigh Chonáin'' (trans., ''The Feast of Conán's House''), Leabhar Breac, 2000; a retelling of a 15^th-century tale from the [[wikipedia:Fenian_Cycle|Fenian Cycle]].<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://leabharbreac.com/en/shop/fiction/feis-tigh-chonain/|title=Feis Tigh Chonáin|date=2024|website=Leabhar Breac|access-date=1 August 2025}}</ref> * ''An Ceithearnach Caolriabhach'' (trans., ''The Narrow-Striped Kern''), Leabhar Breac, 2002; a retelling from c. 1500, also illustrated by Darach Ó ScolaÍ.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://leabharbreac.com/en/shop/fiction/an-ceithearnach-caolriabhach/|title=An Ceithearnach Caolriabhach|date=2024|website=Leabhar Breac|access-date=1 August 2025}}</ref> * ''Táin Bó Cuailnge'' (trans., ''The Cattle Raid of Cooley''), Leabhar Breac, 2017, both a modern edition of an 11th-century epic and an annotated edition.<ref name=":3">{{Cite web|url=https://leabharbreac.com/en/shop/darach-o-scolai/tain-bo-cuailnge-2-2/|title=Táin Bó Cuailnge|date=2024|website=Leabhar Breac|access-date=1 August 2025}}</ref> "''Táin Bó Cuailnge'' won the Aodán Mac Poilín Memorial Prize 2017."<ref name=":19" /> * ''Deirdre'', Leabhar Breac, 2023, a “picture book for adults” with artist Anastasia Melnykova.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://leabharbreac.com/en/shop/darach-o-scolai/deirdre/|title=Deirdre|date=2024|website=Leabhar Breac|access-date=1 August 2025}}</ref> Part of the [[wikipedia:Ulster_Cycle|Ulster Cycle]], ''Deirdre'' is a retelling of the story of possibly the most widely known Irish figure from the early tales and sagas.<ref>{{Cite book|title=A Dictionary of Celtic Mythology|last=MacKillop|first=James|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=2004|isbn=9780198609674|pages=181}}</ref> * ''Bláthnaid'', Leabhar Breac, 2024, a “picture book for adults” with artist Anastasia Melnykova; “one of the great stories of the [[wikipedia:Ulster_Cycle|Ulster Cycle]].”<ref name=":4" /> * ''Sadhbh,'' Leabhar Breac, 2025, a picture book for adult readers, illustrated by Alé Mercado; a retelling of the medieval tale ''Ceasacht Inghine Ghuile (''trans., ''The Complaint of Guile's Daughter'').<ref name=":5">{{Cite web|url=https://leabharbreac.com/en/tales-of-wonder/|title=Tales of Wonder|date=2024|website=Leabhar Breac|access-date=1 August 2025}}</ref> * ''Eoghan Béal'', Leabhar Breac, 2025, a picture book for adult readers illustrated by Alé Mercado<ref name=":5" />; a retelling of the medieval tale ''[https://ga.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caithr%C3%A9im_Cellaig Cathréim Ceallaigh]'' from ''The Yellow Book of Leacan.''<ref name=":5" /> === For Young Readers === Ó Scolaí has written illustrated books for young readers (8–10 years old) in two series, the Fionn Series and the Scéalta Staire series, and translated a large number of classics and popular books for children of all ages. The number of these written and translated works suggests a commitment to children and their literacy in Irish. The Fionn Series “is a retelling ... of the great legends of the Fianna for the young Irish readers of today.”<ref name=":6">{{Cite web|url=https://leabharbreac.com/en/shop/oige-en/8-9/doiteoir-na-samhna/|title=Dóiteoir na Samhna|date=2024|website=Leabhar Breac|access-date=1 August 2025}}</ref> [[wikipedia:The_Boyhood_Deeds_of_Fionn|Macgnímartha Finn (The Boyhood Deeds of Fionn)]] is a medieval story in the [[wikipedia:Fenian_Cycle|Fenian Cycle]]. * ''An Bradán Feasa'' (trans., ''The Salmon of Knowledge''), Leabhar Breac, 2010, “shortlisted for the Réics Carlo award 2010.”<ref name=":9">{{Cite web|url=https://leabharbreac.com/en/shop/oige-en/8-9/an-bradan-feasa/|title=An Bradán Feasa|date=2024|website=Leabhar Breac|access-date=1 August 2025}}</ref> * ''Dóiteoir na Samhna'' (trans., ''The Halloween Burner''), 2010.<ref name=":6" /> * ''Bodach an Chóta Lachna'' (trans., ''The Churl in the Dun Coat''), 2011.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://leabharbreac.com/en/shop/oige-en/7-8/bodach-an-chota-lachna/|title=Bodach an Chóta Lachna|date=2024|website=Leabhar Breac|access-date=1 August 2025}}</ref> The Scéalta Staire (Historical Stories) series<ref name=":9" /> * ''Mánas Ó Dónaill'', 2000. * ''Seán Ó Néill'', Leabhar Breac, 2000. * ''Gráinne Mhaol Ní Mháille'', Leabhar Breac, 2003. * ''Tadhg Dall Ó hUiginn'', Leabhar Breac, 2003. ==== Translations ==== * Robert Louis Stevenson, ''Oileán an Órchiste'' (trans. of ''Treasure Island''), Leabhar Breac, 2014.<ref>{{Cite journal|date=2025-06-19|title=Oireachtas na Gaeilge|url=https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Oireachtas_na_Gaeilge&oldid=1296394643|journal=Wikipedia|language=en}}</ref> * Robert Louis Stevenson, ''An Fuadach'' (trans. of ''Kidnapped''), Leabhar Breac, 2016. * Clement Clarke Moore, ''Cuairt San Nioclás'' (trans. of ''A Visit from St. Nicholas'', or "'Twas the Night Before Christmas"), Leabhar Breac, 2022. '''''The Corto Maltese Graphic Novels''''' Written in Italian by Hugo Pratt and translated by Ó Scolaí, both adults and teenagers read this series of Italian adventure graphic novels.<ref>{{Cite journal|date=2025-07-01|title=Corto Maltese|url=https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Corto_Maltese&oldid=1298285365|journal=Wikipedia|language=en}}</ref> Ó Scolaí's '''translation of ''Corto Maltese''''' was listed in 2017 among "The 30 Irish books that Irish people love."<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Ó Murchú|first=Eoin P.|date=09/06/2017|title=Na 30 leabhar Gaeilge is fearr leis na Gaeil [The 30 Irish books that Irish people love]|url=https://nos.ie/cultur/leabhair/an-30-leabhar-gaeilge-is-fearr-leis-na-gaeil/|journal=Nós}}</ref> * Hugo Pratt, ''Corto: Port na Farraige Goirt'', Leabhar Breac, 2013. * Hugo Pratt, ''Corto: The Golden House in Samarkand'', 2014. * Hugo Pratt, ''Corto: Na Liopard-Fhir ó Rufiji'' (trans. of ''Corto: The Leopard Men of Rufiji''), Leabhar Breac, 2014. * Hugo Pratt, ''Corto: In Ainm Dé Uilthrócairigh'' (trans. of ''Corto: In the Name of God All-Merciful''), Leabhar Breac, 2014. * Hugo Pratt, ''Corto: Tóraíocht Eile'' (trans. of ''Corto: Another Quest''), Leabhar Breac, 2014. * Hugo Pratt, ''Corto: Sa tSibéir'' (trans. of ''Corto: In Siberia''), Leabhar Breac, 2016. '''''Other Translations for Children''''' Ó Scolaí has translated into Irish six books from the ''Le Pavillon Noir'' (trans., ''Jolly Roger'') series by Alain Surget; four books from the ''Catalan First Steps'' series by Enric Lluch Girbés and the ''Caitlín & Cormac'' series by Joan Carles; three books from the ''Louisette le Taupe'' series by Bruno Heitz, and three books from the ''Loup'' series by Orianne Lallemand. === Plays and Screenplays === ==== Stage Plays ==== Ó Scolaí was writer and director of the original productions of two plays in the ''Trí Bhraon'' (trans., ''Three Drops'') trilogy; ''Coinneáil Orainn'' was directed by Darach Mac Con Iomaire and staged by An Taibhdhearc. All three plays have been published in book form by Leabhar Breac. * ''Coinneáil Orainn'' (trans., ''We'll Keep Going''), 2005.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://irishplayography.com/play?playid=32553|title=Coinneáil Orainn|date=2025|website=PlayographyIreland: A Comprehensive Database of New Irish Plays Produced Professionally Since 1904.|access-date=25 August 2025}}</ref> The first play in the ''Trí Bhraon'' (''Three Drops'') trilogy. [[wikipedia:Taibhdhearc_na_Gaillimhe|An Taibhdhearc]], the national Irish-language theatre of Ireland, toured the country in 2005 with ''Coinneáil Orainn''.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://leabharbreac.com/en/shop/darach-o-scolai/coinneail-orainn/|title=Coinneáil Orainn|date=2024|website=Leabhar Breac|access-date=1 August 2025}}</ref> Walter Macken Prize, 2005; BBC Stewart Parker Award, 2006.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://irishplayography.com/person/darach-scola|title=Darach Ó Scolaí|date=2025|website=PlayographyIreland: A Comprehensive Database of New Irish Plays Produced Professionally Since 1904.|access-date=25 August 2025}}</ref> * ''Branwen'', 2006, by Darach Ó Scolaí and Ifor ap Glyn, in Irish, Welsh and English, co-produced by Project Arts Centre and Llwyfan Gogledd Cymru, toured the Republic of Ireland and Wales.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://irishplayography.com/play?playid=32418|title=Branwen|date=2025|website=PlayographyIreland: A Comprehensive Database of New Irish Plays Produced Professionally Since 1904|access-date=25 August 2025}}</ref> * ''An Braon'' Aníos (trans., ''Rising Damp''), 2006, directed by Ó Scolaí.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://irishplayography.com/play?playid=32461|title=An Braon Aníos|date=2025|website=PlayographyIreland: A Comprehensive Database of New Irish Plays Produced Professionally Since 1904|access-date=25 August 2025}}</ref> The second play in the ''Trí Bhraon'' (''Three Drops'') trilogy. “The Salamandar company toured the country in 2006-07 with this play, and Salamandar also produced a radio version of the play for RTÉ Raidió na Gaeltachta in 2009.”<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://leabharbreac.com/en/shop/darach-o-scolai/an-braon-anios/|title=An Braon Aníos|date=2024|website=Leabhar Breac|access-date=1 August 2025}}</ref> * ''Craos'' (trans., ''Gluttony''), 2008, directed by Ó Scolaí.<ref name=":13">{{Cite web|url=https://irishplayography.com/play?playid=32867|title=Craos|date=2025|website=PlayographyIreland: A Comprehensive Database of New Irish Plays Produced Professionally Since 1904|access-date=25 August 2025}}</ref> The third play in the ''Trí Bhraon'' (''Three Drops'') trilogy, it toured to Cork and Belfast.<ref name=":13" /> A review of the 2008 Salamander performance in the ''Irish Times'' says, “a humorous play which offers plenty to think about, fine acting, and sparklingly witty dialogue.”<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://leabharbreac.com/en/shop/darach-o-scolai/craos-2/|title=Craos|date=2024|website=Leabhar Breac|access-date=1 August 2025}}</ref> * ''A+E'', 2008, by Ríonach Ní Néill and Darach Ó Scolaí, "dance and music drama," co-produced by Ciotóg and Salamandar.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://irishplayography.com/play?playid=32962|title=A+E|date=2025|website=PlayographyIreland: A Comprehensive Database of New Irish Plays Produced Professionally Since 1904|access-date=25 August 2025}}</ref> * ''An tSeanbhróg'' (trans., ''The Old Shoe''), 2009, produced by Salamander<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://irishplayography.com/play?playid=33042|title=An tSeanbhróg|date=2025|website=PlayographyIreland: A Comprehensive Database of New Irish Plays Produced Professionally Since 1904|access-date=25 August 2025}}</ref> and staged in the Axis Arts Centre, Dublin, and the Letterkenny Arts Centre. * '''In ''Mhuir Fhíondorcha/The Wine-Dark Sea: The Homer Project'', Ó Scolaí's translation of Homer's Cyclops story, performed at the 2019 IMRAM festival'''.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.irishtimes.com/culture/books/imram-a-festival-celebrating-the-irish-language-1.4047610|title=Imram: a festival celebrating the Irish language. Liam Carson reveals the myths and legends appearing in this year’s programme|last=Carson|first=Liam|date=11 October 2019|work=The Irish Times|access-date=15 October 2025}}</ref> ==== Screenplays ==== * ''Cosa Nite'' (trans., ''Washed Feet''), short film, 1998 (dir. Dearbhla Walsh, prod. Ciarán Ó Cofaigh, Rosg); "a prose version of ''Cosa Nite'' was published (Rosg 2000)."<ref name=":9" /> Nominated for an Irish Film and Television Award.<ref>{{Citation|title=Cosa Nite (Short 1998) - Awards - IMDb|url=https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0191917/awards/|accessdate=2025-08-25|language=en-US}}</ref> * ''Na Glúnta'' (trans., ''The Generations''), 2001<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.iftn.ie/production/production_companies/production_sub/feature/?act1=record&aid=70&rid=3917&tpl=filmography_dets&only=1&force=1|title=Na Glúnta {{!}} The Irish Film & Television Network|website=www.iftn.ie|access-date=2025-08-25}}</ref>, co-directors Ciarán Ó Cofaigh & Darach Ó Scolaí, prod. Ciarán Ó Cofaigh, Rosg. * ''An Leabhar'' (trans., ''The Book''), short film, 2000, (dir. Robert Quinn, prod. Ciarán Ó Cofaigh, Rosg) Rosg, 2000.<ref>{{Citation|title=An Leabhar|url=https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0963767/|publisher=Bord Scannán na hÉireann / The Irish Film Board, ROSG|accessdate=2025-08-25|first=Robert|last=Quinn|others=Colm O&apos;Maonlai, Peadar O&apos;Treasaigh, Diarmuid Mac an Adhastair}}</ref> * ''Na Cloigne'' [trans., The Heads], 3-episide series, 2010 (dir. Robert Quinn, prod. Ciarán Ó Cofaigh, Rosg), TG4.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.imdb.com/title/tt1607924/|title=Na cloigne|date=2010|website=IMDb|access-date=25 August 2025}}</ref> === Nonfiction === Ó Scolaí's essays and lectures are published and his interviews are broadcast regularly, making for a large body of nonfiction critical and analytical work. Here are a few, almost all published in [https://comhar.ie/iris/scribhneoiri/darach-o-scolai/ Comhar]: * “Ceol Ciúin na nÉagmaise” (trans., “The Silent Music of Absence ['''the Fall?''']”), an essay on the 2014 Nobel Prize winner for literature, [[wikipedia:Patrick_Modiano|Patrick Modiano]], ''Comhar'', December 2014. * The Ó Cadhain Lecture: [https://leachtaiuichadhain.clo.ie/leachtai/2014 “Cuimhne agus Díchuimhne (trans., “Memory & Forgetfulness"]), 2014. * “Rithim agus Réim” ("Rhythm and Register"), a public lecture in the University College Dublin lecture series “Ó Thrácht go Twitter” (trans., "From Talk to Twitter"), 2014. * Review of Pádraig Ó Cíobháin’s ''Dréachta Chrích Fodla'', '''Comhar?, ??'''. * “Na Geilt i mBun an Tí” (trans., "The Madmen in Charge"), a talk at the Merriman Winter School, Comhar April 2012.<ref name=":18">{{Cite web|url=http://darachoscolai.ie/beathaisneis.html|title=Darach Ó Scolaí: Beathaisnéis|website=darachoscolai.ie|access-date=2025-09-26}}</ref> * The EFACIS podcast: Síle Ní Choincheannain talks to Darach Ó Scolaí about the historical novel. == Critical Reception == Ó Scolaí’s style has been called “crisp and elegant, and rich in language while being highly readable,”<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Heussaf|first=Anna|date=Summer 2025|title=Bláthnaid—A tale of love, violence and sorcery retold for readers today|url=https://booksirelandmagazine.com/blathnaid-a-tale-of-love-violence-and-sorcery/|journal=Books Ireland}}</ref> with “an unsurpassed richness and precision of language.”<ref name=":12">{{Cite journal|last=Ó Cróinín|first=Breandán|date=Summer 2025|title=unknown|journal=The Limerick Leader}}</ref> “Whimsical, hilarious, and subtly learned” is how Éilis Ní Dhuibhne described his writing.<ref name=":20" /> === Original Works === Ó Scolaí’s first novel, the 2007 ''An Cléireach'' (''The Clerk'') won two prizes and was described as “one of the great historical novels in the Irish language and among the best books written in the language since the beginning of this century.”<ref name=":12" /> Novelist Alan Titley says, “In ''An Cléireach'' Ó Scolaí creates the Ireland of war in the 17th century more fully than any other Irish writer on the subject of war since ''L’Attaque'' Eoghain Ó Thuairisc around 1798 [In ''An Cléireach'' cruthaíonn Ó Scolaí Éire an chogaidh san 17ú haois níos iomláine ná mar a dhein aon scríbhneoir Gaeilge eile ar ábhar cogaidh ó ''L’Attaque'' Eoghain Uí Thuairisc timpeall ar 1798].”<ref name=":11" />{{rp|25, Col. 1a}} Not all the reviews of this first novel were so positive, however; Proinsias O' Drisceoil says for the Irish Times says,<blockquote>This then is a novel in search of a plot, a story that attempts to attain a significance that eludes it.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.irishtimes.com/news/a-disaffected-clerk-in-the-confederates-1.943070|title=A disaffected clerk in the confederates|last=O' Drisceoil|first=Proinsias|date=5 July 2008|work=The Irish Times|access-date=16 October 2025}}</ref></blockquote> In the ''Oxford Handbook of Modern Irish Fiction'' Pádraig Ó Siadhail analyzes rather than reviews ''An Cléireach'': <blockquote>In ''An Cléireach'', Ó Scolaí revisits the trauma of Cromwellian Ireland. The primary narrative device is once again the first-hand account, in this case by Tadhg Ó Dúbháin, a clerk and quartermaster in the Confederate Army in 1650. We sample the hardships, the friendships, the tensions, the rivalries, and the petty jealousies amongst comrades in arms, including remnants of the Gaelic literary class, as the Confederate soldiers, increasingly a rabble more than a cohesive unit, retreat in advance of Cromwell’s forces. ''An Cléireach'' concludes with the narrator and his family in exile in continental Europe. But along the retreat route, and central to the novel, members of the Confederate army camp, rest up, and tell versions of a story about the keeper of the treasured manuscript "Saltair an Easpaig" (The Bishop’s Psalter). Their versions raise issues about memory construction, the limitations of individual perspectives, personal agendas, and how minor changes in the telling of a story can alter our understanding of history, Thus, ''An Cléireach'' complements ''Fontenoy'' in moving beyond more realistic recreation of a historical event or period to interrogate the notion of history as construct.<ref>{{Cite book|title=The Oxford Handbook of Modern Irish Fiction|last=Ó Siadhail|first=Pádraig|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=2020|isbn=9780198754893|editor-last=Harte|editor-first=Liam|pages=598–99|chapter=Contemporary Irish Fiction}}</ref> </blockquote> Of ''Súil an Daill,'' in ''Nós'', Cathal Seoighe says, "The book deserves a significant place among the collection of high-quality books published in recent years that would make you feel sorry for someone who does not speak Irish [Tá áit shuntasach ag dul don leabhar i measc an chnuasaigh leabhair ar ardchaighdeán a foilsíodh le roinnt blianta anuas a d’fhágfadh trua agat don té atá gan Ghaeilge]."<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Seoighe|first=Cathal|date=09/26/2022|title=‘Dar leathmhagairle an diabhail, is leabhar den scoth é seo!’ ['According to the devil’s half-wit, this is a great book!’]|url=https://nos.ie/cultur/leabhair/dar-leathmhagairle-an-diabhail-is-leabhar-den-scoth-e-seo/|journal=Nós}}</ref> ''Bódléar'', Ó Scolaí's most recent book, is a “beautiful novel. There is magic and craftsmanship in it. A small miracle of a book and it is highly recommended.”<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://leabharbreac.com/bodlear-mioruilt-bheag-de-leabhar/|title=Bódléar: Míorúilt bheag de leabhar (Bódléar: A Small Miracle of a Book)|last=Ní Ghairbhí|first=Róisín|date=2024|website=Leabhar Breac|access-date=1 August 2025}}</ref> Éilis Ní Dhuibhne in the ''Irish Times'' says,<blockquote>what a gem! An affectionately gentle satire of the Irish poetic scene during one creatively fluid 19th-century year, the story focuses on a Maigue poet and schoolteacher who goes on a trip to France and returns with camembert, a cafetiere, ‘Fleurs du Mal’, and a mission to convert the local traditionalists to la modernité. Whimsical, hilarious, and subtly learned, it’s absolutely delightful!<ref name=":20">{{Cite journal|last=Ní Dhuibhne|first=Éilis|date=30 June 2025|title=Éilís Ní Dhuibhne on the best Irish language books of 2025 so far: Including a history of the Gaeltacht Civil Rights Movements, a gem of a novel by Darach Ó Scolaí and Joe McHugh’s entertaining account of learning Irish|url=https://www.irishtimes.com/culture/books/review/2025/06/30/eilis-ni-dhuibhne-on-the-best-irish-language-books-of-2025-so-far/|journal=The Irish Times|pages=22}}</ref></blockquote> === Retellings and Translations === ==== ''Táin Bó Cuailnge'' ==== ''Táin Bó Cuailnge'' [''The Cattle Raid of Cooley''] is a modern edition of an 11th-century epic into modern Irish.<ref name=":3" /> Gearóid Denvir reviewed ''Táin Bó Cuailnge'' for ''Comhar'':<blockquote>Darach Ó Scolaí has ​​achieved a feat in this challenging reworking. He has found a high level of the Irish language to tell his story – as he has done before in his groundbreaking novel An Cléireach (2007, Leabhar Breac) and in his other prose works. This book is a decoration of the language, literature and culture of the Irish language, following the path of the old storytellers and writers and presenting material from the tradition to his own generation according to the understandings of his own time. The book will be a classic that will be of great interest to all readers of the Irish language, both ordinary readers, students, scholars and writers, and there should be a copy in every home in the country. [Tá éacht déanta ag Darach Ó Scolaí san athleagan dúshlánach seo. Tá réim ard den teanga Ghaeilge aimsithe aige lena scéal a inseacht – mar a rinne sé cheana ina úrscéal ceannródaíoch An Cléireach (2007, Leabhar Breac) agus i saothair eile phróis dá chuid. Is maisiú ar an teanga agus ar litríocht agus cultúr na Gaeilge an leabhar seo a leanas conair na seanscéalaithe agus na seanscríobhaithe agus ábhar de chuid an traidisiúin á chur i láthair a ghlúine féin aige de réir thuiscintí a linne féin. Clasaic a bheas sa leabhar a gcuirfidh léitheoirí uilig na Gaeilge, idir ghnáthléitheoirí, mhic léinn, scoláirí agus scríbhneoirí spéis thar na bearta ann, agus ba cheart cóip a bheith i chuile theach sa tír.]<ref name=":15">{{Cite journal|last=Denvir|first=Gearóid|date=April 2018|title=Táin Bó Cuailgne|url=https://comhar.ie/iris/78/4/leirmheas/|journal=Comhar|via=JSTOR}}</ref> </blockquote>Cathal Poirtéir says, "The freshness and richness of Ó Scolaí’s version are a joy …. The author delights us with the linguistic and stylistic richness of the ancient epic in a modern-Irish version that reflects the original’s spirit and language."<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Poirtéir|first=Cathal|date=May/June 2018|title=Leabhair Idir Lámha|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/26564180|journal=Books Ireland|pages=46–47|via=JSTOR}}</ref>{{rp|47}} Novelist and academic Alan Titley calls Ó Scolaí's "a wonderful gutsy telling" of ''Táin Bó Cuailnge''.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.irishtimes.com/culture/2023/03/11/the-tain-retold-maeve-and-ailills-spat-could-be-out-of-a-soap-opera/|title=The Táin retold: ‘Maeve and Ailill’s spat could be out of a soap opera’|last=Titley|first=Alan|date=11 March 2023|work=The Irish Times|access-date=16 October 2025}}</ref> ==== ''Deirdre'' ==== Marie Whelton, in "Léann Teanga" ("Language Studies"), in the 2024 ''An Reiviú'' says,<blockquote>this version [of ''Deirdre''] by Darach Ó Scolaí succeeds in skillfully capturing and portraying the complexity of gender and power issues in the ‘Deirdre’ tradition [éiríonn leis an leagan seo le Darach Ó Scolaí castacht cheisteanna na hinscne agus na cumhachta i dtraidisiún scéal Dheirdre a ghabháil agus a léiriú go sciliúil]. … There is no doubt that this new version greatly contributes to the legacy of the story and that it revives that legacy thoughtfully and artistically [Níl amhras faoi ach go gcuireann an leagan úr seo go mór le hoidhreacht an scéil agus go ndéanann sé an oidhreacht sin a athbheochan go tuisceanach agus go healaíonta.].<ref name=":16">{{Cite web|url=https://www.tara.tcd.ie/tara8/server/api/core/bitstreams/3c20175a-7631-44b2-8b0f-f454edd712b4/content|title=An Artistic Retelling of Deirdre's Tale and the Defeat of Conor Review of Deirdre or the Ship of Mac Uisnigh by Darach Ó Scolaí [Athinsint Ealaíonta ar Oidhe Dheirdre agus ar Ansmacht Chonchúir Léirmheas ar Deirdre nó Loingeas Mhac Uisnigh le Darach Ó Scolaí]|last=Whelton|first=Marie|date=2024|website=The Review [An Reiviú], Language Studies [Léann Teanga]|access-date=25 September 2025}}</ref></blockquote> === Works for Young Readers === Meadhbh Ní Eadhra said of ''Bodach an Chóta Lachna'' that it was "Beautiful Irish, but easy to understand for young readers."<ref>Ní Eadhra, Meadhbh. In ''Gaelscéal'', qtd. in "Bodach an Chóta Lachna" https://leabharbreac.com/en/shop/oige-en/7-8/bodach-an-chota-lachna/.</ref> == Awards and Honors == Ó Scolaí's works are regularly nominated and make the short list for prizes, an honor in itself, but they are generally not listed here unless they are named as the first-place winner in their category. === Oireachtas Prize === The Oireachtas Prize is the literary prize awarded by [[wikipedia:Oireachtas_na_Gaeilge|Oireachtas na Gaeilge]], the annual arts festival dedicated to Irish language, arts and culture. Darach Ó Scolaí has won the Oireachtas Prize for Literary Fiction three times, once for ''An Cléireach'' (''The Clerk'') in 2007, for ''Súil an Daill'' (''The Eye of the Blind'') in 2021 and for ''Bódléar'' in 2024. * 2007, for ''An Cléireach'' (trans., ''The Clerk'') — “(a special prize commemorating the 400th anniversary of the foundation of Coláiste na nGael in Louvain, awarded under the auspices of the Franciscan Province of Ireland). The prize of €10,000 was the largest prize ever awarded to an Irish language novel [(duais speisialta chomórtha 400 bliain bhunú Choláiste na nGael i Lobháin a bronnadh faoi urraíocht Phroibhinse Phroinsiasach na hÉireann). Ba é an duais €10,000 sin an duais ba mhó a bronnadh riamh ar úrscéal Gaeilge].”<ref name=":18" /> * 2021, for ''Súil an Daill'' (''The Eye of the Blind'') * 2024, for ''Bódléar'' === Ó Shúilleabháin Award, Irish language “Book of the Year” === The first prize of this award includes €5,000 to the publisher and €2,500 to the author of the winning work.<ref name=":10">{{Cite journal|date=15 August 2023|title=20 saothar san iomaíocht do ‘Leabhair Ghaeilge na Bliana 2023’|url=https://tuairisc.ie/20-saothar-san-iomaiocht-do-leabhair-ghaeilge-na-bliana-2023/|journal=Tuairisc}}</ref> * ''An Cléireach'' (''The Clerk'').<ref>{{Cite web|url=http:/www.gaelport.com/uploads/documents/edition19.html|title=Eagrán / Edition 19 - 04 11 2008|date=4/11/2008|website=Internet Archive|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130525011340/http:/www.gaelport.com/uploads/documents/edition19.html|archive-date=25 May 2013|access-date=25 August 2025}}</ref> * ''Táin Bó Cuailnge'', 2018. * ''Bódléar'', 2025. ==== De Bhaldraithe Award ==== The Gradam de Bhaldraithe is awarded to the best work in translation.<ref name=":10" /> * ''Cuairt San Nioclás,'' a translation of Clement Clarke Moore's ''A Visit from St. Nicholas'', or "'Twas the Night Before Christmas."<ref name=":10" /> ==== Other ==== * Walter Macken Prize, for ''Coinneáil Orainn'' (trans., ''We'll Keep Going''), 2005 * Bháiteir Uí Mhaicín Memorial Award, for ''Coinneáil Orainn'' (trans., ''We'll Keep Going''), 2005<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.irishtimes.com/gaeilge/tuarascail/duais-oireachtais-1.501571|title=Oireachtas Prize: Over €50,000 was awarded to writers in the Oireachtas Literary Competitions at an event in Dublin last night. Winners… [Duais Oireachtais: Bronnadh breis agus €50,000 ar scríbhneoirí i gComórtais Liteartha an Oireachtais ar ócáid i mBaile Átha Cliath aréir. Bhuaigh…]|work=5 October 2005|access-date=15 October 2025}}</ref> * BBC Stewart Parker Award, for ''Coinneáil Orainn'' (trans., ''We'll Keep Going''), 2006 * The Aodán Mac Póilín Commemorative Prize, for ''Táin Bó Cuailnge'' (trans., ''The Cattle Raid of Cooley''), 2017 == External Links == * Leabhar Breac website: https://leabharbreac.com/en/ * Leabhar Breac Facebook pages: * Rosg website: [http://www.rosg.ie/en/ <nowiki>http://ww</nowiki>w.rosg.ie/en/] * Art on the Island (Ealaín ar Oileán) website, archived at the Wayback Machine: https://web.archive.org/web/20130601000520/http://ealainaroilean.ie/ 31 March 2012, 1 June 2013 and 8 January 2014 * Darach Ó Scolaí's website Archived 25 September 2015 at the Wayback Machine: https://web.archive.org/web/20150925103456/http://darachoscolai.ie/ * Youtube video of [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OlP2AmSBzXc Breandán Ó Cróinin introducing Deirdre at the book launch] in the pub Tigh Mholly (Molly’s House). == Primordial Ooze == * Known for his sensitivity to language and voices. * Finish scanning through JSTOR * Scan through Irish Times, 56 hits * Check Goodreads * Check YouTube (In the spring of 2013, the arts programme Imeall interviewed the author on TG4.) * Check both Wikipedias for pages on the origins of the retold tales (like Deirdre) and link to this article * Propose link from University of Galway page once Darach’s is up * Write Irish National Biography (<nowiki>https://www.dib.ie</nowiki>) to propose an article about Darach once the Wikip article is done? See what they say. * Link to Ó Scolaí from the Wikipedia * Make sure links '''to''' Wikipedia in the actual encyclopedia work right === Not Placed Yet === * "So here are the books that Irish people love the most! [Mar sin seo iad na leabhair is gile leis na Gaeil!]" — "32. An Cléireach – Darach Ó Scolaí (2)" [18 books got 2 votes, and then they're alphabetized by author's last name, so the 32 of 34 doesn't signify the specificity it seems to]<ref name=":14">{{Cite journal|last=Ó Murchú|first=Eoin P.|date=9 June 2017|title=Na 30 leabhar Gaeilge is fearr leis na Gaeil. [The 30 best Irish books for Irish people]|url=https://nos.ie/cultur/leabhair/an-30-leabhar-gaeilge-is-fearr-leis-na-gaeil/|journal=Nós}}</ref> * "Below is a list of those 111 works – a list that shows a great deal of diversity in the reading habits of Irish speakers.Here is a list of those 111 works – a list that shows a great deal of diversity in the reading habits of Irish speakers [Anseo thíos tá liosta den 111 saothar sin – liosta a léiríonn éagsúlacht an-mhór i nósanna léitheoireachta Gaeilgeoirí.Anseo thíos tá liosta den 111 saothar sin – liosta a léiríonn éagsúlacht an-mhór i nósanna léitheoireachta Gaeilgeoirí]." "Corto Maltese – Hugo Pratt (aistrithe ag Darach Ó Scolaí)"<ref name=":14" /> * "Ceann eile de bhuaicphointí na hÉigse a bheidh sa seisiún le Darach Ó Scolaí, duine d’úrscéalaithe móra na Gaeilge, agus duine de chomhbhunaitheoirí teach foilsitheoireachta Leabhar Breac. [Another highlight of the Éigse will be the session with Darach Ó Scolaí, one of the great Irish language novelists, and one of the co-founders of the publishing house Leabhar Breac.]"<ref name=":17">{{Cite journal|last=Nós|date=4 May 2023|title=Éigse na Bruiséile le filleadh i mí na Bealtaine. [Éigse na Bruséile to return in May]|url=https://nos.ie/cultur/eigse-na-bruiseile-le-filleadh-i-mi-na-bealtaine/|journal=Nós}}</ref> === Things Taken Out for Now === “’The play is a comedy about language, lies, bureaucracy and Gaeltacht grants, in the tradition of Myles na Gcopaleen,’ according to Norma-Jean Kenny in the ''Galway Advertizer'', ‘in which the author comments and criticizes the institutions of the Irish language in Ireland without ceasing.’" Supposedly a quotation by Gearóid Denvir reviewing ''Táin Bó Cuailnge'' for ''Comhar'' (but I don't find it in the article): This book has long been needed by Irish language readers and there is no doubt that it will become a classic in time and surpass Thomas Kinsella’s English version. This version remains faithful to the language of the original while at the same time finding an appropriate language in today’s Irish. Ó Scolaí masterfully overcomes the difficulties of the original’s rhetorical difficulties and the versions of the original poetic texts are extremely effective.[supposedly <ref name=":15" />] “The biggest prize ever awarded for a novel in Irish was presented at a special ceremony in the National Concert Hall in Dublin, today (Thursday, 4 October 2007). Darach Ó Scolaí, writer, artist & playwright from Casla, Co. Galway, was awarded €10,000 for his literary novel, ‘An Ardscoil’. This work, under the new title ‘An Cléireach’, will be launched at Oireachtas na Samhna in Westport in November. This is the first novel from his pen, a story set in the late seventeenth century. This competition was sponsored by the Franciscan Province of Ireland.” (archive, Oireachtas na Gaeilge site, 04 October, 2007) ''Súil an Daill'' (trans., ''The Eye of the Blind''), Leabhar Breac, 2021. number 2 in ''Comhar'' literary magazine’s list of best books of 2021. '''{6}.''' *William Shakespeare, ''Romeo agus Juliet'' (trans. of ''Romeo and Juliet''), Leabhar Breac, 2016. *Jonathan Swift, ''Camchuairt Ghuilivéir'' (trans. of ''Gulliver's Travels''), Leabhar Breac, 2016. *Hugo Pratt, ''Corto Maltese'' '''''Flag of Bones (Bratach na gCnámh) Series''''' Leabhar Breac published the Bratach na gCnámh series of books for young readers. Written in French by Alain Surget, illustrated by Annette Marnat and translated by Darach Ó Scolaí, this series uses the history of Caribbean Sea pirates<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://leabharbreac.com/en/product-category/alain-surget/|title=Alain Surget Archives|website=Leabhar Breac|language=en-US|access-date=2025-09-30}}</ref>: *Alain Surget, ''Éalú as Páras'' (''Escape from Paris''), Annette Marnat (Illustr.), Leabhar Breac, 2011. * Alain Surget, ''Oilean na Siorcanna'' (''Shark Island''), Annette Marnat (Illustr.), Leabhar Breac, 2011. * Alain Surget, ''Long na dTaibhsi'' (''Ship of the Ghosts''), Annette Marnat (Illustr.), Leabhar Breac, 2011. * Alain Surget, ''San Ochtapas Dubh'' (''In the Black Octopus''), Annette Marnat (Illustr.), Leabhar Breac, 2013. * Alain Surget, ''San Ionsai ar Veracruz'' (''The Attack on Veracruz''), Annette Marnat (Illustr.), Leabhar Breac, 2013. '''''For "First Readers" (children to 6 years old or so)''''' These books were written originally in Catalan by Spanish author Enric Lluch Girbés and translated into Irish by Ó ScolaÍ: *Enric Lluch, ''Ag Péinteáil an Tí'' (''Painting the House''), Anna Clariana (Illustr.), Leabhar Breac, 2017. *Enric Lluch, ''An Colúr Bacach'' (''The Lazy Dove''), Anna Clariana (Illustr.), Leabhar Breac, 2017. *Enric Lluch, ''An Phluais'' (''The Cave''), Anna Clariana (Illustr.), Leabhar Breac, 2017. *Enric Lluch, ''Madra Dhaideo'' (''Grandpa's Dog''), Anna Clariana (Illustr.), Leabhar Breac, 2017. *Enric Lluch, ''Fiacail Mháire'' (''Mary's Tooth''), Anna Clariana (Illustr.), Leabhar Breac, 2017. '''''Bruno Heitz''''' Leabhar Breac published a series of 3 Heitz books for small children. Published originally in French, this series of three comic books is about a blind mole named Cáitín Chaoch in Irish (and ''Louisette la taupe'' in French).<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://leabharbreac.com/en/product-category/bruno-heitz-en/|title=Bruno Heitz Archives|website=Leabhar Breac|language=en-US|access-date=2025-10-02}}</ref> Ó Scolaí translated these: *Bruno Heitz (author and illustr.), ''Práinneach'' (''Urgent''), Leabhar Breac, 2020 *Bruno Heitz (author and illustr.), ''Preab san Aer'' (''Bounce in the Air''), Leabhar Breac, 2020. '''''Books for Toddlers''''' Leabhar Breac has published 14 books written by French author Orianne Lallemand's and illustrated by Eleonore Thuillier, about Lallemmand's popular character Loup, Wolf. These are translated by Ó Scolaí: *Orianne Lallemand, ''An Mac Tire a Raibh Faitios an Domhain Air'' (trans. of ''The Son Who Saw the World in His Eyes''), Eleonore Thuillier  Illustr.), Leabhar Breac, 2018. *Orianne Lallemand, ''Macan agus an Goban'' (trans. of ''Macan and the Goblin''), Eleonore Thuillier (Illustr.), Leabhar Breac, 2018. * Orianne Lallemand, ''A Mac Tíre a Chuaigh go Tóin na Farraige'' (trans. of ''The Wolf Who Went to the Bottom of the Sea''), Éléanore Thuillier  (Illustr.), Leabhar Breac, 2019. '''''Board Books (for babies)''''' J. C. (Joan Carles) Girbés Aparisi is a Catalan author and editor. These books were written in Catalan and translated by Ó Scolai. *J. C. Girbés, ''An Phicnic'' (''The Picnic''), Silvia Ortega (Illustr.), Leabhar Breac, 2013. * J. C. Girbés, ''An Chóisir'' (''The Party''), Silvia Ortega (Illustr.), Leabhar Breac, 2013. *J. C. Girbés, ''Lá Mór Fada'' (''A Long Day''), Silvia Ortega (Illustr.), Leabhar Breac, 2014. *J. C. Girbés, ''Tabhair Leat do Leabhar'' (''Bring Your Book''), Silvia Ortega (Illustr.), Leabhar Breac, 2014. ==== Gradam Réics Carló ==== The Réics Carló prize is awarded for the best book in the Irish language for young readers. It is named for one of the characters of 20th-century writer [[wikipedia:Cathal_Ó_Sándair|Cathal Ó Sándair (Charles Saunders)]]. * ''An Bradán Feasa'' was “shortlisted for the Réics Carlo award 2010.”<ref name=":9" /> == References == {{reflist}} 9q2lxyovo6p3wx15679vxpd1hfbf3lq 0 264914 2840351 2835258 2026-10-15T00:29:32Z Jtneill 10242 /* See also */ + instructor notes link 2840351 wikitext text/x-wiki {{Motivation and emotion/Tutorials|Tutorial 8: Measuring emotion|eighth}} {{Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Complete2}} <!-- {{Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Complete2}} --> <!-- {{Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/In development}} --> ==Overview== This tutorial discusses: * emotion inducement * measurement of emotion * the Positive and Negative Affect Scale * book chapter marking criteria ==How can emotion be induced?== Some emotion research studies induce specific emotions in order to better under them. In ways can human emotion be induced for the purpose of psychological research? {| class="wikitable" ! Method ! Example ! Example study |- | '''Imagined scenarios''' | Imagine a specified emotional situation or vividly imagine an emotionally evocative scenario | Holmes, E. A., Mathews, A., Mackintosh, B., & Dalgleish, T. (2008). The causal effect of mental imagery on emotion assessed using picture-word cues. ''Emotion, 8''(3), 395–409. https://doi.org/10.1037/1528-3542.8.3.395 |- | '''Images, video, VR''' | View emotionally evocative photographs, film clips, or virtual reality | Uhrig, M. K., Trautmann, N., Baumgärtner, U., Treede, R.-D., Henrich, F., Hiller, W., & Marschall, S. (2016). Emotion elicitation: A comparison of pictures and films. ''Frontiers in Psychology, 7'', 180. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2016.00180 |- | '''Music''' | Listen to music selected to induce a particular emotional state | Kenealy, P. (1988). Validation of a music mood induction procedure: Some preliminary findings. ''Cognition and Emotion, 2''(1), 41–48. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699938808415228 |- | '''Autobiographical recall''' | Recall and re-experience a personal event associated with the target emotion | Mills, C., & D'Mello, S. (2014). On the validity of the autobiographical emotional memory task for emotion induction. ''PLoS ONE, 9''(4), e95837. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0095837 |- | '''Social situational manipulation''' | Interact with another person whose behaviour is deliberately designed to elicit an emotion | Kučera, D., & Haviger, J. (2012). Using mood induction procedures in psychological research. ''Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences, 69'', 31–40. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2012.11.380 |} ==How can emotion be measured?== [[File:Eeg registration.jpg|thumb|right|250px|'''Figure 1.''' [[w:Electroencephalography|EEG]] detects electrical activity in different areas of the brain using electrodes attached to the skull.]] Empirical emotion research requires measurement. However, emotions are not directly [[w:Observation|observable]], so how can they be measured? [[File:El Lehendakari visita la nueva unidad de Resonancia Magnética del HUA (40116421582).jpg|thumb|right|250px|'''Figure 2'''. [[w:Functional magnetic resonance imaging|fMRI]] is an advanced method of neuroimaging which can be used to assess emotion based on blood flow.]] * '''Behaviour''' (e.g., body language, eye tracking, key strokes) * '''Facial expression''' (e.g. specific combinations of muscle activation) * '''Neural activity''': e.g., ** [[w:Electroencephalography|Electroencephalography]] (EEG; see Figure 1) ** [[w:Functional magnetic resonance imaging|functional magnetic resonance imaging]] (fMRI; see Figure 2) * '''Physiological arousal''' (e.g., pupil dilation, skin conductance, heart rate, physical activity) Characteristics of these methods: * '''Resource intensive''' (especially fMRI) - needs equipment, expertise, software etc. * '''Based on what is observable''' - these measures use what is externally observable or physiologically scannable to infer emotionality. But emotion is fundamentally phenomenological/subjective. So, other measurement options include: * analysis of written or spoken '''language''' * ask people to [[w:Introspection|introspect]] and '''self-report''' ==Self-report== Emotion can be self-reported qualitatively (open-ended questions with linguistic responses) or quantitatively (close-ended question with rating scales). Open-ended responses can be manually, or increasingly automatically, analysed for their emotional content to identify themes and meanings. Closed-ended self-report approaches to measurement emotion can be: * [[w:Ideogram|Ideographic]] (pictorial) such as the: [https://www.google.com/search?sca_esv=567989033&rlz=1C1GCEA_enAU1011AU1011&sxsrf=AM9HkKlgj5UmDqMh7zkxBlEv3Zwu5eAsvQ:1695553849848&q=self-assessment+manikin Self-Assessment Manikin] (SAM; Bradley & Lang, 1994) ** Valence (happy-sad) ** Arousal (high-low) ** Dominance (small-big) * Discrete/numerical such as: ** [[w:DASS (psychology)|Depression Anxiety and Stress Scale]] (DASS) (Wikipedia) ** [https://www.aci.health.nsw.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0015/212901/Kessler_10_and_scoring.pdf Kessler 10] (K-10; nsw.gov.au) ** [[w:Profile of mood states|Profile of Mood States]] (POMS) (Wikipedia) ** [[w:Positive and Negative Affect Schedule|Positive and Negative Affect Schedule]] (PANAS) (Wikipedia) The DASS and K10 are commonly used as screening tools in the health sector, such as by a general practitioner who is concerned about a patient's psychological distress. So, these tools measure the degree of aversive emotionality. The scores can be compared with norms to help gauge the level of distress. These tools are also sometimes used in research. The POMS and PANAS are commonly used in psychological research about emotion. The PANAS is more popular because it is: * simple * flexible * freely available See also: [[w:Affect measures|Affect measures]] (Wikipedia) ==PANAS== The [[w:Positive and Negative Affect Schedule|Positive and Negative Affect Schedule]] (PANAS; Watson & Clark, 1999) is the most widely used self-report measure in emotion research. ===Your profile=== {{anchor|Activity}}{{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} '''Activity: PANAS''' [[File:Antu 67EF addoninstaller.0.svg|right|100px]] # Complete this [https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSdRvz2jh2iTvJmuYXuoiR_1SfOzJ7QtyTnITIgCg36Uh7rtwQ/viewform?usp=sf_link short version of the PANAS] (20-items; Google Form)<!-- # [https://www.psytoolkit.org/c/3.1.0/survey?s=AqxEf Online version] (PsyToolkit) # [https://drive.google.com/open?id=0B2N4zSp4hmN9NV9teWVVVS1uVjA Hard-copy handout] --> # Include a code word if you would like to know your individual results # Discuss PANAS strengths, temporal framing, psychometrics, factor structure, and distributions {{RoundBoxBottom}} ===Strengths=== Strengths of the PANAS include: * Simplicity – based on 1-word emotion descriptors * [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Measuring emotion#Factor structure|Factor structure]] – Short (20-item) and long (60-item) versions * Flexibility ** [[#Temporaral framing|Temporal framing]] – from present state to general ** Domain – General or specific * Availability – Free to use === Temporal framing === The temporal framing of the PANAS can be customised: {| class="wikitable" ! Time frame ! Description |- | '''Moment''' | You feel this way right now, that is, at the present moment. |- | '''Today''' | You have felt this way today. |- | '''Past few days''' | You have felt this way during the past few days. |- | '''Week''' | You have felt this way during the past week. |- | '''Past few weeks''' | You have felt this way during the past few weeks. |- | '''Year''' | You have felt this way during the past year. |- | '''General''' | You generally feel this way, that is, how you feel on average. |} === Psychometrics === * '''Independence of positive and negative affective''': The correlations between PA and NA range between -.12 (Today) and -.23 (Year) (Watson et al., 1988). The negative correlations indicate that when one dimension is higher the other one tends to be lower, but the relationship is very weak (1% to 5% shared variance). Thus, it is best to consider PA and NA as independent dimensions of affective experience. For example, consider in what situations might: ** PA and NA both be high? ** PA and NA both be low? * '''Test-retest reliability''': How stable is the PANAS-20 over time? Based on an 8-week test-retest period, Watson et al. (1988) found: ** Moment: PA .54 and NA .45 (~25% relability) ** General: PA .68 and NA .71 (~50 relability) === Factor structure === There are short (20-item) and long (60-item) versions of the PANAS. ;Short (20 items; 2 factors; see Table 2) * Positive affect (10 items) * Negative affect (10 items) '''Table 2''' ''PANAS-20 Positive and Negative Affect Items'' {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |+ !Positive affect !Negative affect |- |Active |Afraid |- |Alert |Ashamed |- |Attentive |Distressed |- |Determined |Guilty |- |Enthusiastic |Hostile |- |Excited |Irritable |- |Inspired |Jittery |- |Interested |Nervous |- |Proud |Scared |- |Strong |Upset |} ;Long (60 items; 11 factors) * '''Basic negative emotions''' ** '''Fear''' (5 items): afraid, frightened, jittery, nervous, scared, shaky ** '''Hostility''' (6 items): angry, disgusted, hostile, irritable, loathing, scornful ** '''Guilt''' (6 items): angry at self, ashamed, blameworthy, disgusted with self, guilty ** '''Sadness''' (5 items): alone, angry, blue, downhearted, sad * '''Basic positivity emotions''' ** '''Joviality''' (8 items): cheerful, delighted, energetic, enthusiastic, excited, happy, joyful, lively ** '''Self-Assurance''' (6 items): bold, confident, daring, fearless, proud, strong ** '''Attentiveness''' (5 items): alert, attentive, concentrating, determined * '''Other affective states''' ** '''Shyness''' (4 items): bashful, sheepish, shy, timid ** '''Fatigue''' (4 items): drowsy, sleepy, sluggish, tired ** '''Serenity''' (3 items): at ease, calm, relaxed ** '''Surprise''' (3 items): amazed, astonished, surprised ===Distributions=== * Examine class distributions for positive affect (PA) and negative affect (NA) * Compare with USA university norms (see Table 1): ** PA = 3.0 to 3.5 ** NA = 1.5 to 2.0 '''Table 1''' ''PANAS-20 Positive and Negative Affect Norms'' {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |+ !Source !N !PA !NA |- |Watson et al. (1988) |660 |2.97 |1.48 |- |Watson & Clark (1994) |3622 |3.57 |1.95 <!-- |- |Motivation & emotion (2000) |34.2 |24.6 --> |} ==Book chapter tips== * Follow the [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter|author guidelines]] and [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|using genAI guidelines]] * Address the [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter#Marking criteria|marking criteria]] * Check the [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter#Marking rubric|marking rubric]] * Compare with [[Motivation and emotion/Book|top chapters]] * Get feedback ** Studiosity Writing Feedback+ ** Peer review ** AI review ==Book chapter marking criteria== Familiarse yourself with the [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter|book chapter guidelines]] which include the marking criteria: * '''Overview''' (5%) ** Scenario ** Describe problem (1-2 paragraphs) ** Focus questions * '''Theory''' (20%) ** Apply top theories to the problem * '''Research''' (25%) ** Use best research to weigh evidence * '''Integration''' (10%) ** Synthesise theory and research * '''Conclusion''' (5%) ** What are the take-home messages? (i.e., answers to sub-title and/or focus questions) * '''Style''' (20%) ** Professional quality written expression (sentence structure, paragraph structure, spelling, grammar, APA style) (e.g., use Studiosity, [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|genAI]], and peer review) * '''Learning features''' (5%) - options: ** Wiki links (to the most relevant Wikipedia page or book chapter) when key words are mentioned for the first time ** Figures and tables ** Scenarios/case studies/examples ** Quizzes ** Feature boxes etc. * '''Social contribution''' (10%) ** Edits ** Comments ** Discussion posts ** Direct links to evidence (see [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter#Making and summarising social contributions|Making and summarising social contributions]]) ** Marking based on *** Quantity *** Quality *** Timeliness ==Recording== * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/f787e4083a49474785fc57b7631570b9 Tutorial 8] (2026)<!-- * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/469acca6d2e747eaab879d60c3ddecd9 Tutorial 8] (2025) * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/e20b88bfb3b94251a28834ecd7ee83c8 Tutorial 8] (2024) * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/36cc3cf8a7be4d139b2b406d342affc7 Tutorial 8] (2023) * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/7f5f45035ebc4de4800cc80731f70f1e Tutorial 8], 2022 * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/e4361150e57b4b999a6d002f871be374 Tutorial 8], 2021 --> ==See also== * [[/Instructor notes/]] <!-- ;Additional tutorial material --> <!-- ;Book chapters --> ;Wikipedia * [[w:Electroencephalography|Electroencephalography]] * [[w:Functional magnetic resonance imaging|Functional magnetic resonance imaging]] * [[w:Positive and Negative Affect Schedule|Positive and Negative Affect Schedule]] ;Lecture * [[{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|1}}/Lectures/Aspects of emotion|Aspects of emotion]] ;Tutorials * [[{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|2}}/Core emotions|Core emotions]] (Previous tutorial) * [[{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|2}}/20 emotions|20 emotions]] (Next tutorial) <!-- ;Admin * [[/Instructor notes/]] --> ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= <!-- Thompson, E. R. (2007). Development and validation of an internationally reliable short-form of the positive and negative affect sche''dule (PANAS). ''Journal of Cross-cultural Psychology'', ''38''(2), 227–242. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022022106297301 --> Bradley, M. M., & Lang, P. J. (1994). Measuring emotion: The self-assessment manikin and the semantic differential. ''Journal of Behavior Therapy and Experimental Psychiatry'', ''25''(1), 49–59. https://doi.org/10.1016/0005-7916(94)90063-9 Watson, D., & Clark, L. A. (1994). ''[https://doi.org/10.17077/48vt-m4t2 The PANAS-X: Manual for the positive and negative affect schedule-expanded form]''. Watson, D., Clark, L. A., & Tellegen, A. (1988). [https://scienceofbehaviorchange.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/PANAS.Watson.1988.pdf Development and validation of brief measures of positive and negative affect: the PANAS scales]. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''54''(6), 1063–1070. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.54.6.1063 }} <noinclude>{{Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Navigation}}</noinclude> [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Measuring emotion]] kdkw5dhc7qywy2soprs0jj2ai6xadj8 0 264915 2840347 2840192 2026-10-15T00:22:20Z Jtneill 10242 /* Individual emotions */ 2840347 wikitext text/x-wiki {{Motivation and emotion/Tutorials|Tutorial 9: 20 emotions|ninth}} {{Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Complete2}} <!-- {{Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Complete2}} --> <!-- {{Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/In development}} --> ==Overview== This tutorial discusses the causes, functions, types, and consequences of 20 individual emotions. ==Individual emotions== This tutorial distinguishes 20 individual emotions and their causes and functions. When dealing with many emotions, it helps to organise them into categories. The 20 individual emotions can be organised into three categories (Reeve, 2024; see Table 1): * '''Basic''' (7) - present in early development and recognised cross-culturally <!-- ### Fear ### Anger ### Disgust ### Contempt ### Sadness ### Joy ### Interest --> * '''Self-conscious''' (5) - occur when we become self-aware about how others perceive us <!-- ### Shame ### Guilt ### Embarrassment ### Pride ### Triumph --> * '''Cognitively complex''' (8) - arise from thoughts/perceptions about life events often involving others <!-- ### Envy ### Gratitude ### Disappointment ### Regret ### Hope ### Schadenfreude ### Empathy ### Compassion --> Table 1 lists 20 emotions and describes how they ''feel'' and why do we feel them. '''Table 1''' ''20 Individual Emotions Organised Into Three Categories, Subjective Experiences, and Motivational Urges'' <div align="center"> {| class="wikitable sortable" style="margin: auto;" ! width=20%; |Category ! width=20%; |Emotion ! width=30%; |"I feel ..." ! width=30%; |Motivational urge |- | rowspan="7" | '''Basic''' (7) | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Fear|Fear]] | I feel in danger | Flee; protect oneself |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Anger|Anger]] | I feel injustice | Overcome obstacles; right an illegitimate wrong |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Disgust|Disgust]] | I feel repulsed | Reject; get rid of; get away from contaminated object |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Sadness|Sadness]] | I feel bad about a loss | Repair a loss or failure |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Contempt|Contempt]] | I feel superior to you | Maintain dominance and social hierarchy |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Joy|Joy]] | I feel happiness within | Continue goal striving; play; engage in social interaction |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Interest|Interest]] | I feel curious | Explore; seek; acquire new information; learn |- | rowspan="5" | '''Self-conscious''' (5) | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Shame|Shame]] | I feel bad about myself because I am publicly wrong | Restore the self; protect the self |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Guilt|Guilt]] | I feel bad about wronging you | Make amends |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Embarrassment|Embarrassment]] | I feel awkward in front of you | Appease others; communicate blunder was unintended |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Pride|Pride]] | I feel good about myself and achievements | '''Authentic:''' Acquire further skill; persist at challenging tasks<br>'''Hubristic:''' Self-inflation to boost self-esteem and social standing |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Triumph|Triumph]] | I feel victorious | Display dominance and power over the defeated |- | rowspan="8" | '''Cognitively complex''' (8) | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Envy|Envy]] | I feel jealous – I want what you have | '''Benign:''' Move up; improve one's position<br>'''Malicious:''' Tear down; reduce another's position |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Schadenfreude|Schadenfreude]] | I feel pleasure at your misfortune | Reinforce feelings of superiority |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Disappointment|Disappointment]] | I feel down about a poor outcome | Give up; helplessness |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Regret|Regret]] | I feel sorrow for what I did | Undo a poor decision or behaviour |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Gratitude|Gratitude]] | I feel thankful | Act prosocially; grow the relationship |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Hope|Hope]] | I feel optimistic about my future | Keep engaged in pursuit of a desired goal |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Empathy|Empathy]] | I feel with you | Act prosocially; help the other |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Compassion|Compassion]] | I feel caring towards you | Reduce suffering |} </div> ''Note''. The "I feel ..." descriptions represent the subjective experience of each emotion. Motivational urges indicate typical functions served by each emotion. Links go to Wikiveristy categories which list relevant [[Motivation and emotion/Book|motivation and emotion book chapters]]. Adapted from Reeve (2024). To gain experiential insight into these emotions: * practice using "I feel... " statements when experiencing each of a wide range of different emotions * play emotion bingo using the 20 emotions — tick each one off as you experience it, until complete ==Emotion matching exercise== {{anchor|Activity}}{{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} '''Activity: Emotion matching''' [[File:Antu 67EF addoninstaller.0.svg|right|100px]] # Collaborate in pairs to discuss and complete the <!-- Handout: [[:File:20 Individual Emotions Matching Exercise.pdf|20 Individual Emotions Matching Exercise]] --> [https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1OvG1jp1OBEGBzcDmL5W_yczXNGsqN43D_Zpdn9jHqsU 20 Emotion Matching Exercise] # Each pair completes two sheets, to match: ## the emotion and category to the definition ## the definition and category to the emotion {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Discussion== <ol> <li> What are your '''favourite''' or '''most interesting''' emotion(s)? Why?</li> <!-- <li> What emotions are '''missing'''?</li> --> <li> What is the difference between '''shame''', '''guilt''', and '''embarrassment'''?</li> <ol> <li> Shame and guilt both involve feeling bad about the standard of the self's behaviour</li> <li> Shame is public; guilt is private (''shame in the courtroom''; ''guilt in the cell'')</li> <li> Shame focuses on the inadequacy of the ''self''; guilt focuses on the poor ''behaviour'' and harm to others</li> <li> Embarrassment arises from innocent social blunder; it acknowledge this awareness and asks for forgiveness</li> </ol> <li> What is the difference between '''pride''' and '''triumph'''?</li> <ol> <li> Both involve feeling good</li> <li> Pride is more personal, based on achievement</li> <li> Triumph is more social, based on competitive victory over others</li> </ol> <li> What are the two types of '''pride'''?</li> <ol> <li> Authentic: Based on genuine achievement</li> <li> Hubristic/Narcissistic: Self-puffery; based on desire to be better/more dominant than others; undermines relationships</li> </ol> <li> What emotions are associated with these '''interpersonal scenarios'''?</li> </ol> {| class="wikitable" style="width: 90%; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;" ! !'''I feel good because...''' !'''I feel bad because...''' |- style="vertical-align:top;" |'''...other person feels good''' |[[w:compersion|compersion]], [[w:confelicity|confelicity]], empathy, [[wikt:freudenfreude|freudenfreude]], mudita, vicarious joy, vicarious pride |bitterness, envy, gluckschmerz, jealousy, resentment, spite |- style="vertical-align:top;" |'''...other person feels bad''' |arrogance, contempt, gloatrage, hate, narcissism, [[wikt:schadenfreude|schadenfreude]], vindication |compassion, empathy, sympathy |} <ol start="6"> <li> What are the two types of '''envy'''?</li> <ol> <li> Benign: Focuses on self-improvement (''building up'')</li> <li> Malicious: Focuses on undermining another (''tearing down'')</li> </ol> <li> What is the difference between '''empathy''', '''compassion''', and '''sympathy'''?</li> <ol> <li> Empathy: Mirrors the feelings of another </li> <li> Compassion: Motivates action to help another </li> <li> Sympathy: Pitying of others; involves power </li> </ol> <li> What is the difference between '''disappointment''' and '''regret'''?</li> <ol> <li> Both involve experiencing a worse outcome than expected; the difference is the amount of perceived control</li> <li> Disappointment: Perceives that one's behaviour could not have lead to a different outcome</li> <li> Regret: Perceives that, had one's behaviour been different, a better outcome could have been achieved</li> </ol> <li> What are the two aspects of '''gratitude'''?</li> <ol> <li> Indebtedness <math>\rightarrow</math> Exchange-based relationship: If the receiver focuses on what was received (e.g., $50), then the receiver may feel indebted to repay, leading to an exchange-based relationship</li> <li> Care <math>\rightarrow</math> Communal relationship: If the receiver focuses on the giver (e.g., a friend), then the receiver may feel cared for and loved, leading to a communal relationship</li> </ol> <li> What is the opposite of '''hope'''?</li> <ol> <li> Fear</li> <li> Fear and hope are about expectations of the future</li> <li> Fear arises from a negative view of the future; hope arises from a positive view of the future <li> Also consider hopelessness / helplessness</li> </ol> </ol> ==Readings== * Chapter 14: Individual emotions ([[Motivation and emotion/Readings/Textbooks/Reeve/2024|Reeve, 2024]]) ==Recording== * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/3931a3d2715a41209a9e325ab733a506 Tutorial 9] (2026)<!-- * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/ad82252fd3b942dab76549b587afdc21 Tutorial 9] (2025) * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/805b463d37464601986875924da3588a Tutorial 9] (2024) * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/7ba704c041be4506b9b9176dd7063e9c Tutorial 9] (2023) * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/30253ce91beb4a02907ddca89ab11a8d Tutorial 9 recording Pt 1] (2022) * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/60135634ce83484482bf7a2ef8199bd0 Tutorial 9 recording Pt 2] (2022) * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/3d5dd6db621d4c309db303408bdcaa19 Tutorial 9 recording], 2021 * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/1efcf556a5384d3586d2abc55a7b2109 Tutorial 9 recording], 2020 --> ==See also== <!-- ;Book chapters ;Wikipedia --> ;Lecture * [[Motivation and emotion/Lectures/Individual emotions|Individual emotions]] (Lecture) ;Tutorials * [[{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|2}}/Measuring emotion|Measuring emotion]] (Previous tutorial) * [[{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|2}}/Time perspective|Time perspective]] (Next tutorial) ;Admin * [[/Instructor notes/]] ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= {{:Motivation and emotion/Readings/Textbooks/Reeve/2024}} }} ==External links== * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1Evwgu369Jw Brené Brown on empathy] (YouTube; 2:53 mins) * [https://twentyonetoys.com/blogs/teaching-empathy/brene-brown-empathy-vs-sympathy Empathy vs sympathy (Dr Brené Brown)] (twentyonetoys.com) * [https://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/lifematters/talkback-how-to-deal-with-guilt/102450958 How to deal with guilt] (Life Matters, ABC Radio National, 9 June, 2023) <noinclude>{{Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Navigation}}</noinclude> [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/20 emotions]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Emotion/Embarrassment]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Emotion/Guilt]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Emotion/Shame]] rpg65xeyad6cti8uokdrybirtwgbnzi 2840348 2840347 2026-10-15T00:23:20Z Jtneill 10242 /* Readings */ 2840348 wikitext text/x-wiki {{Motivation and emotion/Tutorials|Tutorial 9: 20 emotions|ninth}} {{Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Complete2}} <!-- {{Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Complete2}} --> <!-- {{Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/In development}} --> ==Overview== This tutorial discusses the causes, functions, types, and consequences of 20 individual emotions. ==Individual emotions== This tutorial distinguishes 20 individual emotions and their causes and functions. When dealing with many emotions, it helps to organise them into categories. The 20 individual emotions can be organised into three categories (Reeve, 2024; see Table 1): * '''Basic''' (7) - present in early development and recognised cross-culturally <!-- ### Fear ### Anger ### Disgust ### Contempt ### Sadness ### Joy ### Interest --> * '''Self-conscious''' (5) - occur when we become self-aware about how others perceive us <!-- ### Shame ### Guilt ### Embarrassment ### Pride ### Triumph --> * '''Cognitively complex''' (8) - arise from thoughts/perceptions about life events often involving others <!-- ### Envy ### Gratitude ### Disappointment ### Regret ### Hope ### Schadenfreude ### Empathy ### Compassion --> Table 1 lists 20 emotions and describes how they ''feel'' and why do we feel them. '''Table 1''' ''20 Individual Emotions Organised Into Three Categories, Subjective Experiences, and Motivational Urges'' <div align="center"> {| class="wikitable sortable" style="margin: auto;" ! width=20%; |Category ! width=20%; |Emotion ! width=30%; |"I feel ..." ! width=30%; |Motivational urge |- | rowspan="7" | '''Basic''' (7) | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Fear|Fear]] | I feel in danger | Flee; protect oneself |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Anger|Anger]] | I feel injustice | Overcome obstacles; right an illegitimate wrong |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Disgust|Disgust]] | I feel repulsed | Reject; get rid of; get away from contaminated object |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Sadness|Sadness]] | I feel bad about a loss | Repair a loss or failure |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Contempt|Contempt]] | I feel superior to you | Maintain dominance and social hierarchy |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Joy|Joy]] | I feel happiness within | Continue goal striving; play; engage in social interaction |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Interest|Interest]] | I feel curious | Explore; seek; acquire new information; learn |- | rowspan="5" | '''Self-conscious''' (5) | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Shame|Shame]] | I feel bad about myself because I am publicly wrong | Restore the self; protect the self |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Guilt|Guilt]] | I feel bad about wronging you | Make amends |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Embarrassment|Embarrassment]] | I feel awkward in front of you | Appease others; communicate blunder was unintended |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Pride|Pride]] | I feel good about myself and achievements | '''Authentic:''' Acquire further skill; persist at challenging tasks<br>'''Hubristic:''' Self-inflation to boost self-esteem and social standing |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Triumph|Triumph]] | I feel victorious | Display dominance and power over the defeated |- | rowspan="8" | '''Cognitively complex''' (8) | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Envy|Envy]] | I feel jealous – I want what you have | '''Benign:''' Move up; improve one's position<br>'''Malicious:''' Tear down; reduce another's position |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Schadenfreude|Schadenfreude]] | I feel pleasure at your misfortune | Reinforce feelings of superiority |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Disappointment|Disappointment]] | I feel down about a poor outcome | Give up; helplessness |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Regret|Regret]] | I feel sorrow for what I did | Undo a poor decision or behaviour |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Gratitude|Gratitude]] | I feel thankful | Act prosocially; grow the relationship |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Hope|Hope]] | I feel optimistic about my future | Keep engaged in pursuit of a desired goal |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Empathy|Empathy]] | I feel with you | Act prosocially; help the other |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Compassion|Compassion]] | I feel caring towards you | Reduce suffering |} </div> ''Note''. The "I feel ..." descriptions represent the subjective experience of each emotion. Motivational urges indicate typical functions served by each emotion. Links go to Wikiveristy categories which list relevant [[Motivation and emotion/Book|motivation and emotion book chapters]]. Adapted from Reeve (2024). To gain experiential insight into these emotions: * practice using "I feel... " statements when experiencing each of a wide range of different emotions * play emotion bingo using the 20 emotions — tick each one off as you experience it, until complete ==Emotion matching exercise== {{anchor|Activity}}{{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} '''Activity: Emotion matching''' [[File:Antu 67EF addoninstaller.0.svg|right|100px]] # Collaborate in pairs to discuss and complete the <!-- Handout: [[:File:20 Individual Emotions Matching Exercise.pdf|20 Individual Emotions Matching Exercise]] --> [https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1OvG1jp1OBEGBzcDmL5W_yczXNGsqN43D_Zpdn9jHqsU 20 Emotion Matching Exercise] # Each pair completes two sheets, to match: ## the emotion and category to the definition ## the definition and category to the emotion {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Discussion== <ol> <li> What are your '''favourite''' or '''most interesting''' emotion(s)? Why?</li> <!-- <li> What emotions are '''missing'''?</li> --> <li> What is the difference between '''shame''', '''guilt''', and '''embarrassment'''?</li> <ol> <li> Shame and guilt both involve feeling bad about the standard of the self's behaviour</li> <li> Shame is public; guilt is private (''shame in the courtroom''; ''guilt in the cell'')</li> <li> Shame focuses on the inadequacy of the ''self''; guilt focuses on the poor ''behaviour'' and harm to others</li> <li> Embarrassment arises from innocent social blunder; it acknowledge this awareness and asks for forgiveness</li> </ol> <li> What is the difference between '''pride''' and '''triumph'''?</li> <ol> <li> Both involve feeling good</li> <li> Pride is more personal, based on achievement</li> <li> Triumph is more social, based on competitive victory over others</li> </ol> <li> What are the two types of '''pride'''?</li> <ol> <li> Authentic: Based on genuine achievement</li> <li> Hubristic/Narcissistic: Self-puffery; based on desire to be better/more dominant than others; undermines relationships</li> </ol> <li> What emotions are associated with these '''interpersonal scenarios'''?</li> </ol> {| class="wikitable" style="width: 90%; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;" ! !'''I feel good because...''' !'''I feel bad because...''' |- style="vertical-align:top;" |'''...other person feels good''' |[[w:compersion|compersion]], [[w:confelicity|confelicity]], empathy, [[wikt:freudenfreude|freudenfreude]], mudita, vicarious joy, vicarious pride |bitterness, envy, gluckschmerz, jealousy, resentment, spite |- style="vertical-align:top;" |'''...other person feels bad''' |arrogance, contempt, gloatrage, hate, narcissism, [[wikt:schadenfreude|schadenfreude]], vindication |compassion, empathy, sympathy |} <ol start="6"> <li> What are the two types of '''envy'''?</li> <ol> <li> Benign: Focuses on self-improvement (''building up'')</li> <li> Malicious: Focuses on undermining another (''tearing down'')</li> </ol> <li> What is the difference between '''empathy''', '''compassion''', and '''sympathy'''?</li> <ol> <li> Empathy: Mirrors the feelings of another </li> <li> Compassion: Motivates action to help another </li> <li> Sympathy: Pitying of others; involves power </li> </ol> <li> What is the difference between '''disappointment''' and '''regret'''?</li> <ol> <li> Both involve experiencing a worse outcome than expected; the difference is the amount of perceived control</li> <li> Disappointment: Perceives that one's behaviour could not have lead to a different outcome</li> <li> Regret: Perceives that, had one's behaviour been different, a better outcome could have been achieved</li> </ol> <li> What are the two aspects of '''gratitude'''?</li> <ol> <li> Indebtedness <math>\rightarrow</math> Exchange-based relationship: If the receiver focuses on what was received (e.g., $50), then the receiver may feel indebted to repay, leading to an exchange-based relationship</li> <li> Care <math>\rightarrow</math> Communal relationship: If the receiver focuses on the giver (e.g., a friend), then the receiver may feel cared for and loved, leading to a communal relationship</li> </ol> <li> What is the opposite of '''hope'''?</li> <ol> <li> Fear</li> <li> Fear and hope are about expectations of the future</li> <li> Fear arises from a negative view of the future; hope arises from a positive view of the future <li> Also consider hopelessness / helplessness</li> </ol> </ol> ==Readings== * Chapter 13: Individual emotions ([[Motivation and emotion/Readings/Textbooks/Reeve/2024|Reeve, 2024]]) ==Recording== * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/3931a3d2715a41209a9e325ab733a506 Tutorial 9] (2026)<!-- * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/ad82252fd3b942dab76549b587afdc21 Tutorial 9] (2025) * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/805b463d37464601986875924da3588a Tutorial 9] (2024) * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/7ba704c041be4506b9b9176dd7063e9c Tutorial 9] (2023) * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/30253ce91beb4a02907ddca89ab11a8d Tutorial 9 recording Pt 1] (2022) * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/60135634ce83484482bf7a2ef8199bd0 Tutorial 9 recording Pt 2] (2022) * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/3d5dd6db621d4c309db303408bdcaa19 Tutorial 9 recording], 2021 * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/1efcf556a5384d3586d2abc55a7b2109 Tutorial 9 recording], 2020 --> ==See also== <!-- ;Book chapters ;Wikipedia --> ;Lecture * [[Motivation and emotion/Lectures/Individual emotions|Individual emotions]] (Lecture) ;Tutorials * [[{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|2}}/Measuring emotion|Measuring emotion]] (Previous tutorial) * [[{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|2}}/Time perspective|Time perspective]] (Next tutorial) ;Admin * [[/Instructor notes/]] ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= {{:Motivation and emotion/Readings/Textbooks/Reeve/2024}} }} ==External links== * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1Evwgu369Jw Brené Brown on empathy] (YouTube; 2:53 mins) * [https://twentyonetoys.com/blogs/teaching-empathy/brene-brown-empathy-vs-sympathy Empathy vs sympathy (Dr Brené Brown)] (twentyonetoys.com) * [https://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/lifematters/talkback-how-to-deal-with-guilt/102450958 How to deal with guilt] (Life Matters, ABC Radio National, 9 June, 2023) <noinclude>{{Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Navigation}}</noinclude> [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/20 emotions]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Emotion/Embarrassment]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Emotion/Guilt]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Emotion/Shame]] eg94s6vzb5rl6e7c49swd3chlzyum54 2840362 2840348 2026-10-15T02:31:08Z Jtneill 10242 /* External links */ * [https://atlasofemotions.org/ Atlas of emotions] (atlasofemotions.org) 2840362 wikitext text/x-wiki {{Motivation and emotion/Tutorials|Tutorial 9: 20 emotions|ninth}} {{Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Complete2}} <!-- {{Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Complete2}} --> <!-- {{Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/In development}} --> ==Overview== This tutorial discusses the causes, functions, types, and consequences of 20 individual emotions. ==Individual emotions== This tutorial distinguishes 20 individual emotions and their causes and functions. When dealing with many emotions, it helps to organise them into categories. The 20 individual emotions can be organised into three categories (Reeve, 2024; see Table 1): * '''Basic''' (7) - present in early development and recognised cross-culturally <!-- ### Fear ### Anger ### Disgust ### Contempt ### Sadness ### Joy ### Interest --> * '''Self-conscious''' (5) - occur when we become self-aware about how others perceive us <!-- ### Shame ### Guilt ### Embarrassment ### Pride ### Triumph --> * '''Cognitively complex''' (8) - arise from thoughts/perceptions about life events often involving others <!-- ### Envy ### Gratitude ### Disappointment ### Regret ### Hope ### Schadenfreude ### Empathy ### Compassion --> Table 1 lists 20 emotions and describes how they ''feel'' and why do we feel them. '''Table 1''' ''20 Individual Emotions Organised Into Three Categories, Subjective Experiences, and Motivational Urges'' <div align="center"> {| class="wikitable sortable" style="margin: auto;" ! width=20%; |Category ! width=20%; |Emotion ! width=30%; |"I feel ..." ! width=30%; |Motivational urge |- | rowspan="7" | '''Basic''' (7) | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Fear|Fear]] | I feel in danger | Flee; protect oneself |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Anger|Anger]] | I feel injustice | Overcome obstacles; right an illegitimate wrong |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Disgust|Disgust]] | I feel repulsed | Reject; get rid of; get away from contaminated object |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Sadness|Sadness]] | I feel bad about a loss | Repair a loss or failure |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Contempt|Contempt]] | I feel superior to you | Maintain dominance and social hierarchy |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Joy|Joy]] | I feel happiness within | Continue goal striving; play; engage in social interaction |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Interest|Interest]] | I feel curious | Explore; seek; acquire new information; learn |- | rowspan="5" | '''Self-conscious''' (5) | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Shame|Shame]] | I feel bad about myself because I am publicly wrong | Restore the self; protect the self |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Guilt|Guilt]] | I feel bad about wronging you | Make amends |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Embarrassment|Embarrassment]] | I feel awkward in front of you | Appease others; communicate blunder was unintended |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Pride|Pride]] | I feel good about myself and achievements | '''Authentic:''' Acquire further skill; persist at challenging tasks<br>'''Hubristic:''' Self-inflation to boost self-esteem and social standing |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Triumph|Triumph]] | I feel victorious | Display dominance and power over the defeated |- | rowspan="8" | '''Cognitively complex''' (8) | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Envy|Envy]] | I feel jealous – I want what you have | '''Benign:''' Move up; improve one's position<br>'''Malicious:''' Tear down; reduce another's position |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Schadenfreude|Schadenfreude]] | I feel pleasure at your misfortune | Reinforce feelings of superiority |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Disappointment|Disappointment]] | I feel down about a poor outcome | Give up; helplessness |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Regret|Regret]] | I feel sorrow for what I did | Undo a poor decision or behaviour |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Gratitude|Gratitude]] | I feel thankful | Act prosocially; grow the relationship |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Hope|Hope]] | I feel optimistic about my future | Keep engaged in pursuit of a desired goal |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Empathy|Empathy]] | I feel with you | Act prosocially; help the other |- | [[:Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Compassion|Compassion]] | I feel caring towards you | Reduce suffering |} </div> ''Note''. The "I feel ..." descriptions represent the subjective experience of each emotion. Motivational urges indicate typical functions served by each emotion. Links go to Wikiveristy categories which list relevant [[Motivation and emotion/Book|motivation and emotion book chapters]]. Adapted from Reeve (2024). To gain experiential insight into these emotions: * practice using "I feel... " statements when experiencing each of a wide range of different emotions * play emotion bingo using the 20 emotions — tick each one off as you experience it, until complete ==Emotion matching exercise== {{anchor|Activity}}{{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} '''Activity: Emotion matching''' [[File:Antu 67EF addoninstaller.0.svg|right|100px]] # Collaborate in pairs to discuss and complete the <!-- Handout: [[:File:20 Individual Emotions Matching Exercise.pdf|20 Individual Emotions Matching Exercise]] --> [https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1OvG1jp1OBEGBzcDmL5W_yczXNGsqN43D_Zpdn9jHqsU 20 Emotion Matching Exercise] # Each pair completes two sheets, to match: ## the emotion and category to the definition ## the definition and category to the emotion {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Discussion== <ol> <li> What are your '''favourite''' or '''most interesting''' emotion(s)? Why?</li> <!-- <li> What emotions are '''missing'''?</li> --> <li> What is the difference between '''shame''', '''guilt''', and '''embarrassment'''?</li> <ol> <li> Shame and guilt both involve feeling bad about the standard of the self's behaviour</li> <li> Shame is public; guilt is private (''shame in the courtroom''; ''guilt in the cell'')</li> <li> Shame focuses on the inadequacy of the ''self''; guilt focuses on the poor ''behaviour'' and harm to others</li> <li> Embarrassment arises from innocent social blunder; it acknowledge this awareness and asks for forgiveness</li> </ol> <li> What is the difference between '''pride''' and '''triumph'''?</li> <ol> <li> Both involve feeling good</li> <li> Pride is more personal, based on achievement</li> <li> Triumph is more social, based on competitive victory over others</li> </ol> <li> What are the two types of '''pride'''?</li> <ol> <li> Authentic: Based on genuine achievement</li> <li> Hubristic/Narcissistic: Self-puffery; based on desire to be better/more dominant than others; undermines relationships</li> </ol> <li> What emotions are associated with these '''interpersonal scenarios'''?</li> </ol> {| class="wikitable" style="width: 90%; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;" ! !'''I feel good because...''' !'''I feel bad because...''' |- style="vertical-align:top;" |'''...other person feels good''' |[[w:compersion|compersion]], [[w:confelicity|confelicity]], empathy, [[wikt:freudenfreude|freudenfreude]], mudita, vicarious joy, vicarious pride |bitterness, envy, gluckschmerz, jealousy, resentment, spite |- style="vertical-align:top;" |'''...other person feels bad''' |arrogance, contempt, gloatrage, hate, narcissism, [[wikt:schadenfreude|schadenfreude]], vindication |compassion, empathy, sympathy |} <ol start="6"> <li> What are the two types of '''envy'''?</li> <ol> <li> Benign: Focuses on self-improvement (''building up'')</li> <li> Malicious: Focuses on undermining another (''tearing down'')</li> </ol> <li> What is the difference between '''empathy''', '''compassion''', and '''sympathy'''?</li> <ol> <li> Empathy: Mirrors the feelings of another </li> <li> Compassion: Motivates action to help another </li> <li> Sympathy: Pitying of others; involves power </li> </ol> <li> What is the difference between '''disappointment''' and '''regret'''?</li> <ol> <li> Both involve experiencing a worse outcome than expected; the difference is the amount of perceived control</li> <li> Disappointment: Perceives that one's behaviour could not have lead to a different outcome</li> <li> Regret: Perceives that, had one's behaviour been different, a better outcome could have been achieved</li> </ol> <li> What are the two aspects of '''gratitude'''?</li> <ol> <li> Indebtedness <math>\rightarrow</math> Exchange-based relationship: If the receiver focuses on what was received (e.g., $50), then the receiver may feel indebted to repay, leading to an exchange-based relationship</li> <li> Care <math>\rightarrow</math> Communal relationship: If the receiver focuses on the giver (e.g., a friend), then the receiver may feel cared for and loved, leading to a communal relationship</li> </ol> <li> What is the opposite of '''hope'''?</li> <ol> <li> Fear</li> <li> Fear and hope are about expectations of the future</li> <li> Fear arises from a negative view of the future; hope arises from a positive view of the future <li> Also consider hopelessness / helplessness</li> </ol> </ol> ==Readings== * Chapter 13: Individual emotions ([[Motivation and emotion/Readings/Textbooks/Reeve/2024|Reeve, 2024]]) ==Recording== * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/3931a3d2715a41209a9e325ab733a506 Tutorial 9] (2026)<!-- * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/ad82252fd3b942dab76549b587afdc21 Tutorial 9] (2025) * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/805b463d37464601986875924da3588a Tutorial 9] (2024) * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/7ba704c041be4506b9b9176dd7063e9c Tutorial 9] (2023) * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/30253ce91beb4a02907ddca89ab11a8d Tutorial 9 recording Pt 1] (2022) * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/60135634ce83484482bf7a2ef8199bd0 Tutorial 9 recording Pt 2] (2022) * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/3d5dd6db621d4c309db303408bdcaa19 Tutorial 9 recording], 2021 * [https://au-lti.bbcollab.com/recording/1efcf556a5384d3586d2abc55a7b2109 Tutorial 9 recording], 2020 --> ==See also== <!-- ;Book chapters ;Wikipedia --> ;Lecture * [[Motivation and emotion/Lectures/Individual emotions|Individual emotions]] (Lecture) ;Tutorials * [[{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|2}}/Measuring emotion|Measuring emotion]] (Previous tutorial) * [[{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|2}}/Time perspective|Time perspective]] (Next tutorial) ;Admin * [[/Instructor notes/]] ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= {{:Motivation and emotion/Readings/Textbooks/Reeve/2024}} }} ==External links== * [https://atlasofemotions.org/ Atlas of emotions] (atlasofemotions.org) * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1Evwgu369Jw Brené Brown on empathy] (YouTube; 2:53 mins) * [https://twentyonetoys.com/blogs/teaching-empathy/brene-brown-empathy-vs-sympathy Empathy vs sympathy (Dr Brené Brown)] (twentyonetoys.com) * [https://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/lifematters/talkback-how-to-deal-with-guilt/102450958 How to deal with guilt] (Life Matters, ABC Radio National, 9 June, 2023) <noinclude>{{Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Navigation}}</noinclude> [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/20 emotions]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Emotion/Embarrassment]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Emotion/Guilt]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Emotion/Shame]] tatkzn94vyqaavu69g08syd6g8zc85j 0 278547 2840349 2440565 2026-10-15T00:25:04Z Jtneill 10242 Move project work to previous tutorial 2840349 wikitext text/x-wiki ==Individual emotions== ==Matching exercise== ==Discussion== * 10 questions ===Favourite emotion=== What is your "favourite" or most "interesting emotion"? Most popular responses: # Schadenfreude # Shame/guilt # Empathy/compassion/sympathy/pity and [[emotion labour]] # Interest [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/20 emotions]] ati4mpxb2xtvu86mx7gaylegmc91ffw 2840356 2840349 2026-10-15T01:56:28Z Jtneill 10242 /* Individual emotions */ Expand 2840356 wikitext text/x-wiki ==Individual emotions== Start by: * Explaining that the aim is to expand our emotion knowledge about the 6 core/basic emotions to include 20 commonly experienced everyday emotions * Remind students to be carefully not to overly characterise eotions as good or bad; all emotions are instructive and can help to guide adaptive response, i.e., embrace and understand them rather than trying to sweep uncomfortable emotions under the carpet * To help understand and remember the emotions, group them by: ** 3 categories ** pairs or groups within those categories ==Matching exercise== ==Discussion== * 10 questions ===Favourite emotion=== What is your "favourite" or most "interesting emotion"? Most popular responses: # Schadenfreude # Shame/guilt # Empathy/compassion/sympathy/pity and [[emotion labour]] # Interest [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/20 emotions]] 6n0cn27b4m6tg57ynv2j9znb3h0pmyc 2840357 2840356 2026-10-15T01:58:56Z Jtneill 10242 /* Matching exercise */ Expand 2840357 wikitext text/x-wiki ==Individual emotions== Start by: * Explaining that the aim is to expand our emotion knowledge about the 6 core/basic emotions to include 20 commonly experienced everyday emotions * Remind students to be carefully not to overly characterise eotions as good or bad; all emotions are instructive and can help to guide adaptive response, i.e., embrace and understand them rather than trying to sweep uncomfortable emotions under the carpet * To help understand and remember the emotions, group them by: ** 3 categories ** pairs or groups within those categories ==Matching exercise== * Likely to take at 10-20 minutes (~15) * Split group into pairs and number them off * Make sure the pairs go to the tabs that match their group number * Note that the definitions differ between the tabs * Students should encounter these 20 emotions in 4 ways, to help prepare for the exam: ** Lecture ** Readings ** Tutorial and exercise ** Practice quiz ==Discussion== * 10 questions ===Favourite emotion=== What is your "favourite" or most "interesting emotion"? Most popular responses: # Schadenfreude # Shame/guilt # Empathy/compassion/sympathy/pity and [[emotion labour]] # Interest [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/20 emotions]] auk7k0os1hnm4aykmlw07wifs0qwh5h 2840359 2840357 2026-10-15T02:22:08Z Jtneill 10242 /* Individual emotions */ Expand 2840359 wikitext text/x-wiki ==Individual emotions== ~10 minute introductory discussion; start by: * Explaining that the aim is to expand our emotion knowledge about the 6 core/basic emotions to include 20 commonly experienced everyday emotions * Remind students to be wary of characterising eotions as good or bad; all emotions are instructive and can help to guide adaptive response, i.e., embrace and understand them rather than trying to sweep uncomfortable emotions under the carpet * Initial question: What are the 20 individual emotions (and to which categories do they belong)? (Whiteboard brainstorm) * Discuss chunking/grouping to help understand and remember the emotions, group them by: ** 3 categories ** pairs or groups within those categories e.g., *** basic: fear/anger/disgust/sadness, contempt/interest/joy *** self-conscious: shame/guilt/embaarasssment, pride/triumph *** cognitively complex: envy/schadenfreude, disappointment/regret, gratitude/hope, compassion/empathy ==Matching exercise== * Likely to take at 10-20 minutes (~15) * Split group into pairs and number them off * Make sure the pairs go to the tabs that match their group number * Note that the definitions differ between the tabs * Students should encounter these 20 emotions in 4 ways, to help prepare for the exam: ** Lecture ** Readings ** Tutorial and exercise ** Practice quiz ==Discussion== * 10 questions ===Favourite emotion=== What is your "favourite" or most "interesting emotion"? Most popular responses: # Schadenfreude # Shame/guilt # Empathy/compassion/sympathy/pity and [[emotion labour]] # Interest [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/20 emotions]] rfdqzsvqx29f5fuofxm6fv85x6yyvy0 2840360 2840359 2026-10-15T02:23:40Z Jtneill 10242 /* Individual emotions */ 2840360 wikitext text/x-wiki ==Individual emotions== ~10 minute introductory discussion; start by: * Explaining that the aim is to expand our emotion knowledge about the 6 core/basic emotions to include 20 commonly experienced everyday emotions * Remind students to be wary of characterising eotions as good or bad; all emotions are instructive and can help to guide adaptive response, i.e., embrace and understand them rather than trying to sweep uncomfortable emotions under the carpet * Initial question: What are the 20 individual emotions (and to which categories do they belong)? (Virtual whiteboard brainstorm) * Discuss chunking/grouping to help understand and remember the emotions, group them by: ** 3 categories ** pairs or groups within those categories e.g., *** basic: fear/anger/disgust/sadness, contempt/interest/joy *** self-conscious: shame/guilt/embaarasssment, pride/triumph *** cognitively complex: envy/schadenfreude, disappointment/regret, gratitude/hope, compassion/empathy ==Matching exercise== * Likely to take at 10-20 minutes (~15) * Split group into pairs and number them off * Make sure the pairs go to the tabs that match their group number * Note that the definitions differ between the tabs * Students should encounter these 20 emotions in 4 ways, to help prepare for the exam: ** Lecture ** Readings ** Tutorial and exercise ** Practice quiz ==Discussion== * 10 questions ===Favourite emotion=== What is your "favourite" or most "interesting emotion"? Most popular responses: # Schadenfreude # Shame/guilt # Empathy/compassion/sympathy/pity and [[emotion labour]] # Interest [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/20 emotions]] ktl5j82oeo7h8899wlbxbnzhkj9wu8h 2840361 2840360 2026-10-15T02:25:51Z Jtneill 10242 /* Discussion */ + list of questions 2840361 wikitext text/x-wiki ==Individual emotions== ~10 minute introductory discussion; start by: * Explaining that the aim is to expand our emotion knowledge about the 6 core/basic emotions to include 20 commonly experienced everyday emotions * Remind students to be wary of characterising eotions as good or bad; all emotions are instructive and can help to guide adaptive response, i.e., embrace and understand them rather than trying to sweep uncomfortable emotions under the carpet * Initial question: What are the 20 individual emotions (and to which categories do they belong)? (Virtual whiteboard brainstorm) * Discuss chunking/grouping to help understand and remember the emotions, group them by: ** 3 categories ** pairs or groups within those categories e.g., *** basic: fear/anger/disgust/sadness, contempt/interest/joy *** self-conscious: shame/guilt/embaarasssment, pride/triumph *** cognitively complex: envy/schadenfreude, disappointment/regret, gratitude/hope, compassion/empathy ==Matching exercise== * Likely to take at 10-20 minutes (~15) * Split group into pairs and number them off * Make sure the pairs go to the tabs that match their group number * Note that the definitions differ between the tabs * Students should encounter these 20 emotions in 4 ways, to help prepare for the exam: ** Lecture ** Readings ** Tutorial and exercise ** Practice quiz ==Discussion== 10 questions * What is your favourite or most interesting emotion? * What is the difference between shame, guilt, and embarrassment? * What is the difference between pride and triumph? * What are the two types of pride? * What emotions are associated with these interpersonal scenarios? * What are the two types of envy? * What is the difference between empathy, compassion, and sympathy? * What is the difference between disappointment and regret? * What do disappointment and regret have in common? * What is the difference between disappointment and regret? * What are the two aspects of gratitude? * What is the opposite of hope? * What do hope and fear have in common? ===Favourite emotion=== What is your "favourite" or most "interesting emotion"? Most popular responses: # Schadenfreude # Shame/guilt # Empathy/compassion/sympathy/pity and [[emotion labour]] # Interest [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/20 emotions]] hydfil4s6y4qh3f98efl5a63w0y6s3u 828 308015 2840229 2838294 2026-10-14T12:18:46Z Veritas Sapientiaee 3112663 Undid revision [[Special:Diff/2836988|2836988]] by [[Special:Contributions/Koavf|Koavf]] ([[User talk:Koavf|talk]]) 2840229 Scribunto text/plain require[[strict]676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!] --- --- --- PRIVATE ENVIRONMENT --- --- ________________________________ --- --- --- 676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!!676767676 drriiizzzzy AHHHHHHHH!!! return ('%03d%s'):format(#str, str) end -- Helper function for `table.sort()` (for natural sorting) local function natural_sort (var1, var2) return var1:gsub('%d+', zero_padded) < var2:gsub('%d+', zero_padded) end -- Return a copy or a reference to a table local function copy_or_ref_table (src, refonly) if refonly then return src end local newtab = {} for key, val in pairs(src) do newtab[key] = val end return newtab end -- Copy at most N items (of all kinds) from `src` to `dest` and return `dest` local function copy_table_maxn (dest, src, len) local idx = 1 for key, val in pairs(src) do dest[key], idx = val, idx + 1 if idx > len then break end end return dest end -- Remove some numeric elements from a table, shifting everything to the left local function remove_numeric_keys (tbl, idx, len) local cache, tmp = {}, idx + len - 1 for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' and key >= idx then if key > tmp then cache[key - len] = val end tbl[key] = nil end end for key, val in pairs(cache) do tbl[key] = val end end -- Make a reduced copy of a table (shifting in both directions if necessary) local function copy_table_reduced (tbl, idx, len) local ret, tmp = {}, idx + len - 1 if idx > 0 then for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) ~= 'number' or key < idx then ret[key] = val elseif key > tmp then ret[key - len] = val end end elseif tmp > 0 then local nshift = 1 - idx for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) ~= 'number' then ret[key] = val elseif key > tmp then ret[key - tmp] = val elseif key < idx then ret[key + nshift] = val end end else for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) ~= 'number' or key > tmp then ret[key] = val elseif key < idx then ret[key + len] = val end end end return ret end -- Make an expanded copy of a table (shifting in both directions if necessary) local function copy_table_expanded (tbl, idx, len) local ret, tmp = {}, idx + len - 1 if idx > 0 then for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) ~= 'number' or key < idx then ret[key] = val else ret[key + len] = val end end elseif tmp > 0 then local nshift = idx - 1 for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) ~= 'number' then ret[key] = val elseif key > 0 then ret[key + tmp] = val elseif key < 1 then ret[key + nshift] = val end end else for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) ~= 'number' or key > tmp then ret[key] = val else ret[key - len] = val end end end return ret end -- Given a table, create two new tables containing the sorted list of keys local function get_sorted_key_list (tbl, sort_fn) local nums, words, nn, nw = {}, {}, 1, 1 for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then nums[nn], nn = key, nn + 1 else words[nw], nw = key, nw + 1 end end table.sort(nums) table.sort(words, sort_fn) return nums, words, nn - 1, nw - 1 end -- Parse a parameter name string and return it as a string or a number local function get_param_name (par_str) local ret = par_str:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' if ret ~= '0' and ret:find'^%-?[1-9]%d*$' == nil then return ret end return tonumber(ret) end -- Move a key from a table to another, but only if under a different name and -- always parsing numeric strings as numbers local function steal_if_renamed (val, src, skey, dest, dkey) local realkey = get_param_name(dkey) if skey ~= realkey then dest[realkey], src[skey] = val, nil end end ------------------------ -- Special match keywords (functions and modifiers MUST avoid these names) local mkeywords = { ['or'] = 0, pattern = 1, plain = 2, strict = 3 } -- Sort functions (functions and modifiers MUST avoid these names) local sortfunctions = { alphabetically = false, naturally = natural_sort } -- Callback styles for the `mapping_*` and `renaming_*` class of modifiers -- (functions and modifiers MUST avoid these names) Meanings of the columns: col[1] = Loop type (0-3) col[2] = Number of module arguments that the style requires (1-3) col[3] = Minimum number of sequential parameters passed to the callback col[4] = Name of the callback parameter where to place each parameter name col[5] = Name of the callback parameter where to place each parameter value col[6] = Argument in the modifier's invocation that will override `col[4]` col[7] = Argument in the modifier's invocation that will override `col[5]` A value of `-1` indicates that no meaningful value is stored (i.e. `nil`) ]]-- local mapping_styles = { names_and_values = { 3, 2, 2, 1, 2, -1, -1 }, values_and_names = { 3, 2, 2, 2, 1, -1, -1 }, values_only = { 1, 2, 1, -1, 1, -1, -1 }, names_only = { 2, 2, 1, 1, -1, -1, -1 }, names_and_values_as = { 3, 4, 0, -1, -1, 2, 3 }, names_only_as = { 2, 3, 0, -1, -1, 2, -1 }, values_only_as = { 1, 3, 0, -1, -1, -1, 2 }, blindly = { 0, 2, 0, -1, -1, -1, -1 } } -- Memory slots (functions and modifiers MUST avoid these names) local memoryslots = { h = 'header', f = 'footer', i = 'itersep', l = 'lastsep', n = 'ifngiven', p = 'pairsep', s = 'oxfordsep' } -- Possible trimming modes for the `parsing` modifier local trim_parse_opts = { trim_none = { false, false }, trim_positional = { false, true }, trim_named = { true, false }, trim_all = { true, true } } -- Possible string modes for the iteration separator in the `parsing` and -- `reinterpreting` modifiers local isep_parse_opts = { splitter_pattern = false, splitter_string = true } -- Possible string modes for the key-value separator in the `parsing` and -- `reinterpreting` modifiers local psep_parse_opts = { setter_pattern = false, setter_string = true } -- Possible position references for the `splicing` modifier local position_references = { add_nothing = 0, add_smallest_number = 1, add_last_of_sequence = 2, add_largest_number = 3 } -- Possible modes for the `reassigning` modifier local a_modes = { transfer = 0, clone = 1, rename = 2, copy = 3, sacrifice = 4, provide = 5, spare = 7 } -- Functions and modifiers MUST avoid these names too: `here`, `in_substack`, -- `let`, `expose`, `use`, `with_flushed_glue`, `without_flushed_glue` -- `without_sorting` --[[ Private constants ]]-- --------------------------- -- Hard-coded name of the module (to avoid going through `frame:getTitle()`) local modulename = 'Module:Params' -- The functions listed here declare that they don't need the -- `frame:getParent().args` metatable to be copied into a regular table; if -- they are modifiers they also guarantee that they will make their own -- (modified) copy available local refparams = { call_for_each_group = true, combining = true, combining_by_calling = true, combining_values = true, concat_and_call = true, concat_and_invoke = true, concat_and_magic = true, count = true, grouping_by_calling = true, mixing_names_and_values = true, keeping_at_most = true, renaming_by_mixing = true, renaming_to_sequence = true, renaming_to_uppercase = true, renaming_to_lowercase = true, shifting = true, splicing = true, value_of = true, with_name_matching = true } -- Maximum number of numeric parameters that can be filled, if missing (we -- chose an arbitrary number for this constant; you can discuss about its -- optimal value at Module talk:Params) local maxfill = 1024 -- The private table of functions local library = {} -- Functions and modifiers that can only be invoked in first position local static_iface = {} --[[ Private functions ]]-- --------------------------- -- Create a new context local function context_new (child_frame, first_fn_name) local main_frame, tpipe = child_frame:getParent(), { first_fn_name } for key, val in pairs(child_frame.args) do if type(key) == 'number' and key > 0 then tpipe[key + 1] = val else tpipe[key] = val end end return { frame = main_frame, pipe = tpipe, oparams = main_frame.args, firstposonly = static_iface, iterfunc = pairs, fnpos = 1, sorttype = 0, n_parents = 0, n_children = 0, n_available = maxfill } end -- Move to the next action within the user-given list local function context_iterate (ctx, next_fn_pos) local nextfn if ctx.pipe[next_fn_pos] ~= nil then nextfn = ctx.pipe[next_fn_pos]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if nextfn == nil then error(modulename .. ': You must specify a function to call', 0) end if library[nextfn] == nil then if ctx.firstposonly[nextfn] == nil then error(modulename .. ': The function ‘' .. nextfn .. '’ does not exist', 0) else error(modulename .. ': The ‘' .. nextfn .. '’ directive can only appear in first position', 0) end end ctx.fnpos = next_fn_pos return library[nextfn] end -- Main loop local function main_loop (ctx, start_with) local fn = start_with repeat fn = fn(ctx) until not fn if ctx.n_parents > 0 then error(modulename .. ': One or more ‘merging_substack’ directives are missing', 0) end if ctx.n_children > 0 then error(modulename .. ', For some of the snapshots either the ‘flushing’ directive is missing or a group has not been properly closed with ‘merging_substack’', 0) end end -- Load a `setting`-like directive string into the `dest` table local function set_strings_from_opts (dest, opts, offs) local cmd if opts[offs] == nil then return offs - 1 end cmd = opts[offs]:gsub('%s+', ''):gsub('/+', '/'):match'^/*(.*[^/])' if cmd == nil then return offs end local vname, chr local amap, sep, argc = {}, string.byte('/'), offs + 1 for idx = 1, #cmd do chr = cmd:byte(idx) if chr == sep then for key, val in ipairs(amap) do dest[val], amap[key] = opts[argc], nil end argc = argc + 1 else vname = memoryslots[string.char(chr)] if vname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘setting’: Unknown slot ‘' .. string.char(chr) .. '’', 0) end table.insert(amap, vname) end end for key, val in ipairs(amap) do dest[val] = opts[argc] end return argc end -- Add a new stack of parameters to `ctx.children` local function new_substack (ctx) local currsnap, newparams = ctx.n_children + 1, {} if ctx.children == nil then ctx.children = { newparams } else ctx.children[currsnap] = newparams end ctx.n_children = currsnap return newparams end -- Parse a raw argument containing a `sortfunctions` directive, or -- `'without_sorting'`, or `nil` local function load_sort_opt (raw_arg) if raw_arg == nil then return nil, 1, false end local trarg = raw_arg:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' if trarg == 'without_sorting' then return nil, 2, false, trarg end local tmp = sortfunctions[trarg] if tmp == nil then return nil, 1, false, trarg end return tmp or nil, 2, true, trarg end -- Parse optional user arguments of type `...|[let/use]|[...]|[let/use]|[...]| -- [number of additional parameters]|[parameter 1]|[parameter 2]|[...]` local function load_child_opts (src, start_from, append_after, params) local tnamed, tmp1, tmp2 local pin, tbl, mem = start_from, {}, {} while src[pin] ~= nil and src[pin + 1] ~= nil do tmp1 = src[pin]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' if tmp1 == 'let' and src[pin + 2] ~= nil then tmp1 = get_param_name(src[pin + 1]) mem[tmp1], tbl[tmp1], pin = nil, src[pin + 2], pin + 3 --[[ elseif tmp1 == 'expose' then tmp1 = get_param_name(src[pin + 1]) tmp2 = params[tmp1] mem[tmp1], tbl[tmp1], pin = tmp2, tmp2, pin + 2 ]]-- elseif tmp1 == 'use' and src[pin + 2] ~= nil then tmp1 = get_param_name(src[pin + 2]) tmp2 = params[tmp1] mem[tmp1], tbl[get_param_name(src[pin + 1])], pin = tmp2, tmp2, pin + 3 else break end end local tnew = copy_or_ref_table(params, next(mem) == nil) for key in pairs(mem) do tnew[key] = nil end if pin ~= start_from then tnamed, tbl = tbl, {} end tmp1 = tonumber(src[pin]) if tmp1 ~= nil and math.floor(tmp1) == tmp1 then if tmp1 < 0 then tmp1 = -1 end tmp2 = append_after - pin for idx = pin + 1, pin + tmp1 do tbl[idx + tmp2] = src[idx] end pin = pin + tmp1 + 1 end if tnamed ~= nil then for key, val in pairs(tnamed) do tbl[key] = val end end return tbl, pin, tnew, mem end -- Load the optional arguments of some of the `mapping_*` and `renaming_*` -- class of modifiers local function load_callback_opts (src, start_from, default_style, params) local style, shf local tmp = src[start_from + 1] if tmp ~= nil then style = mapping_styles[tmp:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$'] end if style == nil then style, shf = default_style, start_from - 1 else shf = start_from end local n_exist, karg, varg = style[3], style[4], style[5] tmp = style[6] if tmp > -1 then karg = src[tmp + shf]:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' if karg == '0' or karg:find'^%-?[1-9]%d*$' ~= nil then karg = tonumber(karg) n_exist = math.max(n_exist, karg) end end tmp = style[7] if tmp > -1 then varg = src[tmp + shf]:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' if varg == '0' or varg:find'^%-?[1-9]%d*$' ~= nil then varg = tonumber(varg) n_exist = math.max(n_exist, varg) end end tmp = style[1] local dest, argc, tnew, mem = load_child_opts(src, style[2] + shf, n_exist, params) if (tmp == 3 or tmp == 2) and dest[karg] ~= nil then tmp = tmp - 2 end if (tmp == 3 or tmp == 1) and dest[varg] ~= nil then tmp = tmp - 1 end return dest, argc, tmp, karg, varg, tnew, mem end -- Parse the arguments of some of the `mapping_*` and `renaming_*` class of -- modifiers local function load_replace_args (opts, offs, whoami) if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘' .. whoami .. '’: No pattern string was given', 0) end if opts[offs + 2] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘' .. whoami .. '’: No replacement string was given', 0) end local ptn, repl, nmax, argc = opts[offs + 1], opts[offs + 2], tonumber(opts[offs + 3]), 3 if nmax ~= nil or (opts[offs + 3] or ''):match'^%s*$' ~= nil then argc = 4 end local flg = opts[offs + argc] if flg ~= nil then flg = mkeywords[flg:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$'] end if flg == 0 then flg = nil elseif flg ~= nil then argc = argc + 1 end return ptn, repl, nmax, flg, offs + argc, (nmax ~= nil and nmax < 1) or (flg == 3 and ptn == repl) end -- Parse the arguments of the `with_*_matching` class of modifiers local function load_pattern_args (opts, offs, whoami) local keyw local ptns, arg, state, nptns, idx = {}, opts[offs + 1], 0, 0, offs + 2 while arg ~= nil do if state == 0 then nptns, state = nptns + 1, -1 ptns[nptns] = { arg, false, false } else keyw = arg:match'^%s*(.*%S)' if keyw == nil or mkeywords[keyw] == nil or ( state > 0 and mkeywords[keyw] > 0 ) then break else state = mkeywords[keyw] if state > 1 then ptns[nptns][2] = true end if state == 3 then ptns[nptns][3] = true end end end arg, idx = opts[idx], idx + 1 end if state == 0 then error(modulename .. ', ‘' .. whoami .. '’: No pattern was given', 0) end return ptns, nptns, idx - 1 end -- Load the optional arguments of the `parsing`, `reinterpreting` and -- `evaluating` modifiers local function load_parse_opts (opts, offs, isp, psp) local tmp local optslots, noptslots, argc, trimn, trimu, iplain, pplain = { true, true, true }, 3, offs, true, false, true, true repeat noptslots, tmp = noptslots - 1, opts[argc] if tmp == nil then break end tmp = tmp:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' if optslots[1] ~= nil and trim_parse_opts[tmp] ~= nil then tmp = trim_parse_opts[tmp] trimn, trimu, optslots[1] = tmp[1], tmp[2], nil elseif optslots[2] ~= nil and isep_parse_opts[tmp] ~= nil then argc = argc + 1 iplain, isp, optslots[2] = isep_parse_opts[tmp], opts[argc], nil elseif optslots[3] ~= nil and psep_parse_opts[tmp] ~= nil then argc = argc + 1 pplain, psp, optslots[3] = psep_parse_opts[tmp], opts[argc], nil else break end argc = argc + 1 until noptslots < 1 return isp, iplain, psp, pplain, trimn, trimu, argc end -- Map parameters' values using a custom callback and a referenced table local value_maps = { [0] = function (tbl, margs, karg, varg, fn) for key in pairs(tbl) do tbl[key] = fn() end end, [1] = function (tbl, margs, karg, varg, fn) for key, val in pairs(tbl) do margs[varg] = val tbl[key] = fn() end end, [2] = function (tbl, margs, karg, varg, fn) for key in pairs(tbl) do margs[karg] = key tbl[key] = fn() end end, [3] = function (tbl, margs, karg, varg, fn) for key, val in pairs(tbl) do margs[karg], margs[varg] = key, val tbl[key] = fn() end end } -- Private table for `map_names()` local name_thieves = { [0] = function (cache, tbl, rargs, karg, varg, fn) for key, val in pairs(tbl) do steal_if_renamed(val, tbl, key, cache, fn()) end end, [1] = function (cache, tbl, rargs, karg, varg, fn) for key, val in pairs(tbl) do rargs[varg] = val steal_if_renamed(val, tbl, key, cache, fn()) end end, [2] = function (cache, tbl, rargs, karg, varg, fn) for key, val in pairs(tbl) do rargs[karg] = key steal_if_renamed(val, tbl, key, cache, fn()) end end, [3] = function (cache, tbl, rargs, karg, varg, fn) for key, val in pairs(tbl) do rargs[karg], rargs[varg] = key, val steal_if_renamed(val, tbl, key, cache, fn()) end end } -- Map parameters' names using a custom callback and a referenced table local function map_names (tbl, rargs, karg, varg, looptype, fn) local cache = {} name_thieves[looptype](cache, tbl, rargs, karg, varg, fn) for key, val in pairs(cache) do tbl[key] = val end end -- Return a new table that contains `src` regrouped according to the numeric -- suffixes in its keys local function make_groups (src) -- NOTE: `src` might be the original metatable! local prefix, gid local groups = {} for key, val in pairs(src) do -- `key` must only be a string or a number... if type(key) == 'string' then prefix, gid = key:match'^%s*(.-)%s*(%-?%d*)%s*$' gid = tonumber(gid) or '' else prefix, gid = '', key end if groups[gid] == nil then groups[gid] = {} end if prefix == '0' or prefix:find'^%-?[1-9]%d*$' ~= nil then prefix = tonumber(prefix) if prefix < 1 then prefix = prefix - 1 end end groups[gid][prefix] = val end return groups end -- Split into parts a string containing the `$#` and `$@` placeholders and -- return the information as a skeleton table, a canvas table and a length local function parse_placeholder_string (target) local skel, canvas, idx, s_pos, e_pos = {}, {}, 1, 1, string.find(target, '%$[@#]', 1, false) while e_pos ~= nil do canvas[idx], skel[idx + 1] = target:sub(s_pos, e_pos - 1), target:sub(e_pos, e_pos + 1) == '$@' idx, s_pos = idx + 2, e_pos + 2 e_pos = string.find(target, '%$[@#]', s_pos, false) end if (s_pos > target:len()) then idx = idx - 1 else canvas[idx] = target:sub(s_pos) end return skel, canvas, idx end -- Populate a table by parsing a parameter string (heavy lifting for `parsing`, -- `reinterpreting` and `evaluating`) local function parse_parameter_string (tbl, str, isp, ipl, psp, ppl, trn, tru) local key, val, spos1, spos2, pos1, pos2 local pos3, idx, lenplone = 0, 1, #str + 1 if isp == nil or isp == '' then if psp == nil or psp == '' then if tru then tbl[idx] = str:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' else tbl[idx] = str end return end spos1, spos2 = str:find(psp, 1, ppl) if spos1 == nil then key = idx if tru then val = str:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' else val = str end else key = get_param_name(str:sub(1, spos1 - 1)) val = str:sub(spos2 + 1) if trn then val = val:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' end end tbl[key] = val return end if psp == nil or psp == '' then repeat pos1 = pos3 + 1 pos2, pos3 = str:find(isp, pos1, ipl) val = str:sub(pos1, (pos2 or lenplone) - 1) if tru then val = val:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' end tbl[idx], idx = val, idx + 1 until pos2 == nil return end repeat pos1 = pos3 + 1 pos2, pos3 = str:find(isp, pos1, ipl) val = str:sub(pos1, (pos2 or lenplone) - 1) spos1, spos2 = val:find(psp, 1, ppl) if spos1 == nil then key = idx if tru then val = val:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' end idx = idx + 1 else key = get_param_name(val:sub(1, spos1 - 1)) val = val:sub(spos2 + 1) if trn then val = val:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' end end tbl[key] = val until pos2 == nil return end -- Heavy lifting for `snapshotting` and `remembering` local function make_child (ctx, src, whoami) local len = tonumber(ctx.pipe[ctx.fnpos + 1]) if len == nil or len == 0 then local stack = new_substack(ctx) for key, val in pairs(src) do stack[key] = val end return len == nil and 1 or 2 end if len < 0 or math.floor(len) ~= len then error(modulename .. ', ‘' .. whoami .. '’: The number of parameters to copy must be an integer greater than zero', 0) end copy_table_maxn(new_substack(ctx), src, len) return 2 end -- Heavy lifting for `setting_by_flushing`, `combining` and `combining_values` local function set_strings_from_substack (ctx, dest, whoami) if ctx.n_children < 1 then error(modulename .. ', ‘' .. whoami .. '’: There are no substacks to flush', 0) end local currsnap = ctx.n_children local stack = ctx.children[currsnap] for key, val in pairs(memoryslots) do if stack[key] ~= nil then dest[val] = stack[key] end end ctx.children[currsnap], ctx.n_children = nil, currsnap - 1 end -- Heavy lifting for `combining` and `combining_values` local function combine_parameters (ctx, keyval_fn, whoami) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! This function -- MUST create a copy of it before returning local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘' .. whoami .. '’: No parameter name was provided', 0) end local argc local tbl, vars = ctx.params, {} local sortfn, ivar0, do_sort, tmp = load_sort_opt(opts[offs + 2]) if ivar0 == 2 then tmp = opts[offs + 3] and opts[offs + 3]:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' end ivar0 = ivar0 + offs if tmp == 'with_flushed_glue' then ivar0 = ivar0 + 1 argc = set_strings_from_opts(vars, opts, ivar0 + 1) set_strings_from_substack(ctx, vars, whoami) else if tmp == 'without_flushed_glue' then ivar0 = ivar0 + 1 end argc = set_strings_from_opts(vars, opts, ivar0 + 1) end if argc < ivar0 then error(modulename .. ', ‘' .. whoami .. '’: No setting directive was given', 0) end if next(tbl) == nil then if vars.ifngiven ~= nil then ctx.params = { [get_param_name(opts[offs + 1])] = vars.ifngiven } elseif tbl == ctx.oparams then ctx.params = {} end return argc end local cache, len if do_sort then local words cache, words, len, tmp = get_sorted_key_list(tbl, sortfn) for idx = 1, tmp do cache[len + idx] = words[idx] end len = len + tmp else cache, len = {}, 1 for key in pairs(tbl) do cache[len], len = key, len + 1 end len = len - 1 end local pmap, nss, kvs, pps = {}, 0, vars.pairsep or '', vars.itersep or '' for idx = 1, len do tmp, pmap[nss + 1] = cache[idx], pps pmap[nss + 2] = keyval_fn(tmp, tbl[tmp], kvs) nss = nss + 2 end tmp = vars.oxfordsep or vars.lastsep if tmp ~= nil and nss > 4 then pmap[nss - 1] = tmp elseif nss > 2 and vars.lastsep ~= nil then pmap[nss - 1] = vars.lastsep end pmap[1] = vars.header or '' if vars.footer ~= nil then pmap[nss + 1] = vars.footer end ctx.params = { [get_param_name(opts[offs + 1])] = table.concat(pmap) } return argc end -- Concatenate the numeric keys from the table of parameters to the numeric -- keys from the table of options; non-numeric keys from the table of options -- will prevail over colliding non-numeric keys from the table of parameters local function concat_params (ctx, offs) local tbl, retval, cache, nmax = ctx.params, {}, {}, 0 for key, val in pairs(ctx.pipe) do if type(key) == 'number' then if key < 1 then cache[key] = val elseif key > offs then cache[key - offs] = val end if key > nmax then nmax = key end else cache[key] = val end end nmax = nmax - offs if ctx.subset == 1 then -- We need only the sequence for key, val in ipairs(tbl) do retval[key + nmax] = val end else if ctx.subset == -1 then for key in ipairs(tbl) do tbl[key] = nil end end for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' and key > 0 then retval[key + nmax] = val else retval[key] = val end end end for key, val in pairs(cache) do retval[key] = val end return retval end -- Flush the parameters by calling a custom function for each value (after this -- function has been invoked `ctx.params` will be no longer usable) local function flush_params (ctx, fn) local tmp local tbl = ctx.params if ctx.subset == -1 then for key, val in ipairs(tbl) do tbl[key] = nil end elseif ctx.subset == 1 then if ctx.pins == nil then for key, val in ipairs(tbl) do fn(key, val) end return end tmp = {} for key, val in ipairs(tbl) do tmp[key] = val end tbl = tmp end if ctx.pins ~= nil then local marker = ctx.sorttype < 1 and ctx.subset ~= -1 or nil for idx = 1, #ctx.pins do tmp = ctx.pins[idx] if tbl[tmp] ~= nil then fn(tmp, tbl[tmp]) tbl[tmp] = marker end end if ctx.subset == 1 then for key, val in ipairs(tbl) do if val ~= true then fn(key, val) end end return end end if ctx.sorttype > 0 then local nums, words, nn, nw = get_sorted_key_list(tbl, natural_sort) if ctx.sorttype == 2 then for idx = 1, nw do fn(words[idx], tbl[words[idx]]) end for idx = 1, nn do fn(nums[idx], tbl[nums[idx]]) end return end for idx = 1, nn do fn(nums[idx], tbl[nums[idx]]) end for idx = 1, nw do fn(words[idx], tbl[words[idx]]) end return end if ctx.subset == -1 or ctx.pins == nil then for key, val in ipairs(tbl) do fn(key, val) tbl[key] = nil end for key, val in pairs(tbl) do fn(key, val) end return end for key, val in ipairs(tbl) do if val ~= true then fn(key, val) end tbl[key] = nil end for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if val ~= true then fn(key, val) end end end -- Flush the parameters by calling one of two custom functions for each value -- (after this function has been invoked `ctx.params` will be no longer usable) local function mixed_flush_params (ctx, fn_seq, fn_oth) if ctx.subset == 1 then flush_params(ctx, fn_seq) return end if ctx.subset == -1 then flush_params(ctx, fn_oth) return end local tbl = ctx.params if ctx.pins == nil and ctx.sorttype < 1 then for key, val in ipairs(tbl) do fn_seq(key, val) tbl[key] = nil end for key, val in pairs(tbl) do fn_oth(key, val) end return end local tseq = {} for key, val in ipairs(tbl) do tseq[key] = val end if ctx.pins ~= nil then local tmp local marker = ctx.sorttype < 1 or nil for idx = 1, #ctx.pins do tmp = ctx.pins[idx] if tseq[tmp] ~= nil then fn_seq(tmp, tbl[tmp]) tbl[tmp], tseq[tmp] = nil, marker elseif tbl[tmp] ~= nil then fn_oth(tmp, tbl[tmp]) tbl[tmp] = nil end end end if ctx.sorttype > 0 then local nums, words, nn, nw = get_sorted_key_list(tbl, natural_sort) if ctx.sorttype == 2 then for idx = 1, nw do fn_oth(words[idx], tbl[words[idx]]) end end for idx = 1, nn do if tseq[nums[idx]] ~= nil then fn_seq(nums[idx], tseq[nums[idx]]) else fn_oth(nums[idx], tbl[nums[idx]]) end end if ctx.sorttype ~= 2 then for idx = 1, nw do fn_oth(words[idx], tbl[words[idx]]) end end return end for key, val in ipairs(tseq) do if val ~= true then fn_seq(key, val) tbl[key] = nil end end for key, val in pairs(tbl) do fn_oth(key, val) end end -- Finalize and return a concatenated list local function finalize_and_return_concatenated_list (ctx, lst, len, modsize) if len > 0 then local tmp = ctx.oxfordsep or ctx.lastsep if tmp ~= nil and len > modsize * 2 then lst[len - modsize + 1] = tmp elseif len > modsize and ctx.lastsep ~= nil then lst[len - modsize + 1] = ctx.lastsep end lst[1] = ctx.header or '' if ctx.footer ~= nil then lst[len + 1] = ctx.footer end ctx.text = table.concat(lst) else ctx.text = ctx.ifngiven or '' end end --- --- --- PUBLIC ENVIRONMENT --- --- ________________________________ --- --- --- --[[ Modifiers ]]-- ------------------- -- Syntax: #invoke:params|sequential|pipe to library.sequential = function (ctx) if ctx.subset == 1 then error(modulename .. ': The ‘sequential’ directive has been provided more than once', 0) end if ctx.subset == -1 then error(modulename .. ': The two directives ‘non-sequential’ and ‘sequential’ are in contradiction with each other', 0) end if ctx.sorttype > 0 then error(modulename .. ': The ‘all_sorted’ and ‘reassorted’ directives are redundant when followed by ‘sequential’', 0) end ctx.iterfunc, ctx.subset = ipairs, 1 return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|non-sequential|pipe to library['non-sequential'] = function (ctx) if ctx.subset == -1 then error(modulename .. ': The ‘non-sequential’ directive has been provided more than once', 0) end if ctx.subset == 1 then error(modulename .. ': The two directives ‘sequential’ and ‘non-sequential’ are in contradiction with each other', 0) end ctx.iterfunc, ctx.subset = pairs, -1 return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|all_sorted|pipe to library.all_sorted = function (ctx) if ctx.sorttype == 1 then error(modulename .. ': The ‘all_sorted’ directive has been provided more than once', 0) end if ctx.subset == 1 then error(modulename .. ': The ‘all_sorted’ directive is redundant after ‘sequential’', 0) end if ctx.sorttype == 2 then error(modulename .. ': The two directives ‘reassorted’ and ‘sequential’ are in contradiction with each other', 0) end ctx.sorttype = 1 return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|reassorted|pipe to library.reassorted = function (ctx) if ctx.sorttype == 2 then error(modulename .. ': The ‘reassorted’ directive has been provided more than once', 0) end if ctx.subset == 1 then error(modulename .. ': The ‘reassorted’ directive is redundant after ‘sequential’', 0) end if ctx.sorttype == 1 then error(modulename .. ': The two directives ‘sequential’ and ‘reassorted’ are in contradiction with each other', 0) end ctx.sorttype = 2 return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|pinned_until|sentinel|[parameter name 1]|[parameter -- name 2]|...|parameter name N|sentinel|pipe to library.pinned_until = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘pinned_until’: No sentinel was provided', 0) end local tmp, bucket, curr, ncurr local sntl, idx = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$', 2 if ctx.pin_bucket == nil then bucket, curr, ncurr = {}, {}, 0 ctx.pin_bucket, ctx.pins = bucket, curr else bucket, curr, ncurr = ctx.pin_bucket, ctx.pins, ctx.npins end while opts[offs + idx] ~= nil do tmp = opts[offs + idx]:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' if tmp == sntl then if idx == 2 then error(modulename .. ', ‘pinned_until’: No parameters to pin were provided', 0) end ctx.npins = ncurr + idx - 2 return context_iterate(ctx, offs + idx + 1) end if tmp == '0' or tmp:find'^%-?[1-9]%d*$' ~= nil then tmp = tonumber(tmp) end if bucket[tmp] then error(modulename .. ', ‘pinned_until’: Duplicate pinned parameter ‘' .. tostring(tmp) .. '’', 0) end curr[ncurr + idx - 1], bucket[tmp], idx = tmp, true, idx + 1 end error(modulename .. ', ‘pinned_until’: Missing sentinel in position #' .. tostring(idx), 0) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|setting|directives|...|pipe to library.setting = function (ctx) local new_offs = set_strings_from_opts(ctx, ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos + 1) if new_offs - ctx.fnpos < 2 then error(modulename .. ', ‘setting’: No directive was given', 0) end return context_iterate(ctx, new_offs + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|scoring|new parameter name|[container]|pipe to library.scoring = function (ctx) local opts, offs, retval = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos, 0 if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘scoring’: No parameter name was provided', 0) end local tmp for _ in pairs(ctx.params) do retval = retval + 1 end if opts[offs + 2] ~= nil then tmp = opts[offs + 2]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if tmp == 'in_substack' then new_substack(ctx)[get_param_name(opts[offs + 1])] = tostring(retval) return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end ctx.params[get_param_name(opts[offs + 1])] = tostring(retval) return context_iterate(ctx, tmp == 'here' and offs + 3 or offs + 2) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|squeezing|pipe to library.squeezing = function (ctx) local store, indices, tbl, newlen = {}, {}, ctx.params, 0 for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then newlen = newlen + 1 indices[newlen], store[key], tbl[key] = key, val, nil end end table.sort(indices) for idx = 1, newlen do tbl[idx] = store[indices[idx]] end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|filling_the_gaps|pipe to library.filling_the_gaps = function (ctx) local newval, tbl, tmp, nmin, nmax, nnums = ctx.pipe[ctx.fnpos + 1], ctx.params, {}, 1, nil, -1 if newval == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘filling_the_gaps’: No value was provided', 0) end for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then if nmax == nil then if key < nmin then nmin = key end nmax = key elseif key > nmax then nmax = key elseif key < nmin then nmin = key end tmp[key], nnums = val, nnums + 1 end end if nmax ~= nil and nmax - nmin > nnums then ctx.n_available = ctx.n_available + nmin + nnums - nmax if ctx.n_available < 0 then error(modulename .. ', ‘filling_the_gaps’: It is possible to fill at most ' .. tostring(maxfill) .. ' parameters', 0) end for idx = nmin, nmax do tbl[idx] = newval end for key, val in pairs(tmp) do tbl[key] = val end end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 2) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|clearing|pipe to library.clearing = function (ctx) local tbl, numerics = ctx.params, {} for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then numerics[key], tbl[key] = val, nil end end for key, val in ipairs(numerics) do tbl[key] = val end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|cutting|left cut|right cut|pipe to library.cutting = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local lcut = tonumber(opts[offs + 1]) if lcut == nil or math.floor(lcut) ~= lcut then error(modulename .. ', ‘cutting’: Left cut must be an integer number', 0) end local rcut = tonumber(opts[offs + 2]) if rcut == nil or math.floor(rcut) ~= rcut then error(modulename .. ', ‘cutting’: Right cut must be an integer number', 0) end local tbl = ctx.params local len = #tbl if lcut < 0 then lcut = len + lcut end if rcut < 0 then rcut = len + rcut end local tot = lcut + rcut if tot > 0 then local cache = {} if tot >= len then for key in ipairs(tbl) do tbl[key] = nil end tot = len else for idx = len - rcut + 1, len do tbl[idx] = nil end for idx = 1, lcut do tbl[idx] = nil end end for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' and key > 0 then if key > len then cache[key - tot] = val else cache[key - lcut] = val end tbl[key] = nil end end for key, val in pairs(cache) do tbl[key] = val end end return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|cropping|left crop|right crop|pipe to library.cropping = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local lcut = tonumber(opts[offs + 1]) if lcut == nil or math.floor(lcut) ~= lcut then error(modulename .. ', ‘cropping’: Left crop must be an integer number', 0) end local rcut = tonumber(opts[offs + 2]) if rcut == nil or math.floor(rcut) ~= rcut then error(modulename .. ', ‘cropping’: Right crop must be an integer number', 0) end local tbl = ctx.params local nmin, nmax for key in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then if nmin == nil then nmin, nmax = key, key elseif key > nmax then nmax = key elseif key < nmin then nmin = key end end end if nmin ~= nil then local len = nmax - nmin + 1 if lcut < 0 then lcut = len + lcut end if rcut < 0 then rcut = len + rcut end if lcut + rcut - len > -1 then for key in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then tbl[key] = nil end end elseif lcut + rcut > 0 then for idx = nmax - rcut + 1, nmax do tbl[idx] = nil end for idx = nmin, nmin + lcut - 1 do tbl[idx] = nil end local lshift = nmin + lcut - 1 if lshift > 0 then for idx = lshift + 1, nmax do tbl[idx - lshift], tbl[idx] = tbl[idx], nil end end end end return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|purging|start offset|length|pipe to library.purging = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local idx = tonumber(opts[offs + 1]) if idx == nil or math.floor(idx) ~= idx then error(modulename .. ', ‘purging’: Start offset must be an integer number', 0) end local len = tonumber(opts[offs + 2]) if len == nil or math.floor(len) ~= len then error(modulename .. ', ‘purging’: Length must be an integer number', 0) end local tbl = ctx.params if len < 1 then len = len + table.maxn(tbl) if idx > len then return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end len = len - idx + 1 end ctx.params = copy_table_reduced(tbl, idx, len) return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|backpurging|start offset|length|pipe to library.backpurging = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local last = tonumber(opts[offs + 1]) if last == nil or math.floor(last) ~= last then error(modulename .. ', ‘backpurging’: Start offset must be an integer number', 0) end local len = tonumber(opts[offs + 2]) if len == nil or math.floor(len) ~= len then error(modulename .. ', ‘backpurging’: Length must be an integer number', 0) end local idx local tbl = ctx.params if len > 0 then idx = last - len + 1 else for key in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' and (idx == nil or key < idx) then idx = key end end if idx == nil then return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end idx = idx - len if last < idx then return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end len = last - idx + 1 end ctx.params = copy_table_reduced(ctx.params, idx, len) return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|shifting|addend|pipe to library.shifting = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local nshift = tonumber(ctx.pipe[ctx.fnpos + 1]) if nshift == nil or nshift == 0 or math.floor(nshift) ~= nshift then error(modulename .. ', ‘shifting’: A non-zero integer number must be provided', 0) end local tbl = {} for key, val in pairs(ctx.params) do if type(key) == 'number' then tbl[key + nshift] = val else tbl[key] = val end end ctx.params = tbl return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 2) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|reversing_numeric_names|pipe to library.reversing_numeric_names = function (ctx) local tbl, numerics, nmax = ctx.params, {}, 0 for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then numerics[key], tbl[key] = val, nil if key > nmax then nmax = key end end end for key, val in pairs(numerics) do tbl[nmax - key + 1] = val end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|pivoting_numeric_names|pipe to --[[ library.pivoting_numeric_names = function (ctx) local tbl = ctx.params local shift = #tbl + 1 if shift < 2 then return library.reversing_numeric_names(ctx) end local tmp = {} for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then tmp[key], tbl[key] = val, nil end end for key, val in pairs(tmp) do tbl[shift - key] = val end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end ]]-- -- Syntax: #invoke:params|mirroring_numeric_names|pipe to --[[ library.mirroring_numeric_names = function (ctx) local nmax, nmin local tbl, tmp = ctx.params, {} for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then tmp[key], tbl[key] = val, nil if nmax == nil then nmin, nmax = key, key elseif key > nmax then nmax = key elseif key < nmin then nmin = key end end end for key, val in pairs(tmp) do tbl[nmax + nmin - key] = val end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end ]]-- -- Syntax: #invoke:params|swapping_numeric_names|pipe to --[[ library.swapping_numeric_names = function (ctx) local tmp local tbl, cache, nsize = ctx.params, {}, 1 for key in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then cache[nsize], nsize = key, nsize + 1 end end table.sort(cache) for idx = math.floor((nsize - 1) / 2), 1, -1 do tmp = tbl[cache[idx] ] tbl[cache[idx] ] = tbl[cache[nsize - idx] ] tbl[cache[nsize - idx] ] = tmp end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end ]]-- -- Syntax: #invoke:params|sorting_sequential_values|[criterion]|pipe to library.sorting_sequential_values = function (ctx) local sortfn local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then sortfn = sortfunctions[opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$'] end if sortfn then table.sort(ctx.params, sortfn) else table.sort(ctx.params) end -- i.e. either `false` or `nil` if sortfn == nil then return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 1) end return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 2) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|splicing|[add to position]|position|increment| -- [number of elements to write]|...|pipe to library.splicing = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local tmp2, argc, pos, refp local tbl, opts, offs = ctx.params, ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local tmp1 = opts[offs + 1] if tmp1 ~= nil then tmp2 = tonumber(tmp1) if tmp2 == nil or math.floor(tmp2) ~= tmp2 then pos, argc, tmp2 = tonumber(opts[offs + 2]), offs + 4, tmp1:match'^%s*(.*%S)' if tmp2 ~= nil then refp = position_references[tmp2] if refp == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘splicing’: ‘' .. tostring(tmp2) .. '’ is not a valid first argument', 0) end else refp = 0 end else pos, argc, refp = tmp2, offs + 3, 0 end else pos, argc, refp = tonumber(opts[offs + 2]), offs + 4, 0 end if pos == nil or math.floor(pos) ~= pos then error(modulename .. ', ‘splicing’: The position must be an integer number', 0) end local len = tonumber(opts[argc - 1]) if len == nil or math.floor(len) ~= len then error(modulename .. ', ‘splicing’: The increment must be an integer number', 0) end local insn = tonumber(opts[argc]) if len == 0 and (insn == nil or insn < 1) then error(modulename .. ', ‘splicing’: When the increment is zero the number of elements to write cannot be zero', 0) end if refp == 2 then for _ in ipairs(tbl) do pos = pos + 1 end refp = 0 end tmp1, tmp2 = nil, nil if refp ~= 0 or len ~= 0 then for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then if tmp1 == nil then tmp1, tmp2 = key, key elseif key < tmp1 then tmp1 = key elseif key > tmp2 then tmp2 = key end end end end if tmp2 == nil then len = 0 elseif refp == 3 then pos = pos + tmp2 elseif refp == 1 then pos = pos + tmp1 end if len > 0 and pos + len > tmp1 and pos <= tmp2 then tbl = copy_table_expanded(tbl, pos, len) elseif len < 0 and pos - len > tmp1 and pos <= tmp2 then tbl = copy_table_reduced(tbl, pos, -len) else tbl = copy_or_ref_table(tbl, tbl ~= ctx.oparams) end ctx.params = tbl if insn == nil or insn < 0 or math.floor(insn) ~= insn then return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end tmp1 = argc - offs - pos + 1 for key = pos, pos + insn - 1 do tbl[key] = opts[offs + key + tmp1] end return context_iterate(ctx, argc + insn + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|imposing|name|value|pipe to library.imposing = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘imposing’: Missing parameter name to impose', 0) end ctx.params[get_param_name(opts[offs + 1])] = opts[offs + 2] return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|providing|name|value|pipe to library.providing = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘providing’: Missing parameter name to provide', 0) end local key = get_param_name(opts[offs + 1]) if ctx.params[key] == nil then ctx.params[key] = opts[offs + 2] end return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|reassigning|source|destination|[mode]|pipe to library.reassigning = function (ctx) local tbl, opts, offs = ctx.params, ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘reassigning’: Missing source parameter', 0) end if opts[offs + 2] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘reassigning’: Missing destination parameter', 0) end local mode, argc local src = get_param_name(opts[offs + 1]) local val = tbl[src] if opts[offs + 3] ~= nil then mode = a_modes[opts[offs + 3]:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$'] end if mode == nil then mode, argc = 0, offs + 3 else argc = offs + 4 end if val == nil and mode > 1 then return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end local dest = get_param_name(opts[offs + 2]) local tmp = tbl[dest] == nil if mode % 2 == 0 or (mode == 7 and tmp) then tbl[src] = nil end if tmp or mode < 4 then tbl[dest] = val end return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|discarding|name|[how many]|pipe to library.discarding = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘discarding’: Missing parameter name to discard', 0) end local len = tonumber(opts[offs + 2]) if len == nil then ctx.params[get_param_name(opts[offs + 1])] = nil return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 2) end local key = tonumber(opts[offs + 1]) if key == nil or math.floor(key) ~= key then error(modulename .. ', ‘discarding’: A range was provided, but the initial parameter name is not an integer number', 0) end if len < 1 or math.floor(len) ~= len then error(modulename .. ', ‘discarding’: A range can only be an integer number greater than zero', 0) end for idx = key, key + len - 1 do ctx.params[idx] = nil end return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|excluding_non-numeric_names|pipe to library['excluding_non-numeric_names'] = function (ctx) local tmp = ctx.params for key, val in pairs(tmp) do if type(key) ~= 'number' then tmp[key] = nil end end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|excluding_numeric_names|pipe to library.excluding_numeric_names = function (ctx) local tmp = ctx.params for key, val in pairs(tmp) do if type(key) == 'number' then tmp[key] = nil end end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|with_name_matching|target 1|[plain flag 1]|[or]| -- [target 2]|[plain flag 2]|[or]|[...]|[target N]|[plain flag -- N]|pipe to library.with_name_matching = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local tmp, ptn local tbl, newparams, opts, offs = ctx.params, {}, ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local targets, nptns, argc = load_pattern_args(opts, offs, 'with_name_matching') for idx = 1, nptns do ptn = targets[idx] if ptn[3] then tmp = ptn[1] if tmp == '0' or tmp:find'^%-?[1-9]%d*$' ~= nil then tmp = tonumber(tmp) end newparams[tmp] = tbl[tmp] else for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if tostring(key):find(ptn[1], 1, ptn[2]) then newparams[key] = val end end end end ctx.params = newparams return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|with_name_not_matching|target 1|[plain flag 1]| -- [and]|[target 2]|[plain flag 2]|[and]|[...]|[target N]|[plain -- flag N]|pipe to library.with_name_not_matching = function (ctx) local tbl, opts, offs = ctx.params, ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local targets, nptns, argc = load_pattern_args(opts, offs, 'with_name_not_matching') if nptns == 1 and targets[1][3] then local tmp = targets[1][1] if tmp == '0' or tmp:find'^%-?[1-9]%d*$' ~= nil then tbl[tonumber(tmp)] = nil else tbl[tmp] = nil end return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end local yesmatch, ptn for key in pairs(tbl) do yesmatch = true for idx = 1, nptns do ptn = targets[idx] if ptn[3] then if tostring(key) ~= ptn[1] then yesmatch = false break end elseif not tostring(key):find(ptn[1], 1, ptn[2]) then yesmatch = false break end end if yesmatch then tbl[key] = nil end end return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|with_value_matching|target 1|[plain flag 1]|[or]| -- [target 2]|[plain flag 2]|[or]|[...]|[target N]|[plain flag -- N]|pipe to library.with_value_matching = function (ctx) local nomatch, ptn local tbl, opts, offs = ctx.params, ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local targets, nptns, argc = load_pattern_args(opts, offs, 'with_value_matching') for key, val in pairs(tbl) do nomatch = true for idx = 1, nptns do ptn = targets[idx] if ptn[3] then if val == ptn[1] then nomatch = false break end elseif val:find(ptn[1], 1, ptn[2]) then nomatch = false break end end if nomatch then tbl[key] = nil end end return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|with_value_not_matching|target 1|[plain flag 1]| -- [and]|[target 2]|[plain flag 2]|[and]|[...]|[target N]|[plain -- flag N]|pipe to library.with_value_not_matching = function (ctx) local yesmatch, ptn local tbl, opts, offs = ctx.params, ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local targets, nptns, argc = load_pattern_args(opts, offs, 'with_value_not_matching') for key, val in pairs(tbl) do yesmatch = true for idx = 1, nptns do ptn = targets[idx] if ptn[3] then if val ~= ptn[1] then yesmatch = false break end elseif not val:find(ptn[1], 1, ptn[2]) then yesmatch = false break end end if yesmatch then tbl[key] = nil end end return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|keeping_at_most|number of parameters to pick|pipe to library.keeping_at_most = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local len = tonumber(ctx.pipe[ctx.fnpos + 1]) if len == nil or len < 1 or math.floor(len) ~= len then error(modulename .. ', ‘keeping_at_most’: The number of parameters to keep must be an integer greater than zero', 0) end ctx.params = copy_table_maxn({}, ctx.params, len) return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 2) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|trimming_values|pipe to library.trimming_values = function (ctx) local tbl = ctx.params for key, val in pairs(tbl) do tbl[key] = val:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|mapping_to_lowercase|pipe to library.mapping_to_lowercase = function (ctx) local tbl = ctx.params for key, val in pairs(tbl) do tbl[key] = val:lower() end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|mapping_to_uppercase|pipe to library.mapping_to_uppercase = function (ctx) local tbl = ctx.params for key, val in pairs(tbl) do tbl[key] = val:upper() end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|mapping_by_calling|template name|[call -- style]|[let/use]|[...]|[let/use]|[...]|[number of additional -- parameters]|[parameter 1]|[parameter 2]|[...]|[parameter N]|pipe to library.mapping_by_calling = function (ctx) local tname local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then tname = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if tname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘mapping_by_calling’: No template name was provided', 0) end local margs, argc, looptype, karg, varg, tbl, mem = load_callback_opts(opts, offs + 1, mapping_styles.values_only, ctx.params) local model = { title = tname, args = margs } value_maps[looptype](tbl, margs, karg, varg, function () return ctx.frame:expandTemplate(model) end) for key, val in pairs(mem) do tbl[key] = val end ctx.params = tbl return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|mapping_by_invoking|module name|function name|[call -- style]|[let/use]|[...]|[let/use]|[...]|[number of additional -- arguments]|[argument 1]|[argument 2]|[...]|[argument N]|pipe to library.mapping_by_invoking = function (ctx) local mname, fname local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then mname = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if mname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘mapping_by_invoking’: No module name was provided', 0) end if opts[offs + 2] ~= nil then fname = opts[offs + 2]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if fname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘mapping_by_invoking’: No function name was provided', 0) end local margs, argc, looptype, karg, varg, tbl, mem = load_callback_opts(opts, offs + 2, mapping_styles.values_only, ctx.params) local model = { title = 'Module:' .. mname, args = margs } local mfunc = require(model.title)[fname] if mfunc == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘mapping_by_invoking’: The function ‘' .. fname .. '’ does not exist', 0) end value_maps[looptype](tbl, margs, karg, varg, function () return tostring(mfunc(ctx.frame:newChild(model))) end) for key, val in pairs(mem) do tbl[key] = val end ctx.params = tbl return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|mapping_by_magic|parser function|[call -- style]|[let/use]|[...]|[let/use]|[...]|[number of additional -- arguments]|[argument 1]|[argument 2]|[...]|[argument N]|pipe to library.mapping_by_magic = function (ctx) local magic local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then magic = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if magic == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘mapping_by_magic’: No parser function was provided', 0) end local margs, argc, looptype, karg, varg, tbl, mem = load_callback_opts(opts, offs + 1, mapping_styles.values_only, ctx.params) value_maps[looptype](tbl, margs, karg, varg, function () return ctx.frame:callParserFunction(magic, margs) end) for key, val in pairs(mem) do tbl[key] = val end ctx.params = tbl return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|mapping_by_replacing|target|replace|[count]|[plain -- flag]|pipe to library.mapping_by_replacing = function (ctx) local ptn, repl, nmax, flg, argc, die = load_replace_args(ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos, 'mapping_by_replacing') if die then return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end local tbl = ctx.params if flg == 3 then for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if val == ptn then tbl[key] = repl end end else if flg == 2 then -- Copied from Module:String's `str._escapePattern()` ptn = ptn:gsub('[%(%)%.%%%+%-%*%?%[%^%$%]]', '%%%0') end for key, val in pairs(tbl) do tbl[key] = val:gsub(ptn, repl, nmax) end end return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|mapping_by_mixing|mixing string|pipe to library.mapping_by_mixing = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘mapping_by_mixing’: No mixing string was provided', 0) end local tbl, mix = ctx.params, opts[offs + 1] if mix == '$#' then for key in pairs(tbl) do tbl[key] = tostring(key) end return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 2) end local skel, cnv, n_parts = parse_placeholder_string(mix) for key, val in pairs(tbl) do for idx = 2, n_parts, 2 do if skel[idx] then cnv[idx] = val else cnv[idx] = tostring(key) end end tbl[key] = table.concat(cnv) end return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 2) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|renaming_to_lowercase|pipe to library.renaming_to_lowercase = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local cache = {} for key, val in pairs(ctx.params) do if type(key) == 'string' then cache[key:lower()] = val else cache[key] = val end end ctx.params = cache return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|renaming_to_uppercase|pipe to library.renaming_to_uppercase = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local cache = {} for key, val in pairs(ctx.params) do if type(key) == 'string' then cache[key:upper()] = val else cache[key] = val end end ctx.params = cache return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|renaming_to_sequence|[sort order]|pipe to library.renaming_to_sequence = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local cache, len local tbl = ctx.params local sortfn, argc, do_sort = load_sort_opt(ctx.pipe[ctx.fnpos + 1]) if do_sort then local words, wl cache, words, len, wl = get_sorted_key_list(tbl, sortfn) for idx = 1, len do cache[idx] = tbl[cache[idx]] end for idx = 1, wl do cache[len + idx] = tbl[words[idx]] end else cache, len = {}, 1 for _, val in pairs(tbl) do cache[len], len = val, len + 1 end end ctx.params = cache return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|renaming_by_calling|template name|[call -- style]|[let/use]|[...]|[let/use]|[...]|[number of additional -- parameters]|[parameter 1]|[parameter 2]|[...]|[parameter N]|pipe to library.renaming_by_calling = function (ctx) local tname local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then tname = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if tname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘renaming_by_calling’: No template name was provided', 0) end local rargs, argc, looptype, karg, varg, tbl, mem = load_callback_opts(opts, offs + 1, mapping_styles.names_only, ctx.params) local model = { title = tname, args = rargs } map_names(tbl, rargs, karg, varg, looptype, function () return ctx.frame:expandTemplate(model) end) for key, val in pairs(mem) do tbl[key] = val end ctx.params = tbl return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|renaming_by_invoking|module name|function -- name|[call style]|[let/use]|[...]|[let/use]|[...]|[number of -- additional arguments]|[argument 1]|[argument 2]|[...]|[argument -- N]|pipe to library.renaming_by_invoking = function (ctx) local mname, fname local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then mname = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if mname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘renaming_by_invoking’: No module name was provided', 0) end if opts[offs + 2] ~= nil then fname = opts[offs + 2]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if fname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘renaming_by_invoking’: No function name was provided', 0) end local rargs, argc, looptype, karg, varg, tbl, mem = load_callback_opts(opts, offs + 2, mapping_styles.names_only, ctx.params) local model = { title = 'Module:' .. mname, args = rargs } local mfunc = require(model.title)[fname] if mfunc == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘renaming_by_invoking’: The function ‘' .. fname .. '’ does not exist', 0) end map_names(tbl, rargs, karg, varg, looptype, function () return tostring(mfunc(ctx.frame:newChild(model))) end) for key, val in pairs(mem) do tbl[key] = val end ctx.params = tbl return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|renaming_by_magic|parser function|[call -- style]|[let/use]|[...]|[let/use]|[...]|[number of additional -- arguments]|[argument 1]|[argument 2]|[...]|[argument N]|pipe to library.renaming_by_magic = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local magic if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then magic = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if magic == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘renaming_by_magic’: No parser function was provided', 0) end local rargs, argc, looptype, karg, varg, tbl, mem = load_callback_opts(opts, offs + 1, mapping_styles.names_only, ctx.params) map_names(tbl, rargs, karg, varg, looptype, function () return ctx.frame:callParserFunction(magic, rargs) end) for key, val in pairs(mem) do tbl[key] = val end ctx.params = tbl return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|renaming_by_replacing|target|replace|[count]|[plain -- flag]|pipe to library.renaming_by_replacing = function (ctx) local ptn, repl, nmax, flg, argc, die = load_replace_args(ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos, 'renaming_by_replacing') if die then return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end local tbl = ctx.params if flg == 3 then ptn = get_param_name(ptn) local val = tbl[ptn] if val ~= nil then tbl[ptn], tbl[get_param_name(repl)] = nil, val end else if flg == 2 then -- Copied from Module:String's `str._escapePattern()` ptn = ptn:gsub('[%(%)%.%%%+%-%*%?%[%^%$%]]', '%%%0') end local cache = {} for key, val in pairs(tbl) do steal_if_renamed(val, tbl, key, cache, tostring(key):gsub(ptn, repl, nmax)) end for key, val in pairs(cache) do tbl[key] = val end end return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|renaming_by_mixing|mixing string|pipe to library.renaming_by_mixing = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local mix = ctx.pipe[ctx.fnpos + 1] if mix == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘renaming_by_mixing’: No mixing string was provided', 0) end local cache = {} mix = mix:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' if mix == '$@' then for _, val in pairs(ctx.params) do cache[get_param_name(val)] = val end else local skel, canvas, n_parts = parse_placeholder_string(mix) for key, val in pairs(ctx.params) do for idx = 2, n_parts, 2 do if skel[idx] then canvas[idx] = val else canvas[idx] = tostring(key) end end cache[get_param_name(table.concat(canvas))] = val end end ctx.params = cache return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 2) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|grouping_by_calling|template -- name|[let/use]|[...]|[let/use]|[...]|[number of additional -- arguments]|[argument 1]|[argument 2]|[...]|[argument N]|pipe to library.grouping_by_calling = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local tmp, argc, tbl, mem = load_child_opts(opts, offs + 2, 0, ctx.params) local gargs = {} for key, val in pairs(tmp) do if type(key) == 'number' and key < 1 then gargs[key - 1] = val else gargs[key] = val end end tmp = opts[offs + 1] if tmp ~= nil then tmp = tmp:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if tmp == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘grouping_by_calling’: No template name was provided', 0) end local model = { title = tmp } local groups = make_groups(tbl) for gid, group in pairs(groups) do for key, val in pairs(gargs) do group[key] = val end group[0], model.args = gid, group groups[gid] = ctx.frame:expandTemplate(model) end for key, val in pairs(mem) do groups[key] = val end ctx.params = groups return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|parsing|string to parse|[trim flag]|[iteration -- delimiter setter]|[...]|[key-value delimiter setter]|[...]|pipe to library.parsing = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘parsing’: No string to parse was provided', 0) end local isep, iplain, psep, pplain, trimnamed, trimunnamed, argc = load_parse_opts(opts, offs + 2, '|', '=') parse_parameter_string(ctx.params, opts[offs + 1], isep, iplain, psep, pplain, trimnamed, trimunnamed) return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|reinterpreting|parameter to reinterpret|[trim -- flag]|[iteration delimiter setter]|[...]|[key-value delimiter -- setter]|[...]|pipe to library.reinterpreting = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘reinterpreting’: No parameter to reinterpret was provided', 0) end local isep, iplain, psep, pplain, trimnamed, trimunnamed, argc = load_parse_opts(opts, offs + 2, '|', '=') local tbl, tmp = ctx.params, get_param_name(opts[offs + 1]) local str = tbl[tmp] if str ~= nil then tbl[tmp] = nil parse_parameter_string(tbl, str, isep, iplain, psep, pplain, trimnamed, trimunnamed) end return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|evaluating|string to parse|[trim flag]|[iteration -- delimiter setter]|[...]|[key-value delimiter setter]|[...]|pipe to library.evaluating = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘evaluating’: No string to parse was provided', 0) end local isep, iplain, psep, pplain, trimnamed, trimunnamed, repos = load_parse_opts(opts, offs + 2, '!', ':') if opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' == nil then remove_numeric_keys(opts, offs, repos - offs) return context_iterate(ctx, offs) end local new_opts, cache = {}, {} parse_parameter_string(cache, opts[offs + 1], isep, iplain, psep, pplain, trimnamed, trimunnamed) local shift = #cache + offs - repos + 1 for key, val in pairs(opts) do if type(key) ~= 'number' or key < offs then new_opts[key] = val elseif key >= repos then new_opts[key + shift] = val end end for key, val in pairs(cache) do if type(key) ~= 'number' or key < 1 then new_opts[key] = val else new_opts[key + offs] = val end end ctx.pipe = new_opts return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|mixing_names_and_values|mixing string|pipe to library.mixing_names_and_values = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘mixing_names_and_values’: No mixing string was provided for parameter names', 0) end if opts[offs + 2] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘mixing_names_and_values’: No mixing string was provided for parameter values', 0) end local tmp local cache, mix_k, mix_v = {}, opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$', opts[offs + 2] if mix_k == '$@' and mix_v == '$@' then for _, val in pairs(ctx.params) do cache[get_param_name(val)] = val end elseif mix_k == '$@' and mix_v == '$#' then for key, val in pairs(ctx.params) do cache[get_param_name(val)] = tostring(key) end elseif mix_k == '$#' and mix_v == '$#' then for key in pairs(ctx.params) do cache[key] = tostring(key) end else local skel_k, cnv_k, n_parts_k = parse_placeholder_string(mix_k) local skel_v, cnv_v, n_parts_v = parse_placeholder_string(mix_v) for key, val in pairs(ctx.params) do tmp = tostring(key) for idx = 2, n_parts_k, 2 do if skel_k[idx] then cnv_k[idx] = val else cnv_k[idx] = tmp end end for idx = 2, n_parts_v, 2 do if skel_v[idx] then cnv_v[idx] = val else cnv_v[idx] = tmp end end cache[get_param_name(table.concat(cnv_k))] = table.concat(cnv_v) end end ctx.params = cache return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|combining|new parameter name|[sort -- order]|[with/without flushed glue]|setting directives|...|pipe to library.combining = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning return context_iterate(ctx, combine_parameters( ctx, function (key, val, kvs) return key .. kvs .. val end, 'combining' ) + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|combining_values|new parameter name|[sort -- order]|[with/without flushed glue]|setting directives|...|pipe to library.combining_values = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning return context_iterate(ctx, combine_parameters( ctx, function (key, val, kvs) return val end, 'combining_values' ) + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|combining_by_calling|template name|new parameter -- name|pipe to library.combining_by_calling = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local tname = opts[offs + 1] if tname ~= nil then tname = tname:match'^%s*(.*%S)' else error(modulename .. ', ‘combining_by_calling’: No template name was provided', 0) end if opts[offs + 2] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘combining_by_calling’: No parameter name was provided', 0) end ctx.params = { [get_param_name(opts[offs + 2])] = ctx.frame:expandTemplate{ title = tname, args = ctx.params } } return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|combining_by_invoking|module name|function name|new -- parameter name|pipe to library.combining_by_invoking = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local mname = opts[offs + 1] if mname ~= nil then mname = mname:match'^%s*(.*%S)' else error(modulename .. ', ‘combining_by_invoking’: No module name was provided', 0) end local fname = opts[offs + 2] if fname ~= nil then fname = fname:match'^%s*(.*%S)' else error(modulename .. ', ‘combining_by_invoking’: No function name was provided', 0) end if opts[offs + 3] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘combining_by_invoking’: No parameter name was provided', 0) end local model = { title = 'Module:' .. mname, args = ctx.params } local mfunc = require(model.title)[fname] if mfunc == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘mapping_by_invoking’: The function ‘' .. fname .. '’ does not exist', 0) end ctx.params = { [get_param_name(opts[offs + 3])] = tostring(mfunc(ctx.frame:newChild(model))) } return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 4) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|combining_by_magic|parser function|new parameter -- name|pipe to library.combining_by_magic = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local magic = opts[offs + 1] if magic ~= nil then magic = magic:match'^%s*(.*%S)' else error(modulename .. ', ‘combining_by_magic’: No parser function was provided', 0) end if opts[offs + 2] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘combining_by_magic’: No parameter name was provided', 0) end ctx.params = { [get_param_name(opts[offs + 2])] = ctx.frame:callParserFunction(magic, ctx.params) } return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|snapshotting|[maximum number]|pipe to library.snapshotting = function (ctx) return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + make_child(ctx, ctx.params, 'snapshotting')) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|remembering|[maximum number]|pipe to library.remembering = function (ctx) return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + make_child(ctx, ctx.oparams, 'remembering')) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|entering_substack|[new]|pipe to library.entering_substack = function (ctx) local tbl, opts, offs, ncurrparent = ctx.params, ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos, ctx.n_parents + 1 if ctx.parents == nil then ctx.parents = { tbl } else ctx.parents[ncurrparent] = tbl end ctx.n_parents = ncurrparent if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil and opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*new%s*$' then ctx.params = {} return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 2) end local currsnap = ctx.n_children if currsnap > 0 then ctx.params, ctx.children[currsnap], ctx.n_children = ctx.children[currsnap], nil, currsnap - 1 else local newparams = {} for key, val in pairs(tbl) do newparams[key] = val end ctx.params = newparams end return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|pulling|parameter name|pipe to library.pulling = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘pulling’: No parameter to pull was provided', 0) end local tmp = ctx.n_parents local parent = tmp < 1 and ctx.oparams or ctx.parents[tmp] tmp = get_param_name(opts[offs + 1]) if parent[tmp] ~= nil then ctx.params[tmp] = parent[tmp] end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 2) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|recalling|parameter name|pipe to library.recalling = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘recalling’: No parameter to recall was provided', 0) end local arg = get_param_name(opts[offs + 1]) if ctx.oparams[arg] ~= nil then ctx.params[arg] = ctx.oparams[arg] end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 2) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|finding|parameter name|pipe to --[[ library.finding = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘finding’: No parameter to find was provided', 0) end local arg = get_param_name(opts[offs + 1]) local parent for idx = ctx.n_parents, 1, -1 do parent = ctx.parents[idx] if parent[arg] ~= nil then ctx.params[arg] = parent[arg] return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 2) end end if ctx.oparams[arg] ~= nil then ctx.params[arg] = ctx.oparams[arg] end return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 2) end ]]-- -- Syntax: #invoke:params|picking|number of parameters to pick|pipe to --[[ library.picking = function (ctx) local len = tonumber(ctx.pipe[ctx.fnpos + 1]) if len == nil or len < 1 or math.floor(len) ~= len then error(modulename .. ', ‘picking’: The number of parameters to pick must be an integer greater than zero', 0) end if ctx.n_parents < 1 then copy_table_maxn(ctx.params, ctx.oparams, len) else copy_table_maxn(ctx.params, ctx.parents[ctx.n_parents], len) end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 2) end ]]-- -- Syntax: #invoke:params|detaching_substack|pipe to library.detaching_substack = function (ctx) local ncurrparent = ctx.n_parents if ncurrparent < 1 then error(modulename .. ', ‘detaching_substack’: No substack has been created', 0) end local parent = ctx.parents[ncurrparent] for key in pairs(ctx.params) do parent[key] = nil end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|dropping_substack|pipe to library.dropping_substack = function (ctx) local ncurrparent = ctx.n_parents if ncurrparent < 1 then error(modulename .. ', ‘dropping_substack’: No substack has been created', 0) end ctx.params, ctx.parents[ncurrparent], ctx.n_parents = ctx.parents[ncurrparent], nil, ncurrparent - 1 return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|leaving_substack|pipe to library.leaving_substack = function (ctx) local ncurrparent = ctx.n_parents if ncurrparent < 1 then error(modulename .. ', ‘leaving_substack’: No substack has been created', 0) end local currsnap = ctx.n_children + 1 if ctx.children == nil then ctx.children = { ctx.params } else ctx.children[currsnap] = ctx.params end ctx.params, ctx.parents[ncurrparent], ctx.n_parents, ctx.n_children = ctx.parents[ncurrparent], nil, ncurrparent - 1, currsnap return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|merging_substack|pipe to library.merging_substack = function (ctx) local ncurrparent = ctx.n_parents if ncurrparent < 1 then error(modulename .. ', ‘merging_substack’: No substack has been created', 0) end local parent, child = ctx.parents[ncurrparent], ctx.params ctx.params, ctx.parents[ncurrparent], ctx.n_parents = parent, nil, ncurrparent - 1 for key, val in pairs(child) do parent[key] = val end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|flushing|pipe to library.flushing = function (ctx) if ctx.n_children < 1 then error(modulename .. ', ‘flushing’: There are no substacks to flush', 0) end local parent, currsnap = ctx.params, ctx.n_children for key, val in pairs(ctx.children[currsnap]) do parent[key] = val end ctx.children[currsnap], ctx.n_children = nil, currsnap - 1 return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|setting_by_flushing|pipe to library.setting_by_flushing = function (ctx) set_strings_from_substack(ctx, ctx, 'setting_by_flushing') return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end --[[ Functions ]]-- ----------------------------- -- Syntax: #invoke:params|count library.count = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! local retval = 0 for _ in ctx.iterfunc(ctx.params) do retval = retval + 1 end if ctx.subset == -1 then retval = retval - #ctx.params end ctx.text = retval return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:args|concat_and_call|template name|[prepend 1]|[prepend 2]| -- [...]|[item n]|[named item 1=value 1]|[...]|[named item n=value -- n]|[...] library.concat_and_call = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! local tname local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then tname = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if tname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘concat_and_call’: No template name was provided', 0) end ctx.text = ctx.frame:expandTemplate{ title = tname, args = concat_params(ctx, offs + 1) } return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:args|concat_and_invoke|module name|function name|[prepend -- 1]|[prepend 2]|[...]|[item n]|[named item 1=value 1]|[...]|[named -- item n=value n]|[...] library.concat_and_invoke = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! local mname, fname local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then mname = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if mname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘concat_and_invoke’: No module name was provided', 0) end if opts[offs + 2] ~= nil then fname = opts[offs + 2]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if fname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘concat_and_invoke’: No function name was provided', 0) end local mfunc = require('Module:' .. mname)[fname] if mfunc == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘concat_and_invoke’: The function ‘' .. fname .. '’ does not exist', 0) end ctx.text = mfunc(ctx.frame:newChild{ title = 'Module:' .. mname, args = concat_params(ctx, offs + 2) }) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:args|concat_and_magic|parser function|[prepend 1]|[prepend -- 2]|[...]|[item n]|[named item 1=value 1]|[...]|[named item n= -- value n]|[...] library.concat_and_magic = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! local magic local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then magic = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if magic == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘concat_and_magic’: No parser function was provided', 0) end ctx.text = ctx.frame:callParserFunction(magic, concat_params(ctx, offs + 1)) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|value_of|parameter name library.value_of = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘value_of’: No parameter name was provided', 0) end local val local key = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' if key == '0' or key:find'^%-?[1-9]%d*$' ~= nil then key = tonumber(key) val = ctx.params[key] -- No worries: #ctx.params is unused when the modifier is in -- first position (and therefore `ctx.params` is a metatable) if val ~= nil and ( ctx.subset ~= -1 or key > #ctx.params or key < 1 ) and ( ctx.subset ~= 1 or (key <= #ctx.params and key > 0) ) then ctx.text = (ctx.header or '') .. val .. (ctx.footer or '') else ctx.text = ctx.ifngiven or '' end else val = ctx.params[key] if ctx.subset ~= 1 and val ~= nil then ctx.text = (ctx.header or '') .. val .. (ctx.footer or '') else ctx.text = ctx.ifngiven or '' end end return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|list library.list = function (ctx) local ret, nss, kvs, pps = {}, 0, ctx.pairsep or '', ctx.itersep or '' flush_params(ctx, function (key, val) ret[nss + 1], ret[nss + 2], ret[nss + 3], ret[nss + 4], nss = pps, key, kvs, val, nss + 4 end) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 4) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|list_values library.list_values = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `library.coins()` and `library.unique_coins()` rely on us local ret, nss, pps = {}, 0, ctx.itersep or '' flush_params(ctx, function (key, val) ret[nss + 1], ret[nss + 2], nss = pps, val, nss + 2 end) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 2) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|list_maybe_with_names library.list_maybe_with_names = function (ctx) local ret, nss, kvs, pps = {}, 0, ctx.pairsep or '', ctx.itersep or '' mixed_flush_params( ctx, function (key, val) ret[nss + 1], ret[nss + 2], ret[nss + 3], ret[nss + 4], nss = pps, '', '', val, nss + 4 end, function (key, val) ret[nss + 1], ret[nss + 2], ret[nss + 3], ret[nss + 4], nss = pps, key, kvs, val, nss + 4 end ) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 4) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|for_each|wikitext library.for_each = function (ctx) local ret, nss, pps, txt = {}, 0, ctx.itersep or '', ctx.pipe[ctx.fnpos + 1] or '' local skel, cnv, n_parts = parse_placeholder_string(txt) flush_params(ctx, function (key, val) for idx = 2, n_parts, 2 do if skel[idx] then cnv[idx] = val else cnv[idx] = tostring(key) end end ret[nss + 1], nss = pps, nss + 2 ret[nss] = table.concat(cnv) end) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 2) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|call_for_each|template name|[append 1]|[append 2]| -- [...]|[append n]|[named param 1=value 1]|[...]|[named param -- n=value n]|[...] library.call_for_each = function (ctx) local tname local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then tname = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if tname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘call_for_each’: No template name was provided', 0) end local cargs = copy_table_reduced(opts, 1, offs - 1) local model, ret, nss, ccs = { title = tname, args = cargs }, {}, 0, ctx.itersep or '' flush_params(ctx, function (key, val) cargs[1], cargs[2], ret[nss + 1], nss = key, val, ccs, nss + 2 ret[nss] = ctx.frame:expandTemplate(model) end) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 2) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|invoke_for_each|module name|module function|[append -- 1]|[append 2]|[...]|[append n]|[named param 1=value 1]|[...]| -- [named param n=value n]|[...] library.invoke_for_each = function (ctx) local mname, fname local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then mname = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if mname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘invoke_for_each’: No module name was provided', 0) end if opts[offs + 2] ~= nil then fname = opts[offs + 2]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if fname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘invoke_for_each’: No function name was provided', 0) end local iargs = copy_table_reduced(ctx.pipe, 1, offs) local model = { title = 'Module:' .. mname, args = iargs } local mfunc, ret, nss, ccs = require(model.title)[fname], {}, 0, ctx.itersep or '' if mfunc == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘invoke_for_each’: The function ‘' .. fname .. '’ does not exist', 0) end flush_params(ctx, function (key, val) iargs[1], iargs[2], ret[nss + 1], nss = key, val, ccs, nss + 2 ret[nss] = mfunc(ctx.frame:newChild(model)) end) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 2) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|magic_for_each|parser function|[append 1]|[append -- 2]|[...]|[append n]|[named param 1=value 1]|[...]|[named param -- n=value n]|[...] library.magic_for_each = function (ctx) local magic local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then magic = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if magic == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘magic_for_each’: No parser function was provided', 0) end local ret, nss, ccs, cargs = {}, 0, ctx.itersep or '', copy_table_reduced(opts, 1, offs - 1) flush_params(ctx, function (key, val) cargs[1], cargs[2], ret[nss + 1], nss = key, val, ccs, nss + 2 ret[nss] = ctx.frame:callParserFunction(magic, cargs) end) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 2) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|call_for_each_value|template name|[append 1]|[append -- 2]|[...]|[append n]|[named param 1=value 1]|[...]|[named param -- n=value n]|[...] library.call_for_each_value = function (ctx) local tname local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then tname = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if tname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘call_for_each_value’: No template name was provided', 0) end local cargs = copy_table_reduced(ctx.pipe, 1, offs) local model = { title = tname, args = cargs } local ret, nss, ccs = {}, 0, ctx.itersep or '' flush_params(ctx, function (key, val) cargs[1], ret[nss + 1], nss = val, ccs, nss + 2 ret[nss] = ctx.frame:expandTemplate(model) end) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 2) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|invoke_for_each_value|module name|[append 1]|[append -- 2]|[...]|[append n]|[named param 1=value 1]|[...]|[named param -- n=value n]|[...] library.invoke_for_each_value = function (ctx) local mname, fname local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then mname = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if mname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘invoke_for_each_value’: No module name was provided', 0) end if opts[offs + 2] ~= nil then fname = opts[offs + 2]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if fname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘invoke_for_each_value’: No function name was provided', 0) end local iargs = copy_table_reduced(ctx.pipe, 1, offs + 1) local model = { title = 'Module:' .. mname, args = iargs } local mfunc, ret, nss, ccs = require(model.title)[fname], {}, 0, ctx.itersep or '' if mfunc == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘invoke_for_each_value’: The function ‘' .. fname .. '’ does not exist', 0) end flush_params(ctx, function (key, val) iargs[1], ret[nss + 1], nss = val, ccs, nss + 2 ret[nss] = mfunc(ctx.frame:newChild(model)) end) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 2) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|magic_for_each_value|parser function|[append 1]| -- [append 2]|[...]|[append n]|[named param 1=value 1]|[...]|[named -- param n=value n]|[...] library.magic_for_each_value = function (ctx) local magic local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then magic = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if magic == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘magic_for_each_value’: No parser function was provided', 0) end local cargs, ret, nss, ccs = copy_table_reduced(opts, 1, offs), {}, 0, ctx.itersep or '' flush_params(ctx, function (key, val) cargs[1], ret[nss + 1], nss = val, ccs, nss + 2 ret[nss] = ctx.frame:callParserFunction(magic, cargs) end) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 2) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|call_for_each_group|template name|[append 1]|[append -- 2]|[...]|[append n]|[named param 1=value 1]|[...]|[named param -- n=value n]|[...] library.call_for_each_group = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! local tmp local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then tmp = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if tmp == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘call_for_each_group’: No template name was provided', 0) end local model = { title = tmp } local bargs, ret, nss, ccs = {}, {}, 0, ctx.itersep or '' for key, val in pairs(opts) do if type(key) ~= 'number' then bargs[key] = val elseif key > offs then bargs[key - offs - 1] = val elseif key < 1 then bargs[key - 1] = val end end ctx.params = make_groups(ctx.params) flush_params(ctx, function (gid, group) for key, val in pairs(bargs) do group[key] = val end group[0], model.args, ret[nss + 1], nss = gid, group, ccs, nss + 2 ret[nss] = ctx.frame:expandTemplate(model) end) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 2) return false end --[[ First-position-only modifiers ]]-- --------------------------------------- -- Syntax: #invoke:params|new|pipe to static_iface.new = function (child_frame) local ctx = context_new(child_frame, 'new') ctx.params = {} main_loop(ctx, context_iterate(ctx, 2)) return ctx.text end --[[ First-position-only functions ]]-- --------------------------------------- -- Syntax: #invoke:params|self static_iface.self = function (child_frame) return child_frame:getParent():getTitle() end --[[ Public metatable of functions ]]-- --------------------------------------- return setmetatable({}, { __index = function (_, query) local fname = query:match'^%s*(.*%S)' if fname == nil then error(modulename .. ': You must specify a function to call', 0) end local func = static_iface[fname] if func ~= nil then return func end func = library[fname] if func == nil then error(modulename .. ': The function ‘' .. fname .. '’ does not exist', 0) end return function (child_frame) local ctx = context_new(child_frame, fname) ctx.params = copy_or_ref_table(ctx.oparams, refparams[fname]) main_loop(ctx, func) return ctx.text end end }) a2hbxn7yzos70nldm9pwk3kdhlo11tv 2840237 2840229 2026-10-14T12:29:11Z MathXplore 2888076 Reverted edit by [[Special:Contributions/Veritas Sapientiaee|Veritas Sapientiaee]] ([[User_talk:Veritas Sapientiaee|talk]]) to last version by [[User:Grufo|Grufo]] using [[Wikiversity:Rollback|rollback]] 2838294 Scribunto text/plain require[[strict]] --- --- --- PRIVATE ENVIRONMENT --- --- ________________________________ --- --- --- --[[ Abstract utilities ]]-- ---------------------------- -- Helper function for `string.gsub()` (for managing zero-padded numbers) local function zero_padded (str) return ('%03d%s'):format(#str, str) end -- Helper function for `table.sort()` (for natural sorting) local function natural_sort (var1, var2) return var1:gsub('%d+', zero_padded) < var2:gsub('%d+', zero_padded) end -- Return a copy or a reference to a table local function copy_or_ref_table (src, refonly) if refonly then return src end local newtab = {} for key, val in pairs(src) do newtab[key] = val end return newtab end -- Copy at most N items (of all kinds) from `src` to `dest` and return `dest` local function copy_table_maxn (dest, src, len) local idx = 1 for key, val in pairs(src) do dest[key], idx = val, idx + 1 if idx > len then break end end return dest end -- Remove some numeric elements from a table, shifting everything to the left local function remove_numeric_keys (tbl, idx, len) local cache, tmp = {}, idx + len - 1 for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' and key >= idx then if key > tmp then cache[key - len] = val end tbl[key] = nil end end for key, val in pairs(cache) do tbl[key] = val end end -- Make a reduced copy of a table (shifting in both directions if necessary) local function copy_table_reduced (tbl, idx, len) local ret, tmp = {}, idx + len - 1 if idx > 0 then for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) ~= 'number' or key < idx then ret[key] = val elseif key > tmp then ret[key - len] = val end end elseif tmp > 0 then local nshift = 1 - idx for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) ~= 'number' then ret[key] = val elseif key > tmp then ret[key - tmp] = val elseif key < idx then ret[key + nshift] = val end end else for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) ~= 'number' or key > tmp then ret[key] = val elseif key < idx then ret[key + len] = val end end end return ret end -- Make an expanded copy of a table (shifting in both directions if necessary) local function copy_table_expanded (tbl, idx, len) local ret, tmp = {}, idx + len - 1 if idx > 0 then for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) ~= 'number' or key < idx then ret[key] = val else ret[key + len] = val end end elseif tmp > 0 then local nshift = idx - 1 for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) ~= 'number' then ret[key] = val elseif key > 0 then ret[key + tmp] = val elseif key < 1 then ret[key + nshift] = val end end else for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) ~= 'number' or key > tmp then ret[key] = val else ret[key - len] = val end end end return ret end -- Given a table, create two new tables containing the sorted list of keys local function get_sorted_key_list (tbl, sort_fn) local nums, words, nn, nw = {}, {}, 1, 1 for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then nums[nn], nn = key, nn + 1 else words[nw], nw = key, nw + 1 end end table.sort(nums) table.sort(words, sort_fn) return nums, words, nn - 1, nw - 1 end -- Parse a parameter name string and return it as a string or a number local function get_param_name (par_str) local ret = par_str:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' if ret ~= '0' and ret:find'^%-?[1-9]%d*$' == nil then return ret end return tonumber(ret) end -- Move a key from a table to another, but only if under a different name and -- always parsing numeric strings as numbers local function steal_if_renamed (val, src, skey, dest, dkey) local realkey = get_param_name(dkey) if skey ~= realkey then dest[realkey], src[skey] = val, nil end end --[[ Public strings ]]-- ------------------------ -- Special match keywords (functions and modifiers MUST avoid these names) local mkeywords = { ['or'] = 0, pattern = 1, plain = 2, strict = 3 } -- Sort functions (functions and modifiers MUST avoid these names) local sortfunctions = { alphabetically = false, naturally = natural_sort } -- Callback styles for the `mapping_*` and `renaming_*` class of modifiers -- (functions and modifiers MUST avoid these names) --[[ Meanings of the columns: col[1] = Loop type (0-3) col[2] = Number of module arguments that the style requires (1-3) col[3] = Minimum number of sequential parameters passed to the callback col[4] = Name of the callback parameter where to place each parameter name col[5] = Name of the callback parameter where to place each parameter value col[6] = Argument in the modifier's invocation that will override `col[4]` col[7] = Argument in the modifier's invocation that will override `col[5]` A value of `-1` indicates that no meaningful value is stored (i.e. `nil`) ]]-- local mapping_styles = { names_and_values = { 3, 2, 2, 1, 2, -1, -1 }, values_and_names = { 3, 2, 2, 2, 1, -1, -1 }, values_only = { 1, 2, 1, -1, 1, -1, -1 }, names_only = { 2, 2, 1, 1, -1, -1, -1 }, names_and_values_as = { 3, 4, 0, -1, -1, 2, 3 }, names_only_as = { 2, 3, 0, -1, -1, 2, -1 }, values_only_as = { 1, 3, 0, -1, -1, -1, 2 }, blindly = { 0, 2, 0, -1, -1, -1, -1 } } -- Memory slots (functions and modifiers MUST avoid these names) local memoryslots = { h = 'header', f = 'footer', i = 'itersep', l = 'lastsep', n = 'ifngiven', p = 'pairsep', s = 'oxfordsep' } -- Possible trimming modes for the `parsing` modifier local trim_parse_opts = { trim_none = { false, false }, trim_positional = { false, true }, trim_named = { true, false }, trim_all = { true, true } } -- Possible string modes for the iteration separator in the `parsing` and -- `reinterpreting` modifiers local isep_parse_opts = { splitter_pattern = false, splitter_string = true } -- Possible string modes for the key-value separator in the `parsing` and -- `reinterpreting` modifiers local psep_parse_opts = { setter_pattern = false, setter_string = true } -- Possible position references for the `splicing` modifier local position_references = { add_nothing = 0, add_smallest_number = 1, add_last_of_sequence = 2, add_largest_number = 3 } -- Possible modes for the `reassigning` modifier local a_modes = { transfer = 0, clone = 1, rename = 2, copy = 3, sacrifice = 4, provide = 5, spare = 7 } -- Functions and modifiers MUST avoid these names too: `here`, `in_substack`, -- `let`, `expose`, `use`, `with_flushed_glue`, `without_flushed_glue` -- `without_sorting` --[[ Private constants ]]-- --------------------------- -- Hard-coded name of the module (to avoid going through `frame:getTitle()`) local modulename = 'Module:Params' -- The functions listed here declare that they don't need the -- `frame:getParent().args` metatable to be copied into a regular table; if -- they are modifiers they also guarantee that they will make their own -- (modified) copy available local refparams = { call_for_each_group = true, combining = true, combining_by_calling = true, combining_values = true, concat_and_call = true, concat_and_invoke = true, concat_and_magic = true, count = true, grouping_by_calling = true, mixing_names_and_values = true, keeping_at_most = true, renaming_by_mixing = true, renaming_to_sequence = true, renaming_to_uppercase = true, renaming_to_lowercase = true, shifting = true, splicing = true, value_of = true, with_name_matching = true } -- Maximum number of numeric parameters that can be filled, if missing (we -- chose an arbitrary number for this constant; you can discuss about its -- optimal value at Module talk:Params) local maxfill = 1024 -- The private table of functions local library = {} -- Functions and modifiers that can only be invoked in first position local static_iface = {} --[[ Private functions ]]-- --------------------------- -- Create a new context local function context_new (child_frame, first_fn_name) local main_frame, tpipe = child_frame:getParent(), { first_fn_name } for key, val in pairs(child_frame.args) do if type(key) == 'number' and key > 0 then tpipe[key + 1] = val else tpipe[key] = val end end return { frame = main_frame, pipe = tpipe, oparams = main_frame.args, firstposonly = static_iface, iterfunc = pairs, fnpos = 1, sorttype = 0, n_parents = 0, n_children = 0, n_available = maxfill } end -- Move to the next action within the user-given list local function context_iterate (ctx, next_fn_pos) local nextfn if ctx.pipe[next_fn_pos] ~= nil then nextfn = ctx.pipe[next_fn_pos]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if nextfn == nil then error(modulename .. ': You must specify a function to call', 0) end if library[nextfn] == nil then if ctx.firstposonly[nextfn] == nil then error(modulename .. ': The function ‘' .. nextfn .. '’ does not exist', 0) else error(modulename .. ': The ‘' .. nextfn .. '’ directive can only appear in first position', 0) end end ctx.fnpos = next_fn_pos return library[nextfn] end -- Main loop local function main_loop (ctx, start_with) local fn = start_with repeat fn = fn(ctx) until not fn if ctx.n_parents > 0 then error(modulename .. ': One or more ‘merging_substack’ directives are missing', 0) end if ctx.n_children > 0 then error(modulename .. ', For some of the snapshots either the ‘flushing’ directive is missing or a group has not been properly closed with ‘merging_substack’', 0) end end -- Load a `setting`-like directive string into the `dest` table local function set_strings_from_opts (dest, opts, offs) local cmd if opts[offs] == nil then return offs - 1 end cmd = opts[offs]:gsub('%s+', ''):gsub('/+', '/'):match'^/*(.*[^/])' if cmd == nil then return offs end local vname, chr local amap, sep, argc = {}, string.byte('/'), offs + 1 for idx = 1, #cmd do chr = cmd:byte(idx) if chr == sep then for key, val in ipairs(amap) do dest[val], amap[key] = opts[argc], nil end argc = argc + 1 else vname = memoryslots[string.char(chr)] if vname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘setting’: Unknown slot ‘' .. string.char(chr) .. '’', 0) end table.insert(amap, vname) end end for key, val in ipairs(amap) do dest[val] = opts[argc] end return argc end -- Add a new stack of parameters to `ctx.children` local function new_substack (ctx) local currsnap, newparams = ctx.n_children + 1, {} if ctx.children == nil then ctx.children = { newparams } else ctx.children[currsnap] = newparams end ctx.n_children = currsnap return newparams end -- Parse a raw argument containing a `sortfunctions` directive, or -- `'without_sorting'`, or `nil` local function load_sort_opt (raw_arg) if raw_arg == nil then return nil, 1, false end local trarg = raw_arg:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' if trarg == 'without_sorting' then return nil, 2, false, trarg end local tmp = sortfunctions[trarg] if tmp == nil then return nil, 1, false, trarg end return tmp or nil, 2, true, trarg end -- Parse optional user arguments of type `...|[let/use]|[...]|[let/use]|[...]| -- [number of additional parameters]|[parameter 1]|[parameter 2]|[...]` local function load_child_opts (src, start_from, append_after, params) local tnamed, tmp1, tmp2 local pin, tbl, mem = start_from, {}, {} while src[pin] ~= nil and src[pin + 1] ~= nil do tmp1 = src[pin]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' if tmp1 == 'let' and src[pin + 2] ~= nil then tmp1 = get_param_name(src[pin + 1]) mem[tmp1], tbl[tmp1], pin = nil, src[pin + 2], pin + 3 --[[ elseif tmp1 == 'expose' then tmp1 = get_param_name(src[pin + 1]) tmp2 = params[tmp1] mem[tmp1], tbl[tmp1], pin = tmp2, tmp2, pin + 2 ]]-- elseif tmp1 == 'use' and src[pin + 2] ~= nil then tmp1 = get_param_name(src[pin + 2]) tmp2 = params[tmp1] mem[tmp1], tbl[get_param_name(src[pin + 1])], pin = tmp2, tmp2, pin + 3 else break end end local tnew = copy_or_ref_table(params, next(mem) == nil) for key in pairs(mem) do tnew[key] = nil end if pin ~= start_from then tnamed, tbl = tbl, {} end tmp1 = tonumber(src[pin]) if tmp1 ~= nil and math.floor(tmp1) == tmp1 then if tmp1 < 0 then tmp1 = -1 end tmp2 = append_after - pin for idx = pin + 1, pin + tmp1 do tbl[idx + tmp2] = src[idx] end pin = pin + tmp1 + 1 end if tnamed ~= nil then for key, val in pairs(tnamed) do tbl[key] = val end end return tbl, pin, tnew, mem end -- Load the optional arguments of some of the `mapping_*` and `renaming_*` -- class of modifiers local function load_callback_opts (src, start_from, default_style, params) local style, shf local tmp = src[start_from + 1] if tmp ~= nil then style = mapping_styles[tmp:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$'] end if style == nil then style, shf = default_style, start_from - 1 else shf = start_from end local n_exist, karg, varg = style[3], style[4], style[5] tmp = style[6] if tmp > -1 then karg = src[tmp + shf]:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' if karg == '0' or karg:find'^%-?[1-9]%d*$' ~= nil then karg = tonumber(karg) n_exist = math.max(n_exist, karg) end end tmp = style[7] if tmp > -1 then varg = src[tmp + shf]:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' if varg == '0' or varg:find'^%-?[1-9]%d*$' ~= nil then varg = tonumber(varg) n_exist = math.max(n_exist, varg) end end tmp = style[1] local dest, argc, tnew, mem = load_child_opts(src, style[2] + shf, n_exist, params) if (tmp == 3 or tmp == 2) and dest[karg] ~= nil then tmp = tmp - 2 end if (tmp == 3 or tmp == 1) and dest[varg] ~= nil then tmp = tmp - 1 end return dest, argc, tmp, karg, varg, tnew, mem end -- Parse the arguments of some of the `mapping_*` and `renaming_*` class of -- modifiers local function load_replace_args (opts, offs, whoami) if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘' .. whoami .. '’: No pattern string was given', 0) end if opts[offs + 2] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘' .. whoami .. '’: No replacement string was given', 0) end local ptn, repl, nmax, argc = opts[offs + 1], opts[offs + 2], tonumber(opts[offs + 3]), 3 if nmax ~= nil or (opts[offs + 3] or ''):match'^%s*$' ~= nil then argc = 4 end local flg = opts[offs + argc] if flg ~= nil then flg = mkeywords[flg:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$'] end if flg == 0 then flg = nil elseif flg ~= nil then argc = argc + 1 end return ptn, repl, nmax, flg, offs + argc, (nmax ~= nil and nmax < 1) or (flg == 3 and ptn == repl) end -- Parse the arguments of the `with_*_matching` class of modifiers local function load_pattern_args (opts, offs, whoami) local keyw local ptns, arg, state, nptns, idx = {}, opts[offs + 1], 0, 0, offs + 2 while arg ~= nil do if state == 0 then nptns, state = nptns + 1, -1 ptns[nptns] = { arg, false, false } else keyw = arg:match'^%s*(.*%S)' if keyw == nil or mkeywords[keyw] == nil or ( state > 0 and mkeywords[keyw] > 0 ) then break else state = mkeywords[keyw] if state > 1 then ptns[nptns][2] = true end if state == 3 then ptns[nptns][3] = true end end end arg, idx = opts[idx], idx + 1 end if state == 0 then error(modulename .. ', ‘' .. whoami .. '’: No pattern was given', 0) end return ptns, nptns, idx - 1 end -- Load the optional arguments of the `parsing`, `reinterpreting` and -- `evaluating` modifiers local function load_parse_opts (opts, offs, isp, psp) local tmp local optslots, noptslots, argc, trimn, trimu, iplain, pplain = { true, true, true }, 3, offs, true, false, true, true repeat noptslots, tmp = noptslots - 1, opts[argc] if tmp == nil then break end tmp = tmp:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' if optslots[1] ~= nil and trim_parse_opts[tmp] ~= nil then tmp = trim_parse_opts[tmp] trimn, trimu, optslots[1] = tmp[1], tmp[2], nil elseif optslots[2] ~= nil and isep_parse_opts[tmp] ~= nil then argc = argc + 1 iplain, isp, optslots[2] = isep_parse_opts[tmp], opts[argc], nil elseif optslots[3] ~= nil and psep_parse_opts[tmp] ~= nil then argc = argc + 1 pplain, psp, optslots[3] = psep_parse_opts[tmp], opts[argc], nil else break end argc = argc + 1 until noptslots < 1 return isp, iplain, psp, pplain, trimn, trimu, argc end -- Map parameters' values using a custom callback and a referenced table local value_maps = { [0] = function (tbl, margs, karg, varg, fn) for key in pairs(tbl) do tbl[key] = fn() end end, [1] = function (tbl, margs, karg, varg, fn) for key, val in pairs(tbl) do margs[varg] = val tbl[key] = fn() end end, [2] = function (tbl, margs, karg, varg, fn) for key in pairs(tbl) do margs[karg] = key tbl[key] = fn() end end, [3] = function (tbl, margs, karg, varg, fn) for key, val in pairs(tbl) do margs[karg], margs[varg] = key, val tbl[key] = fn() end end } -- Private table for `map_names()` local name_thieves = { [0] = function (cache, tbl, rargs, karg, varg, fn) for key, val in pairs(tbl) do steal_if_renamed(val, tbl, key, cache, fn()) end end, [1] = function (cache, tbl, rargs, karg, varg, fn) for key, val in pairs(tbl) do rargs[varg] = val steal_if_renamed(val, tbl, key, cache, fn()) end end, [2] = function (cache, tbl, rargs, karg, varg, fn) for key, val in pairs(tbl) do rargs[karg] = key steal_if_renamed(val, tbl, key, cache, fn()) end end, [3] = function (cache, tbl, rargs, karg, varg, fn) for key, val in pairs(tbl) do rargs[karg], rargs[varg] = key, val steal_if_renamed(val, tbl, key, cache, fn()) end end } -- Map parameters' names using a custom callback and a referenced table local function map_names (tbl, rargs, karg, varg, looptype, fn) local cache = {} name_thieves[looptype](cache, tbl, rargs, karg, varg, fn) for key, val in pairs(cache) do tbl[key] = val end end -- Return a new table that contains `src` regrouped according to the numeric -- suffixes in its keys local function make_groups (src) -- NOTE: `src` might be the original metatable! local prefix, gid local groups = {} for key, val in pairs(src) do -- `key` must only be a string or a number... if type(key) == 'string' then prefix, gid = key:match'^%s*(.-)%s*(%-?%d*)%s*$' gid = tonumber(gid) or '' else prefix, gid = '', key end if groups[gid] == nil then groups[gid] = {} end if prefix == '0' or prefix:find'^%-?[1-9]%d*$' ~= nil then prefix = tonumber(prefix) if prefix < 1 then prefix = prefix - 1 end end groups[gid][prefix] = val end return groups end -- Split into parts a string containing the `$#` and `$@` placeholders and -- return the information as a skeleton table, a canvas table and a length local function parse_placeholder_string (target) local skel, canvas, idx, s_pos, e_pos = {}, {}, 1, 1, string.find(target, '%$[@#]', 1, false) while e_pos ~= nil do canvas[idx], skel[idx + 1] = target:sub(s_pos, e_pos - 1), target:sub(e_pos, e_pos + 1) == '$@' idx, s_pos = idx + 2, e_pos + 2 e_pos = string.find(target, '%$[@#]', s_pos, false) end if (s_pos > target:len()) then idx = idx - 1 else canvas[idx] = target:sub(s_pos) end return skel, canvas, idx end -- Populate a table by parsing a parameter string (heavy lifting for `parsing`, -- `reinterpreting` and `evaluating`) local function parse_parameter_string (tbl, str, isp, ipl, psp, ppl, trn, tru) local key, val, spos1, spos2, pos1, pos2 local pos3, idx, lenplone = 0, 1, #str + 1 if isp == nil or isp == '' then if psp == nil or psp == '' then if tru then tbl[idx] = str:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' else tbl[idx] = str end return end spos1, spos2 = str:find(psp, 1, ppl) if spos1 == nil then key = idx if tru then val = str:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' else val = str end else key = get_param_name(str:sub(1, spos1 - 1)) val = str:sub(spos2 + 1) if trn then val = val:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' end end tbl[key] = val return end if psp == nil or psp == '' then repeat pos1 = pos3 + 1 pos2, pos3 = str:find(isp, pos1, ipl) val = str:sub(pos1, (pos2 or lenplone) - 1) if tru then val = val:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' end tbl[idx], idx = val, idx + 1 until pos2 == nil return end repeat pos1 = pos3 + 1 pos2, pos3 = str:find(isp, pos1, ipl) val = str:sub(pos1, (pos2 or lenplone) - 1) spos1, spos2 = val:find(psp, 1, ppl) if spos1 == nil then key = idx if tru then val = val:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' end idx = idx + 1 else key = get_param_name(val:sub(1, spos1 - 1)) val = val:sub(spos2 + 1) if trn then val = val:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' end end tbl[key] = val until pos2 == nil return end -- Heavy lifting for `snapshotting` and `remembering` local function make_child (ctx, src, whoami) local len = tonumber(ctx.pipe[ctx.fnpos + 1]) if len == nil or len == 0 then local stack = new_substack(ctx) for key, val in pairs(src) do stack[key] = val end return len == nil and 1 or 2 end if len < 0 or math.floor(len) ~= len then error(modulename .. ', ‘' .. whoami .. '’: The number of parameters to copy must be an integer greater than zero', 0) end copy_table_maxn(new_substack(ctx), src, len) return 2 end -- Heavy lifting for `setting_by_flushing`, `combining` and `combining_values` local function set_strings_from_substack (ctx, dest, whoami) if ctx.n_children < 1 then error(modulename .. ', ‘' .. whoami .. '’: There are no substacks to flush', 0) end local currsnap = ctx.n_children local stack = ctx.children[currsnap] for key, val in pairs(memoryslots) do if stack[key] ~= nil then dest[val] = stack[key] end end ctx.children[currsnap], ctx.n_children = nil, currsnap - 1 end -- Heavy lifting for `combining` and `combining_values` local function combine_parameters (ctx, keyval_fn, whoami) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! This function -- MUST create a copy of it before returning local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘' .. whoami .. '’: No parameter name was provided', 0) end local argc local tbl, vars = ctx.params, {} local sortfn, ivar0, do_sort, tmp = load_sort_opt(opts[offs + 2]) if ivar0 == 2 then tmp = opts[offs + 3] and opts[offs + 3]:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' end ivar0 = ivar0 + offs if tmp == 'with_flushed_glue' then ivar0 = ivar0 + 1 argc = set_strings_from_opts(vars, opts, ivar0 + 1) set_strings_from_substack(ctx, vars, whoami) else if tmp == 'without_flushed_glue' then ivar0 = ivar0 + 1 end argc = set_strings_from_opts(vars, opts, ivar0 + 1) end if argc < ivar0 then error(modulename .. ', ‘' .. whoami .. '’: No setting directive was given', 0) end if next(tbl) == nil then if vars.ifngiven ~= nil then ctx.params = { [get_param_name(opts[offs + 1])] = vars.ifngiven } elseif tbl == ctx.oparams then ctx.params = {} end return argc end local cache, len if do_sort then local words cache, words, len, tmp = get_sorted_key_list(tbl, sortfn) for idx = 1, tmp do cache[len + idx] = words[idx] end len = len + tmp else cache, len = {}, 1 for key in pairs(tbl) do cache[len], len = key, len + 1 end len = len - 1 end local pmap, nss, kvs, pps = {}, 0, vars.pairsep or '', vars.itersep or '' for idx = 1, len do tmp, pmap[nss + 1] = cache[idx], pps pmap[nss + 2] = keyval_fn(tmp, tbl[tmp], kvs) nss = nss + 2 end tmp = vars.oxfordsep or vars.lastsep if tmp ~= nil and nss > 4 then pmap[nss - 1] = tmp elseif nss > 2 and vars.lastsep ~= nil then pmap[nss - 1] = vars.lastsep end pmap[1] = vars.header or '' if vars.footer ~= nil then pmap[nss + 1] = vars.footer end ctx.params = { [get_param_name(opts[offs + 1])] = table.concat(pmap) } return argc end -- Concatenate the numeric keys from the table of parameters to the numeric -- keys from the table of options; non-numeric keys from the table of options -- will prevail over colliding non-numeric keys from the table of parameters local function concat_params (ctx, offs) local tbl, retval, cache, nmax = ctx.params, {}, {}, 0 for key, val in pairs(ctx.pipe) do if type(key) == 'number' then if key < 1 then cache[key] = val elseif key > offs then cache[key - offs] = val end if key > nmax then nmax = key end else cache[key] = val end end nmax = nmax - offs if ctx.subset == 1 then -- We need only the sequence for key, val in ipairs(tbl) do retval[key + nmax] = val end else if ctx.subset == -1 then for key in ipairs(tbl) do tbl[key] = nil end end for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' and key > 0 then retval[key + nmax] = val else retval[key] = val end end end for key, val in pairs(cache) do retval[key] = val end return retval end -- Flush the parameters by calling a custom function for each value (after this -- function has been invoked `ctx.params` will be no longer usable) local function flush_params (ctx, fn) local tmp local tbl = ctx.params if ctx.subset == -1 then for key, val in ipairs(tbl) do tbl[key] = nil end elseif ctx.subset == 1 then if ctx.pins == nil then for key, val in ipairs(tbl) do fn(key, val) end return end tmp = {} for key, val in ipairs(tbl) do tmp[key] = val end tbl = tmp end if ctx.pins ~= nil then local marker = ctx.sorttype < 1 and ctx.subset ~= -1 or nil for idx = 1, #ctx.pins do tmp = ctx.pins[idx] if tbl[tmp] ~= nil then fn(tmp, tbl[tmp]) tbl[tmp] = marker end end if ctx.subset == 1 then for key, val in ipairs(tbl) do if val ~= true then fn(key, val) end end return end end if ctx.sorttype > 0 then local nums, words, nn, nw = get_sorted_key_list(tbl, natural_sort) if ctx.sorttype == 2 then for idx = 1, nw do fn(words[idx], tbl[words[idx]]) end for idx = 1, nn do fn(nums[idx], tbl[nums[idx]]) end return end for idx = 1, nn do fn(nums[idx], tbl[nums[idx]]) end for idx = 1, nw do fn(words[idx], tbl[words[idx]]) end return end if ctx.subset == -1 or ctx.pins == nil then for key, val in ipairs(tbl) do fn(key, val) tbl[key] = nil end for key, val in pairs(tbl) do fn(key, val) end return end for key, val in ipairs(tbl) do if val ~= true then fn(key, val) end tbl[key] = nil end for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if val ~= true then fn(key, val) end end end -- Flush the parameters by calling one of two custom functions for each value -- (after this function has been invoked `ctx.params` will be no longer usable) local function mixed_flush_params (ctx, fn_seq, fn_oth) if ctx.subset == 1 then flush_params(ctx, fn_seq) return end if ctx.subset == -1 then flush_params(ctx, fn_oth) return end local tbl = ctx.params if ctx.pins == nil and ctx.sorttype < 1 then for key, val in ipairs(tbl) do fn_seq(key, val) tbl[key] = nil end for key, val in pairs(tbl) do fn_oth(key, val) end return end local tseq = {} for key, val in ipairs(tbl) do tseq[key] = val end if ctx.pins ~= nil then local tmp local marker = ctx.sorttype < 1 or nil for idx = 1, #ctx.pins do tmp = ctx.pins[idx] if tseq[tmp] ~= nil then fn_seq(tmp, tbl[tmp]) tbl[tmp], tseq[tmp] = nil, marker elseif tbl[tmp] ~= nil then fn_oth(tmp, tbl[tmp]) tbl[tmp] = nil end end end if ctx.sorttype > 0 then local nums, words, nn, nw = get_sorted_key_list(tbl, natural_sort) if ctx.sorttype == 2 then for idx = 1, nw do fn_oth(words[idx], tbl[words[idx]]) end end for idx = 1, nn do if tseq[nums[idx]] ~= nil then fn_seq(nums[idx], tseq[nums[idx]]) else fn_oth(nums[idx], tbl[nums[idx]]) end end if ctx.sorttype ~= 2 then for idx = 1, nw do fn_oth(words[idx], tbl[words[idx]]) end end return end for key, val in ipairs(tseq) do if val ~= true then fn_seq(key, val) tbl[key] = nil end end for key, val in pairs(tbl) do fn_oth(key, val) end end -- Finalize and return a concatenated list local function finalize_and_return_concatenated_list (ctx, lst, len, modsize) if len > 0 then local tmp = ctx.oxfordsep or ctx.lastsep if tmp ~= nil and len > modsize * 2 then lst[len - modsize + 1] = tmp elseif len > modsize and ctx.lastsep ~= nil then lst[len - modsize + 1] = ctx.lastsep end lst[1] = ctx.header or '' if ctx.footer ~= nil then lst[len + 1] = ctx.footer end ctx.text = table.concat(lst) else ctx.text = ctx.ifngiven or '' end end --- --- --- PUBLIC ENVIRONMENT --- --- ________________________________ --- --- --- --[[ Modifiers ]]-- ------------------- -- Syntax: #invoke:params|sequential|pipe to library.sequential = function (ctx) if ctx.subset == 1 then error(modulename .. ': The ‘sequential’ directive has been provided more than once', 0) end if ctx.subset == -1 then error(modulename .. ': The two directives ‘non-sequential’ and ‘sequential’ are in contradiction with each other', 0) end if ctx.sorttype > 0 then error(modulename .. ': The ‘all_sorted’ and ‘reassorted’ directives are redundant when followed by ‘sequential’', 0) end ctx.iterfunc, ctx.subset = ipairs, 1 return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|non-sequential|pipe to library['non-sequential'] = function (ctx) if ctx.subset == -1 then error(modulename .. ': The ‘non-sequential’ directive has been provided more than once', 0) end if ctx.subset == 1 then error(modulename .. ': The two directives ‘sequential’ and ‘non-sequential’ are in contradiction with each other', 0) end ctx.iterfunc, ctx.subset = pairs, -1 return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|all_sorted|pipe to library.all_sorted = function (ctx) if ctx.sorttype == 1 then error(modulename .. ': The ‘all_sorted’ directive has been provided more than once', 0) end if ctx.subset == 1 then error(modulename .. ': The ‘all_sorted’ directive is redundant after ‘sequential’', 0) end if ctx.sorttype == 2 then error(modulename .. ': The two directives ‘reassorted’ and ‘sequential’ are in contradiction with each other', 0) end ctx.sorttype = 1 return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|reassorted|pipe to library.reassorted = function (ctx) if ctx.sorttype == 2 then error(modulename .. ': The ‘reassorted’ directive has been provided more than once', 0) end if ctx.subset == 1 then error(modulename .. ': The ‘reassorted’ directive is redundant after ‘sequential’', 0) end if ctx.sorttype == 1 then error(modulename .. ': The two directives ‘sequential’ and ‘reassorted’ are in contradiction with each other', 0) end ctx.sorttype = 2 return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|pinned_until|sentinel|[parameter name 1]|[parameter -- name 2]|...|parameter name N|sentinel|pipe to library.pinned_until = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘pinned_until’: No sentinel was provided', 0) end local tmp, bucket, curr, ncurr local sntl, idx = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$', 2 if ctx.pin_bucket == nil then bucket, curr, ncurr = {}, {}, 0 ctx.pin_bucket, ctx.pins = bucket, curr else bucket, curr, ncurr = ctx.pin_bucket, ctx.pins, ctx.npins end while opts[offs + idx] ~= nil do tmp = opts[offs + idx]:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' if tmp == sntl then if idx == 2 then error(modulename .. ', ‘pinned_until’: No parameters to pin were provided', 0) end ctx.npins = ncurr + idx - 2 return context_iterate(ctx, offs + idx + 1) end if tmp == '0' or tmp:find'^%-?[1-9]%d*$' ~= nil then tmp = tonumber(tmp) end if bucket[tmp] then error(modulename .. ', ‘pinned_until’: Duplicate pinned parameter ‘' .. tostring(tmp) .. '’', 0) end curr[ncurr + idx - 1], bucket[tmp], idx = tmp, true, idx + 1 end error(modulename .. ', ‘pinned_until’: Missing sentinel in position #' .. tostring(idx), 0) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|setting|directives|...|pipe to library.setting = function (ctx) local new_offs = set_strings_from_opts(ctx, ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos + 1) if new_offs - ctx.fnpos < 2 then error(modulename .. ', ‘setting’: No directive was given', 0) end return context_iterate(ctx, new_offs + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|scoring|new parameter name|[container]|pipe to library.scoring = function (ctx) local opts, offs, retval = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos, 0 if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘scoring’: No parameter name was provided', 0) end local tmp for _ in pairs(ctx.params) do retval = retval + 1 end if opts[offs + 2] ~= nil then tmp = opts[offs + 2]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if tmp == 'in_substack' then new_substack(ctx)[get_param_name(opts[offs + 1])] = tostring(retval) return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end ctx.params[get_param_name(opts[offs + 1])] = tostring(retval) return context_iterate(ctx, tmp == 'here' and offs + 3 or offs + 2) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|squeezing|pipe to library.squeezing = function (ctx) local store, indices, tbl, newlen = {}, {}, ctx.params, 0 for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then newlen = newlen + 1 indices[newlen], store[key], tbl[key] = key, val, nil end end table.sort(indices) for idx = 1, newlen do tbl[idx] = store[indices[idx]] end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|filling_the_gaps|pipe to library.filling_the_gaps = function (ctx) local newval, tbl, tmp, nmin, nmax, nnums = ctx.pipe[ctx.fnpos + 1], ctx.params, {}, 1, nil, -1 if newval == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘filling_the_gaps’: No value was provided', 0) end for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then if nmax == nil then if key < nmin then nmin = key end nmax = key elseif key > nmax then nmax = key elseif key < nmin then nmin = key end tmp[key], nnums = val, nnums + 1 end end if nmax ~= nil and nmax - nmin > nnums then ctx.n_available = ctx.n_available + nmin + nnums - nmax if ctx.n_available < 0 then error(modulename .. ', ‘filling_the_gaps’: It is possible to fill at most ' .. tostring(maxfill) .. ' parameters', 0) end for idx = nmin, nmax do tbl[idx] = newval end for key, val in pairs(tmp) do tbl[key] = val end end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 2) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|clearing|pipe to library.clearing = function (ctx) local tbl, numerics = ctx.params, {} for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then numerics[key], tbl[key] = val, nil end end for key, val in ipairs(numerics) do tbl[key] = val end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|cutting|left cut|right cut|pipe to library.cutting = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local lcut = tonumber(opts[offs + 1]) if lcut == nil or math.floor(lcut) ~= lcut then error(modulename .. ', ‘cutting’: Left cut must be an integer number', 0) end local rcut = tonumber(opts[offs + 2]) if rcut == nil or math.floor(rcut) ~= rcut then error(modulename .. ', ‘cutting’: Right cut must be an integer number', 0) end local tbl = ctx.params local len = #tbl if lcut < 0 then lcut = len + lcut end if rcut < 0 then rcut = len + rcut end local tot = lcut + rcut if tot > 0 then local cache = {} if tot >= len then for key in ipairs(tbl) do tbl[key] = nil end tot = len else for idx = len - rcut + 1, len do tbl[idx] = nil end for idx = 1, lcut do tbl[idx] = nil end end for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' and key > 0 then if key > len then cache[key - tot] = val else cache[key - lcut] = val end tbl[key] = nil end end for key, val in pairs(cache) do tbl[key] = val end end return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|cropping|left crop|right crop|pipe to library.cropping = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local lcut = tonumber(opts[offs + 1]) if lcut == nil or math.floor(lcut) ~= lcut then error(modulename .. ', ‘cropping’: Left crop must be an integer number', 0) end local rcut = tonumber(opts[offs + 2]) if rcut == nil or math.floor(rcut) ~= rcut then error(modulename .. ', ‘cropping’: Right crop must be an integer number', 0) end local tbl = ctx.params local nmin, nmax for key in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then if nmin == nil then nmin, nmax = key, key elseif key > nmax then nmax = key elseif key < nmin then nmin = key end end end if nmin ~= nil then local len = nmax - nmin + 1 if lcut < 0 then lcut = len + lcut end if rcut < 0 then rcut = len + rcut end if lcut + rcut - len > -1 then for key in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then tbl[key] = nil end end elseif lcut + rcut > 0 then for idx = nmax - rcut + 1, nmax do tbl[idx] = nil end for idx = nmin, nmin + lcut - 1 do tbl[idx] = nil end local lshift = nmin + lcut - 1 if lshift > 0 then for idx = lshift + 1, nmax do tbl[idx - lshift], tbl[idx] = tbl[idx], nil end end end end return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|purging|start offset|length|pipe to library.purging = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local idx = tonumber(opts[offs + 1]) if idx == nil or math.floor(idx) ~= idx then error(modulename .. ', ‘purging’: Start offset must be an integer number', 0) end local len = tonumber(opts[offs + 2]) if len == nil or math.floor(len) ~= len then error(modulename .. ', ‘purging’: Length must be an integer number', 0) end local tbl = ctx.params if len < 1 then len = len + table.maxn(tbl) if idx > len then return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end len = len - idx + 1 end ctx.params = copy_table_reduced(tbl, idx, len) return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|backpurging|start offset|length|pipe to library.backpurging = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local last = tonumber(opts[offs + 1]) if last == nil or math.floor(last) ~= last then error(modulename .. ', ‘backpurging’: Start offset must be an integer number', 0) end local len = tonumber(opts[offs + 2]) if len == nil or math.floor(len) ~= len then error(modulename .. ', ‘backpurging’: Length must be an integer number', 0) end local idx local tbl = ctx.params if len > 0 then idx = last - len + 1 else for key in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' and (idx == nil or key < idx) then idx = key end end if idx == nil then return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end idx = idx - len if last < idx then return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end len = last - idx + 1 end ctx.params = copy_table_reduced(ctx.params, idx, len) return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|shifting|addend|pipe to library.shifting = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local nshift = tonumber(ctx.pipe[ctx.fnpos + 1]) if nshift == nil or nshift == 0 or math.floor(nshift) ~= nshift then error(modulename .. ', ‘shifting’: A non-zero integer number must be provided', 0) end local tbl = {} for key, val in pairs(ctx.params) do if type(key) == 'number' then tbl[key + nshift] = val else tbl[key] = val end end ctx.params = tbl return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 2) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|reversing_numeric_names|pipe to library.reversing_numeric_names = function (ctx) local tbl, numerics, nmax = ctx.params, {}, 0 for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then numerics[key], tbl[key] = val, nil if key > nmax then nmax = key end end end for key, val in pairs(numerics) do tbl[nmax - key + 1] = val end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|pivoting_numeric_names|pipe to --[[ library.pivoting_numeric_names = function (ctx) local tbl = ctx.params local shift = #tbl + 1 if shift < 2 then return library.reversing_numeric_names(ctx) end local tmp = {} for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then tmp[key], tbl[key] = val, nil end end for key, val in pairs(tmp) do tbl[shift - key] = val end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end ]]-- -- Syntax: #invoke:params|mirroring_numeric_names|pipe to --[[ library.mirroring_numeric_names = function (ctx) local nmax, nmin local tbl, tmp = ctx.params, {} for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then tmp[key], tbl[key] = val, nil if nmax == nil then nmin, nmax = key, key elseif key > nmax then nmax = key elseif key < nmin then nmin = key end end end for key, val in pairs(tmp) do tbl[nmax + nmin - key] = val end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end ]]-- -- Syntax: #invoke:params|swapping_numeric_names|pipe to --[[ library.swapping_numeric_names = function (ctx) local tmp local tbl, cache, nsize = ctx.params, {}, 1 for key in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then cache[nsize], nsize = key, nsize + 1 end end table.sort(cache) for idx = math.floor((nsize - 1) / 2), 1, -1 do tmp = tbl[cache[idx] ] tbl[cache[idx] ] = tbl[cache[nsize - idx] ] tbl[cache[nsize - idx] ] = tmp end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end ]]-- -- Syntax: #invoke:params|sorting_sequential_values|[criterion]|pipe to library.sorting_sequential_values = function (ctx) local sortfn local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then sortfn = sortfunctions[opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$'] end if sortfn then table.sort(ctx.params, sortfn) else table.sort(ctx.params) end -- i.e. either `false` or `nil` if sortfn == nil then return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 1) end return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 2) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|splicing|[add to position]|position|increment| -- [number of elements to write]|...|pipe to library.splicing = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local tmp2, argc, pos, refp local tbl, opts, offs = ctx.params, ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local tmp1 = opts[offs + 1] if tmp1 ~= nil then tmp2 = tonumber(tmp1) if tmp2 == nil or math.floor(tmp2) ~= tmp2 then pos, argc, tmp2 = tonumber(opts[offs + 2]), offs + 4, tmp1:match'^%s*(.*%S)' if tmp2 ~= nil then refp = position_references[tmp2] if refp == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘splicing’: ‘' .. tostring(tmp2) .. '’ is not a valid first argument', 0) end else refp = 0 end else pos, argc, refp = tmp2, offs + 3, 0 end else pos, argc, refp = tonumber(opts[offs + 2]), offs + 4, 0 end if pos == nil or math.floor(pos) ~= pos then error(modulename .. ', ‘splicing’: The position must be an integer number', 0) end local len = tonumber(opts[argc - 1]) if len == nil or math.floor(len) ~= len then error(modulename .. ', ‘splicing’: The increment must be an integer number', 0) end local insn = tonumber(opts[argc]) if len == 0 and (insn == nil or insn < 1) then error(modulename .. ', ‘splicing’: When the increment is zero the number of elements to write cannot be zero', 0) end if refp == 2 then for _ in ipairs(tbl) do pos = pos + 1 end refp = 0 end tmp1, tmp2 = nil, nil if refp ~= 0 or len ~= 0 then for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if type(key) == 'number' then if tmp1 == nil then tmp1, tmp2 = key, key elseif key < tmp1 then tmp1 = key elseif key > tmp2 then tmp2 = key end end end end if tmp2 == nil then len = 0 elseif refp == 3 then pos = pos + tmp2 elseif refp == 1 then pos = pos + tmp1 end if len > 0 and pos + len > tmp1 and pos <= tmp2 then tbl = copy_table_expanded(tbl, pos, len) elseif len < 0 and pos - len > tmp1 and pos <= tmp2 then tbl = copy_table_reduced(tbl, pos, -len) else tbl = copy_or_ref_table(tbl, tbl ~= ctx.oparams) end ctx.params = tbl if insn == nil or insn < 0 or math.floor(insn) ~= insn then return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end tmp1 = argc - offs - pos + 1 for key = pos, pos + insn - 1 do tbl[key] = opts[offs + key + tmp1] end return context_iterate(ctx, argc + insn + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|imposing|name|value|pipe to library.imposing = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘imposing’: Missing parameter name to impose', 0) end ctx.params[get_param_name(opts[offs + 1])] = opts[offs + 2] return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|providing|name|value|pipe to library.providing = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘providing’: Missing parameter name to provide', 0) end local key = get_param_name(opts[offs + 1]) if ctx.params[key] == nil then ctx.params[key] = opts[offs + 2] end return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|reassigning|source|destination|[mode]|pipe to library.reassigning = function (ctx) local tbl, opts, offs = ctx.params, ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘reassigning’: Missing source parameter', 0) end if opts[offs + 2] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘reassigning’: Missing destination parameter', 0) end local mode, argc local src = get_param_name(opts[offs + 1]) local val = tbl[src] if opts[offs + 3] ~= nil then mode = a_modes[opts[offs + 3]:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$'] end if mode == nil then mode, argc = 0, offs + 3 else argc = offs + 4 end if val == nil and mode > 1 then return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end local dest = get_param_name(opts[offs + 2]) local tmp = tbl[dest] == nil if mode % 2 == 0 or (mode == 7 and tmp) then tbl[src] = nil end if tmp or mode < 4 then tbl[dest] = val end return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|discarding|name|[how many]|pipe to library.discarding = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘discarding’: Missing parameter name to discard', 0) end local len = tonumber(opts[offs + 2]) if len == nil then ctx.params[get_param_name(opts[offs + 1])] = nil return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 2) end local key = tonumber(opts[offs + 1]) if key == nil or math.floor(key) ~= key then error(modulename .. ', ‘discarding’: A range was provided, but the initial parameter name is not an integer number', 0) end if len < 1 or math.floor(len) ~= len then error(modulename .. ', ‘discarding’: A range can only be an integer number greater than zero', 0) end for idx = key, key + len - 1 do ctx.params[idx] = nil end return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|excluding_non-numeric_names|pipe to library['excluding_non-numeric_names'] = function (ctx) local tmp = ctx.params for key, val in pairs(tmp) do if type(key) ~= 'number' then tmp[key] = nil end end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|excluding_numeric_names|pipe to library.excluding_numeric_names = function (ctx) local tmp = ctx.params for key, val in pairs(tmp) do if type(key) == 'number' then tmp[key] = nil end end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|with_name_matching|target 1|[plain flag 1]|[or]| -- [target 2]|[plain flag 2]|[or]|[...]|[target N]|[plain flag -- N]|pipe to library.with_name_matching = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local tmp, ptn local tbl, newparams, opts, offs = ctx.params, {}, ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local targets, nptns, argc = load_pattern_args(opts, offs, 'with_name_matching') for idx = 1, nptns do ptn = targets[idx] if ptn[3] then tmp = ptn[1] if tmp == '0' or tmp:find'^%-?[1-9]%d*$' ~= nil then tmp = tonumber(tmp) end newparams[tmp] = tbl[tmp] else for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if tostring(key):find(ptn[1], 1, ptn[2]) then newparams[key] = val end end end end ctx.params = newparams return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|with_name_not_matching|target 1|[plain flag 1]| -- [and]|[target 2]|[plain flag 2]|[and]|[...]|[target N]|[plain -- flag N]|pipe to library.with_name_not_matching = function (ctx) local tbl, opts, offs = ctx.params, ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local targets, nptns, argc = load_pattern_args(opts, offs, 'with_name_not_matching') if nptns == 1 and targets[1][3] then local tmp = targets[1][1] if tmp == '0' or tmp:find'^%-?[1-9]%d*$' ~= nil then tbl[tonumber(tmp)] = nil else tbl[tmp] = nil end return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end local yesmatch, ptn for key in pairs(tbl) do yesmatch = true for idx = 1, nptns do ptn = targets[idx] if ptn[3] then if tostring(key) ~= ptn[1] then yesmatch = false break end elseif not tostring(key):find(ptn[1], 1, ptn[2]) then yesmatch = false break end end if yesmatch then tbl[key] = nil end end return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|with_value_matching|target 1|[plain flag 1]|[or]| -- [target 2]|[plain flag 2]|[or]|[...]|[target N]|[plain flag -- N]|pipe to library.with_value_matching = function (ctx) local nomatch, ptn local tbl, opts, offs = ctx.params, ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local targets, nptns, argc = load_pattern_args(opts, offs, 'with_value_matching') for key, val in pairs(tbl) do nomatch = true for idx = 1, nptns do ptn = targets[idx] if ptn[3] then if val == ptn[1] then nomatch = false break end elseif val:find(ptn[1], 1, ptn[2]) then nomatch = false break end end if nomatch then tbl[key] = nil end end return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|with_value_not_matching|target 1|[plain flag 1]| -- [and]|[target 2]|[plain flag 2]|[and]|[...]|[target N]|[plain -- flag N]|pipe to library.with_value_not_matching = function (ctx) local yesmatch, ptn local tbl, opts, offs = ctx.params, ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local targets, nptns, argc = load_pattern_args(opts, offs, 'with_value_not_matching') for key, val in pairs(tbl) do yesmatch = true for idx = 1, nptns do ptn = targets[idx] if ptn[3] then if val ~= ptn[1] then yesmatch = false break end elseif not val:find(ptn[1], 1, ptn[2]) then yesmatch = false break end end if yesmatch then tbl[key] = nil end end return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|keeping_at_most|number of parameters to pick|pipe to library.keeping_at_most = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local len = tonumber(ctx.pipe[ctx.fnpos + 1]) if len == nil or len < 1 or math.floor(len) ~= len then error(modulename .. ', ‘keeping_at_most’: The number of parameters to keep must be an integer greater than zero', 0) end ctx.params = copy_table_maxn({}, ctx.params, len) return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 2) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|trimming_values|pipe to library.trimming_values = function (ctx) local tbl = ctx.params for key, val in pairs(tbl) do tbl[key] = val:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|mapping_to_lowercase|pipe to library.mapping_to_lowercase = function (ctx) local tbl = ctx.params for key, val in pairs(tbl) do tbl[key] = val:lower() end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|mapping_to_uppercase|pipe to library.mapping_to_uppercase = function (ctx) local tbl = ctx.params for key, val in pairs(tbl) do tbl[key] = val:upper() end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|mapping_by_calling|template name|[call -- style]|[let/use]|[...]|[let/use]|[...]|[number of additional -- parameters]|[parameter 1]|[parameter 2]|[...]|[parameter N]|pipe to library.mapping_by_calling = function (ctx) local tname local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then tname = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if tname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘mapping_by_calling’: No template name was provided', 0) end local margs, argc, looptype, karg, varg, tbl, mem = load_callback_opts(opts, offs + 1, mapping_styles.values_only, ctx.params) local model = { title = tname, args = margs } value_maps[looptype](tbl, margs, karg, varg, function () return ctx.frame:expandTemplate(model) end) for key, val in pairs(mem) do tbl[key] = val end ctx.params = tbl return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|mapping_by_invoking|module name|function name|[call -- style]|[let/use]|[...]|[let/use]|[...]|[number of additional -- arguments]|[argument 1]|[argument 2]|[...]|[argument N]|pipe to library.mapping_by_invoking = function (ctx) local mname, fname local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then mname = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if mname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘mapping_by_invoking’: No module name was provided', 0) end if opts[offs + 2] ~= nil then fname = opts[offs + 2]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if fname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘mapping_by_invoking’: No function name was provided', 0) end local margs, argc, looptype, karg, varg, tbl, mem = load_callback_opts(opts, offs + 2, mapping_styles.values_only, ctx.params) local model = { title = 'Module:' .. mname, args = margs } local mfunc = require(model.title)[fname] if mfunc == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘mapping_by_invoking’: The function ‘' .. fname .. '’ does not exist', 0) end value_maps[looptype](tbl, margs, karg, varg, function () return tostring(mfunc(ctx.frame:newChild(model))) end) for key, val in pairs(mem) do tbl[key] = val end ctx.params = tbl return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|mapping_by_magic|parser function|[call -- style]|[let/use]|[...]|[let/use]|[...]|[number of additional -- arguments]|[argument 1]|[argument 2]|[...]|[argument N]|pipe to library.mapping_by_magic = function (ctx) local magic local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then magic = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if magic == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘mapping_by_magic’: No parser function was provided', 0) end local margs, argc, looptype, karg, varg, tbl, mem = load_callback_opts(opts, offs + 1, mapping_styles.values_only, ctx.params) value_maps[looptype](tbl, margs, karg, varg, function () return ctx.frame:callParserFunction(magic, margs) end) for key, val in pairs(mem) do tbl[key] = val end ctx.params = tbl return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|mapping_by_replacing|target|replace|[count]|[plain -- flag]|pipe to library.mapping_by_replacing = function (ctx) local ptn, repl, nmax, flg, argc, die = load_replace_args(ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos, 'mapping_by_replacing') if die then return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end local tbl = ctx.params if flg == 3 then for key, val in pairs(tbl) do if val == ptn then tbl[key] = repl end end else if flg == 2 then -- Copied from Module:String's `str._escapePattern()` ptn = ptn:gsub('[%(%)%.%%%+%-%*%?%[%^%$%]]', '%%%0') end for key, val in pairs(tbl) do tbl[key] = val:gsub(ptn, repl, nmax) end end return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|mapping_by_mixing|mixing string|pipe to library.mapping_by_mixing = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘mapping_by_mixing’: No mixing string was provided', 0) end local tbl, mix = ctx.params, opts[offs + 1] if mix == '$#' then for key in pairs(tbl) do tbl[key] = tostring(key) end return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 2) end local skel, cnv, n_parts = parse_placeholder_string(mix) for key, val in pairs(tbl) do for idx = 2, n_parts, 2 do if skel[idx] then cnv[idx] = val else cnv[idx] = tostring(key) end end tbl[key] = table.concat(cnv) end return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 2) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|renaming_to_lowercase|pipe to library.renaming_to_lowercase = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local cache = {} for key, val in pairs(ctx.params) do if type(key) == 'string' then cache[key:lower()] = val else cache[key] = val end end ctx.params = cache return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|renaming_to_uppercase|pipe to library.renaming_to_uppercase = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local cache = {} for key, val in pairs(ctx.params) do if type(key) == 'string' then cache[key:upper()] = val else cache[key] = val end end ctx.params = cache return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|renaming_to_sequence|[sort order]|pipe to library.renaming_to_sequence = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local cache, len local tbl = ctx.params local sortfn, argc, do_sort = load_sort_opt(ctx.pipe[ctx.fnpos + 1]) if do_sort then local words, wl cache, words, len, wl = get_sorted_key_list(tbl, sortfn) for idx = 1, len do cache[idx] = tbl[cache[idx]] end for idx = 1, wl do cache[len + idx] = tbl[words[idx]] end else cache, len = {}, 1 for _, val in pairs(tbl) do cache[len], len = val, len + 1 end end ctx.params = cache return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|renaming_by_calling|template name|[call -- style]|[let/use]|[...]|[let/use]|[...]|[number of additional -- parameters]|[parameter 1]|[parameter 2]|[...]|[parameter N]|pipe to library.renaming_by_calling = function (ctx) local tname local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then tname = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if tname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘renaming_by_calling’: No template name was provided', 0) end local rargs, argc, looptype, karg, varg, tbl, mem = load_callback_opts(opts, offs + 1, mapping_styles.names_only, ctx.params) local model = { title = tname, args = rargs } map_names(tbl, rargs, karg, varg, looptype, function () return ctx.frame:expandTemplate(model) end) for key, val in pairs(mem) do tbl[key] = val end ctx.params = tbl return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|renaming_by_invoking|module name|function -- name|[call style]|[let/use]|[...]|[let/use]|[...]|[number of -- additional arguments]|[argument 1]|[argument 2]|[...]|[argument -- N]|pipe to library.renaming_by_invoking = function (ctx) local mname, fname local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then mname = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if mname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘renaming_by_invoking’: No module name was provided', 0) end if opts[offs + 2] ~= nil then fname = opts[offs + 2]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if fname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘renaming_by_invoking’: No function name was provided', 0) end local rargs, argc, looptype, karg, varg, tbl, mem = load_callback_opts(opts, offs + 2, mapping_styles.names_only, ctx.params) local model = { title = 'Module:' .. mname, args = rargs } local mfunc = require(model.title)[fname] if mfunc == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘renaming_by_invoking’: The function ‘' .. fname .. '’ does not exist', 0) end map_names(tbl, rargs, karg, varg, looptype, function () return tostring(mfunc(ctx.frame:newChild(model))) end) for key, val in pairs(mem) do tbl[key] = val end ctx.params = tbl return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|renaming_by_magic|parser function|[call -- style]|[let/use]|[...]|[let/use]|[...]|[number of additional -- arguments]|[argument 1]|[argument 2]|[...]|[argument N]|pipe to library.renaming_by_magic = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local magic if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then magic = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if magic == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘renaming_by_magic’: No parser function was provided', 0) end local rargs, argc, looptype, karg, varg, tbl, mem = load_callback_opts(opts, offs + 1, mapping_styles.names_only, ctx.params) map_names(tbl, rargs, karg, varg, looptype, function () return ctx.frame:callParserFunction(magic, rargs) end) for key, val in pairs(mem) do tbl[key] = val end ctx.params = tbl return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|renaming_by_replacing|target|replace|[count]|[plain -- flag]|pipe to library.renaming_by_replacing = function (ctx) local ptn, repl, nmax, flg, argc, die = load_replace_args(ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos, 'renaming_by_replacing') if die then return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end local tbl = ctx.params if flg == 3 then ptn = get_param_name(ptn) local val = tbl[ptn] if val ~= nil then tbl[ptn], tbl[get_param_name(repl)] = nil, val end else if flg == 2 then -- Copied from Module:String's `str._escapePattern()` ptn = ptn:gsub('[%(%)%.%%%+%-%*%?%[%^%$%]]', '%%%0') end local cache = {} for key, val in pairs(tbl) do steal_if_renamed(val, tbl, key, cache, tostring(key):gsub(ptn, repl, nmax)) end for key, val in pairs(cache) do tbl[key] = val end end return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|renaming_by_mixing|mixing string|pipe to library.renaming_by_mixing = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local mix = ctx.pipe[ctx.fnpos + 1] if mix == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘renaming_by_mixing’: No mixing string was provided', 0) end local cache = {} mix = mix:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' if mix == '$@' then for _, val in pairs(ctx.params) do cache[get_param_name(val)] = val end else local skel, canvas, n_parts = parse_placeholder_string(mix) for key, val in pairs(ctx.params) do for idx = 2, n_parts, 2 do if skel[idx] then canvas[idx] = val else canvas[idx] = tostring(key) end end cache[get_param_name(table.concat(canvas))] = val end end ctx.params = cache return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 2) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|grouping_by_calling|template -- name|[let/use]|[...]|[let/use]|[...]|[number of additional -- arguments]|[argument 1]|[argument 2]|[...]|[argument N]|pipe to library.grouping_by_calling = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local tmp, argc, tbl, mem = load_child_opts(opts, offs + 2, 0, ctx.params) local gargs = {} for key, val in pairs(tmp) do if type(key) == 'number' and key < 1 then gargs[key - 1] = val else gargs[key] = val end end tmp = opts[offs + 1] if tmp ~= nil then tmp = tmp:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if tmp == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘grouping_by_calling’: No template name was provided', 0) end local model = { title = tmp } local groups = make_groups(tbl) for gid, group in pairs(groups) do for key, val in pairs(gargs) do group[key] = val end group[0], model.args = gid, group groups[gid] = ctx.frame:expandTemplate(model) end for key, val in pairs(mem) do groups[key] = val end ctx.params = groups return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|parsing|string to parse|[trim flag]|[iteration -- delimiter setter]|[...]|[key-value delimiter setter]|[...]|pipe to library.parsing = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘parsing’: No string to parse was provided', 0) end local isep, iplain, psep, pplain, trimnamed, trimunnamed, argc = load_parse_opts(opts, offs + 2, '|', '=') parse_parameter_string(ctx.params, opts[offs + 1], isep, iplain, psep, pplain, trimnamed, trimunnamed) return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|reinterpreting|parameter to reinterpret|[trim -- flag]|[iteration delimiter setter]|[...]|[key-value delimiter -- setter]|[...]|pipe to library.reinterpreting = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘reinterpreting’: No parameter to reinterpret was provided', 0) end local isep, iplain, psep, pplain, trimnamed, trimunnamed, argc = load_parse_opts(opts, offs + 2, '|', '=') local tbl, tmp = ctx.params, get_param_name(opts[offs + 1]) local str = tbl[tmp] if str ~= nil then tbl[tmp] = nil parse_parameter_string(tbl, str, isep, iplain, psep, pplain, trimnamed, trimunnamed) end return context_iterate(ctx, argc) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|evaluating|string to parse|[trim flag]|[iteration -- delimiter setter]|[...]|[key-value delimiter setter]|[...]|pipe to library.evaluating = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘evaluating’: No string to parse was provided', 0) end local isep, iplain, psep, pplain, trimnamed, trimunnamed, repos = load_parse_opts(opts, offs + 2, '!', ':') if opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' == nil then remove_numeric_keys(opts, offs, repos - offs) return context_iterate(ctx, offs) end local new_opts, cache = {}, {} parse_parameter_string(cache, opts[offs + 1], isep, iplain, psep, pplain, trimnamed, trimunnamed) local shift = #cache + offs - repos + 1 for key, val in pairs(opts) do if type(key) ~= 'number' or key < offs then new_opts[key] = val elseif key >= repos then new_opts[key + shift] = val end end for key, val in pairs(cache) do if type(key) ~= 'number' or key < 1 then new_opts[key] = val else new_opts[key + offs] = val end end ctx.pipe = new_opts return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|mixing_names_and_values|mixing string|pipe to library.mixing_names_and_values = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘mixing_names_and_values’: No mixing string was provided for parameter names', 0) end if opts[offs + 2] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘mixing_names_and_values’: No mixing string was provided for parameter values', 0) end local tmp local cache, mix_k, mix_v = {}, opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$', opts[offs + 2] if mix_k == '$@' and mix_v == '$@' then for _, val in pairs(ctx.params) do cache[get_param_name(val)] = val end elseif mix_k == '$@' and mix_v == '$#' then for key, val in pairs(ctx.params) do cache[get_param_name(val)] = tostring(key) end elseif mix_k == '$#' and mix_v == '$#' then for key in pairs(ctx.params) do cache[key] = tostring(key) end else local skel_k, cnv_k, n_parts_k = parse_placeholder_string(mix_k) local skel_v, cnv_v, n_parts_v = parse_placeholder_string(mix_v) for key, val in pairs(ctx.params) do tmp = tostring(key) for idx = 2, n_parts_k, 2 do if skel_k[idx] then cnv_k[idx] = val else cnv_k[idx] = tmp end end for idx = 2, n_parts_v, 2 do if skel_v[idx] then cnv_v[idx] = val else cnv_v[idx] = tmp end end cache[get_param_name(table.concat(cnv_k))] = table.concat(cnv_v) end end ctx.params = cache return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|combining|new parameter name|[sort -- order]|[with/without flushed glue]|setting directives|...|pipe to library.combining = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning return context_iterate(ctx, combine_parameters( ctx, function (key, val, kvs) return key .. kvs .. val end, 'combining' ) + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|combining_values|new parameter name|[sort -- order]|[with/without flushed glue]|setting directives|...|pipe to library.combining_values = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning return context_iterate(ctx, combine_parameters( ctx, function (key, val, kvs) return val end, 'combining_values' ) + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|combining_by_calling|template name|new parameter -- name|pipe to library.combining_by_calling = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local tname = opts[offs + 1] if tname ~= nil then tname = tname:match'^%s*(.*%S)' else error(modulename .. ', ‘combining_by_calling’: No template name was provided', 0) end if opts[offs + 2] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘combining_by_calling’: No parameter name was provided', 0) end ctx.params = { [get_param_name(opts[offs + 2])] = ctx.frame:expandTemplate{ title = tname, args = ctx.params } } return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|combining_by_invoking|module name|function name|new -- parameter name|pipe to library.combining_by_invoking = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local mname = opts[offs + 1] if mname ~= nil then mname = mname:match'^%s*(.*%S)' else error(modulename .. ', ‘combining_by_invoking’: No module name was provided', 0) end local fname = opts[offs + 2] if fname ~= nil then fname = fname:match'^%s*(.*%S)' else error(modulename .. ', ‘combining_by_invoking’: No function name was provided', 0) end if opts[offs + 3] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘combining_by_invoking’: No parameter name was provided', 0) end local model = { title = 'Module:' .. mname, args = ctx.params } local mfunc = require(model.title)[fname] if mfunc == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘mapping_by_invoking’: The function ‘' .. fname .. '’ does not exist', 0) end ctx.params = { [get_param_name(opts[offs + 3])] = tostring(mfunc(ctx.frame:newChild(model))) } return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 4) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|combining_by_magic|parser function|new parameter -- name|pipe to library.combining_by_magic = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! As a modifier, -- this function MUST create a copy of it before returning local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos local magic = opts[offs + 1] if magic ~= nil then magic = magic:match'^%s*(.*%S)' else error(modulename .. ', ‘combining_by_magic’: No parser function was provided', 0) end if opts[offs + 2] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘combining_by_magic’: No parameter name was provided', 0) end ctx.params = { [get_param_name(opts[offs + 2])] = ctx.frame:callParserFunction(magic, ctx.params) } return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 3) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|snapshotting|[maximum number]|pipe to library.snapshotting = function (ctx) return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + make_child(ctx, ctx.params, 'snapshotting')) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|remembering|[maximum number]|pipe to library.remembering = function (ctx) return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + make_child(ctx, ctx.oparams, 'remembering')) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|entering_substack|[new]|pipe to library.entering_substack = function (ctx) local tbl, opts, offs, ncurrparent = ctx.params, ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos, ctx.n_parents + 1 if ctx.parents == nil then ctx.parents = { tbl } else ctx.parents[ncurrparent] = tbl end ctx.n_parents = ncurrparent if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil and opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*new%s*$' then ctx.params = {} return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 2) end local currsnap = ctx.n_children if currsnap > 0 then ctx.params, ctx.children[currsnap], ctx.n_children = ctx.children[currsnap], nil, currsnap - 1 else local newparams = {} for key, val in pairs(tbl) do newparams[key] = val end ctx.params = newparams end return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|pulling|parameter name|pipe to library.pulling = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘pulling’: No parameter to pull was provided', 0) end local tmp = ctx.n_parents local parent = tmp < 1 and ctx.oparams or ctx.parents[tmp] tmp = get_param_name(opts[offs + 1]) if parent[tmp] ~= nil then ctx.params[tmp] = parent[tmp] end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 2) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|recalling|parameter name|pipe to library.recalling = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘recalling’: No parameter to recall was provided', 0) end local arg = get_param_name(opts[offs + 1]) if ctx.oparams[arg] ~= nil then ctx.params[arg] = ctx.oparams[arg] end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 2) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|finding|parameter name|pipe to --[[ library.finding = function (ctx) local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘finding’: No parameter to find was provided', 0) end local arg = get_param_name(opts[offs + 1]) local parent for idx = ctx.n_parents, 1, -1 do parent = ctx.parents[idx] if parent[arg] ~= nil then ctx.params[arg] = parent[arg] return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 2) end end if ctx.oparams[arg] ~= nil then ctx.params[arg] = ctx.oparams[arg] end return context_iterate(ctx, offs + 2) end ]]-- -- Syntax: #invoke:params|picking|number of parameters to pick|pipe to --[[ library.picking = function (ctx) local len = tonumber(ctx.pipe[ctx.fnpos + 1]) if len == nil or len < 1 or math.floor(len) ~= len then error(modulename .. ', ‘picking’: The number of parameters to pick must be an integer greater than zero', 0) end if ctx.n_parents < 1 then copy_table_maxn(ctx.params, ctx.oparams, len) else copy_table_maxn(ctx.params, ctx.parents[ctx.n_parents], len) end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 2) end ]]-- -- Syntax: #invoke:params|detaching_substack|pipe to library.detaching_substack = function (ctx) local ncurrparent = ctx.n_parents if ncurrparent < 1 then error(modulename .. ', ‘detaching_substack’: No substack has been created', 0) end local parent = ctx.parents[ncurrparent] for key in pairs(ctx.params) do parent[key] = nil end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|dropping_substack|pipe to library.dropping_substack = function (ctx) local ncurrparent = ctx.n_parents if ncurrparent < 1 then error(modulename .. ', ‘dropping_substack’: No substack has been created', 0) end ctx.params, ctx.parents[ncurrparent], ctx.n_parents = ctx.parents[ncurrparent], nil, ncurrparent - 1 return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|leaving_substack|pipe to library.leaving_substack = function (ctx) local ncurrparent = ctx.n_parents if ncurrparent < 1 then error(modulename .. ', ‘leaving_substack’: No substack has been created', 0) end local currsnap = ctx.n_children + 1 if ctx.children == nil then ctx.children = { ctx.params } else ctx.children[currsnap] = ctx.params end ctx.params, ctx.parents[ncurrparent], ctx.n_parents, ctx.n_children = ctx.parents[ncurrparent], nil, ncurrparent - 1, currsnap return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|merging_substack|pipe to library.merging_substack = function (ctx) local ncurrparent = ctx.n_parents if ncurrparent < 1 then error(modulename .. ', ‘merging_substack’: No substack has been created', 0) end local parent, child = ctx.parents[ncurrparent], ctx.params ctx.params, ctx.parents[ncurrparent], ctx.n_parents = parent, nil, ncurrparent - 1 for key, val in pairs(child) do parent[key] = val end return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|flushing|pipe to library.flushing = function (ctx) if ctx.n_children < 1 then error(modulename .. ', ‘flushing’: There are no substacks to flush', 0) end local parent, currsnap = ctx.params, ctx.n_children for key, val in pairs(ctx.children[currsnap]) do parent[key] = val end ctx.children[currsnap], ctx.n_children = nil, currsnap - 1 return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|setting_by_flushing|pipe to library.setting_by_flushing = function (ctx) set_strings_from_substack(ctx, ctx, 'setting_by_flushing') return context_iterate(ctx, ctx.fnpos + 1) end --[[ Functions ]]-- ----------------------------- -- Syntax: #invoke:params|count library.count = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! local retval = 0 for _ in ctx.iterfunc(ctx.params) do retval = retval + 1 end if ctx.subset == -1 then retval = retval - #ctx.params end ctx.text = retval return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:args|concat_and_call|template name|[prepend 1]|[prepend 2]| -- [...]|[item n]|[named item 1=value 1]|[...]|[named item n=value -- n]|[...] library.concat_and_call = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! local tname local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then tname = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if tname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘concat_and_call’: No template name was provided', 0) end ctx.text = ctx.frame:expandTemplate{ title = tname, args = concat_params(ctx, offs + 1) } return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:args|concat_and_invoke|module name|function name|[prepend -- 1]|[prepend 2]|[...]|[item n]|[named item 1=value 1]|[...]|[named -- item n=value n]|[...] library.concat_and_invoke = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! local mname, fname local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then mname = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if mname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘concat_and_invoke’: No module name was provided', 0) end if opts[offs + 2] ~= nil then fname = opts[offs + 2]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if fname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘concat_and_invoke’: No function name was provided', 0) end local mfunc = require('Module:' .. mname)[fname] if mfunc == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘concat_and_invoke’: The function ‘' .. fname .. '’ does not exist', 0) end ctx.text = mfunc(ctx.frame:newChild{ title = 'Module:' .. mname, args = concat_params(ctx, offs + 2) }) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:args|concat_and_magic|parser function|[prepend 1]|[prepend -- 2]|[...]|[item n]|[named item 1=value 1]|[...]|[named item n= -- value n]|[...] library.concat_and_magic = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! local magic local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then magic = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if magic == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘concat_and_magic’: No parser function was provided', 0) end ctx.text = ctx.frame:callParserFunction(magic, concat_params(ctx, offs + 1)) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|value_of|parameter name library.value_of = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘value_of’: No parameter name was provided', 0) end local val local key = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.-)%s*$' if key == '0' or key:find'^%-?[1-9]%d*$' ~= nil then key = tonumber(key) val = ctx.params[key] -- No worries: #ctx.params is unused when the modifier is in -- first position (and therefore `ctx.params` is a metatable) if val ~= nil and ( ctx.subset ~= -1 or key > #ctx.params or key < 1 ) and ( ctx.subset ~= 1 or (key <= #ctx.params and key > 0) ) then ctx.text = (ctx.header or '') .. val .. (ctx.footer or '') else ctx.text = ctx.ifngiven or '' end else val = ctx.params[key] if ctx.subset ~= 1 and val ~= nil then ctx.text = (ctx.header or '') .. val .. (ctx.footer or '') else ctx.text = ctx.ifngiven or '' end end return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|list library.list = function (ctx) local ret, nss, kvs, pps = {}, 0, ctx.pairsep or '', ctx.itersep or '' flush_params(ctx, function (key, val) ret[nss + 1], ret[nss + 2], ret[nss + 3], ret[nss + 4], nss = pps, key, kvs, val, nss + 4 end) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 4) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|list_values library.list_values = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `library.coins()` and `library.unique_coins()` rely on us local ret, nss, pps = {}, 0, ctx.itersep or '' flush_params(ctx, function (key, val) ret[nss + 1], ret[nss + 2], nss = pps, val, nss + 2 end) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 2) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|list_maybe_with_names library.list_maybe_with_names = function (ctx) local ret, nss, kvs, pps = {}, 0, ctx.pairsep or '', ctx.itersep or '' mixed_flush_params( ctx, function (key, val) ret[nss + 1], ret[nss + 2], ret[nss + 3], ret[nss + 4], nss = pps, '', '', val, nss + 4 end, function (key, val) ret[nss + 1], ret[nss + 2], ret[nss + 3], ret[nss + 4], nss = pps, key, kvs, val, nss + 4 end ) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 4) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|for_each|wikitext library.for_each = function (ctx) local ret, nss, pps, txt = {}, 0, ctx.itersep or '', ctx.pipe[ctx.fnpos + 1] or '' local skel, cnv, n_parts = parse_placeholder_string(txt) flush_params(ctx, function (key, val) for idx = 2, n_parts, 2 do if skel[idx] then cnv[idx] = val else cnv[idx] = tostring(key) end end ret[nss + 1], nss = pps, nss + 2 ret[nss] = table.concat(cnv) end) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 2) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|call_for_each|template name|[append 1]|[append 2]| -- [...]|[append n]|[named param 1=value 1]|[...]|[named param -- n=value n]|[...] library.call_for_each = function (ctx) local tname local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then tname = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if tname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘call_for_each’: No template name was provided', 0) end local cargs = copy_table_reduced(opts, 1, offs - 1) local model, ret, nss, ccs = { title = tname, args = cargs }, {}, 0, ctx.itersep or '' flush_params(ctx, function (key, val) cargs[1], cargs[2], ret[nss + 1], nss = key, val, ccs, nss + 2 ret[nss] = ctx.frame:expandTemplate(model) end) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 2) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|invoke_for_each|module name|module function|[append -- 1]|[append 2]|[...]|[append n]|[named param 1=value 1]|[...]| -- [named param n=value n]|[...] library.invoke_for_each = function (ctx) local mname, fname local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then mname = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if mname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘invoke_for_each’: No module name was provided', 0) end if opts[offs + 2] ~= nil then fname = opts[offs + 2]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if fname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘invoke_for_each’: No function name was provided', 0) end local iargs = copy_table_reduced(ctx.pipe, 1, offs) local model = { title = 'Module:' .. mname, args = iargs } local mfunc, ret, nss, ccs = require(model.title)[fname], {}, 0, ctx.itersep or '' if mfunc == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘invoke_for_each’: The function ‘' .. fname .. '’ does not exist', 0) end flush_params(ctx, function (key, val) iargs[1], iargs[2], ret[nss + 1], nss = key, val, ccs, nss + 2 ret[nss] = mfunc(ctx.frame:newChild(model)) end) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 2) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|magic_for_each|parser function|[append 1]|[append -- 2]|[...]|[append n]|[named param 1=value 1]|[...]|[named param -- n=value n]|[...] library.magic_for_each = function (ctx) local magic local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then magic = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if magic == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘magic_for_each’: No parser function was provided', 0) end local ret, nss, ccs, cargs = {}, 0, ctx.itersep or '', copy_table_reduced(opts, 1, offs - 1) flush_params(ctx, function (key, val) cargs[1], cargs[2], ret[nss + 1], nss = key, val, ccs, nss + 2 ret[nss] = ctx.frame:callParserFunction(magic, cargs) end) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 2) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|call_for_each_value|template name|[append 1]|[append -- 2]|[...]|[append n]|[named param 1=value 1]|[...]|[named param -- n=value n]|[...] library.call_for_each_value = function (ctx) local tname local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then tname = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if tname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘call_for_each_value’: No template name was provided', 0) end local cargs = copy_table_reduced(ctx.pipe, 1, offs) local model = { title = tname, args = cargs } local ret, nss, ccs = {}, 0, ctx.itersep or '' flush_params(ctx, function (key, val) cargs[1], ret[nss + 1], nss = val, ccs, nss + 2 ret[nss] = ctx.frame:expandTemplate(model) end) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 2) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|invoke_for_each_value|module name|[append 1]|[append -- 2]|[...]|[append n]|[named param 1=value 1]|[...]|[named param -- n=value n]|[...] library.invoke_for_each_value = function (ctx) local mname, fname local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then mname = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if mname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘invoke_for_each_value’: No module name was provided', 0) end if opts[offs + 2] ~= nil then fname = opts[offs + 2]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if fname == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘invoke_for_each_value’: No function name was provided', 0) end local iargs = copy_table_reduced(ctx.pipe, 1, offs + 1) local model = { title = 'Module:' .. mname, args = iargs } local mfunc, ret, nss, ccs = require(model.title)[fname], {}, 0, ctx.itersep or '' if mfunc == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘invoke_for_each_value’: The function ‘' .. fname .. '’ does not exist', 0) end flush_params(ctx, function (key, val) iargs[1], ret[nss + 1], nss = val, ccs, nss + 2 ret[nss] = mfunc(ctx.frame:newChild(model)) end) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 2) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|magic_for_each_value|parser function|[append 1]| -- [append 2]|[...]|[append n]|[named param 1=value 1]|[...]|[named -- param n=value n]|[...] library.magic_for_each_value = function (ctx) local magic local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then magic = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if magic == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘magic_for_each_value’: No parser function was provided', 0) end local cargs, ret, nss, ccs = copy_table_reduced(opts, 1, offs), {}, 0, ctx.itersep or '' flush_params(ctx, function (key, val) cargs[1], ret[nss + 1], nss = val, ccs, nss + 2 ret[nss] = ctx.frame:callParserFunction(magic, cargs) end) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 2) return false end -- Syntax: #invoke:params|call_for_each_group|template name|[append 1]|[append -- 2]|[...]|[append n]|[named param 1=value 1]|[...]|[named param -- n=value n]|[...] library.call_for_each_group = function (ctx) -- NOTE: `ctx.params` might be the original metatable! local tmp local opts, offs = ctx.pipe, ctx.fnpos if opts[offs + 1] ~= nil then tmp = opts[offs + 1]:match'^%s*(.*%S)' end if tmp == nil then error(modulename .. ', ‘call_for_each_group’: No template name was provided', 0) end local model = { title = tmp } local bargs, ret, nss, ccs = {}, {}, 0, ctx.itersep or '' for key, val in pairs(opts) do if type(key) ~= 'number' then bargs[key] = val elseif key > offs then bargs[key - offs - 1] = val elseif key < 1 then bargs[key - 1] = val end end ctx.params = make_groups(ctx.params) flush_params(ctx, function (gid, group) for key, val in pairs(bargs) do group[key] = val end group[0], model.args, ret[nss + 1], nss = gid, group, ccs, nss + 2 ret[nss] = ctx.frame:expandTemplate(model) end) finalize_and_return_concatenated_list(ctx, ret, nss, 2) return false end --[[ First-position-only modifiers ]]-- --------------------------------------- -- Syntax: #invoke:params|new|pipe to static_iface.new = function (child_frame) local ctx = context_new(child_frame, 'new') ctx.params = {} main_loop(ctx, context_iterate(ctx, 2)) return ctx.text end --[[ First-position-only functions ]]-- --------------------------------------- -- Syntax: #invoke:params|self static_iface.self = function (child_frame) return child_frame:getParent():getTitle() end --[[ Public metatable of functions ]]-- --------------------------------------- return setmetatable({}, { __index = function (_, query) local fname = query:match'^%s*(.*%S)' if fname == nil then error(modulename .. ': You must specify a function to call', 0) end local func = static_iface[fname] if func ~= nil then return func end func = library[fname] if func == nil then error(modulename .. ': The function ‘' .. fname .. '’ does not exist', 0) end return function (child_frame) local ctx = context_new(child_frame, fname) ctx.params = copy_or_ref_table(ctx.oparams, refparams[fname]) main_loop(ctx, func) return ctx.text end end }) jnrp2hde108asrud4ch6fuc8nkppvn4 10 308052 2840224 2652424 2026-10-14T12:12:08Z Veritas Sapientiaee 3112663 2840224 wikitext text/x-wiki <tem7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!platestyles src="Module:Navbox/styles.css" /> {| class="wikitable" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;" |7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!+ Navigation templates comparison {{Navbar|Navigation templates|plain=1|brackets=y}} |- ! Template ! Collapsible ! Image !! Groups !! Style (body) <br /> parameter/s |- | style="text-align: left;" | {{tl|Navbox}} | collapsible | Left/right of body || Yes || Yes |- | style="text-align: left;" | {{tl|Navbox with collapsible groups}} | collapsible | Left/right of body and/or in each list || Yes || Yes |- | style="text-align: left;" | {{tl|Navbox with columns}} | collapsible | Left/right of columns || No || Yes |} {7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!| class="wikitable" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;" |+ Collapsible attributes |- ! Type !! CSS classes !! JavaScript !! Collapses when !! Custom <br /> initial&nbsp;state !! Nesting |- | style="text-align:left;" | [[Help:Collapsing|Collapsible tables]] | mw-collapsible | | [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/ResourceLoader/Core modules#jquery.makeCollapsible|jQuery.makeCollapsible]] | 2 or more autocollapse on page || Yes || Yes |}<noinclude> [[Category:Navigational box metatemplates|Δ]] [[Category:Documentation shared content templates]] </noinclude> blxulqh1jlh86hwqinaqbifponahur3 2840240 2840224 2026-10-14T12:29:34Z MathXplore 2888076 Reverted edit by [[Special:Contributions/Veritas Sapientiaee|Veritas Sapientiaee]] ([[User_talk:Veritas Sapientiaee|talk]]) to last version by [[User:Tule-hog|Tule-hog]] using [[Wikiversity:Rollback|rollback]] 2652423 wikitext text/x-wiki <templatestyles src="Module:Navbox/styles.css" /> {| class="wikitable" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;" |+ Navigation templates comparison {{Navbar|Navigation templates|plain=1|brackets=y}} |- ! Template ! Collapsible ! Image !! Groups !! Style (body) <br /> parameter/s |- | style="text-align: left;" | {{tl|Navbox}} | collapsible | Left/right of body || Yes || Yes |- | style="text-align: left;" | {{tl|Navbox with collapsible groups}} | collapsible | Left/right of body and/or in each list || Yes || Yes |- | style="text-align: left;" | {{tl|Navbox with columns}} | collapsible | Left/right of columns || No || Yes |} {| class="wikitable" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;" |+ Collapsible attributes |- ! Type !! CSS classes !! JavaScript !! Collapses when !! Custom <br /> initial&nbsp;state !! Nesting |- | style="text-align:left;" | [[Help:Collapsing|Collapsible tables]] | mw-collapsible | | [[mw:Special:MyLanguage/ResourceLoader/Core modules#jquery.makeCollapsible|jQuery.makeCollapsible]] | 2 or more autocollapse on page || Yes || Yes |}<noinclude> [[Category:Navigational box metatemplates|Δ]] [[Category:Documentation shared content templates]] </noinclude> mwemgffz6700rlghxfb8wn36d5f1dka 11 308796 2840219 2658314 2026-10-14T12:05:18Z Veritas Sapientiaee 3112663 2840219 wikitext text/x-wiki =7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!= Broken doc transclusion == Not sure why the <code>#section-h</code> transclusion is broken for the docs here, considering it works at [[:w:Template:Edit protected|Wikipedia]]. [[User:Tule-hog|Tule-hog]] ([[User talk:Tule-hog|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Tule-hog|contribs]]) 16:55, 1 October 2024 (UTC) 26n39248kos66tpdj0ki6z5kdyd432z 2840243 2840219 2026-10-14T12:29:58Z MathXplore 2888076 Reverted edit by [[Special:Contributions/Veritas Sapientiaee|Veritas Sapientiaee]] ([[User_talk:Veritas Sapientiaee|talk]]) to last version by [[User:Tule-hog|Tule-hog]] using [[Wikiversity:Rollback|rollback]] 2658314 wikitext text/x-wiki == Broken doc transclusion == Not sure why the <code>#section-h</code> transclusion is broken for the docs here, considering it works at [[:w:Template:Edit protected|Wikipedia]]. [[User:Tule-hog|Tule-hog]] ([[User talk:Tule-hog|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Tule-hog|contribs]]) 16:55, 1 October 2024 (UTC) 660mtlxnqysiela4kkd3adyu1yautej 10 309916 2840228 2662948 2026-10-14T12:17:52Z Veritas Sapientiaee 3112663 2840228 wikitext text/x-wiki <div style="margin:.1em7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!; float:right; border: 1px solid #aaa; padding: 2px; background-color:var(--background-color-neutral-subtle, #f8f9fa); color:inherit;">[[File:Symbol question.svg|20px|link=Wikiversity:Colloquium]] [[Wikiversity:Colloquium|Colloquium]]</div><noinclude>{{documentation}}</noinclude> jdam96aft0ho4sc99pdngbajcsuwk34 2840238 2840228 2026-10-14T12:29:19Z MathXplore 2888076 Reverted edit by [[Special:Contributions/Veritas Sapientiaee|Veritas Sapientiaee]] ([[User_talk:Veritas Sapientiaee|talk]]) to last version by [[User:Tule-hog|Tule-hog]] using [[Wikiversity:Rollback|rollback]] 2662948 wikitext text/x-wiki <div style="margin:.1em; float:right; border: 1px solid #aaa; padding: 2px; background-color:var(--background-color-neutral-subtle, #f8f9fa); color:inherit;">[[File:Symbol question.svg|20px|link=Wikiversity:Colloquium]] [[Wikiversity:Colloquium|Colloquium]]</div><noinclude>{{documentation}}</noinclude> 6y4jo7ebdg63farbwo0nl8ly1apatq8 0 320155 2840303 2834396 2026-10-14T16:52:27Z Lbeaumont 278565 Added We can build the skills we need to live the lives we want. 2840303 wikitext text/x-wiki —Building our future [[File:Reformation_Workshop.png|thumb|We can [[Clear Thinking/Curriculum|think critically]], and act [[Finding Courage|courageously]] to create a [[Envisioning Our Future|better future]].]] == Welcome! == In a world facing many problems and rapid change it is wise to ask, “What can I do? How can I best align my [[What you can change and what you cannot#Agency|agency]] with what is [[What Matters|most important]]?” What can I do to help build a better world for people now and into the future? Some say we are experiencing a [[w:Polycrisis|polycrisis]] — multiple crises (economic, environmental, geopolitical, social, or technological) occurring simultaneously and interacting in ways that amplify each other, producing outcomes more severe than the sum of the individual crises. The problems are complex, overwhelming, and often appear beyond our control. People respond to these challenges in different ways. Some remain unaware; others distract themselves from problems beyond the immediate moment. Some narrow their focus, deny that problems exist, insist they are unaffected, reject responsibility, or [[Attributing Blame|blame]] others. In one way or another, most of us tell ourselves we are doing the best we can with what we have, even when we could be doing more. This Reformation Workshop invites us to prepare to do our best to meet these challenges. Engaging with this workshop can unleash our [[What you can change and what you cannot#Agency|agency]] and help to build a better world. Because the [[grand challenges]] faced by the world’s people are complex, reformation will require improvements throughout the various systems we live in. This includes personal reforms toward [[Living Wisely|living wisely]], and system-wide reforms of our information, belief, governance, and monetary systems. [[Improving Social Systems#What do you want?|Reformation is difficult]], yet essential. As [[q:Albert_Einstein|Albert Einstein]] may have said: “We cannot solve our problems with the same thinking we used when we created them”. We need to [[Clear Thinking/Curriculum|think more clearly]], act more wisely, and [[Wisdom/Curriculum|do what we ought to do]]. We can learn from the errors of [[w:Edward_Smith_(sea_captain)|Captain Edward Smith]] of the [[w:Titanic|Titanic]], who continued to sail at full speed without sufficient lookout arrangements despite receiving many ice warnings. He failed to act and the disaster became inevitable. We can see the warnings and we can act. We can engage with today’s systems and reform them, identifying problems and solving them as we seize opportunities to build something better. We can build a future that works—for more people, with more [[wisdom]], and with greater integrity. We can build the skills we need to live the lives we want. We can progress from good intentions to effective action. Let’s begin. [https://www.academia.edu/165232648/Reformation_Workshop_Slides Slides based on this course] are available. == Prepare Yourself for Reformation == [[Improving Social Systems#What do you want?|Reformation is difficult]]. Take the following steps to prepare yourself for the journey. * [[Living Wisely/Take Care|Take care]] of yourself and others. [[Living Wisely|Live wisely]]. Begin by adopting these [[Wise Living Toolkit#Wise Practices|wise practices]]. * [[Envisioning Our Future|Envision a brighter future]]. ** Progress [[Envisioning Our Future/Toward Compassion|toward compassion]]. * Carefully consider the question "[[Exploring Existential Concerns/What Ought We Do?|What we ought do]]?" * [[A Journey to GameB#Pre GameB (PreB)|Get yourself ready]]. * Recognize that [[Improving Social Systems|improving social systems]] is difficult and essential. ** This requires engaging others and [[Improving Social Systems#Building Support|building support]] for carrying out the improvement, among other essential work. ** Prepare to [[Improving Social Systems|improve social systems]]. ** [[Sustaining Agency|Sustain your agency]] throughout the transformations. == Reform Information Systems == We form our beliefs based on what we think we know. It is essential that we align our knowledge base with reality. * [[Intellectual honesty|Expect intellectual honesty]]. * [[Fostering Curiosity#Learning at the Speed of Thought|Improve learning systems]]. ** Recognize that the future of education is learning.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://lelandbeaumont.substack.com/p/the-future-of-education-is-learning|title=The future of education is learning|last=Beaumont|first=Leland|date=2022-10-19|website=Seeking Real Good|access-date=2025-03-29}}</ref> * [[Navigating Information Landscapes|Navigate the information landscape]] skillfully. * [[Evaluating Information|Evaluate information wisely]]. ** [[Seeking True Beliefs|Seek true beliefs]] ** [[Finding Common Ground/Every Ism Creates a Schism|Escape ideologies]] and [[Doing Philosophy|think for yourself]]. ** [[Evaluating Journalism Standards|Evaluate journalism standards]]. ** [[Navigating Social Proof|Navigate social proof skillfully]]. ** Use your [[Influence and Persuasion|influence and persuasion]] wisely and skillfully. * [[Understanding Misbelief|Avoid misbeliefs]]. * [[The Idea Incubator/Reforming Social Media Platforms|Reform social media platforms]]. * [[Finding Common Ground|Find common ground]]. == Reform Belief Systems == Because our [[Forming beliefs|beliefs]] shape our actions, and our actions are [[Global Perspective#Interdependence|interdependent]], he have an obligation—to ourselves and others—to [[Seeking True Beliefs|seek true beliefs]]. * [[Seeking True Beliefs|Seek true beliefs]]. ** [[Seeking True Beliefs/Hold Well-Chosen Beliefs Firmly but Not Rigidly|Hold well-chosen beliefs firmly but not rigidly]]. * Align your [[Exploring Worldviews/Aligning worldviews|worldview with reality]]. * Adopt well chosen [[Moral Reasoning|moral reasoning]]. * Practice a [[Real Good Religion]]. == Reform Governance Systems == Because [[Global Perspective#Interdependence|we live together]], we must govern together. * [[Coming Together|Come together]]. * Recognize [[Evolving Governments/Good Government|good government]]. ** Advocate for good government. ** [[Assessing Human Rights/Beyond Olympic Gold|Advance human rights worldwide]]. * [[Evolving Governments|Evolve Governments]]. * [[Untangling Multipolar Traps|Untangle Multipolar Traps]] == Reform Monetary Systems == Because money is the [[Wisdom Research/Pinnacles|lynchpin]] of many of our institutions and actions, we must [[Evolving Money|reform our financial systems]] to serve human flourishing—not the other way around. * Learn to [[Limits To Growth/Coping with Abundance|cope with abundance]] and share the productivity dividend.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://lelandbeaumont.substack.com/p/who-owns-the-productivity-dividend|title=Who owns the Productivity dividend?|last=Beaumont|first=Leland|date=2023-05-02|website=Seeking Real Good|access-date=2025-03-29}}</ref> * Respect [[Limits To Growth|limits to growth]]. * Eliminate [[Living Wisely/Economic Faults|economic faults]]. * Ensure sufficiency<ref>{{cite book|title=On Inequality|last=Frankfurt  |first=Harry G.|date=September 29, 2015|publisher=Princeton University Press|isbn=978-0691167145|pages=120|authorlink=w:Harry_Frankfurt}}</ref> for the most vulnerable.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://lelandbeaumont.substack.com/p/find-work-or-starve-8fa99a4551be|title=Find Work or Starve|last=Beaumont|first=Leland|date=2021-01-13|website=Seeking Real Good|access-date=2025-04-10}}</ref> * Fulfill our [[w:What_We_Owe_the_Future|obligations to future generations]]. * Understand [[Macroeconomics/Quick Reference|macroeconomics]]. * [[Evolving Money|Evolve money]]. == Address Grand Challenges == The world faces many [[grand challenges]]. Improvements are required locally in the short term and [[Global Perspective|globally]] in the long term. * [[Doing Good|Do good]] in the short term while [[Improving Social Systems|undertaking structural reformations]] for long term systemic impact. * Work locally while continuing to [[Global Perspective|think globally]]. ** Value [[Global Perspective#Interdependence|interdependence]]. * [[Assessing Human Rights/Beyond Olympic Gold|Advance human rights worldwide]]. * Address the [[grand challenges]]. == Practice Intentional Evolution == Help us [[Intentional Evolution|evolve toward]] the [[Level 5 Research Center|next big thing]]. [[Living Wisely/Seeking Real Good|Seek real good]]! == We can do this == Although this is likely to be a difficult very long-term project, it is definitely achievable because it requires improving only our [[Exploring Social Constructs|social constructs]]. Let’s keep going. == References == [[Category:Living Wisely]] [[Category:Futurology]] [[Category:Peace studies]] {{CourseCat}} 3i61zxzgyyqwnw4lnjvfdeeh9btw02i 0 321584 2840311 2839504 2026-10-14T18:46:50Z Howie2024 2995240 /* Subpages */ Adding link to PDT and Quantum-State Normalization at a Reissner-Norstrom Horizon 2840311 wikitext text/x-wiki {{Research project}} {{Original research}} {{To be peer reviewed}} {{subst:proofread}} == Research abstract == '''Probability Dilation Theory (PDT)''' is a measure-theoretic research framework for studying how probability measures transform under '''positive reweighting (dilation)''' while preserving normalization and producing controlled changes in expectation values. The theory is an exploratory framework for iterative probability-measure evolution under positive dilation fields. The framework studies how repeated probabilistic reweighting transformations may generate emergent statistical structure, entropy flow, and multiscale probability dynamics. At its core, PDT studies how repeated positive probability reweighting transformations alter the long-term structure of probability distributions. PDT treats a probability measure as the primary mathematical object and investigates: * invariant identities induced by reweighting, * composition and iteration of dilations, * fixed points and near-fixed behavior, * whether iterative measure updates can generate testable multiscale statistical structure (to be evaluated via explicit models and simulations). PDT is presented as a mathematical framework. Any proposed application to physics or cosmology must be expressed as a concrete model (space, baseline measure, dilation field) and tested against falsifiable predictions. == Overview == PDT is motivated by the observation that some structural information can be recovered from sampling statistics (e.g., [[w:Buffon's needle problem|Buffon’s needle]]). PDT abstracts this idea by focusing on measure transformation itself: a dilation field modifies a baseline probability measure in a way that is: * mathematically well-defined (positivity and normalization), * composable under iteration, * analyzable for invariants and fixed points. === Conceptual interpretation === A simplified conceptual flow of the PDT framework is: <pre> Baseline probability measure P ↓ Positive dilation field D(x) ↓ Reweighted probability measure P~ ↓ Observable statistical changes </pre> Repeated dilation may qualitatively behave as: <pre> Broad initial distribution ↓ Localized reweighting ↓ Probability concentration ↓ Emergent multiscale structure </pre> Different classes of dilation fields may therefore generate qualitatively different long-term probability dynamics. In this interpretation, PDT does not alter the underlying sample space directly. Instead, it modifies how probability mass is distributed across that space through a positive reweighting field. Regions with larger values of the dilation field contribute more strongly to the transformed measure, while normalization preserves total probability. Earlier exploratory formulations of Probability Dilation Theory (PDT) were informally referred to as the Einstein Buffon Process (EBP), reflecting initial probabilistic-geometric interpretations inspired by Buffon-type constructions and Einstein-style scaling analogies. The framework has since evolved toward a broader iterative theory of probability-measure dynamics under positive dilation fields. A simple iterative interpretation may also be visualized as: <pre> P₀ ↓ D₁ P₁ ↓ D₂ P₂ ↓ D₃ P₃ ↓ ⋯ </pre> where each dilation field reweights the probability structure generated by the previous step. Different classes of dilation fields may therefore generate qualitatively different long-term probability dynamics. = Mathematical framework = == Definitions and notation == Let <math>(\Omega,\Sigma)</math> be a measurable space. * <math>P</math> denotes a probability measure on <math>(\Omega,\Sigma)</math>. * If <math>P</math> has a density <math>p</math> with respect to a reference measure <math>\mu</math>, then <math>dP=p\,d\mu</math>. * <math>D:\Omega\to(0,\infty)</math> is a measurable '''dilation field''' (a positive weight function). * <math>Z(P,D)</math> is the normalization constant: .<math> Z(P,D)=\int_\Omega D\,dP </math> * For an observable <math>f:\Omega\to\mathbb{R}</math> integrable under the relevant measure, <math> \mathbb{E}_P[f] = \int_\Omega f\,dP </math>. == PDT transformation (probability reweighting) == Given <math>P</math> and <math>D</math> with <math>0<Z(P,D)<\infty</math>, define the '''PDT transform''' <math>\widetilde{P}=\mathrm{PDT}(P;D)</math> by: <math> \widetilde{P}(A) = \frac{ \int_A D\,dP }{ \int_\Omega D\,dP } \quad\text{for all }A\in\Sigma </math> If <math>dP=p\,d\mu</math>, then <math>d\widetilde{P}=\widetilde{p}\,d\mu</math>, where <math> \widetilde{p}(x) = \frac{D(x)\,p(x)}{Z} </math> and <math> Z = \int_\Omega D(x)\,p(x)\,d\mu </math> '''Interpretation:''' the dilation field <math>D</math> shifts probability mass toward regions where <math>D</math> is larger, while renormalization keeps total probability equal to 1. PDT is mathematically related to importance sampling, Gibbs-style reweighting, and Radon–Nikodym measure transformations, although the framework emphasizes compositional and geometric interpretations of probability reweighting rather than only numerical estimation procedures. Unlike conventional importance sampling, however, PDT emphasizes the compositional and potentially dynamical behavior of repeated probability reweighting transformations. A familiar physical example of a strictly positive factor is the Lorentz factor: <math> \gamma(v) = \frac{1}{\sqrt{1-\frac{v^2}{c^2}}} </math> for <math> |v|<c </math> Lorentz contraction for a rod of rest length <math>L_0</math> moving at speed <math>v</math> is: <math> L(v)=\frac{L_0}{\gamma(v)} </math> To connect this idea to PDT (as an illustration only), one may define a positive dilation field based on <math>\gamma</math>. == Worked finite example == Consider a finite probability space: <math> \Omega=\{a,b,c\} </math> with baseline probabilities: <math> P(a)=0.2,\quad P(b)=0.3,\quad P(c)=0.5 </math> Define a positive dilation field: <math> D(a)=1,\quad D(b)=2,\quad D(c)=4 </math> The normalization constant is: <math> Z=\sum_x D(x)P(x) </math> giving: <math> Z=(1)(0.2)+(2)(0.3)+(4)(0.5)=2.8 </math> The PDT-transformed probabilities become: <math> \widetilde{P}(a)=\frac{0.2}{2.8}\approx0.071 </math> <math> \widetilde{P}(b)=\frac{0.6}{2.8}\approx0.214 </math> <math> \widetilde{P}(c)=\frac{2.0}{2.8}\approx0.714 </math> This illustrates how PDT shifts probability mass toward regions with larger dilation weights while preserving normalization. == Composition of dilations == An important structural property of sequential PDT transformations is that compose multiplicatively. Suppose two positive dilation fields: <math> D_1(x)>0 </math> and <math> D_2(x)>0 </math> are applied successively to a baseline probability measure <math>P</math>. The first dilation produces: <math> \widetilde{P}_1(A) = \frac{\int_A D_1\,dP} {\int_\Omega D_1\,dP} </math> Applying the second dilation field to <math>\widetilde{P}_1</math> gives: <math> \widetilde{P}_2(A) = \frac{\int_A D_2\,d\widetilde{P}_1} {\int_\Omega D_2\,d\widetilde{P}_1} </math> Substituting the first transformation into the second yields: <math> \widetilde{P}_2(A) = \frac{ \int_A D_2D_1\,dP }{ \int_\Omega D_2D_1\,dP } </math> This shows that sequential PDT transformations compose through multiplication of the dilation fields. This compositional structure allows iterative probability reweighting to be studied using products of positive fields, potentially generating multiscale or hierarchical probability structures under repeated application. == Fixed points and iterative dynamics == An important question in PDT concerns the long-term behavior of repeated PDT transformations. Given an initial probability measure: <math> P_0 </math> and a sequence of positive dilation fields: <math> D_1,D_2,D_3,\dots </math> successive PDT transformations generate a sequence of measures: <math> P_0 \rightarrow P_1 \rightarrow P_2 \rightarrow P_3 \rightarrow \cdots </math> where each transformed measure is obtained by reweighting the previous one. A measure <math>P</math> is called a fixed point of a dilation field <math>D</math> if: <math> \widetilde{P}=P </math> under the PDT transformation. In the simplest case, this requires the dilation field to be constant almost everywhere with respect to <math>P</math>. More general fixed-point behavior may arise when iterative compositions balance probability amplification against normalization. More generally, repeated compositions of nontrivial dilation fields may generate: * hierarchical probability structure; * multiscale statistical behavior; * attractor-like distributions; * approximately stable transformed measures. These questions connect PDT to broader areas of: * dynamical systems; * stochastic processes; * iterative renormalization methods; * probabilistic geometry. At present these iterative properties remain largely unexplored within the PDT framework. == Entropy and iterative probability flow == Repeated PDT transformations may alter the entropy structure of a probability measure. For a discrete probability distribution: <math> P=\{p_i\} </math> the Shannon entropy is: <math> H(P) = -\sum_i p_i \log p_i </math> Under iterative PDT transformation, successive transformed measures: <math> P_0 \rightarrow P_1 \rightarrow P_2 \rightarrow \cdots </math> may exhibit changing entropy behavior depending on the structure of the dilation fields. For example: * strongly localized dilation fields may concentrate probability mass and reduce entropy; * broader or smoothing dilation fields may distribute probability more evenly and increase entropy; * iterative compositions may generate approximately stable entropy profiles. These questions connect PDT to: * information theory, * statistical mechanics, * stochastic dynamics, * and renormalization-style iterative systems. At present the entropy behavior of iterative PDT transformations remains an open area for investigation. == Toy experiment: entropy under repeated dilation == A simple finite-state experiment illustrates how repeated PDT transformations can change the entropy of a probability distribution. Let the initial probability distribution be: <math> P_0=(0.2,0.2,0.2,0.2,0.2) </math> and define a positive dilation field: <math> D=(1,1,2,4,8) </math> At each step, apply the PDT update: <math> P_{n+1}(i) = \frac{D(i)P_n(i)} {\sum_j D(j)P_n(j)} </math> The Shannon entropy is: <math> H(P_n) = -\sum_i P_n(i)\log P_n(i) </math> In this toy model, repeated dilation shifts probability mass toward the highest-weight state. Over ten iterations, the entropy decreases from approximately: <math> H(P_0)\approx1.6094 </math> to: <math> H(P_{10})\approx0.00775 </math> The final distribution is approximately: <math> P_{10} \approx (0.000000001,\;0.000000001,\;0.000000953,\;0.000975609,\;0.999023437) </math> This example demonstrates probability concentration under repeated positive dilation. It is a finite-state toy model and should not be interpreted as physical evidence; its purpose is to illustrate iterative PDT behavior. == Mathematical context == PDT transformations may be viewed as exploratory probability-measure reweighting procedures related conceptually to conditioning behavior, stochastic transformations, entropy evolution, and probabilistic dilation phenomena studied in imprecise probability theory and dynamical systems literature. In PDT, the term ''dilation'' refers to probabilistic reweighting and transformation behavior under localized weighting fields rather than the formal operator-theoretic notion of dilation used in functional analysis. The iterative entropy-flow experiments explored in PDT resemble finite-state dynamical systems in which repeated transformations generate convergence, concentration, and emergent probabilistic structure over successive iterations. === Example entropy evolution === {| class="wikitable" ! Iteration !! Shannon entropy |- | 0 || 1.6094 |- | 1 || 1.2990 |- | 2 || 0.7790 |- | 3 || 0.4399 |- | 5 || 0.1500 |- | 10 || 0.0078 |} Entropy evolution under repeated localized PDT transformation showing entropy reduction and probability concentration under iterative probabilistic reweighting. Programmatically generated using Python in a ChatGPT-assisted workflow. The entropy decreases under repeated application of the dilation field as probability mass becomes increasingly concentrated in the highest-weight states. === Localized dilation fields === A useful class of PDT transformations is generated by localized positive dilation fields. Consider a one-dimensional finite configuration space with states indexed by: <math> x=0,1,2,\dots,N </math> and define a localized dilation field centered at <math>x_0</math>: <math> D(x) = \exp\!\left( \lambda \exp\!\left( -\frac{(x-x_0)^2}{2\sigma^2} \right) \right) </math> where: * <math>\lambda>0</math> controls the strength of the dilation; * <math>\sigma</math> controls the spatial width of the localized field. Narrow values of <math>\sigma</math> produce sharply localized amplification, while broader values produce smoother probability reweighting across the configuration space. Under iterative PDT dynamics: <math> P_{n+1}(x) = \frac{ D(x)P_n(x) }{ \sum_y D(y)P_n(y) } </math> the probability distribution may progressively concentrate near the center of the dilation field. === Example entropy evolution for localized fields === Using an initially uniform distribution over 21 states and iterating the PDT transformation 10 times produces the following representative entropy behavior: {| class="wikitable" ! Field width <math>\sigma</math> ! Final entropy after 10 iterations ! Maximum probability after 10 iterations |- | 1.5 || 0.0352 || 0.9950 |- | 3.0 || 0.8162 || 0.7141 |- | 6.0 || 1.5367 || 0.3595 |} [[File:PDT entropy evolution localized field.png|thumb|center|600px|Entropy evolution under repeated localized PDT transformation showing entropy reduction and probability concentration under iterative probabilistic reweighting.]] [[File:Epd_entropy_evolution.png|thumb|center|600px|Entropy evolution under repeated localized PDT dilation. Narrow localized dilation fields produce rapid entropy reduction and probability concentration under iterative reweighting.]] These results indicate that narrower localized dilation fields generate stronger probability concentration and more rapid entropy reduction. == Comparative entropy-flow experiments == The following finite-state computational experiments illustrate comparative entropy evolution under several classes of PDT dilation fields. Each experiment begins with the same initially uniform probability distribution and applies repeated PDT transformations under different field structures. The experiments are exploratory and intended to illustrate qualitative differences in iterative probabilistic behavior rather than empirical physical predictions. {| class="wikitable" |+ Comparative entropy-flow behavior under PDT field classes ! Field class ! Final entropy ! Entropy decrease ! Final max probability ! Qualitative behavior |- | Localized | 0.3104 | 3.4032 | 0.9275 | Strong probability concentration |- | Oscillatory | 1.5779 | 2.1357 | 0.3418 | Distributed oscillatory structure |- | Multi-peak | 0.2851 | 3.4284 | 0.9425 | Multiple concentration regions |- | Stochastic | 0.7744 | 2.9392 | 0.7413 | Fluctuating concentration behavior |} These experiments suggest that different classes of dilation fields may generate qualitatively distinct entropy-flow and concentration behavior under iterative PDT dynamics. Localized and multi-peak fields produce strong entropy reduction and probability concentration, while oscillatory fields preserve more distributed probabilistic structure. Stochastic fields exhibit fluctuating but still partially concentrating behavior in this finite-state example. In this toy model, repeated localized dilation behaves qualitatively like an attractor centered on the highest-weight region of the configuration space. [[File:Pdt comparative entropy flow.png|thumb|Comparative entropy evolution under localized, oscillatory, multi-peak, and stochastic PDT dilation fields.]] The experiment is intended only as a finite-state demonstration of iterative PDT dynamics and should not be interpreted as physical evidence. === Oscillatory dilation fields === Another useful class of PDT transformations is generated by oscillatory positive dilation fields. One example is: <math> D(x) = \exp(\lambda\sin(kx)) </math> where: * <math>\lambda>0</math> controls the strength of the oscillatory amplification; * <math>k</math> controls the spatial frequency of the oscillation. Because the exponential is always positive, the dilation field remains strictly positive for all states. Unlike localized dilation fields, oscillatory fields may generate multiple competing high-weight regions across the configuration space. Under repeated PDT transformation: <math> P_{n+1}(x) = \frac{ D(x)P_n(x) }{ \sum_y D(y)P_n(y) } </math> probability mass may evolve toward several distributed concentration regions rather than a single dominant attractor. === Example oscillatory-field experiment === A finite-state experiment was performed using: * 41 discrete states; * an initially uniform probability distribution; * a positive oscillatory dilation field with three spatial oscillation cycles; * 10 successive PDT iterations. Representative entropy behavior was: {| class="wikitable" ! Iteration ! Shannon entropy |- | 0 || 3.7136 |- | 2 || 2.8699 |- | 5 || 2.3018 |- | 10 || 1.9335 |} Unlike sharply localized dilation fields, the oscillatory field produced slower entropy reduction and multiple probability concentration peaks distributed across the configuration space. After 10 iterations, the largest probability concentration remained distributed rather than collapsing into a single dominant state. This suggests that different classes of positive dilation fields may generate qualitatively different long-term iterative probability structures. The experiment is intended only as a finite-state demonstration of iterative PDT dynamics and should not be interpreted as physical evidence. === Multi-peak localized dilation fields === A broader class of PDT transformations may be generated using multiple localized dilation peaks distributed across the configuration space. One example is: <math> D(x) = \exp\!\left( \sum_k \lambda_k \exp\!\left( -\frac{(x-x_k)^2}{2\sigma_k^2} \right) \right) </math> where: * <math>x_k</math> are the locations of the dilation peaks; * <math>\lambda_k>0</math> control the amplification strength of each peak; * <math>\sigma_k</math> control the spatial width of each localized region. This construction generates a positive multimodal dilation landscape containing several competing amplification regions. Under repeated PDT iteration: <math> P_{n+1}(x) = \frac{ D(x)P_n(x) }{ \sum_y D(y)P_n(y) } </math> probability mass may evolve toward multiple partially localized concentration regions. Unlike single localized dilation fields, multi-peak fields may generate: * competing attractor-like regions; * hierarchical probability concentration; * partially stabilized multimodal distributions; * multiscale probability structure. Depending on the relative strengths and widths of the peaks, the iterative dynamics may favor: * dominance by a single peak; * coexistence of several concentration regions; * or slowly evolving metastable probability structures. === Conceptual interpretation === A qualitative iterative evolution may be visualized as: <pre> Broad initial distribution ↓ Multiple localized amplifications ↓ Competing concentration regions ↓ Emergent multimodal probability structure </pre> This class of dilation fields suggests that iterative PDT dynamics may generate richer probability organization than either single localized attractors or simple oscillatory fields alone. At present these behaviors remain exploratory computational observations within finite-state toy models. === Random and stochastic dilation fields === Another important class of PDT transformations arises when the dilation field itself varies stochastically. A simple stochastic dilation field may be written schematically as: <math> D_n(x) = \exp\!\left( \sigma \eta_n(x) \right) </math> where: * <math>\eta_n(x)</math> is a random field or stochastic fluctuation at iteration <math>n</math>; * <math>\sigma>0</math> controls the strength of the stochastic variation. Because the exponential is strictly positive, the dilation field remains positive for all realizations of the random process. Under repeated PDT iteration: <math> P_{n+1}(x) = \frac{ D_n(x)P_n(x) }{ \sum_y D_n(y)P_n(y) } </math> the probability landscape itself fluctuates dynamically from one iteration to the next. Unlike deterministic localized or oscillatory dilation fields, stochastic dilation fields may generate: * fluctuating concentration regions; * transient attractor-like structures; * noise-driven entropy evolution; * intermittent probability concentration; * metastable probabilistic configurations. === Conceptual interpretation === A qualitative stochastic evolution may be visualized as: <pre> Broad initial distribution ↓ Random localized amplification ↓ Fluctuating concentration regions ↓ Dynamic probabilistic structure </pre> Depending on the stochastic process used to generate the dilation fields, the long-term dynamics may exhibit: * partial concentration, * persistent fluctuations, * stochastic stabilization, * or continuously evolving probabilistic structure. These ideas connect PDT to broader areas of: * stochastic processes; * random multiplicative systems; * statistical mechanics; * noise-driven dynamical systems; * probabilistic geometry. At present these behaviors remain exploratory computational possibilities within finite-state toy models. == Qualitative classes of iterative PDT behavior == Different classes of positive dilation fields may generate qualitatively different long-term probability dynamics under repeated PDT transformation. The following table summarizes several representative classes explored within finite-state toy models. {| class="wikitable" ! Dilation-field class ! Typical iterative behavior ! Representative qualitative structure |- | Localized fields | Strong entropy reduction and concentration toward a dominant region | Single attractor-like concentration |- | Oscillatory fields | Distributed amplification with slower entropy reduction | Patterned multimodal structure |- | Multi-peak localized fields | Competition between several concentration regions | Hierarchical or metastable probability structure |- | Random and stochastic fields | Fluctuating amplification and noise-driven evolution | Dynamic probabilistic landscapes |} These examples suggest that iterative PDT reweighting may generate a broad spectrum of emergent statistical structures depending on the geometry and dynamics of the dilation field. Within the PDT framework, the iterative behavior of probability measures may therefore depend as strongly on the structure of the dilation field as on the initial probability distribution itself. At present these qualitative behaviors remain exploratory computational observations within finite-state toy models. == Numerical simulation and iterative models == === Simulation model description === In discrete demonstrations, the “state space” may be represented by a finite set such as bins, configurations, or catalog points. Two equivalent discrete implementations are common: * '''weighted evaluation''': retain all points and assign weights proportional to <math>D</math>; * '''importance resampling''': generate a new empirical catalog with sampling probabilities proportional to <math>D</math>. === Demonstration: reweighting mock galaxy catalogs === A simple computational demonstration of PDT may be constructed using synthetic galaxy catalogs in a periodic simulation box. The demonstration pipeline is: # generate a baseline mock catalog; # define a positive dilation field over the configuration space; # perform PDT-style importance resampling; # compute the resulting two-point correlation function <math>\xi(r)</math>; # compare transformed and baseline catalogs. One example dilation field is: <math> D(x)=\exp(\lambda\phi(x)) </math> where: * <math>\lambda>0</math> controls the strength of the dilation; * <math>\phi(x)\ge0</math> is a nonnegative configuration-space field. An example seed-field construction is: <math> \phi(x)=\sum_k \exp\!\left(-\frac{\|x-s_k\|^2}{2\sigma^2}\right) </math> where <math>s_k</math> are seed locations and <math>\sigma</math> controls the width of the seed influence. The two-point correlation function may be estimated using the normalized Landy–Szalay estimator: <math> \xi(r) = \frac{DD(r)-2DR(r)+RR(r)}{RR(r)} </math> where <math>DD</math>, <math>DR</math>, and <math>RR</math> are normalized pair counts. {{Note|Unless observational datasets are explicitly supplied, demonstrations may use synthetic target correlation curves for methodological illustration only. Synthetic demonstrations should not be interpreted as empirical cosmological evidence.}} When run using synthetic target curves, PDT-resampled catalogs may exhibit enhanced small-scale clustering relative to the baseline configuration. === Computational demonstrations === Reference implementations and supplementary simulation notebooks may be maintained on external repositories or supplementary Wikiversity pages. {{collapse top|Python demonstration placeholder}} <syntaxhighlight lang="python"> # Example implementations may be maintained separately # on GitHub, OSF, or supplementary Wikiversity pages. </syntaxhighlight> {{collapse bottom}} == Scope and Limitations == PDT is a mathematical framework for measure transformations. It does not claim: * a replacement theory for General Relativity or Quantum Mechanics; * empirical confirmation without explicit predictions and tests; * observational validation without independently reproducible analysis. The following discussion extends beyond the primary mathematical framework developed earlier in the article and explores possible conceptual implications and speculative generalizations. == Speculative Extensions and Geometric Renormalization == ''This section is speculative and exploratory in nature.'' Recent mathematical work published in the ''Journal of Applied Probability'' by Baryshnikov, Cao, Kahle, and Liu suggests a possible connection between probability distributions and intrinsic geometry. Studies of “Buffon deficits” on curved manifolds indicate that deviations from classical flat-space Buffon probabilities may encode curvature-dependent geometric information. Within the PDT framework, these observations motivate the broader possibility that geometric structure may influence iterative probabilistic dynamics through curvature-dependent statistical weighting effects. Within PDT, these results are conceptually relevant because they suggest that probabilistic weighting structures may encode nontrivial geometric information. In particular, the Cambridge analysis demonstrates that generalized Buffon-type probabilistic constructions can reflect Gaussian curvature in different geometries. PDT extends this probabilistic perspective by exploring how iterative probability-measure transformations under positive dilation fields may generate evolving statistical structure, entropy flow, and geometry-dependent probabilistic behavior under repeated transformation. At present these ideas remain exploratory and heuristic. No direct physical interpretation is presently established within the PDT framework. Within the PDT framework, this motivates the speculative possibility that curvature could act as a statistical weighting mechanism on classes of admissible paths or configurations. == Future directions == * develop canonical families of dilation fields and invariants; * clarify “structure-from-measure” diagnostics; * publish reproducible simulation notebooks and parameter sweeps; * compare multiple dilation families under shared evaluation criteria; * investigate connections between probabilistic geometry and curvature-dependent statistical measures. == Future Directions: Probability Element (PE) == A speculative extension of Probability Dilation Theory (PDT) is the introduction of a minimal invariant scale in probability-state space, referred to as a '''Probability Element (PE)'''. This concept lies outside standard Fisher information geometry and is not part of established physics. The PE hypothesis proposes that probability-state space may not be fully continuous, but may instead admit a smallest distinguishable scale of structure in terms of information-theoretic resolution. This can be expressed in terms of a dimensionless ratio: <math>\eta = \frac{\sigma_P}{\sigma}</math> where: <math>\sigma_P</math> is a hypothesized minimal probability-resolution scale, <math>\sigma</math> is an effective distinguishability scale in probability-state space. === Conceptual motivation === Standard Fisher information geometry treats probability distributions as points on a smooth manifold with arbitrarily fine distinguishability. The PE hypothesis explores the possibility that this distinguishability may have a lower bound, introducing a form of discreteness in probability-state geometry. === Illustrative toy model (not derived physics) === As a heuristic example, one may consider a modification to special relativistic time dilation of the form: <math>d\tau = dt\sqrt{1 - \frac{v^2}{c^2}}\sqrt{1 - \eta^2}</math> where: <math>v</math> is velocity, <math>c</math> is the speed of light, <math>\eta = \sigma_P / \sigma</math> encodes a proposed probability-resolution scale. This expression is constructed such that standard special relativity is recovered exactly in the limit <math>\eta \to 0</math>. === Status === The Probability Element concept is: Not part of standard Fisher information geometry not derived from quantum mechanics or general relativity not currently empirically established. It is included only as a speculative direction for exploring whether probability-state space admits a minimal geometric resolution scale. === Open questions === Key open research directions include: Whether a consistent discrete formulation of probability geometry can be constructed. Whether a fundamental probability-resolution scale <math>\sigma_P</math> can be derived from known physical principles. Whether such a structure could lead to measurable deviations from standard statistical or relativistic predictions. == Convergence behavior == Iterative PDT transformations may exhibit qualitatively different convergence behavior depending on the structure of the applied dilation field. Repeated probabilistic reweighting can produce entropy reduction, probability concentration, oscillatory behavior, or fluctuating stochastic dynamics over successive iterations. === Qualitative convergence classes === Exploratory finite-state PDT experiments suggest several broad classes of iterative behavior: * '''Concentrating regimes''' — repeated transformations progressively concentrate probability mass into localized regions, often accompanied by decreasing Shannon entropy. * '''Oscillatory regimes''' — probability structure evolves through recurring redistribution patterns without strong long-term concentration. * '''Multi-peak regimes''' — multiple semi-stable concentration regions emerge simultaneously, producing persistent structured probability distributions. * '''Stochastic regimes''' — fluctuating probabilistic structure evolves under partially random or time-dependent weighting behavior. === Entropy and convergence === In many exploratory PDT experiments, entropy reduction correlates with increasing probability concentration under repeated transformation. However, some oscillatory and stochastic field classes may preserve higher entropy distributions or exhibit fluctuating convergence behavior over time. The relationship between entropy evolution and convergence remains an open area of investigation. Future work may examine entropy rates, stability properties, and long-term probabilistic structure under repeated PDT transformations. === Attractor-like behavior === Some iterative PDT systems may exhibit transient attractor-like probabilistic structure in finite-state computational experiments. These behaviors are presently exploratory and are not established mathematical attractors in the formal dynamical-systems sense. Future investigation of PDT convergence behavior may include stability analysis, fixed-point structure, stochastic convergence properties, and comparison with established dynamical systems and probabilistic evolution frameworks. == Current limitations == PDT presently operates as an exploratory probabilistic and computational framework. The theory does not presently derive known physical laws from first principles, nor does it replace established formulations of quantum mechanics or general relativity. Current PDT investigations primarily focus on iterative probability transformations, entropy evolution, probabilistic weighting behavior, and computationally modeled structure formation. Many proposed physical interpretations associated with PDT remain speculative and exploratory. Existing computational experiments are finite-state toy models intended to illustrate qualitative probabilistic behavior rather than experimentally verified physical mechanisms. Future development of PDT would likely require additional mathematical formalization, convergence analysis, stochastic modeling, and comparison with established probabilistic and dynamical systems frameworks. == See also == * [[w:Buffon's needle problem|Buffon's needle problem]] * [[w:Probability measure|Probability measure]] * [[w:Importance sampling|Importance sampling]] * [[w:Radon–Nikodym theorem|Radon–Nikodym theorem]] * [[w:Dynamical system|Dynamical systems]] * [[w:Entropy (information theory)|Entropy]] * [[w:Information theory|Information theory]] * [[w:Measure theory|Measure theory]] * [[w:Geometric probability|Geometric probability]] * [[w:Shannon entropy|Shannon entropy]] * [[w:Stochastic process|Stochastic process]] * [[w:Fixed point (mathematics)|Fixed point]] * [[w:Convergence (mathematics)|Convergence]] == Subpages == The following subpages develop mathematical extensions and specialized topics related to Probability Dilation Theory (PDT). * [[Probability Dilation Theory/Fisher Geometry and Dilation Flows|Fisher Geometry and Dilation Flows]] – studies information geometry, Fisher distance, and geodesic properties of PDT trajectories. * [[Probability Dilation Theory/Logit Representation of PE|Logit Representation of PE]] – develops the log-odds representation of probability elements and exponential PDT flows. * [[Probability Dilation Theory/Convergence and Fixed Points|Convergence and Fixed Points]] – investigates invariant measures, attractors, and stability of iterative PDT transformations. * [[Probability Dilation Theory/Stochastic Dilation Fields|Stochastic Dilation Fields]] – studies random and time-dependent dilation fields, ergodicity, and stochastic measure evolution. * [[Probability Dilation Theory/Entropy Evolution|Entropy Evolution]] – examines Shannon entropy under repeated probability dilation. * [[Probability Dilation Theory/Wasserstein Geometry|Wasserstein Geometry]] – explores distances between probability measures and convergence in measure space. * [[Probability Dilation Theory/Measure-Theoretic Foundations|Measure-Theoretic Foundations]] – develops rigorous measure-theoretic aspects of PDT including normalization and existence conditions. * [[Probability Dilation Theory/Euler Methods and Continuous-Time PDT]] – investigates continuous probability flows and Euler approximations of PDT. * [[Probability Dilation Theory/Worked Example]] – canonical binary example illustrating PDT transformations and geometry. [[Probability Dilation Theory/Decoherence Analogy and Simulation]] [[Probability Dilation Theory / Dilation Vector Field]] [[Probability Dilation Theory / Dilation Flows]] [[Probability Dilation Theory / Matrix Dilation Operators]] [[Probability Dilation Theory / Spectral Analysis of Matrix Dilation Operators]] [[Probability Dilation Theory/Normalized Probability Dilation Paper]] * [[PDT and Quantum-State Normalization at a Reissner–Nordström Horizon]] – explores an application of PDT to quantum-state normalization using Bekenstein–Hawking entropy as a physically motivated dilation field, with an exploratory Reissner–Nordström black-hole model. [[PDT and Quantum Amplitude Normalization: Conditional Reweighting and Information Geometry]] == Notation == Throughout PDT, the following notation is used: {| class="wikitable" ! Symbol ! Meaning |- | <math>P</math> | Probability measure |- | <math>P_n</math> | nth iterate of PDT |- | <math>T_D</math> | Probability dilation operator |- | <math>D(x)</math> | Dilation field |- | <math>Z(P,D)</math> | Normalization factor |- | <math>H(P)</math> | Shannon entropy |- | <math>d_F</math> | Fisher-Rao distance |- | <math>W_p</math> | Wasserstein distance |- | <math>\ell</math> | Logit coordinate |- | <math>PE</math> | Probability Element |} == Related probabilistic and geometric literature == Related literature on probabilistic dilation, conditioning behavior, geometric probability, and curvature-dependent probabilistic structure includes the following works: * Augustin, T.; Coolen, F. P. A.; de Cooman, G.; Troffaes, M. C. M. ''Introduction to Imprecise Probabilities''. Wiley, 2014. * Baryshnikov, Y.; Cao, Y.; Kahle, M.; Liu, J. (2024). ''Buffon’s problem on curved surfaces and Gaussian curvature''. ''Journal of Applied Probability''. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/jpr.2024.19 * Herron, T.; Seidenfeld, T.; Wasserman, L. ''Divisive Conditioning: Further Results on Dilation''. Philosophy of Science, Vol. 64, No. 3, 1997. * Herron, T.; Seidenfeld, T.; Wasserman, L. ''Distention for Sets of Probabilities''. Annals of Mathematics and Artificial Intelligence, Vol. 45, 2005. * Moral, S.; Wilson, N. ''Dilation Properties of Coherent Nearly-Linear Models''. International Journal of Approximate Reasoning, Vol. 45, 2007. * Shannon, C. E. (1948). ''A Mathematical Theory of Communication''. ''Bell System Technical Journal'', 27(3), 379–423; 27(4), 623–656. Text and original figures © Howard Richardson. Original contributions by the author. Content is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike license (CC BY-SA) as required by Wikiversity. Reuse permitted with attribution. fjdlzzz77zu9ryeo5oe4zl4hsz6ltdh 2840314 2840311 2026-10-14T18:56:08Z Howie2024 2995240 /* Subpages */ cleaning up format of subpages. 2840314 wikitext text/x-wiki {{Research project}} {{Original research}} {{To be peer reviewed}} {{subst:proofread}} == Research abstract == '''Probability Dilation Theory (PDT)''' is a measure-theoretic research framework for studying how probability measures transform under '''positive reweighting (dilation)''' while preserving normalization and producing controlled changes in expectation values. The theory is an exploratory framework for iterative probability-measure evolution under positive dilation fields. The framework studies how repeated probabilistic reweighting transformations may generate emergent statistical structure, entropy flow, and multiscale probability dynamics. At its core, PDT studies how repeated positive probability reweighting transformations alter the long-term structure of probability distributions. PDT treats a probability measure as the primary mathematical object and investigates: * invariant identities induced by reweighting, * composition and iteration of dilations, * fixed points and near-fixed behavior, * whether iterative measure updates can generate testable multiscale statistical structure (to be evaluated via explicit models and simulations). PDT is presented as a mathematical framework. Any proposed application to physics or cosmology must be expressed as a concrete model (space, baseline measure, dilation field) and tested against falsifiable predictions. == Overview == PDT is motivated by the observation that some structural information can be recovered from sampling statistics (e.g., [[w:Buffon's needle problem|Buffon’s needle]]). PDT abstracts this idea by focusing on measure transformation itself: a dilation field modifies a baseline probability measure in a way that is: * mathematically well-defined (positivity and normalization), * composable under iteration, * analyzable for invariants and fixed points. === Conceptual interpretation === A simplified conceptual flow of the PDT framework is: <pre> Baseline probability measure P ↓ Positive dilation field D(x) ↓ Reweighted probability measure P~ ↓ Observable statistical changes </pre> Repeated dilation may qualitatively behave as: <pre> Broad initial distribution ↓ Localized reweighting ↓ Probability concentration ↓ Emergent multiscale structure </pre> Different classes of dilation fields may therefore generate qualitatively different long-term probability dynamics. In this interpretation, PDT does not alter the underlying sample space directly. Instead, it modifies how probability mass is distributed across that space through a positive reweighting field. Regions with larger values of the dilation field contribute more strongly to the transformed measure, while normalization preserves total probability. Earlier exploratory formulations of Probability Dilation Theory (PDT) were informally referred to as the Einstein Buffon Process (EBP), reflecting initial probabilistic-geometric interpretations inspired by Buffon-type constructions and Einstein-style scaling analogies. The framework has since evolved toward a broader iterative theory of probability-measure dynamics under positive dilation fields. A simple iterative interpretation may also be visualized as: <pre> P₀ ↓ D₁ P₁ ↓ D₂ P₂ ↓ D₃ P₃ ↓ ⋯ </pre> where each dilation field reweights the probability structure generated by the previous step. Different classes of dilation fields may therefore generate qualitatively different long-term probability dynamics. = Mathematical framework = == Definitions and notation == Let <math>(\Omega,\Sigma)</math> be a measurable space. * <math>P</math> denotes a probability measure on <math>(\Omega,\Sigma)</math>. * If <math>P</math> has a density <math>p</math> with respect to a reference measure <math>\mu</math>, then <math>dP=p\,d\mu</math>. * <math>D:\Omega\to(0,\infty)</math> is a measurable '''dilation field''' (a positive weight function). * <math>Z(P,D)</math> is the normalization constant: .<math> Z(P,D)=\int_\Omega D\,dP </math> * For an observable <math>f:\Omega\to\mathbb{R}</math> integrable under the relevant measure, <math> \mathbb{E}_P[f] = \int_\Omega f\,dP </math>. == PDT transformation (probability reweighting) == Given <math>P</math> and <math>D</math> with <math>0<Z(P,D)<\infty</math>, define the '''PDT transform''' <math>\widetilde{P}=\mathrm{PDT}(P;D)</math> by: <math> \widetilde{P}(A) = \frac{ \int_A D\,dP }{ \int_\Omega D\,dP } \quad\text{for all }A\in\Sigma </math> If <math>dP=p\,d\mu</math>, then <math>d\widetilde{P}=\widetilde{p}\,d\mu</math>, where <math> \widetilde{p}(x) = \frac{D(x)\,p(x)}{Z} </math> and <math> Z = \int_\Omega D(x)\,p(x)\,d\mu </math> '''Interpretation:''' the dilation field <math>D</math> shifts probability mass toward regions where <math>D</math> is larger, while renormalization keeps total probability equal to 1. PDT is mathematically related to importance sampling, Gibbs-style reweighting, and Radon–Nikodym measure transformations, although the framework emphasizes compositional and geometric interpretations of probability reweighting rather than only numerical estimation procedures. Unlike conventional importance sampling, however, PDT emphasizes the compositional and potentially dynamical behavior of repeated probability reweighting transformations. A familiar physical example of a strictly positive factor is the Lorentz factor: <math> \gamma(v) = \frac{1}{\sqrt{1-\frac{v^2}{c^2}}} </math> for <math> |v|<c </math> Lorentz contraction for a rod of rest length <math>L_0</math> moving at speed <math>v</math> is: <math> L(v)=\frac{L_0}{\gamma(v)} </math> To connect this idea to PDT (as an illustration only), one may define a positive dilation field based on <math>\gamma</math>. == Worked finite example == Consider a finite probability space: <math> \Omega=\{a,b,c\} </math> with baseline probabilities: <math> P(a)=0.2,\quad P(b)=0.3,\quad P(c)=0.5 </math> Define a positive dilation field: <math> D(a)=1,\quad D(b)=2,\quad D(c)=4 </math> The normalization constant is: <math> Z=\sum_x D(x)P(x) </math> giving: <math> Z=(1)(0.2)+(2)(0.3)+(4)(0.5)=2.8 </math> The PDT-transformed probabilities become: <math> \widetilde{P}(a)=\frac{0.2}{2.8}\approx0.071 </math> <math> \widetilde{P}(b)=\frac{0.6}{2.8}\approx0.214 </math> <math> \widetilde{P}(c)=\frac{2.0}{2.8}\approx0.714 </math> This illustrates how PDT shifts probability mass toward regions with larger dilation weights while preserving normalization. == Composition of dilations == An important structural property of sequential PDT transformations is that compose multiplicatively. Suppose two positive dilation fields: <math> D_1(x)>0 </math> and <math> D_2(x)>0 </math> are applied successively to a baseline probability measure <math>P</math>. The first dilation produces: <math> \widetilde{P}_1(A) = \frac{\int_A D_1\,dP} {\int_\Omega D_1\,dP} </math> Applying the second dilation field to <math>\widetilde{P}_1</math> gives: <math> \widetilde{P}_2(A) = \frac{\int_A D_2\,d\widetilde{P}_1} {\int_\Omega D_2\,d\widetilde{P}_1} </math> Substituting the first transformation into the second yields: <math> \widetilde{P}_2(A) = \frac{ \int_A D_2D_1\,dP }{ \int_\Omega D_2D_1\,dP } </math> This shows that sequential PDT transformations compose through multiplication of the dilation fields. This compositional structure allows iterative probability reweighting to be studied using products of positive fields, potentially generating multiscale or hierarchical probability structures under repeated application. == Fixed points and iterative dynamics == An important question in PDT concerns the long-term behavior of repeated PDT transformations. Given an initial probability measure: <math> P_0 </math> and a sequence of positive dilation fields: <math> D_1,D_2,D_3,\dots </math> successive PDT transformations generate a sequence of measures: <math> P_0 \rightarrow P_1 \rightarrow P_2 \rightarrow P_3 \rightarrow \cdots </math> where each transformed measure is obtained by reweighting the previous one. A measure <math>P</math> is called a fixed point of a dilation field <math>D</math> if: <math> \widetilde{P}=P </math> under the PDT transformation. In the simplest case, this requires the dilation field to be constant almost everywhere with respect to <math>P</math>. More general fixed-point behavior may arise when iterative compositions balance probability amplification against normalization. More generally, repeated compositions of nontrivial dilation fields may generate: * hierarchical probability structure; * multiscale statistical behavior; * attractor-like distributions; * approximately stable transformed measures. These questions connect PDT to broader areas of: * dynamical systems; * stochastic processes; * iterative renormalization methods; * probabilistic geometry. At present these iterative properties remain largely unexplored within the PDT framework. == Entropy and iterative probability flow == Repeated PDT transformations may alter the entropy structure of a probability measure. For a discrete probability distribution: <math> P=\{p_i\} </math> the Shannon entropy is: <math> H(P) = -\sum_i p_i \log p_i </math> Under iterative PDT transformation, successive transformed measures: <math> P_0 \rightarrow P_1 \rightarrow P_2 \rightarrow \cdots </math> may exhibit changing entropy behavior depending on the structure of the dilation fields. For example: * strongly localized dilation fields may concentrate probability mass and reduce entropy; * broader or smoothing dilation fields may distribute probability more evenly and increase entropy; * iterative compositions may generate approximately stable entropy profiles. These questions connect PDT to: * information theory, * statistical mechanics, * stochastic dynamics, * and renormalization-style iterative systems. At present the entropy behavior of iterative PDT transformations remains an open area for investigation. == Toy experiment: entropy under repeated dilation == A simple finite-state experiment illustrates how repeated PDT transformations can change the entropy of a probability distribution. Let the initial probability distribution be: <math> P_0=(0.2,0.2,0.2,0.2,0.2) </math> and define a positive dilation field: <math> D=(1,1,2,4,8) </math> At each step, apply the PDT update: <math> P_{n+1}(i) = \frac{D(i)P_n(i)} {\sum_j D(j)P_n(j)} </math> The Shannon entropy is: <math> H(P_n) = -\sum_i P_n(i)\log P_n(i) </math> In this toy model, repeated dilation shifts probability mass toward the highest-weight state. Over ten iterations, the entropy decreases from approximately: <math> H(P_0)\approx1.6094 </math> to: <math> H(P_{10})\approx0.00775 </math> The final distribution is approximately: <math> P_{10} \approx (0.000000001,\;0.000000001,\;0.000000953,\;0.000975609,\;0.999023437) </math> This example demonstrates probability concentration under repeated positive dilation. It is a finite-state toy model and should not be interpreted as physical evidence; its purpose is to illustrate iterative PDT behavior. == Mathematical context == PDT transformations may be viewed as exploratory probability-measure reweighting procedures related conceptually to conditioning behavior, stochastic transformations, entropy evolution, and probabilistic dilation phenomena studied in imprecise probability theory and dynamical systems literature. In PDT, the term ''dilation'' refers to probabilistic reweighting and transformation behavior under localized weighting fields rather than the formal operator-theoretic notion of dilation used in functional analysis. The iterative entropy-flow experiments explored in PDT resemble finite-state dynamical systems in which repeated transformations generate convergence, concentration, and emergent probabilistic structure over successive iterations. === Example entropy evolution === {| class="wikitable" ! Iteration !! Shannon entropy |- | 0 || 1.6094 |- | 1 || 1.2990 |- | 2 || 0.7790 |- | 3 || 0.4399 |- | 5 || 0.1500 |- | 10 || 0.0078 |} Entropy evolution under repeated localized PDT transformation showing entropy reduction and probability concentration under iterative probabilistic reweighting. Programmatically generated using Python in a ChatGPT-assisted workflow. The entropy decreases under repeated application of the dilation field as probability mass becomes increasingly concentrated in the highest-weight states. === Localized dilation fields === A useful class of PDT transformations is generated by localized positive dilation fields. Consider a one-dimensional finite configuration space with states indexed by: <math> x=0,1,2,\dots,N </math> and define a localized dilation field centered at <math>x_0</math>: <math> D(x) = \exp\!\left( \lambda \exp\!\left( -\frac{(x-x_0)^2}{2\sigma^2} \right) \right) </math> where: * <math>\lambda>0</math> controls the strength of the dilation; * <math>\sigma</math> controls the spatial width of the localized field. Narrow values of <math>\sigma</math> produce sharply localized amplification, while broader values produce smoother probability reweighting across the configuration space. Under iterative PDT dynamics: <math> P_{n+1}(x) = \frac{ D(x)P_n(x) }{ \sum_y D(y)P_n(y) } </math> the probability distribution may progressively concentrate near the center of the dilation field. === Example entropy evolution for localized fields === Using an initially uniform distribution over 21 states and iterating the PDT transformation 10 times produces the following representative entropy behavior: {| class="wikitable" ! Field width <math>\sigma</math> ! Final entropy after 10 iterations ! Maximum probability after 10 iterations |- | 1.5 || 0.0352 || 0.9950 |- | 3.0 || 0.8162 || 0.7141 |- | 6.0 || 1.5367 || 0.3595 |} [[File:PDT entropy evolution localized field.png|thumb|center|600px|Entropy evolution under repeated localized PDT transformation showing entropy reduction and probability concentration under iterative probabilistic reweighting.]] [[File:Epd_entropy_evolution.png|thumb|center|600px|Entropy evolution under repeated localized PDT dilation. Narrow localized dilation fields produce rapid entropy reduction and probability concentration under iterative reweighting.]] These results indicate that narrower localized dilation fields generate stronger probability concentration and more rapid entropy reduction. == Comparative entropy-flow experiments == The following finite-state computational experiments illustrate comparative entropy evolution under several classes of PDT dilation fields. Each experiment begins with the same initially uniform probability distribution and applies repeated PDT transformations under different field structures. The experiments are exploratory and intended to illustrate qualitative differences in iterative probabilistic behavior rather than empirical physical predictions. {| class="wikitable" |+ Comparative entropy-flow behavior under PDT field classes ! Field class ! Final entropy ! Entropy decrease ! Final max probability ! Qualitative behavior |- | Localized | 0.3104 | 3.4032 | 0.9275 | Strong probability concentration |- | Oscillatory | 1.5779 | 2.1357 | 0.3418 | Distributed oscillatory structure |- | Multi-peak | 0.2851 | 3.4284 | 0.9425 | Multiple concentration regions |- | Stochastic | 0.7744 | 2.9392 | 0.7413 | Fluctuating concentration behavior |} These experiments suggest that different classes of dilation fields may generate qualitatively distinct entropy-flow and concentration behavior under iterative PDT dynamics. Localized and multi-peak fields produce strong entropy reduction and probability concentration, while oscillatory fields preserve more distributed probabilistic structure. Stochastic fields exhibit fluctuating but still partially concentrating behavior in this finite-state example. In this toy model, repeated localized dilation behaves qualitatively like an attractor centered on the highest-weight region of the configuration space. [[File:Pdt comparative entropy flow.png|thumb|Comparative entropy evolution under localized, oscillatory, multi-peak, and stochastic PDT dilation fields.]] The experiment is intended only as a finite-state demonstration of iterative PDT dynamics and should not be interpreted as physical evidence. === Oscillatory dilation fields === Another useful class of PDT transformations is generated by oscillatory positive dilation fields. One example is: <math> D(x) = \exp(\lambda\sin(kx)) </math> where: * <math>\lambda>0</math> controls the strength of the oscillatory amplification; * <math>k</math> controls the spatial frequency of the oscillation. Because the exponential is always positive, the dilation field remains strictly positive for all states. Unlike localized dilation fields, oscillatory fields may generate multiple competing high-weight regions across the configuration space. Under repeated PDT transformation: <math> P_{n+1}(x) = \frac{ D(x)P_n(x) }{ \sum_y D(y)P_n(y) } </math> probability mass may evolve toward several distributed concentration regions rather than a single dominant attractor. === Example oscillatory-field experiment === A finite-state experiment was performed using: * 41 discrete states; * an initially uniform probability distribution; * a positive oscillatory dilation field with three spatial oscillation cycles; * 10 successive PDT iterations. Representative entropy behavior was: {| class="wikitable" ! Iteration ! Shannon entropy |- | 0 || 3.7136 |- | 2 || 2.8699 |- | 5 || 2.3018 |- | 10 || 1.9335 |} Unlike sharply localized dilation fields, the oscillatory field produced slower entropy reduction and multiple probability concentration peaks distributed across the configuration space. After 10 iterations, the largest probability concentration remained distributed rather than collapsing into a single dominant state. This suggests that different classes of positive dilation fields may generate qualitatively different long-term iterative probability structures. The experiment is intended only as a finite-state demonstration of iterative PDT dynamics and should not be interpreted as physical evidence. === Multi-peak localized dilation fields === A broader class of PDT transformations may be generated using multiple localized dilation peaks distributed across the configuration space. One example is: <math> D(x) = \exp\!\left( \sum_k \lambda_k \exp\!\left( -\frac{(x-x_k)^2}{2\sigma_k^2} \right) \right) </math> where: * <math>x_k</math> are the locations of the dilation peaks; * <math>\lambda_k>0</math> control the amplification strength of each peak; * <math>\sigma_k</math> control the spatial width of each localized region. This construction generates a positive multimodal dilation landscape containing several competing amplification regions. Under repeated PDT iteration: <math> P_{n+1}(x) = \frac{ D(x)P_n(x) }{ \sum_y D(y)P_n(y) } </math> probability mass may evolve toward multiple partially localized concentration regions. Unlike single localized dilation fields, multi-peak fields may generate: * competing attractor-like regions; * hierarchical probability concentration; * partially stabilized multimodal distributions; * multiscale probability structure. Depending on the relative strengths and widths of the peaks, the iterative dynamics may favor: * dominance by a single peak; * coexistence of several concentration regions; * or slowly evolving metastable probability structures. === Conceptual interpretation === A qualitative iterative evolution may be visualized as: <pre> Broad initial distribution ↓ Multiple localized amplifications ↓ Competing concentration regions ↓ Emergent multimodal probability structure </pre> This class of dilation fields suggests that iterative PDT dynamics may generate richer probability organization than either single localized attractors or simple oscillatory fields alone. At present these behaviors remain exploratory computational observations within finite-state toy models. === Random and stochastic dilation fields === Another important class of PDT transformations arises when the dilation field itself varies stochastically. A simple stochastic dilation field may be written schematically as: <math> D_n(x) = \exp\!\left( \sigma \eta_n(x) \right) </math> where: * <math>\eta_n(x)</math> is a random field or stochastic fluctuation at iteration <math>n</math>; * <math>\sigma>0</math> controls the strength of the stochastic variation. Because the exponential is strictly positive, the dilation field remains positive for all realizations of the random process. Under repeated PDT iteration: <math> P_{n+1}(x) = \frac{ D_n(x)P_n(x) }{ \sum_y D_n(y)P_n(y) } </math> the probability landscape itself fluctuates dynamically from one iteration to the next. Unlike deterministic localized or oscillatory dilation fields, stochastic dilation fields may generate: * fluctuating concentration regions; * transient attractor-like structures; * noise-driven entropy evolution; * intermittent probability concentration; * metastable probabilistic configurations. === Conceptual interpretation === A qualitative stochastic evolution may be visualized as: <pre> Broad initial distribution ↓ Random localized amplification ↓ Fluctuating concentration regions ↓ Dynamic probabilistic structure </pre> Depending on the stochastic process used to generate the dilation fields, the long-term dynamics may exhibit: * partial concentration, * persistent fluctuations, * stochastic stabilization, * or continuously evolving probabilistic structure. These ideas connect PDT to broader areas of: * stochastic processes; * random multiplicative systems; * statistical mechanics; * noise-driven dynamical systems; * probabilistic geometry. At present these behaviors remain exploratory computational possibilities within finite-state toy models. == Qualitative classes of iterative PDT behavior == Different classes of positive dilation fields may generate qualitatively different long-term probability dynamics under repeated PDT transformation. The following table summarizes several representative classes explored within finite-state toy models. {| class="wikitable" ! Dilation-field class ! Typical iterative behavior ! Representative qualitative structure |- | Localized fields | Strong entropy reduction and concentration toward a dominant region | Single attractor-like concentration |- | Oscillatory fields | Distributed amplification with slower entropy reduction | Patterned multimodal structure |- | Multi-peak localized fields | Competition between several concentration regions | Hierarchical or metastable probability structure |- | Random and stochastic fields | Fluctuating amplification and noise-driven evolution | Dynamic probabilistic landscapes |} These examples suggest that iterative PDT reweighting may generate a broad spectrum of emergent statistical structures depending on the geometry and dynamics of the dilation field. Within the PDT framework, the iterative behavior of probability measures may therefore depend as strongly on the structure of the dilation field as on the initial probability distribution itself. At present these qualitative behaviors remain exploratory computational observations within finite-state toy models. == Numerical simulation and iterative models == === Simulation model description === In discrete demonstrations, the “state space” may be represented by a finite set such as bins, configurations, or catalog points. Two equivalent discrete implementations are common: * '''weighted evaluation''': retain all points and assign weights proportional to <math>D</math>; * '''importance resampling''': generate a new empirical catalog with sampling probabilities proportional to <math>D</math>. === Demonstration: reweighting mock galaxy catalogs === A simple computational demonstration of PDT may be constructed using synthetic galaxy catalogs in a periodic simulation box. The demonstration pipeline is: # generate a baseline mock catalog; # define a positive dilation field over the configuration space; # perform PDT-style importance resampling; # compute the resulting two-point correlation function <math>\xi(r)</math>; # compare transformed and baseline catalogs. One example dilation field is: <math> D(x)=\exp(\lambda\phi(x)) </math> where: * <math>\lambda>0</math> controls the strength of the dilation; * <math>\phi(x)\ge0</math> is a nonnegative configuration-space field. An example seed-field construction is: <math> \phi(x)=\sum_k \exp\!\left(-\frac{\|x-s_k\|^2}{2\sigma^2}\right) </math> where <math>s_k</math> are seed locations and <math>\sigma</math> controls the width of the seed influence. The two-point correlation function may be estimated using the normalized Landy–Szalay estimator: <math> \xi(r) = \frac{DD(r)-2DR(r)+RR(r)}{RR(r)} </math> where <math>DD</math>, <math>DR</math>, and <math>RR</math> are normalized pair counts. {{Note|Unless observational datasets are explicitly supplied, demonstrations may use synthetic target correlation curves for methodological illustration only. Synthetic demonstrations should not be interpreted as empirical cosmological evidence.}} When run using synthetic target curves, PDT-resampled catalogs may exhibit enhanced small-scale clustering relative to the baseline configuration. === Computational demonstrations === Reference implementations and supplementary simulation notebooks may be maintained on external repositories or supplementary Wikiversity pages. {{collapse top|Python demonstration placeholder}} <syntaxhighlight lang="python"> # Example implementations may be maintained separately # on GitHub, OSF, or supplementary Wikiversity pages. </syntaxhighlight> {{collapse bottom}} == Scope and Limitations == PDT is a mathematical framework for measure transformations. It does not claim: * a replacement theory for General Relativity or Quantum Mechanics; * empirical confirmation without explicit predictions and tests; * observational validation without independently reproducible analysis. The following discussion extends beyond the primary mathematical framework developed earlier in the article and explores possible conceptual implications and speculative generalizations. == Speculative Extensions and Geometric Renormalization == ''This section is speculative and exploratory in nature.'' Recent mathematical work published in the ''Journal of Applied Probability'' by Baryshnikov, Cao, Kahle, and Liu suggests a possible connection between probability distributions and intrinsic geometry. Studies of “Buffon deficits” on curved manifolds indicate that deviations from classical flat-space Buffon probabilities may encode curvature-dependent geometric information. Within the PDT framework, these observations motivate the broader possibility that geometric structure may influence iterative probabilistic dynamics through curvature-dependent statistical weighting effects. Within PDT, these results are conceptually relevant because they suggest that probabilistic weighting structures may encode nontrivial geometric information. In particular, the Cambridge analysis demonstrates that generalized Buffon-type probabilistic constructions can reflect Gaussian curvature in different geometries. PDT extends this probabilistic perspective by exploring how iterative probability-measure transformations under positive dilation fields may generate evolving statistical structure, entropy flow, and geometry-dependent probabilistic behavior under repeated transformation. At present these ideas remain exploratory and heuristic. No direct physical interpretation is presently established within the PDT framework. Within the PDT framework, this motivates the speculative possibility that curvature could act as a statistical weighting mechanism on classes of admissible paths or configurations. == Future directions == * develop canonical families of dilation fields and invariants; * clarify “structure-from-measure” diagnostics; * publish reproducible simulation notebooks and parameter sweeps; * compare multiple dilation families under shared evaluation criteria; * investigate connections between probabilistic geometry and curvature-dependent statistical measures. == Future Directions: Probability Element (PE) == A speculative extension of Probability Dilation Theory (PDT) is the introduction of a minimal invariant scale in probability-state space, referred to as a '''Probability Element (PE)'''. This concept lies outside standard Fisher information geometry and is not part of established physics. The PE hypothesis proposes that probability-state space may not be fully continuous, but may instead admit a smallest distinguishable scale of structure in terms of information-theoretic resolution. This can be expressed in terms of a dimensionless ratio: <math>\eta = \frac{\sigma_P}{\sigma}</math> where: <math>\sigma_P</math> is a hypothesized minimal probability-resolution scale, <math>\sigma</math> is an effective distinguishability scale in probability-state space. === Conceptual motivation === Standard Fisher information geometry treats probability distributions as points on a smooth manifold with arbitrarily fine distinguishability. The PE hypothesis explores the possibility that this distinguishability may have a lower bound, introducing a form of discreteness in probability-state geometry. === Illustrative toy model (not derived physics) === As a heuristic example, one may consider a modification to special relativistic time dilation of the form: <math>d\tau = dt\sqrt{1 - \frac{v^2}{c^2}}\sqrt{1 - \eta^2}</math> where: <math>v</math> is velocity, <math>c</math> is the speed of light, <math>\eta = \sigma_P / \sigma</math> encodes a proposed probability-resolution scale. This expression is constructed such that standard special relativity is recovered exactly in the limit <math>\eta \to 0</math>. === Status === The Probability Element concept is: Not part of standard Fisher information geometry not derived from quantum mechanics or general relativity not currently empirically established. It is included only as a speculative direction for exploring whether probability-state space admits a minimal geometric resolution scale. === Open questions === Key open research directions include: Whether a consistent discrete formulation of probability geometry can be constructed. Whether a fundamental probability-resolution scale <math>\sigma_P</math> can be derived from known physical principles. Whether such a structure could lead to measurable deviations from standard statistical or relativistic predictions. == Convergence behavior == Iterative PDT transformations may exhibit qualitatively different convergence behavior depending on the structure of the applied dilation field. Repeated probabilistic reweighting can produce entropy reduction, probability concentration, oscillatory behavior, or fluctuating stochastic dynamics over successive iterations. === Qualitative convergence classes === Exploratory finite-state PDT experiments suggest several broad classes of iterative behavior: * '''Concentrating regimes''' — repeated transformations progressively concentrate probability mass into localized regions, often accompanied by decreasing Shannon entropy. * '''Oscillatory regimes''' — probability structure evolves through recurring redistribution patterns without strong long-term concentration. * '''Multi-peak regimes''' — multiple semi-stable concentration regions emerge simultaneously, producing persistent structured probability distributions. * '''Stochastic regimes''' — fluctuating probabilistic structure evolves under partially random or time-dependent weighting behavior. === Entropy and convergence === In many exploratory PDT experiments, entropy reduction correlates with increasing probability concentration under repeated transformation. However, some oscillatory and stochastic field classes may preserve higher entropy distributions or exhibit fluctuating convergence behavior over time. The relationship between entropy evolution and convergence remains an open area of investigation. Future work may examine entropy rates, stability properties, and long-term probabilistic structure under repeated PDT transformations. === Attractor-like behavior === Some iterative PDT systems may exhibit transient attractor-like probabilistic structure in finite-state computational experiments. These behaviors are presently exploratory and are not established mathematical attractors in the formal dynamical-systems sense. Future investigation of PDT convergence behavior may include stability analysis, fixed-point structure, stochastic convergence properties, and comparison with established dynamical systems and probabilistic evolution frameworks. == Current limitations == PDT presently operates as an exploratory probabilistic and computational framework. The theory does not presently derive known physical laws from first principles, nor does it replace established formulations of quantum mechanics or general relativity. Current PDT investigations primarily focus on iterative probability transformations, entropy evolution, probabilistic weighting behavior, and computationally modeled structure formation. Many proposed physical interpretations associated with PDT remain speculative and exploratory. Existing computational experiments are finite-state toy models intended to illustrate qualitative probabilistic behavior rather than experimentally verified physical mechanisms. Future development of PDT would likely require additional mathematical formalization, convergence analysis, stochastic modeling, and comparison with established probabilistic and dynamical systems frameworks. == See also == * [[w:Buffon's needle problem|Buffon's needle problem]] * [[w:Probability measure|Probability measure]] * [[w:Importance sampling|Importance sampling]] * [[w:Radon–Nikodym theorem|Radon–Nikodym theorem]] * [[w:Dynamical system|Dynamical systems]] * [[w:Entropy (information theory)|Entropy]] * [[w:Information theory|Information theory]] * [[w:Measure theory|Measure theory]] * [[w:Geometric probability|Geometric probability]] * [[w:Shannon entropy|Shannon entropy]] * [[w:Stochastic process|Stochastic process]] * [[w:Fixed point (mathematics)|Fixed point]] * [[w:Convergence (mathematics)|Convergence]] == Subpages == The following subpages develop mathematical extensions and specialized topics related to Probability Dilation Theory (PDT). * [Fisher Geometry and Dilation Flows](https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Probability_Dilation_Theory/Fisher_Geometry_and_Dilation_Flows "Probability Dilation Theory/Fisher Geometry and Dilation Flows") – studies information geometry, Fisher distance, and geodesic properties of PDT trajectories. * [Logit Representation of PE](https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Probability_Dilation_Theory/Logit_Representation_of_PE "Probability Dilation Theory/Logit Representation of PE") – develops the log-odds representation of probability elements and exponential PDT flows. * [Convergence and Fixed Points](https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Probability_Dilation_Theory/Convergence_and_Fixed_Points "Probability Dilation Theory/Convergence and Fixed Points") – investigates invariant measures, fixed points, attractors, and stability of iterative PDT transformations. * [Stochastic Dilation Fields](https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Probability_Dilation_Theory/Stochastic_Dilation_Fields "Probability Dilation Theory/Stochastic Dilation Fields") – studies random and time-dependent dilation fields, ergodicity, and stochastic evolution of probability measures. * [Entropy Evolution](https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Probability_Dilation_Theory/Entropy_Evolution "Probability Dilation Theory/Entropy Evolution") – examines Shannon entropy and information change under repeated probability dilation. * [Wasserstein Geometry](https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Probability_Dilation_Theory/Wasserstein_Geometry "Probability Dilation Theory/Wasserstein Geometry") – explores Wasserstein distances between probability measures and convergence in probability space. * [Measure-Theoretic Foundations](https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Probability_Dilation_Theory/Measure-Theoretic_Foundations "Probability Dilation Theory/Measure-Theoretic Foundations") – develops measure-theoretic foundations for PDT, including normalization, existence, and integrability conditions. * [Euler Methods and Continuous-Time PDT](https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Probability_Dilation_Theory/Euler_Methods_and_Continuous-Time_PDT "Probability Dilation Theory/Euler Methods and Continuous-Time PDT") – investigates continuous-time probability flows and Euler approximations of PDT dynamics. * [Worked Example](https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Probability_Dilation_Theory/Worked_Example "Probability Dilation Theory/Worked Example") – provides a canonical binary example illustrating PDT transformations, normalization, and geometric behaviour. * [Decoherence Analogy and Simulation](https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Probability_Dilation_Theory/Decoherence_Analogy_and_Simulation "Probability Dilation Theory/Decoherence Analogy and Simulation") – explores a conceptual analogy between PDT transformations and quantum decoherence, together with numerical simulation. * [Dilation Vector Field](https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Probability_Dilation_Theory_/_Dilation_Vector_Field "Probability Dilation Theory / Dilation Vector Field") – develops the vector-field representation of probability dilation and its continuous dynamical interpretation. * [Dilation Flows](https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Probability_Dilation_Theory_/_Dilation_Flows "Probability Dilation Theory / Dilation Flows") – examines continuous dilation flows and their dynamical behaviour on probability space. * [Matrix Dilation Operators](https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Probability_Dilation_Theory_/_Matrix_Dilation_Operators "Probability Dilation Theory / Matrix Dilation Operators") – develops matrix representations of PDT dilation operators and their action on probability states. * [Spectral Analysis of Matrix Dilation Operators](https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Probability_Dilation_Theory_/_Spectral_Analysis_of_Matrix_Dilation_Operators "Probability Dilation Theory / Spectral Analysis of Matrix Dilation Operators") – investigates eigenvalues, eigenvectors, spectral structure, and stability properties of matrix dilation operators. * [Normalized Probability Dilation Paper](https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Probability_Dilation_Theory/Normalized_Probability_Dilation_Paper "Probability Dilation Theory/Normalized Probability Dilation Paper") – presents the Draft Version 1.0 research manuscript developing normalized probability dilation as a unified mathematical framework and examining its Fisher–Rao geometry. * [PDT and Quantum-State Normalization at a Reissner–Nordström Horizon](https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/PDT_and_Quantum-State_Normalization_at_a_Reissner%E2%80%93Nordstr%C3%B6m_Horizon "PDT and Quantum-State Normalization at a Reissner–Nordström Horizon") – explores an application of PDT to quantum-state normalization using Bekenstein–Hawking entropy as a physically motivated dilation field in an exploratory Reissner–Nordström black-hole model. * [PDT and Quantum Amplitude Normalization: Conditional Reweighting and Information Geometry](https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/PDT_and_Quantum_Amplitude_Normalization:_Conditional_Reweighting_and_Information_Geometry "PDT and Quantum Amplitude Normalization: Conditional Reweighting and Information Geometry") – investigates PDT-style conditional reweighting of quantum amplitudes and its possible relationship to information geometry. == Notation == Throughout PDT, the following notation is used: {| class="wikitable" ! Symbol ! Meaning |- | <math>P</math> | Probability measure |- | <math>P_n</math> | nth iterate of PDT |- | <math>T_D</math> | Probability dilation operator |- | <math>D(x)</math> | Dilation field |- | <math>Z(P,D)</math> | Normalization factor |- | <math>H(P)</math> | Shannon entropy |- | <math>d_F</math> | Fisher-Rao distance |- | <math>W_p</math> | Wasserstein distance |- | <math>\ell</math> | Logit coordinate |- | <math>PE</math> | Probability Element |} == Related probabilistic and geometric literature == Related literature on probabilistic dilation, conditioning behavior, geometric probability, and curvature-dependent probabilistic structure includes the following works: * Augustin, T.; Coolen, F. P. A.; de Cooman, G.; Troffaes, M. C. M. ''Introduction to Imprecise Probabilities''. Wiley, 2014. * Baryshnikov, Y.; Cao, Y.; Kahle, M.; Liu, J. (2024). ''Buffon’s problem on curved surfaces and Gaussian curvature''. ''Journal of Applied Probability''. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/jpr.2024.19 * Herron, T.; Seidenfeld, T.; Wasserman, L. ''Divisive Conditioning: Further Results on Dilation''. Philosophy of Science, Vol. 64, No. 3, 1997. * Herron, T.; Seidenfeld, T.; Wasserman, L. ''Distention for Sets of Probabilities''. Annals of Mathematics and Artificial Intelligence, Vol. 45, 2005. * Moral, S.; Wilson, N. ''Dilation Properties of Coherent Nearly-Linear Models''. International Journal of Approximate Reasoning, Vol. 45, 2007. * Shannon, C. E. (1948). ''A Mathematical Theory of Communication''. ''Bell System Technical Journal'', 27(3), 379–423; 27(4), 623–656. Text and original figures © Howard Richardson. Original contributions by the author. Content is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike license (CC BY-SA) as required by Wikiversity. Reuse permitted with attribution. 7qz417mzo0tnf6aubm8r3ud5p19aulj 0 322597 2840274 2825415 2026-10-14T13:40:08Z U3275873 3110137 Grammar and wording improvements and formatted reference list 2840274 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Pregnancy loss and emotion:<br>What are the emotional consequences of pregnancy loss for parents?}} __TOC__ == Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}} [[File:Adult couple holding hands.jpg|thumb|178x178px|Figure 1: Couple]] ;Imagine this... Tara is 28 years old, and she and her partner have been trying for a baby for a year and a half. Recently, Tara experienced a miscarriage at 11 weeks and 4 days. She feels lost and helpless, and struggles with thoughts that her body has let her down. Despite being reassured by medical professionals that her miscarriage was unavoidable and caused by spontaneous pregnancy loss, Tara still carries around the guilt that she could have done more. She finds it hard to describe the grief of losing someone she never met, yet had already imagined a whole future with. Tara’s partner is also experiencing their own grief and guilt about the miscarriage. They want to be supportive but feel unsure how to comfort her, sometimes feeling paralysed in their emotions. They struggle to identify exactly what they’re feeling — there’s no single word for it — but they believe they should feel sad, even when the emotions don’t come in the way they expect. Tara and her partner have not yet told anyone about the miscarriage. Friends and family often ask about the baby, and each question quietly deepens their grief. For now, they hope to keep their loss private, allowing themselves some space before sharing their emotions with others, where they fear they might be met with pity rather than understanding. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Pregnancy loss is often described as an invisible grief; a loss that can be profoundly life-changing, yet one that many parents feel unable to openly share. While medical conversations often focus on physical recovery, the emotional consequences can be far more complex and enduring. [https://www.liebertpub.com/doi/10.1089/jwh.2007.0505 Around one in four pregnancies end in miscarriage], yet the emotional impact for parents is frequently minimised or overlooked (Brier, 2008). For many, the loss is not only of a pregnancy but also of future hopes, identities as parents, and expectations of family life. Despite its prevalence, [https://bmjopen.bmj.com/content/6/11/e011864 stigma and silence] often prevent parents from accessing the emotional support they need, leaving them vulnerable to grief, depression, anxiety, guilt, and trauma (Farren et al., 2016) {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the hormonal, emotional and psychological changes that occur during pregnancy and pregnancy loss? * What is grief? * What emotional theories are connected to pregnancy loss? * What are the emotional consequences of pregnancy loss for parents? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == What are the hormonal, emotional and psychological changes that occur during pregnancy and pregnancy loss? == Pregnancy and miscarriage involve profound '''hormonal, neural, emotional, and psychological changes''' that interact in complex ways. Understanding these mechanisms helps explain why parents experience intense emotions and why miscarriage can have lasting effects on mental health ([[doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(21)00682-|Quenby et al]]., 2021; [[doi:10.1016/j.infbeh.2009.09.005|Field et al]]., 2010). === Understanding Pregnancy === {{ic|Include an introductory paragraph before branching into sub-sections}} ==== Description ==== [[wikipedia:Pregnancy|Pregnancy]] is when a person carries a developing baby inside their uterus. It starts when a sperm fertilizes an egg, creating a tiny embryo that attaches to the uterine lining. Pregnancy usually lasts about 37 - 42 weeks and is divided into three stages, called trimesters. [[File:Pregnancy month by month.gif|thumb|'''Figure 2.''' Showcasing pregnancy development inside the womb as the baby grows{{g}}.|214x214px]] * '''First trimester (weeks 1–12):''' The embryo starts developing major organs, and the parent may experience symptoms like tiredness and nausea. * '''Second trimester (weeks 13–26):''' The baby grows bigger, movements can often be felt, and some early symptoms may ease. * '''Third trimester (weeks 27–40):''' The baby grows rapidly, and the parent’s body prepares for birth, which can cause discomfort. Pregnancy involves a mix of physical, hormonal, and emotional changes to support the baby’s growth before it ends in either a '''live birth''', '''miscarriage''', '''induced abortion''' or a '''still birth.'''{{ic|Explain what "pregnancy loss" is.}} ==== Hormonal Changes ==== {{ic|Include an introductory paragraph before branching into sub-sections}} ===== Hormonal Changes in the Body ===== During pregnancy, levels of '''estrogen''' and '''progesterone''' rise sharply. Estrogen promotes uterine and breast development, while progesterone maintains the uterine lining and prevents '''[https://www.mayoclinic.org/healthy-lifestyle/pregnancy-week-by-week premature contractions]¹'''(Mayo Clinic, 2022). Human chorionic gonadotropin ('''hCG''')'''²''' signals early pregnancy, maintaining estrogen and progesterone production to support the [https://www.mayoclinic.org/healthy-lifestyle/pregnancy-week-by-week developing embryo] (Mayo Clinic, 2022). Relaxin loosens ligaments in preparation for birth, and oxytocin and prolactin prepare the body for '''[[doi:10.1016/j.yhbeh.2014.04.003|lactation]]³''' (Glynn & Sandman, 2014). ===== Hormonal Changes in the Brain ===== Circulating hormones cross the [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2494999/ '''blood–brain barrier''' and influence '''neurotransmitter''']'''⁴''' systems (Soares & Zitek, 2008). [[doi:10.1017/S1092852913000807|Estrogen modulates serotonin and dopamine]], supporting mood regulation and cognitive function, while progesterone and its metaboli{{ic|Include an introductory paragraph before branching into sub-sections}} te allopregnanolone enhance '''GABAergic activity⁵''', producing calming effects (Schiller et al., 2014). [[doi:10.1126/science.1252723|Oxytocin increases]] activity in the '''[[wikipedia:Amygdala|amygdala]]⁶''' and '''[[wikipedia:Prefrontal_cortex|prefrontal cortex]]''','''⁷''' promoting bonding and social cognition (Rilling & Young, 2014). [[doi:10.1016/j.infbeh.2009.09.005|Cortisol gradually rises to support fetal development]] but can heighten stress reactivity when chronically elevated (Field et al., 2010). ===== Effects on the brain and body function ===== Hormonal changes prepare the body for birth and caregiving but can also contribute to '''mood variability, fatigue, and heightened emotional sensitivity'''. Neuroplastic changes occur in regions including the prefrontal cortex, amygdala, and hippocampus, enhancing vigilance and [[doi:10.1037/a0020884|caregiving behaviours]] (Kim et al., 2010). Physically, the hormones regulate uterine growth, blood volume, and metabolism to support the fetus. ===== Emotional and psychological effects ===== Hormonal modulation helps explain common pregnancy emotions. Estrogen-mediated serotonergic activity can promote positive mood, while fluctuations may trigger '''anxiety or depressive symptoms'''. Progesterone withdrawal can increase irritability or restlessness. Oxytocin fosters attachment and empathy, facilitating social support and parental bonding. Cortisol influences stress responsiveness, linking physical changes to emotional experiences. Psychological adjustments include shifts in identity, anticipatory anxiety about parenthood, and preparation for caregiving ([[doi:10.1016/j.yhbeh.2014.04.003|Glynn & Sandman]], 2014; [[doi:10.1016/j.infbeh.2009.09.005|Field et al.]], 2010). === Understanding Miscarriage === {{ic|Include an introductory paragraph before branching into sub-sections}} ==== Description ==== A [[wikipedia:Miscarriage|Miscarriage]] is the '''loss of a pregnancy before the fetus can survive outside the uterus''', usually before 24 weeks of gestation{{f}}. It is sometimes also called a '''spontaneous abortion''', though that term is more clinical. Miscarriages are relatively common{{f}}, especially in the first trimester, and can happen for a variety of reasons, such as: * '''Chromosomal abnormalities''' in the fetus * '''Hormonal imbalances''' in the parent * '''Health conditions''' like diabetes or thyroid problems * '''Infections''' or certain medications * '''Lifestyle factors''', though these are less commonly the main cause Symptoms of a miscarriage may include '''vaginal bleeding, cramping, abdominal pain, and the passing of tissue'''. Some miscarriages happen very early and may be mistaken for a heavy period.{{f}} ==== Hormonal Changes ==== {{ic|Include an introductory paragraph before branching into sub-sections}} ===== Hormonal changes in the body ===== Miscarriage leads to '''[[doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(21)00682-6|rapid declines in estrogen and progesterone]]''', disrupting uterine maintenance and causing fatigue, cramping, and other physiological symptoms (Quenby et al., 2021). [[doi:10.1136/bmjopen-2016-011864|Oxytocin levels may also drop]], particularly if contractions are medically induced. Cortisol'''⁸''' surges as part of the stress response, further affecting the body (Farren et al., 2016). ===== Hormonal changes in the brain ===== The sudden hormonal withdrawal disrupts serotonin, dopamine, and GABA signaling, contributing to '''[[doi:10.1017/S1092852913000807|low mood, anxiety, and sleep disturbance]]''' (Schiller et al., 2014). [[doi:10.1126/science.1252723|Reduced oxytocin]] signaling may impair emotional bonding, increasing distress (Rilling & Young, 2014). Elevated cortisol can [[doi:10.1016/j.infbeh.2009.09.005|heighten anxiety and stress reactivity]] through the HPA axis'''⁹''' (Field et al., 2010). Dopaminergic reward pathways may be affected, leading to [[doi:10.1016/j.yhbeh.2014.04.003|'''anhedonia¹⁰''' and reduced pleasure]], particularly in parents who had high anticipatory attachment to the pregnancy (Glynn & Sandman, 2014){{Not in References}}. ===== Effects on brain and body function ===== Hormonal disruption impacts cognitive processing, attention, and memory, while HPA-axis activation amplifies physiological stress responses. [[doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(21)00682-6|Physical symptoms of miscarriage]], such as bleeding and uterine contractions, are compounded by emotional and neural effects (Quenby et al., 2021). ===== Emotional and psychological effects ===== The neuroendocrine changes explain much of the emotional experience following miscarriage. Sudden progesterone and estrogen withdrawal can provoke '''grief, guilt, sadness, and anxiety'''. Reduced oxytocin contributes to feelings of isolation or difficulty bonding with partners. Increased cortisol and disrupted dopamine pathways may lead to '''heightened stress, sleep disturbance, and anhedonia'''. Psychologically, miscarriage can impact identity, future parenting confidence, and increase risk for depression, anxiety, and PTSD ([[doi:10.1136/bmjopen-2016-011864|Farren et al]]., 2016; [[doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(21)00682-6|Quenby et al]]., 2021). === Key comparison === {| class="wikitable" !Hormone !Pregnancy: Effect on Body !Pregnancy: Effect on Brain & Emotion !Miscarriage: Effect on Body !Miscarriage: Effect on Brain & Emotion |- |Estrogen |Uterine and breast development |Supports serotonin & dopamine → mood regulation |Rapid drop → uterine shedding |Disrupts mood, may trigger sadness/anxiety |- |Progesterone |Maintains uterine lining, prevents '''premature contractions''' |Enhances GABAergic activity → calm, reduces anxiety |Rapid drop → uterine instability |Disrupts GABA → irritability, anxiety |- |hCG |Maintains estrogen/progesterone |Supports early pregnancy signals |Falls after pregnancy loss |Contributes to hormonal imbalance |- |Oxytocin |Prepares for bonding & '''lactation''' |Increases amygdala & prefrontal cortex activity → empathy, social cognition |Drops after loss |Reduced bonding, feelings of isolation |- |Cortisol |Gradual rise supports fetus |Modulates stress response |Surges during miscarriage |Heightened stress, anxiety |- |Dopamine |Reward pathways support anticipatory bonding |Enhances pleasure, motivation |Withdrawal or dysregulation |Anhedonia, reduced pleasure |} === Quiz === <quiz display="simple"> {Question 1 |type="()"} Which hormone prevents premature contractions during pregnancy? - Estrogen + Progesterone - Cortisol - Dopamine {Question 2 |type="()"} Following miscarriage, withdrawal of estrogen and progesterone disrupts which brain region’s function, often leading to difficulties with emotional regulation and increased vulnerability to depression? - Amygdala - Hypothalamus + Prefrontal cortex - Hippocampus </quiz> == What is grief? == {{ic|Include an introductory paragraph before branching into sub-sections}} === Description === [[wikipedia:Grief|Grief]] is the '''emotional response to loss''', especially the loss of someone or something important, like the death of a loved one, the end of a relationship, or even a major life change. It’s a natural process that can involve a '''range of emotions'''—sadness, anger, guilt, confusion, relief, or even numbness.{{f}} Grief isn’t just emotional; it can also affect '''thoughts, behaviors, and the body''', leading to difficulty concentrating, changes in sleep or appetite, and physical symptoms like fatigue or tension.{{f}} People experience grief differently. Some may go through it in stages (commonly described as denial, anger, bargaining, depression, and acceptance), but there’s no “right” way or timeline for grieving.{{f}} Essentially, grief is the mind and body’s way of '''processing and adjusting to a significant loss'''.{{f}} Miscarriage often produces a unique type of grief, as parents mourn the loss of both the baby and the imagined future tied to that child (Côté-Arsenault & Dombeck, 2001). This makes pregnancy loss distinctive because it combines bereavement with disrupted identity, hopes, and social roles. === Kübler-Ross model === The most well-known framework for grief is the '''five stages of grief''' proposed by Kübler-Ross (1969): '''denial''', '''anger''', '''bargaining''', '''depression''', and '''acceptance'''. While widely recognised, research suggests these stages are not always experienced linearly, nor do all individuals pass through each one (Maciejewski et al., 2007). For miscarriage, some parents may experience prolonged guilt or self-blame that does not map neatly onto these stages. ==== Denial ==== A protective response where the individual struggles to accept the reality of the loss, often feeling numb or in disbelief. In cases of a miscarriage, parents may initially find it difficult to believe the pregnancy has ended, remaining in denial. ==== Anger ==== Anger consists of the intense frustration or resentment, which may be directed at oneself, a partner, medical professionals, or even fate. Parents may feel anger that their body “failed” or that others cannot understand their pain. ==== Bargaining ==== [[File:Kubler-ross-grief-cycle-1-728.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 3.''' The 5 stages of grief.|352x352px]] Bargaining includes attempts to make sense of the loss by imagining “what if” scenarios or negotiating with a higher power. This can involve guilt, such as wishing they had done something differently to prevent the miscarriage. ==== Depression ==== Depression includes feelings of deep sadness, hopelessness, and withdrawal as the permanence of the loss sets in. Parents may feel overwhelmed by grief, emptiness, or lack of motivation. ==== Acceptance ==== Acceptance is the gradual recognition of the reality of the loss and a process of adjusting to life without what was lost. Acceptance does not mean forgetting the baby, but finding ways to move forward while carrying the memory. === Dual process model === The '''Dual Process Model¹¹''' explains grief as an oscillation between confronting the loss (loss-oriented coping) and adjusting to life changes (restoration-oriented coping) (Stroebe & Schut, 1999). This may apply strongly to miscarriage, as parents often move between grieving their baby and dealing with practical challenges such as medical recovery, workplace responsibilities, and future fertility planning{{f}}. === Continuing bonds perspective === The '''Continuing Bonds¹²''' perspective suggests that many bereaved individuals maintain a psychological connection with the deceased, which may be expressed in naming the baby, keeping ultrasound photos, or commemorating anniversaries (Klass, Silverman, & Nickman, 1996). === Meaning reconstruction === Another influential theory is '''Meaning Reconstruction¹³''', which highlights the importance of making sense of the loss and integrating it into one’s identity (Neimeyer, 2001){{ic|Not in References}}. For parents experiencing pregnancy loss, this might involve redefining what parenthood means or re-evaluating future life goals.{{f}} === The partner's grief === Partners often experience grief that differs from the birthing parent, yet their loss is sometimes overlooked or invalidated{{f}}. This is sometimes referred to as '''disenfranchised grief''','''¹⁴''' because society often focuses more on the physical and emotional recovery of the mother, leaving partners without recognition or support (Doka, 1989). Partners may suppress their emotions to remain “strong” for their significant other, yet this can increase feelings of isolation{{f}}. Additionally, hormonal and psychological changes that occur in non-birthing partners during pregnancy—such as elevated prolactin and reduced testosterone to promote bonding—can abruptly shift after miscarriage, influencing mood and emotional regulation (Gettler et al., 2011). The combination of personal grief and the pressure to provide support can strain relationships, as both individuals struggle with different grief trajectories{{f}. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Did you know?''' *A baby’s heart starts beating very early: Research suggests that the heart begins beating around 16 days after conception—even before many people know they are pregnant! (University of Oxford, 2016) *Grief can literally hurt: Intense grief activates the same brain regions as physical pain, which is why emotional loss can feel like a heavy ache in the chest (Kross et al., 2011). '''Why it matters:''' These facts highlight how pregnancy and pregnancy loss are not only deeply emotional experiences but also involve real physiological changes—from the earliest stages of fetal development to the body’s response to grief. Understanding the physical and emotional dimensions can help parents and supporters appreciate the full impact of loss. {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Emotion-Specific Theories and Pregnancy Loss == Understanding the emotional consequences of pregnancy loss can be enriched by considering psychological theories of emotion. Two particularly relevant frameworks are '''Lazarus’s Cognitive Appraisal Theory''' and '''affect regulation models''', which help explain why grief, guilt, anxiety, and other emotions arise and how they are managed.{{f}} '''Lazarus’s Cognitive Appraisal Theory''' Lazarus (1991) proposed that emotions arise from individuals’ appraisals of events relative to their personal goals, values, and well-being. In the context of pregnancy loss, parents may evaluate the miscarriage as a threat to their identity as parents, a violation of expectations, or a loss of anticipated life plans. This primary appraisal—judging the event as harmful or threatening—triggers emotional responses such as sadness, anger, or anxiety. Secondary appraisal involves evaluating coping resources: parents who perceive limited social support or personal coping ability may experience more intense negative emotions (Lazarus, 1991). For example, Tara’s feelings of guilt and helplessness can be understood as a product of appraising the miscarriage as both a personal failure and a threat to her envisioned future as a mother, coupled with limited perceived coping resources. '''Affect Regulation Models''' Affect regulation models emphasize the strategies individuals use to manage or modulate emotional responses, including both adaptive and maladaptive approaches (Gross, 2015). Following pregnancy loss, parents engage in affect regulation to cope with overwhelming grief and stress. Adaptive strategies, such as seeking social support, journaling, or maintaining rituals to honor the lost pregnancy, can help process emotions constructively. Maladaptive strategies, such as emotional suppression or avoidance, may reduce immediate distress but can prolong grief, increase anxiety, or impair relational support (Gross & Thompson, 2007). Partners, in particular, may suppress their emotions to remain supportive, reflecting a form of affect regulation that can inadvertently intensify their own disenfranchised grief. '''Integration with Pregnancy Loss Research''' Applying these emotion-specific theories to miscarriage highlights the dynamic interaction between biological, cognitive, and social factors. Hormonal shifts (e.g., drops in estrogen and progesterone, altered oxytocin signaling) influence emotional reactivity and affect regulation, while cognitive appraisals determine whether the loss is experienced primarily as threatening, unfair, or meaningful. This theoretical lens helps explain the wide variability in parents’ emotional responses, the oscillation between grief and daily functioning described in the Dual Process Model, and the challenges of coping with a socially invisible loss. {| class="wikitable" !Emotion !Typical Cognitive Appraisal (Lazarus, 1991) !Example from Pregnancy Loss !Affect Regulation Strategies (Gross, 2015) |- |'''Sadness / Grief''' |Event perceived as irreversible loss; threat to parental identity or future plans |Feeling empty after miscarriage; mourning the imagined future with the baby |Adaptive: Sharing feelings with partner or friends, journaling, memorial rituals Maladaptive: Suppressing emotions, avoiding reminders |- |'''Guilt / Self-Blame''' |Perceiving personal responsibility or failure for the loss |Believing “I could have done more” despite medical reassurances |Adaptive: Cognitive reappraisal to recognize uncontrollable factors, discussing feelings with supportive others Maladaptive: Rumination, internalizing blame |- |'''Anxiety / Worry''' |Anticipating future threats to fertility or health |Fear of complications in next pregnancy |Adaptive: Seeking information, medical consultation, planning next steps Maladaptive: Catastrophizing, avoidance, hypervigilance |- |'''Anger / Frustration''' |Perceiving unfairness or violation of expectations |Feeling anger at the body, fate, or medical circumstances |Adaptive: Expressing feelings in safe contexts, advocacy for better support Maladaptive: Suppressing anger, interpersonal conflict |- |'''Isolation / Emotional Numbing''' |Perceiving lack of social support or understanding |Feeling alone in grief; partner’s grief feels invisible |Adaptive: Reaching out for social or professional support, engaging in joint rituals Maladaptive: Emotional withdrawal, over-suppression, avoiding social contact |} == What are the emotional consequences of pregnancy loss for parents == {{ic|Include an introductory paragraph before branching into sub-sections}} === Intense grief and sadness === Following pregnancy loss, parents commonly report intense sadness, emptiness, and a sense of loss that is sometimes described as “ambiguous” because it relates to a life that was imagined rather than lived (Brier, 2008). Emotional responses can be amplified by the hormonal shifts that occur during miscarriage, including abrupt drops in estrogen and progesterone, which are associated with mood dysregulation, irritability, and vulnerability to depressive symptoms (Quenby et al., 2021; Schiller et al., 2014). Cortisol surges during miscarriage may also exacerbate anxiety and stress reactivity, further intensifying feelings of despair (Farren et al., 2016). === Anxiety, guilt, and self-blame === Parents may experience heightened anxiety about future pregnancies, fertility, and their perceived responsibility for the miscarriage. Guilt and self-blame are common, even when medical professionals affirm that miscarriage was unavoidable. These emotional reactions are supported by neurobiological changes: reductions in oxytocin may impair social bonding and feelings of connection, while dopaminergic withdrawal can contribute to anhedonia and diminished pleasure in daily activities (Glynn & Sandman, 2014). === Trauma and posttraumatic stress === For some parents, miscarriage can produce trauma-like responses, including intrusive thoughts, hypervigilance, and avoidance behaviours. The activation of the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis in response to loss can trigger heightened stress responses and interfere with emotional regulation (Field et al., 2010). Parents who experience miscarriage in a medicalised or sudden context may be more vulnerable to these symptoms. === Partner-specific grief === Partners often experience grief differently, reflecting both personal loss and the need to support the birthing parent. This is sometimes classified as '''disenfranchised grief''', as social recognition and support may be limited. Hormonal shifts in non-birthing partners, such as elevated prolactin and decreased testosterone during pregnancy, can abruptly change after loss, affecting mood and emotional resilience (Gettler et al., 2011). Partners may suppress emotions to remain supportive, increasing feelings of isolation and complicating the couple’s shared adjustment. === Relationship and social consequences === Pregnancy loss can strain relationships, particularly if partners grieve in different ways or at different paces. Misalignment of grief responses may lead to misunderstanding, conflict, or emotional withdrawal. Social stigma and the invisible nature of pregnancy loss may further inhibit parents from seeking support, compounding feelings of isolation and distress (Côté-Arsenault & Dombeck, 2001; Brier, 2008). === Emotion comparison === {| class="wikitable" !Emotional Consequence !Birthing Parent !Non-Birthing Parent / Partner !Notes / Mechanisms |- |Grief and sadness |Intense grief, emptiness, loss of anticipated future |Grief may be less recognised; feelings of helplessness |Linked to hormonal withdrawal (estrogen, progesterone) and disrupted attachment pathways |- |Anxiety |Concern about fertility, future pregnancies, health |Worry about supporting partner; anticipatory anxiety |Cortisol surges and HPA-axis activation increase stress reactivity |- |Guilt / self-blame |Feeling body “failed,” questioning own actions |Feeling unable to comfort or “protect” partner |Dopamine dysregulation can contribute to anhedonia and rumination |- |Anger / frustration |Directed at self, medical professionals, or fate |May feel anger at situation or perceived lack of control |Emotion regulation may be challenged by oxytocin withdrawal |- |Trauma / intrusive thoughts |Medicalised or sudden miscarriage may trigger PTSD-like symptoms |May experience secondary trauma witnessing partner’s distress |HPA-axis activation and stress hormones influence neural circuits for threat detection |- |Relationship strain |Misalignment of grieving pace or expression |Pressure to support partner while grieving |Disenfranchised grief and social stigma can amplify isolation |- |Emotional numbing / anhedonia |Reduced pleasure in usual activities |May suppress emotions to remain strong |Dopamine pathway dysregulation and stress hormones |} ==Conclusion== The emotional consequences of pregnancy loss are wide-ranging and deeply personal, often reaching far beyond the physical experience itself. For many parents, the grief is complex and ambiguous, tied not only to the loss of a baby but also to the imagined future, anticipated identity as a parent, and social roles that were expected to unfold. Hormonal and neurobiological changes following miscarriage, such as abrupt declines in estrogen and progesterone or dysregulation of dopamine and oxytocin, intensify sadness, guilt, and anxiety, creating vulnerability to depression and trauma-related symptoms. While the birthing parent’s experience is often foregrounded, partners also endure profound but frequently unacknowledged grief. This disenfranchised grief can leave them feeling invisible and unsupported, particularly when societal narratives minimise or overlook their emotional needs. Differences in how partners grieve can place additional strain on relationships, compounding the sense of isolation for both. Ultimately, pregnancy loss is not only a private sorrow but also a relational and social challenge. Recognising the emotional consequences for both parents, and validating the legitimacy of their grief, is essential in reducing stigma, fostering connection, and supporting long-term wellbeing. Without this recognition, parents risk carrying their loss in silence, further intensifying the invisible weight of their grief. ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Brier, N. (2008). Grief Following Miscarriage: A Comprehensive Review of the Literature. ''Journal of Women’s Health'', ''17''(3), 451–464. https://doi.org/10.1089/jwh.2007.0505 Davies, S., & Deviche, P. (2014). At the crossroads of physiology and ecology: Food supply and the timing of avian reproduction. ''Hormones and Behavior'', ''66''(1), 41–55. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.yhbeh.2014.04.003 Doka, K. J. (1989). ''Disenfranchised Grief''. Jossey-Bass. Farren, J., Jalmbrant, M., Ameye, L., Joash, K., Mitchell-Jones, N., Tapp, S., Timmerman, D., & Bourne, T. (2016). 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K., Podesek, M., Stephenson, M. D., Fisher, J., Brosens, J. J., Brewin, J., Ramhorst, R., Lucas, E. S., McCoy, R. C., Anderson, R., Daher, S., Regan, L., Al-Memar, M., Bourne, T., MacIntyre, D. A., Rai, R., Christiansen, O. B., & Sugiura-Ogasawara, M. (2021). Miscarriage matters: The epidemiological, physical, psychological, and economic costs of early pregnancy loss. ''The Lancet'', ''397''(10285), 1658–1667. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(21)00682-6 Rilling, J. K., & Young, L. J. (2014). The biology of mammalian parenting and its effect on offspring social development. ''Science'', ''345''(6198), 771–776. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1252723 Schiller, C. E., Meltzer-Brody, S., & Rubinow, D. R. (2015). The role of reproductive hormones in postpartum depression. ''CNS Spectrums'', ''20''(1), 48–59. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1092852914000480 Stroebe, M., & Schut, H. (1999). THE DUAL PROCESS MODEL OF COPING WITH BEREAVEMENT: RATIONALE AND DESCRIPTION. ''Death Studies'', ''23''(3), 197–224. https://doi.org/10.1080/074811899201046 Thompson, J. K., Heinberg, L. J., Altabe, M., & Tantleff-Dunn, S. (1999). Exacting beauty: Theory, assessment, and treatment of body image disturbance. ''American Psychological Association.'' https://doi.org/10.1037/10312-000 University of Oxford. (2016, October 11). ''First of our three billion heartbeats occurs sooner than we thought.'' https://www.ox.ac.uk/news/2016-10-11-first-our-three-billion-heartbeats-sooner-we-though Wikipedia Contributors. (2019a, May 4). Amygdala. ''Wikipedia; Wikimedia Foundation.'' https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Amygdala Wikipedia Contributors. (2019b, June 7). Pregnancy. ''Wikipedia; Wikimedia Foundation.'' https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pregnancy Wikipedia Contributors. (2019c, September 9). Miscarriage. ''Wikipedia; Wikimedia Foundation.'' https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Miscarriage Wikipedia Contributors. (2019b, September 23). Prefrontal cortex. ''Wikipedia; Wikimedia Foundation.'' https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prefrontal_cortex }} ==External links== Blomberg, C. (2019, October). Silently suffering after pregnancy loss [Video]. TEDxSiouxFallsWomen. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=l22udhFhsOE Hanasono, L. (2018, June). The M-word: Shattering the silence on miscarriage [Video]. TEDxBowlingGreen. TED Conferences. https://www.ted.com/talks/lisa_hanasono_the_m_word_shattering_the_silence_on_miscarriage Pregnancy Help Australia. (n.d.). Centres directory. https://pregnancyhelpaustralia.org.au/centres Red Nose. (n.d.). Grief and loss support. https://rednose.org.au/support/grief-and-loss-support}} == See also == * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2024/Pregnancy loss and emotion|Pregnancy loss and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2024) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Death]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Grief]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Pregnancy]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Relationships]] n8q0pp6mdyvw4qdaxf07i06lz2iscd0 0 327555 2840280 2835668 2026-10-14T14:09:41Z DavidMCEddy 218607 /* Key claims */ add, "We can reduce polarization ... by talking 2840280 wikitext text/x-wiki [[File:Pharoah - James VI and I - Trump.png|thumb|Religious and media leaders from the time of the Pharaohs convinced common folk to give increasing shares of what they produced to elites.]] :''This book uses dates in [[:w:ISO 8601|ISO 8601]], YYYY-MM-DD, when convenient.'' == Invitation to edit this book == You, dear reader, are invited to contribute questions, ideas and citations to support or refute claims made in this book possibly adding chapters. Wikiversity like other Wikimedia Foundation Projects invites humans to [[w:Wikipedia:Be bold|“be bold but not reckless,”]] while writing from a [[Wikiversity:Disclosures|neutral point of view]], [[Wikiversity:Cite sources|citing credible sources]]. Others are invited to change or revert what you wrote. What stays tends to be written from a neutral point of view citing credible sources. If someone reverts your edit or you have a question, take it to the ''[[Wikiversity:FAQ|''''“Discuss”'''' page]]'' associated with the specific Wikiversity page most related to your concerns. Those who teach media literacy are encouraged to invite their students to debate and revise the contents of this book. Doing so would build on a tradition of [[:w:Wikipedia:Student assignments|instructors requiring students to edit wikipedia article(s).]] Editing [[:w:Wikipedia|Wikipedia]] and other [[:w:Wikimedia Foundation|Wikimedia Foundation]] projects like this book is itself an exercise in media literacy: :''Central tenets of media literacy might include writing from a neutral point of view citing credible sources and engaging others, some of whom may disagree, in civil, supportive conversations about what can and cannot be said based on a reasonable evaluation of the available evidence. Wikimedia rules invite contributors to do just that, encouraging them to “be bold but not reckless,” contributing revisions written from a neutral point of view, citing credible sources -- and raising other questions and concerns on the ''''“Discuss”'''' page associated with the specific Wikiversity page most related to your concerns, as mentioned above.''<ref>For more on this, see Graves (2024).</ref> == Text and self-help book and point of discuss == This book is intended both as a text and self-help book and as a point of discussion considering four levels of media literacy: :1. '''Think before you share''': Follow the money. Every media organization sells changes in audience behaviors to those who control much of their money. Major media everywhere promote ''entrepreneurs of hate''<ref>Mokyr (2017, p. 60).</ref> to convince the public to give increasing shares of what they produce to elites to "protect them from designated evil others." To counter this, DiResta (2024, p. 335) recommends, "Think before you share." :2. '''Look for information to contradict preconceptions''' (Disconfirmation bias): [[w:Information is a public good: Designing experiments to improve government#Previous research|Virtually everyone]] (a) thinks they know more than they do ([[w:Overconfidence effect|overconfidence effect]]), and (b) prefers information and sources consistent with preconceptions ([[w:Confirmation bias|confirmation bias]]). The major media everywhere exploit this to please those who control most of the money for the media. Humans can counter this by searching for sources to help us understand our designated enemies. ''If we cannot explain circumstances under which we could see ourselves doing what we see our designated enemies doing, we have not looked hard enough.'' :3. '''Talk''': Push ourselves to have friendly supportive conversations with others with whom we may vehemently disagree, seeking common ground, agreeing to disagree agreeably where we differ, and building collaboration on areas of common concern.<ref>Graves and Bailey (2025).</ref> :4. '''Teach''': Humans who develop skills in the first three levels can leverage that knowledge in helping others acquire those skills. If each one teaches two<ref>"[[:w:Each one teach one|Each one teach one]]" is an African-American proverb from the time of legalized slavery. However, if each one teaches only one, the growth in literacy will only be linear. Having "each one teaching two", on average, unleashes the power of doubling and [[:w:exponential growth|exponential growth]], which has the potential of educating the entirety of humanity in a reasonable period of time -- namely after 33 doublings starting from one.</ref> in a certain period of time, that time period becomes a [[:w:Doubling time|doubling time]]. Ten doublings is a thousand -- actually 1,024 to be precise.<ref>2 time 2 = 4 times 2 = 8 times 2 = 16 times 2 = 32 times 2 = 64 times 2 = 128 times 2 = 256 times 2 = 512 times 2 = 1024: That's 10 doublings, as anyone with a modest understanding of modern digital [[:w:computer|computer]]s will tell you.</ref> Twenty doublings become a million. Thirty doublings become a billion. Three more doublings become 8 billion, the [[:w:World population|world population]] as of approximately 2022-11-15.<ref>This book uses dates in [[:w:ISO 8601|ISO 8601]], YYYY-MM-DD, when convenient.</ref> Many organizations, including several United Nations agencies and the [[Yonty Friesem on media education|Media Education Lab]], have been working on [[w:media literacy|media literacy]] for decades and have trained many.<ref>''[[Wikibooks:Antiracist Activism for Teachers and Students]]'' includes a chapter on [[Wikibooks:Antiracist Activism for Teachers and Students/Points to Consider for Teaching Anti-racism/Media Literacy In Schools|Media Literacy In Schools]].</ref> This book is being written hoping to increase the effectiveness and accelerate the rate of growth in media literacy and thereby accelerate progress against many of the most pressing issues facing humanity today.<ref>[[w:Nolan Higdon|Nolan Higdon]] and Spencer Graves discussed marketing media literacy in a "[[:Category:Media reform to improve democracy|Media & Democracy]]" episode on, "[[Media literacy and why you should care]]".</ref> Much of this book is a [[w:Monograph|research monograph]] summarizing research that seems to have been underreported by the major media to avoid offending people who control most of the money for the media. These research results seem to be central to major political divisions. Each chapter ends in exercises to help the reader practice media literacy skills and have fun doing it. Remember: :''I am entitled to my [[Wiktionary:cockamamie|cockamamie]] ideas, and you are entitled to yours.'' Humor is important but must be offered in a way that does not offend others. If others are offended, they may be less interested in dialogue. The term "cockamamie" is used here, hoping that this style of [[w:Self-deprecation|self-deprecation]] might be more inviting for dialogue. ''Never say, "You're wrong." Instead, ask, "May I offer a contrary perspective?" Or "May I share with you another view that I've heard?"'' Much of the information in this book seems to have been largely overlooked and perhaps suppressed, apparently because it would either offend people who control substantial portions of the money for the media our would increase the cost of producing news; see the brief discussion of conflicts of interest by the major media in the next "Key claims" section. ==Key claims== * ''Primary drivers of every major conflict include differences between the media or difference in interpretation that the different parties find credible''. :-- This works, because everything we think we know is coded in systems of connections between neurons in our brains. These systems are more unique than fingerprints and evolve over time. The words we use do not mean the same to two different humans nor even to the same human at different points in time. In many cases these differences are inconsequential. ''Sometimes they are fatal.''<ref>Graves and Bailey (2026).</ref> :-- ''[[w:Social constructionism|Show me someone who knows the truth]], and I will show you someone who is dangerous'' -- especially during war or any other situation where humans may be moved to violence encouraged by their belief system.<ref>[[w:Collateral damage|Collateral damage]] that "they" commit proves to "us" that "they" are subhuman or at best criminally misled and must be resisted by any means necessary. By contrast, collateral damage that "we" commit is unfortunate but necessary.</ref> * We can reduce political polarization and violence by sharing this observation with others, including with humans with whom we may vehemently disagree, inviting pleasant conversations, seeking common ground and agreeing to disagree agreeably in other areas, building coalitions for positive change. * ''The major media everywhere have [[w:Conflict of interest|conflicts of interest ]] in honestly reporting on [[v:Information is a public good per communications prof Pickard|anything that might offend anyone who controls large portions of the money for the media]].''<ref>Pickard and Graves (2025), accessed 2026-02-08; Pickard (2020).</ref> :--The most important things you need to know to be a responsible citizen will rarely if ever appear in the major media. :--[[v:Media Reform Coalition challenges anti-democratic media bias in the UK|British journalist and media reform advocate Dan Hind]] said that the content produced by the [[w:BBC|BBC]] was frivolous, soap opera stuff, because leading media personalities know very little about issues of substance and believe "they might get in trouble if" they produced anything serious. Similar analyses seem to apply to the major media everywhere<ref>Hind and Graves (2025), accessed 2026-02-09.</ref> but may not apply to non-profit and local media, which seem more likely to produce [[w:Investigative journalism|investigative]] / [[v:Dean Starkman and the watchdog that didn't bark|accountability journalism]]:<ref>Usher and Kim-Leffingwell (2022); see also Starkman and Graves (2025), accessed 2026-02-09.</ref> [[w:Watchdog journalism|Watchdogs]] tend to protect the people who feed them. Argentine journalist [[w:Horacio Verbitsky|Horacio Verbitsky]] said, "Journalism is disseminating information that someone does not want known; the rest is [[w:propaganda|propaganda]]."<ref>p. 16 in Verbitsky (1997); English translation from [[Wikiquote:Horacio Verbitsky]], accessed 2026-02-09.</ref> * ''The major media everywhere create the stage upon which politicians read their lines.'' :-- Major media promote ''entrepreneurs of hate''<ref>Mokyr (2017, p. 60).</ref> to make it easier for elites to pick everyone else's pockets. This is particularly effective with for-profit social media, which make money herding their audience into echo chambers, where erroneous preconceptions are reinforced, increasing political polarization and violence. [[Facebook whistleblower Frances Haugen says|Facebook whistleblower Frances Haugen said]], "The shortest path to a click is anger or hate." A leading expert on for-profit social media is Renée DiResta,<ref>DiResta (2024).</ref> whose research documents how lies spread on social media threaten public health and prepped a small army of humans throughout the 2020 US presidential election cycle to believe that there were major deficiencies in the integrity of US election procedures. When Trump lost, he was able to recruit [[w:January 6 United States Capitol attack|a crowd to attack the capitol on January 6, 2021]]. Social media influencers made so much money spreading lies that it seemed profitable for them to file frivolous lawsuits ([[w:Strategic lawsuit against public participation|SLAPP]]), hoping that DiResta's legal bills would convince her to stop trying to expose their lies. After Republicans regained control of the US House in 2022, they subpoenaed her, claiming she had taken orders from the "[[w:Deep state|deep state]]" to tell Facebook to censor conservatives. [[Managing the good and the evils of social media|When interviewed for ''Media & Democracy'', she reported legal bills of $7 million]]. :-- The social psychology behind this phenomenon exploits especially [[w:confirmation bias|confirmation bias]]. It has contributed to [[Media Literacy and You/Media consolidation, social media, and political polarization|the dramatic increase in political polarization and violence worldwide]], especially since the end of the [[w:Fairness doctrine|Fairness doctrine]] in 1987. :-- Democracy may be best protected by local news nonprofits, managed jointly by journalists and boards selected at random from registered voters, according to Pickard (2023), discussed in the section below on "[[Media Literacy and You#Government subsidies for news|Government subsidies for news]]". :-- Their selection of acceptable topics for news and entertainment create and maintain the "[[w:Overton window|Overton window]]", which is the range of acceptable political discourse. For example, in early 1964, US President [[w:Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon Johnson]] understood that he could lose the 1964 presidential election that year if he were seen to be soft on communism. His response was to clandestinely provoke an attack on US naval vessels in the Gulf of Tonkin, which he could then denounce as "unprovoked". During a dark and stormy night 1964-08-04 the [[w:USS Maddox (DD-731)|USS ''Maddox'']] and [[w:USS Turner Joy|''Turner Joy'']] spent a couple of hours "defending themselves" against radar snow, then [[w:Gulf of Tonkin incident|reported that they had sunk two attacking North Vietnamese torpedo boats]]; subsequent investigations found no evidence of the reported attacks. That incident was used to justify the [[w:Gulf of Tonkin Resolution|Gulf of Tonkin Resolution]], with only two dissenting votes in the US Congress: Those two dissenters were defeated in their next reelection campaigns, illustrating the point that ::''the major media create the environment in which many politicians cannot get elected without betraying the nation.'' :-- Nick Hart,<ref name=Hart><!--Nick Hart-->{{cite Q|Q135663983}}</ref> President and CEO of the Data Foundation,<ref><!--Data Foundation-->{{cite Q|Q134705118}}</ref> noted that President Trump in his first term signed the [[w:Foundations for Evidence-Based Policymaking Act|Foundations for Evidence-Based Policymaking Act]] of 2019, which was bipartisan legislation ostensibly mandating evidence-informed public policy.<ref>Hart mentioned the [[w:Foundations for Evidence-Based Policymaking Act|Foundations for Evidence-Based Policymaking Act]] when he was interviewed for [[Evidence-informed public policy|"Media & Democracy" 2025-07-31]].</ref> Tragically, the record since 2019 suggests that, ::''The US Congress is rarely allowed to consider solid research suppressed by the major media.'' * ''The development of technology is never neutral in its impact on inequality but is driven to benefit people with power.''<ref>Acemoglu and Johnson (2023)</ref>. :-- [[Media Literacy and You/The impact of the media on political economy since the time of the Pharaohs|Improvements in agricultural technology from pre-history to the time of King James of the King James bible were managed to benefit elites.]] Then pamphlets and newspapers began to appear, the head of state stopped granting as many monopolies, and commoners began getting permission to become entrepreneurs. That transformed economic stagnation into growth in GDP per capita adjusted for inflation, initiating the [[w:Industrial Revolution|Industrial Revolution]], as documented in the chapter below on [[/The impact of the media on political economy since the time of the Pharaohs/]]. It also led to increasing inequality until organized labor got enough political power to demand and get a bigger share of the fruits of their labors. :--[[Media Literacy and You/Fox, the Great Depression, the Great Recession, and our future|In the US those benefits peaked during the Great Depression]], when the standard conservative mantra that blames the poor for their poverty did not sell newspapers. US President Franklin Roosevelt taxed the ultra-wealthy like they had never been taxed before or since, and dramatically reduced inequality, which continued to decline until increasing concentration of ownership of the media ushered in a new era of increasing inequality starting with the presidency of Ronald Reagan. :-- [[Media Literacy and You/Fox, the Great Depression, the Great Recession, and our future#Role of the media|Acemoglu and Johnson insist that technology, including artificial intelligence, can be developed to benefit all. However, but it will not happen without action by the poor and middle class as follows]]: :# Alter the narrative, :# Build countervailing powers [like organized labor], and :# Develop technical, regulatory, and policy solutions to tackle specific aspects of technology’s social bias.<ref>Acemoglu and Johnson (2023, ch. 11).</ref> :-- For more on this, see, e.g., the chapter on [[Media Literacy and You/Fox, the Great Depression, the Great Recession, and our future|Fox, the Great Depression, the Great Recession, and our future]]. === The value of noncommercial news outlets === Some of the problems with the media and their contributions to increasing political polarization and violence are documented in the research summary on "[[Information is a public good: Designing experiments to improve government]]" and in the podcast series available on Wikiversity under "[[:Category:Media reform to improve democracy]]" with leading experts discussing their recommendations. One of the most compelling of the references discussed in that podcast series is Usher and Kim-Leffingwell (2022), who tallied all the federal prosecutions for political corruption in each of the 94 [[w:United States federal judicial district|US federal court district]]s between 2003 and 2019. During that period, the number of journalists in the US fell by a factor of roughly 3 -- between 60 and 70 percent. They found no statistically significant impact on federal prosecutions for political corruption of that decline in the number of journalists. However, each member of the [[w:Institute for Nonprofit News|Institute for Nonprofit News]] (INN) in a federal court district in one year was associated with on average 1.4 additional prosecutions for political corruption the following year. Since federal prosecutions for political corruption averaged roughly 10 per federal court district per year during that period, each member of INN in a federal court district one year was associated with a 14 percent increase in federal prosecutions the following year. This suggests that the major media outlets that had so dramatically reduced their staffs had not substantively reduced the amount of investigative journalism they did. If we assume that the people prosecuted for political corruption also control substantive advertising budgets, then the major media outlets have conflicts of interest in honestly reporting on such. They may report on it if some other organization like a member of INN does the research and they are threatened with a loss of audience from not reporting on it. :'''''Major point''''': You and I benefit, the vast majority of humans on earth benefit, from news reports presumably published by members of INN that contributed to those on average 1.4 additional prosecutions for political corruption estimated by Usher and Kim-Leffingwell (2022). We benefit even if we never heard about the news reports that contributed to those prosecutions. We benefit even if we have never heard of the news outlets that presumably did the investigative journalism behind those additional prosecutions. Why? Because on average those news reports likely deterred other incidents of political corruption, which likely contributed to broadly shared economic growth and the development of new technology that ultimately benefit the vast majority of humanity. Other aspects of this are documented in the research on the impact of [[w:news desert|news desert]]s, which we summarize next. === Costs increase in news deserts=== There's a growing body of research describing what happens when local newspapers die. Perhaps most important, a 2018 research report by Gao et al. reported that the death of a local newspaper was followed by … increases in local tax revenue, averaging $85 per human per year.<ref name = Gao2018>Gao et al. (2018).</ref> That $85 was roughly 13 hundredths of a percent of the 2019 US GDP. That's mentioned in the 2025-07-17 interview with [[Democratic delusions: Fix the media to fix democracy|Natalie Fenton about her new book, ''Democratic Delusions, How the Media Hollows out democracy and What We Can Do About It'']]. One of the most spectacular example of the cost of a news desert is the [[w:City of Bell scandal|Scandal of Bell, California]]. Their local newspaper died around 1999. Roughly a decade later the city was nearly bankrupt in spite of having property tax rates among the highest in the nation. An investigation by the ''[[w:Los Angeles Times|Los Angeles Times]]'' documented that the city manager had a compensation package worth $1.5 million a year, well over double that of the President of the United States. Other senior city officials were similarly well-remunerated. Some of the city officials went to jail over that. Did the city manager decide after 1999, "Wow: The watchdog is dead. Let's have a party"? Malfeasance also increases in business as pollution and workplace accidents increase as does the cost of capital, because investors know their money is not as secure without a local newspaper. That leads to a reduction in investments in new products, services and processes -- slowing economic growth. See "[[Local newspapers limit malfeasance]]", esp. Kim et al. (2021). And executive compensation in increases in nonprofits, so less of what people donate goes to the charitable purpose for which they donated, according to Felix et al. (2024). Also, voter participation and split-ticket voting decline, per Benton (2019) and other references discussed in "[[Information is a public good: Designing experiments to improve government]]". And the ultra-right does better, as noted in [[News from Germany 1900-1945 and implications for today]] and the section on "[[Information is a public good: Designing experiments to improve government#Previous research|Previous research]]" in the Wikiversity article on "[[Information is a public good: Designing experiments to improve government]]".<ref>Flößer (2024).</ref> The 0.13 percent of GDP savings estimated by Gao et al. (2018) is roughly $120 per human per year. With over 300 million humans in the U.S, that is roughly $40 billion nationwide. {| class="wikitable" |+ Table 1. Costs increase in news deserts |- ! Entity !! What !!Source |- | rowspan=4 |local government || costs +0.13% of GDP || Gao et al. (2018) |- | costs +0.05 - 0.11% of GDP || Baker and Murphy (2026 ) |- | pol. corruption charges +6.9% || Greenwood (2026) |- | pol. corruption charges +15% per member of INN || Usher and Kim-Leffingwell (2022) |- | local businesses || pollution & workplace accidents incr., innovation & econ growth decr. || Kim et al. (2021) |- | nonprofits || exec. compensation incr. || Felix et al. (2024) |- | rowspan=2 | elections | voter participation & split-ticket voting decl. || Benton (2019) |- | Ultra-right does better || Flößer (2024) |} === Government subsidies for news === John (1995) documented how in the first half of the nineteenth century the US had more independent newspaper publishers per million population than at any other time or place in human history.<ref>This is discussed in the 2025-06-08 [[Media concentration per Columbia History Professor Richard John|interview with him]], available on Wikiversity under [[:Category:Media reform to improve democracy]], accessed 2026-04-30.</ref> This encouraged literacy and limited political corruption, both of which helped [[The Great American Paradox|the early United States stay together and grow]] while contemporary [[w:New Spain|New Spain]] / [[w:Mexico|Mexico]], fractured, shrank, and stagnated economically. As documented with Figure 1 in the chapter below on [[/The impact of the media on political economy since the time of the Pharaohs/]], that growth catapulted the young United States into its current position of dominance in the international political economy, a position it has been losing since at least 1990 -- or since the Reagan Revolution began in 1981, according to the analysis in the chapter below on [[/Fox, the Great Depression, the Great Recession, and our future/]]. Other countries now have stronger democracies due in part to government subsidies for media in the range of 0.05 and 0.25 percent of GDP with a firewall that limits political interference in the content, according to Neff and Pickard (2024). Table 1 in "[[Information is a public good: Designing experiments to improve government]] compares media subsidies in various places with "other points of reference". McChesney and Nichols (2010, pp. 310-311, note 88) suggested that the relatively high rate of economic growth of the economy in the early US was due in part to postal subsidies under the US [[w:Postal Service Act|Postal Service Act]] of 1792.<ref>See also the Wikiversity article on "[[The Great American Paradox]]", accessed 2026-04-30.</ref> They estimated those subsidies at 0.21 percent of GDP. To improve the current political economy of the US, they recommended subsidies of 0.15 percent of GDP distributed to local news nonprofits on the basis of local elections.<ref>McChesney and Nichols (2021, 2022).</ref> The Wikipedia article on "[[Information is a public good: Designing experiments to improve government]]" documents how some jurisdictions can devote that much money to local news nonprofits by matching what they spend on accounting, advertising, and public relations.<ref>See the section on "[[Information is a public good: Designing experiments to improve government#Sampling units / experimental polities|Sampling units / experimental polities]]" in the Wikiversity article on "[[Information is a public good: Designing experiments to improve government]]", accessed 2026-04-30.</ref> Pickard (2023) describes three basic strategies for confronting concentrated commercial media power: (1) break them up, (2) regulate them, and (3) create non-commercial, public alternatives. A fourth possibility might be [[w:externality|a graduated tax on income and wealth]] in proportion to the threat that major corporations pose to democracy. One class of noncommercial alternatives that Pickard mentions is local multimedia / Public Media Centers (PMCs) with management split between local journalists and boards, e.g., selected at random from registered voters. A key here is to have the boards selected in a way that cannot be influenced by people with power, whether business or political elites. Picard recommends considering '''six discrete layers''' when discussing PMCs, each of which, he says, must be radically democratised: # funding, # governance, # ascertainment (to determine a community’s ''critical information needs''), # infrastructure (including universal broadband service), # algorithmic (e.g., not allowing companies like Google and Facebook to suppress indexing information the might challenge their hegemony of those markets, [[w:Deep web|treating them like pedophilia and the Islamic State]]), # engagement, involving local communities in making their own news and in communicating their own stories; this is paramount to building trust and the grassroots-level support that this new local journalistic model requires. All this needs to be managed in ways that provide substantive support to news deserts and underserved communities that have long been subjected to various kinds of informational redlining. This might be done by including the proposed PMCs within local libraries staffed by professional journalists, who provide training in media literacy in local schools for children and supervise students producing school newspapers. PMCs could host regular, e.g., monthly events, where local residents could share their concerns with journalist, who would use that input to help prioritize different issues for news coverage. Journalist could also coach local residents in how to research issues and collaborate with journalists in producing news reports that may be better researched and more relevant to local concerns than could be produced without such collaboration. Management of such PMCs might be split between journalists on staff and boards of, e.g., six members selected at random from voter registration rolls serving staggered terms of one year with a new member rotated in every 2 months. Another alternative that could be done in parallel with local PMCs calls for 200 journalists in each US Congressional district funded at $10 billion annually in 2022 dollars, which is just a little under 4 hundredths of one percent of GDP; if such allocations are expressed as fractions of a percent of GDP, they would grow naturally with the economy. (The nominal GDP for the US was roughly $26.1 trillion in 2022.<ref>Johnston and Williamson (2026).</ref> For 2026 it is estimated at $32.4 trillion.<ref>[[w:United States|United States]], accessed 2026-04-30.</ref>) A similar model is the [[w:BBC|BBC]]’s Local Democracy Reporting Service (LDRS), in which the BBC funds journalists to cover the work of local councils and other local public bodies, funded at £8 million per year, which is a little under 2 hundredths of a percent of the [[w:United Kingdom|UK]]'s GDP of £7.27 trillion.<ref>[[w:United Kingdom|United Kingdom]], accessed 2026-04-30.</ref> Pickard (2023) ended by saying, "Today we face a crossroads: technocracy and oligarchy from above or radical democracy and structural reform from below. ... [T]his is not just a journalism crisis: it is a democracy crisis." ==Table of Contents== *[[/Introduction/]] including an exercise, asking all to discuss perceptions of the settlement of ''[[w:Dominion Voting Systems v. Fox News Network|Dominion Voting Systems v. Fox News Network]]'' in a friendly supportive manner with humans with whom they may vehemently disagree, because the alternative could be killing humans over misunderstandings. ===Part I. The media and political economy=== # [[/The impact of the media on political economy since the time of the Pharaohs/]] describes how religious leaders in hierarchical societies prior to [[w:James VI and I|King James of the King James bible]] convinced commoners to live in poverty while giving increasing shares of what they produced so religious and secular elites could live in opulence. During the reign of King James, pamphlets and newspapers began to compete with the church for helping commoners understand their roles in society. This produced the Industrial Revolution and modern democracies. Media consolidation since World War II slowed, then reversed this trend. # [[/Fox, the Great Depression, the Great Recession, and our future/]] describes the unprecedented performance of the US political economy during the presidency of Franklin Roosevelt (FDR), insisting that much of what FDR achieved can be replicated, giving a media system that supports honest discussion of the available evidence. # [[/Media consolidation, social media, and political polarization/]] (Combine from McChesney and Nichols discussing the [[w:Postal Service Act|US Postal Service Act]] of 1792 with [[Media concentration per Columbia History Professor Richard John]], the section on "[[v:Information is a public good: Designing experiments to improve government#Threats from social media|Threats from social media]]" in "[[Information is a public good: Designing experiments to improve government]], and the comments by [[v:Facebook whistleblower Frances Haugen says|Facebook whistleblower Frances Haugen that, "the shortest path to a click is anger or hate."]]. ===Part II. The media and war=== # [[/Deterrence without threat/]]: The historical record is clear: Nations that have prepared for war often got war, not peace. This happens for at least two reasons: First, some leaders cannot resist the temptation to use force inappropriately, sometimes clandestinely provoking others to do things that are then denounced as "unprovoked"; sometimes the media environment pushes them to do such. Alternatively, potential adversaries may believe -- or claim -- that you are actually preparing a first strike, and they must move preemptively or lose their ability to retaliate adequately. We can avoid these possibilities with three supportive policies: [a] Legislation that ''prohibits'' projecting force beyond our own borders. [b] Civilian-based defense training in nonviolent noncooperation like what helped Denmark survive Nazi occupation with minimal damage. And [c] a media system that penalizes rather than encourages a bellicose foreign policy. # [[/Responding to a nuclear attack/]]: The ''worst'' response to a nuclear attack would be a nuclear response: The death toll from the 1945 [[w:Atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki|Atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki]] was estimated at between 150,000 and a quarter of a million. By contrast, simulations of nuclear wars of different magnitudes estimated that between 4 and 95 percent of humanity around the world would starve to death if they did not die of something else sooner. The range depends on whether the war was "limited", e.g., between India and Pakistan, and massive between the US and Russia. (Also add material from [[Nuclear weapons and effective defense]]). # [[/Threats from excessive government secrecy/]] (draft in [https://sanjosepeace.org/restrict-secrecy-more-than-data-collection/ "Restrict secrecy more than data collection"], adding material from [https://kkfi.org/program-episodes/does-us-government-secrecy-threaten-national-security/ Connelly (2023) ''The Declassification Engine: What History Reveals About America's Top Secrets''], [[Wikipedia:Moynihan Commission on Government Secrecy]] and [[1998 Embassy bombings and September 11]]. # [[/Shouting fire in a crowded theater/|Shouting ''fire'' in a crowded theater]]: Legal concerns about "[[w:Shouting fire in a crowded theater|Shouting ''fire'' in a crowded theater]]" date, at least in large part, from the [[w:Supreme Court of the United States|US Supreme Court]] decisions in ''[[w:Schenck v. United States|Schenck v. United States]]'' (1919) and ''[[w: Brandenburg v. Ohio| Brandenburg v. Ohio]]'' (1969). In ''Schenck'' the Court ruled that the government had a right to imprison Schenck and others, because their distribution of fliers encouraging draft resistance presented a [[w:clear and present danger|clear and present danger]] to the efficacy of ongoing military activities during [[w:World War I|World War I]], then in progress. The Court in ''Brandenburg'' held that the government cannot punish inflammatory speech ''unless that speech is "directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action and is likely to incite or produce such action".'' Some could argue that many uses of military force by the US and Israel since 1948 have violated international law, encouraged by biases in the major US media "directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action", though it may not be feasible to convince a court of that. Still, it might be useful to simulate such a case in a mock trial like the 1966 [[w:Russell Tribunal|Russell Tribunal]].<ref>Andersen (2006) provides such documentation for several such uses of force. Andersen (2026) and Johnson (2026) organize evidence supporting such claims for the current [[w:Gaza war|Gaza war]], which began with [[w:October 7 attacks|Palestinian attacks 2023-10-07]]. Might, e.g., Palestinians -- or at least Palestinian Americans -- be able to sue the [[w:Anti-Defamation League|Anti-Defamation League]] (ADL), the [[w:AIPAC|American Israel Public Affairs Committee]] (AIPAC), and all the major media outlets in the US for inciting genocide in the current [[w:Gaza war|Gaza war]]? That history includes routine suppression of coverage by the major media especially in the US of routine denial of equal protection of Israeli laws to non-Jews in Israel and under Israeli occupation, including suppression of Israeli violence against nonviolent protestors peaceably assembling and petitioning for a redress of grievances combined with over reporting of Palestinian violence and unquestioning coverage of fraudulent claims of Palestinian violence by Israel and supporters. The suppressions included underreporting of Palestinian nonviolence such as the [[w:2018–2019 Gaza border protests|(2018-2019) Great March of Return]], and suppression of the grievances inspiring such nonviolence such as indefinite detention without charges of thousands of Palestinians, including children, routine destruction of Palestinian property by settlers, confiscation of Palestinian property at gunpoint, closing [[w:Gaza Strip|Gaza]] to international trade, and maintaining Gaza on starvation rations. These routine biases in reporting have been encouraged by charges that more honest reporting would be "[[w:Antisemitism|antisemetic]], according to the ADL and AIPAC. This denial of coverage thereby encouraged Israel to increase the rate of such violations until the [[w:October 7 attacks|2023-10-07 attacks on Israel from Gaza]] unleashed Israeli "retaliations" way out of proportion to the alleged provocation. Sucharov (2022) reported that 69% of American Jews opposed privileging Jews over non-Jews in Israel. Their support of Israel in the current Gaza war is consistent with the media biases documented by Johnson (2026) and others including Andersen (2006, 2026). Regarding whether Israel could achieve anything positive from this war, Samuelson (2025) is skeptical. He summarized quantitative analyses of 60 previous insurgencies. The results including the observation that it is exceedingly difficult to defeat an insurgency without responding to the grievances that support it without force ratios far beyond Israel's resources.</ref> ===Part III. Climate, immigrants, education, public health, and criminal justice=== # [[/Global warming/]] [Summarize research especially on conflicts of interest of major media in honestly reporting on this issue and the research on global warming itself and activities of groups concerned about this issue. Decompose into global population times CO2 equivalents per human.] # [[/Immigrants/]] [Summarize research documenting that [[w:Sanctuary city|sanctuary cities tend to have higher median incomes and no more crime than non-sanctuary jurisdictions]], and some studies report less crime. Moreover economists have documented that immigrants tend to be more entrepreneurial, overrepresented in patent applications, and generally increasing the rate of economic growth. See, e.g., Aghion et al. (2022) ''The power of creative destruction''; Aghion shared the 2025 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics with two others.] # [[/Education/]] (draft in [[Invest in children]].) # [[/Public health/]] [Draft in [[UN public health data]] to be revised to be consistent with Bezruchka (2023, 2025).] # [[/Substance abuse and addictive behavior/]] (Research cited in "[[Wikipedia:War on drugs]]" insists that the US and the world would have fewer problems with substance abuse and addiction problems with 100 percent public funding for treatment programs and complete decriminalization of possession and use of retail quantities of addictive substances. We would also likely have fewer problems with immigrants, as that would make it harder for the US to intervene in the internal affairs of foreign countries funded off the books, as exposed in the [[w:Iran–Contra affair|Iran–Contra affair]]. See [[w:Alfred W. McCoy|Alfred W. McCoy]] (1972; 3rd ed. 2003) ''The politics of heroin''. Journalist [[w:Gary Webb|Gary Webb]] published similar claims that the US intervention in Nicaragua in the Iran-Contra Affair was funded in part by drug money. The story was officially retracted by the ''San José Mercury News'', and Webb allegedly killed himself with 2 bullets to the head. # [[/Criminal justice/]] (The section on "[[w:United States incarceration rate#Editorial policies of major media|Editorial policies of major media]]" in "[[Wikipedia:United States incarceration rate]]" cites research claiming that within the range range of experience in the US political economy since 1925, the incarceration rate is uncorrelated with crime: It's a function of the public's perception of crime, and that's a function of the media. That suggest that the US would be safer and more prosperous if incarceration policies were driving more by research than by editorial policies of the media. For example, there is also research that says that incarcerees who receive visits are less likely to recidivate, but that evidence is overlooked when convicts are incarcerated substantial distance from their family and friends and when the cost of phone services is substantially higher for incarcerees than among the general pubic. Also, it's known that better educated incarcerees are less likely to recidivate, but it's difficult and maybe impossible for many incarcerees to obtain education in prison.) # [[/Empower women and girls/]] [Cite research claiming that a primary restraint on population growth is empowering women and girls. Empowering women and girls is not just a matter of equity: It is also a means to reduce the threats of global warming, of increasing exposure to animal diseases and other problems that come with unrestrained population growth.] === Continuation === * [[/The evolving media literacy movement/]] to invite others to keep this book current with the evolving understanding of media literacy, how to encourage and promote it and the benefits of doing so. ==See also== * [[Wikibooks:Antiracist Activism for Teachers and Students/Points to Consider for Teaching Anti-racism/Media Literacy In Schools]] ==Notes== {{reflist}} ==Bibliography== * <!--Daron Acemoğlu and Simon Johnson (2023) Power and Progress-->{{cite Q|Q125292212}} * <!--Robin Andersen (2006) A century of media, a century of war-->{{cite Q|Q138795568}} * <!--Robin Andersen (2026-06-02) The Complicit Lens: US Media Coverage of Israel’s Genocide in Gaza-->{{cite Q|Q138796307}} * <!-- Matthew Baker and Dermot Murphy (2026-06-10) "Local News Shortage Leads to $1.1 Billion in Extra Borrowing Costs for Local Governments and Taxpayers"-->{{cite Q|Q141620048}} * <!--Perry Bacon Jr. (2022-10-17) "America Should Spend Billions to Revive Local News"-->{{cite Q|Q139594786}} * <!-- Joshua Benton (9 April 2019). "When local newspapers shrink, fewer people bother to run for mayor". Nieman Foundation for Journalism -->{{cite Q|Q63127216}} * <!--Stephen Bezruchka (2023) Inequality Kills Us All-->{{cite Q|Q136047815}} * <!--Stephen Bezruchka (2025) ''Born Sick in the USA''-->{{cite Q|Q138749292}} * <!--Renée DiResta (2024) Invisible Rulers: The People Who Turn Lies into Reality-->{{cite Q|Q135530439}} * <!--Robert Felix, Joshua A. Khavis, and Mikhail Pevzner (2024) "The effects of local newspaper closures on nonprofits’ executive compensation"-->{{cite Q|Q132730972}} * <!--Maxim Flößer (2024-03-06) "Keine Lokalzeitung -- mehr AfD", Kontext-->{{cite Q|Q125287792}} * <!--Pengjie Gao, Chang Lee, and Dermot Murphy (2018) "Financing Dies in Darkness? The Impact of Newspaper Closures on Public Finance"-->{{cite Q|Q55670016}} * <!--Spencer Graves (2024) "Wikipedia: The most democratic force on earth-->{{cite Q|Q137796922}} * <!--Spencer Graves and Bryan Bailey (2025) "We have to talk", blog at PeaceWorksKC.org-->{{cite Q|Q136126262}} * <!--Brad N. Greenwood (2026-06-09) "When Local Newspapers Die, Corruption Festers"-->{{cite Q|Q141620523}} * [[d:Q138038060|Dan Hind and Spencer Graves (2025) "Media Reform Coalition challenges anti-democratic media bias in the UK" on Wikiversity]]. * <!--Richard R. John (1995) Spreading the News: The American Postal System from Franklin to Morse-->{{cite Q|Q54641943}} * <!--Adam H. Johnson (2026-04-21) How to Sell a Genocide: The Media's Complicity in the Destruction of Gaza-->{{cite Q|Q140073447}} * <!--Louis Johnston and Samuel H. Williamson, "What Was the U.S. GDP Then?" MeasuringWorth, 2026-->{{cite Q|Q56881105}} * <!-- Min Kim, Derrald Stice, Han Stice, and Roger M. White (2021) "Stop the presses! Or wait, we might need them: Firm responses to local newspaper closures and layoffs"-->{{cite Q|Q132459373}} * <!-- Robert W. McChesney; John Nichols (2010). The Death and Life of American Journalism (Bold Type Books) -->{{cite Q|Q104888067}}. * <!-- Robert W. McChesney; John Nichols (2021). "The Local Journalism Initiative: a proposal to protect and extend democracy". Columbia Journalism Review, 30 November 2021 -->{{cite Q|Q109978060}} * <!-- Robert W. McChesney; John Nichols (2022), To Protect and Extend Democracy, Recreate Local News Media (PDF), FreePress.net (updated 25 January 2022) -->{{cite Q|Q109978337|access-date=2024-06-23}} * <!--Alfred W. McCoy (2003-05-01) The politics of heroin : CIA complicity in the global drug trade : Afghanistan, Southeast Asia, Central America, Colombia-->{{cite Q|Q141317509}} * <!--Joel Mokyr (2017) A Culture of Growth: The Origins of the Modern Economy (Graz Schumpeter Lectures; Princeton University Press)-->{{cite Q|Q136118590}} * <!--Neff and Pickard (2024) "Funding Democracy: Public Media and Democratic Health in 33 Countries"-->{{cite Q|Q131468289}} * [[d:Q131398359|Victor Pickard (2020) ''Democracy without journalism? : confronting the misinformation society'' (Oxford U. Pr.)]]. * <!-- Victor Pickard (2023-05-12) "Another Media System is Possible: Ripping Open the Overton Window, from Platforms to Public Broadcasting"-->{{cite Q|Q131398460}} * <!--Doug Samuelson (2025) Assessing Israel’s Approach in Gaza-->{{cite Q|Q138843324}} * [[d:Q138037937|Dean Starkman and Spencer Graves (2025) "Dean Starkman and the watchdog that didn't bark anglais" on Wikiversity]]. * <!--Mira Sucharov (2022) Do American Jews Really Know What 'Zionist' Means?-->{{cite Q|Q125903777}} * [[d:Q134715465|Nikki Usher and Sanghoon Kim-Leffingwell (2022) "How Loud Does the Watchdog Bark? A Reconsideration of Local Journalism, News Non-profits, and Political Corruption", ''SSRN Electronic Journal'']]. * [[d:Q61013892|Horacio Verbitsky (1997) ''Un mundo sin periodistas'' (in Spanish: A world without journalists; Editorial Sudamericana)]]. [[Category:Communication]] [[Category:Political science]] [[Category:Law]] [[Category:Psychology]] [[Category:Sociology]] [[Category:Education]] [[Category:Economics]] [[Category:Media Literacy and You]] [[Category:Freedom and abundance]] <!-- https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Category_Review --> 5uroc8b3g7r3rqez2ygqnnc2jg6mt08 10 328705 2840217 2809364 2026-10-14T12:04:42Z Veritas Sapientiaee 3112663 2840217 wikitext text/x-wiki <includeonly>{7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!{#invoke:protected edit request|{7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!{if empty|{{{level|}}}|semi}}}}</includeonly><noinclude> {{documentation}} <!-- Categories go on the /doc subpage, and interwikis go on Wikidata. --> </noinclude> o9gf1q3vnlzrj50lereebdrewmyyl22 2840218 2840217 2026-10-14T12:05:00Z Veritas Sapientiaee 3112663 2840218 wikitext text/x-wiki <includeonly>{7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!{#invoke:protected edit request|{7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!{if empty|{{7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!{level|}}}|semi}7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!}}}</include7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!only><noinclude> {{documentation}} <!-- Categories go on the /doc subpage, and interwikis go on Wikidata. --> </noinclude> o6c95k85ir6glrl0k1cwkpnnqi3azps 2840244 2840218 2026-10-14T12:30:05Z MathXplore 2888076 Reverted edits by [[Special:Contributions/Veritas Sapientiaee|Veritas Sapientiaee]] ([[User_talk:Veritas Sapientiaee|talk]]) to last version by [[User:Codename Noreste|Codename Noreste]] using [[Wikiversity:Rollback|rollback]] 2809364 wikitext text/x-wiki <includeonly>{{#invoke:protected edit request|{{if empty|{{{level|}}}|semi}}}}</includeonly><noinclude> {{documentation}} <!-- Categories go on the /doc subpage, and interwikis go on Wikidata. --> </noinclude> moltj8w6nefhvy9ht09q2d61bncio7t 0 330072 2840263 2840082 2026-10-14T13:06:17Z U3275873 3110137 /* See also */ ordered in alphabetical order, changed to bulleted list 2840263 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Automaticity and goal pursuit:<br>How do habits and environmental cues drive unconscious goal pursuit?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} [[File:Driver, Driving the open top sports car, Rostov-on-Don, Russia.jpg|right|thumb|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Undercover officer in pursuit.]] ;Picture this... James is undercover. The air is cold, the night is dark and worst of all... he's tired. James was about to make the arrest when the suspect gets jumpy and decides to book it. He wastes no time going after them, lights flaring and sirens wailing as the tyres of his unmarked police car squeal as he takes off in pursuit. James spots his radio out of the corner of his eye. He grabs it, instantly citing the car make, colour, number plate, location and relevant call signs for support all without a second thought. He's gaining on the suspect but they're still out of reach until he watches their car lurch as they hit a catastrophic downshift, costing them seconds. He can smell the clutch. As they approach the highway, the backup James called for arrives blocking the top of the on-ramp. The suspect gives up, exiting the car with their hands held above their head and their eyes aimed at the ground. A successful arrest with no casualties. As James thinks back on the night with a sense of pride he also finds himself in awe of his performance. He focused solely on maintaining visual of the suspect, but also managed to perform skilled operation of a vehicle, navigation and detailed but brief communication all resulting in incremental advantages lending themselves to the success of the arrest with barely any thought involved. Maybe it was his training? Maybe it was the adrenaline? Regardless of what's true James just can't shake the feeling that everything just felt... automatic. "I'm a machine!" he thinks to himself, in a cool "robocop" kind of way. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Automaticity frees your brain for higher-order thinking, helping you improve your proficiency in goal areas. In fact, many behaviours we perform daily are automatic (see Figure 1). However, it can also drag you down. Many people have behaviours they're unsatisfied with but do anyway, even when it is in conflict with their goals. This is because they have formed habits, and those habits execute themselves automatically in response to stimuli. Understanding how to leverage habit formation is a strong strategy for pursuing goals and making the behaviours that drive them sustainable. Psychological science can help with specific frameworks to engineer the most effective cueing routine to increase the likelihood of taking action toward your goals, hopefully without even thinking about it. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' # How do you develop automatic behaviours? # What do environmental cues contribute? # How can we utilise automaticity in goal pursuit? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Automatic behaviour formation== Ever think your friend is weird for getting up at 5 am? Or that James, the undercover police officer is incredibly disciplined for going to the gym after work every day? Well, while those tasks might feel foreign to some people, others do them automatically. These behaviours are formed through repetition, and that with enough repetition they eventually become automatic. The individual no longer questions "should I go to the gym after work?"; they just go. The famous [[wikipedia:Classical_conditioning|Pavlov's theory of classical conditioning]] explains how two things, seemingly unrelated to each other can become linked to a particular outcome. Classical conditioning involves taking a neutral stimulus and transforming it within the individual to elicit a conditioned response (Sanvictores, et al. 2024). * Neutral stimulus elicits no response (e.g. a bell). * Unconditioned stimulus (e.g. food) elicits a direct response known as the unconditioned response (e.g. salivation). * A conditioned response (e.g. salivating to the bell) happens when the Neutral stimulus creates the same response as the unconditioned stimulus (e.g. salivating) ===Formation factors and dual process=== Wood & Rünger (2016) stated that through repeating context-dependent responses the behaviour strengthens into a habit. These habits become the default and most efficient way to deal with the situation. They go on to describe two factors of habit automaticity, activation by recurring context clues and insensitivity to short term goals which includes changes in response outcomes. In order for someone to change behaviours sufficient motivation is required to tailor themselves to new circumstances. Wood & Rünger (2016) cited dual process theory in their paper as a key theory explaining that habits are the individual engaging in Type 1 thinking. Type 1 thinking being automatic behaviour which is less cognitively demanding while Type 2 thinking is reliant on attention and mental resources to execute. These habits becoming the new default, and incidentally a Type 1 process. This could explain the identified insensitivity to short term goals. Due to the behaviour becoming a Type 1 process it reduces mental friction that would have been incurred by reducing mental resources significantly and making it more favourable in the decision making process. This could become particularly troublesome when dealing with maladaptive behaviours with high levels of automaticity as each repetition against it initially requires attention and planning. ===Automatic behaviour formation in action=== Lally et al. (2010) ran an experiment investigating habit automaticity through volunteers selecting a habit, and a context (e.g. morning walk after breakfast). They measured this through a self-report habit index (SRHI) analysing a history of repetition, automaticity (lack of control and awareness, efficiency), and expressing identity (Verplanken & Orbell, 2003). Participants met 95% of their asymptote of automaticity between 18 and 254 days. The variation could be explained by a lack of consistency during the process, especially early on. Lally et al. (2010) stated that missing occasional opportunities to perform an action did not substantially affect behaviour formation, however, significant early disruption could significantly delay achieving high levels of automaticity as the highest yield improvements to automaticity occur early in the process, with subsequent actions providing less and less improvements the closer they get to the limit of automaticity. Other limiting factors could also be task complexity, personal enjoyment, social support/facilitation and how much the individual identifies with the activity they're doing. Wood & Rünger (2016) provide a explanation on the presence of automaticity in behaviours, being refined over time through consistent context-dependent responses while also explaining the challenges in behaviour change by engaging with Dual Process Theory. Lally et al. (2010) expands on this providing real life evidence of behaviour change through investigating repetitive contextual behaviours and monitoring the process of increasing the automaticity of a behaviour. ====Key takeaways for engaging in behaviour change involve:==== * Recognising initial cognitive effort and sufficient motivation are essential for setting expectations. * Missing opportunities to perform the behaviour is okay as long as the behaviour is consistent overall. * The behaviour formation timeline varies significantly. ==Function of environmental cues== Environmental cues function similarly to classical conditioning. Environmental cues can be deliberate, such as sitting at a computer in the university library to promote thoughts of study, or inadvert, attempting to drive to the shops and accidentally starting to drive to work (Wood & Neal, 2007). In that situation, the environmental cue would be the using a computer in the library environment or driving the same road you take to work. That behaviour becomes a routine that your brain programs to run automatically. Wood & Neal in 2007 called this the habit-goal interface model. They claim that habits are artifacts of previous goal pursuits and that the success of that particular method is ingrained within the body so it can recall it to repeat that success. Their model had two principles: * The power of contexts to trigger habitual responding. * The absence goal mediation in context response associations. Patterns arise in life, intentional or otherwise. The first principle claims that people store patterns as procedural memory, which, once stored, can be activated by the specific cues associated with that pattern. The second principle claims that goal-oriented behaviours can stick around without thinking about the outcome or if the behaviour is relevant. This is a great insight, as it shows that behaviours can be cognitively offloaded from an internal "willpower" system to an external system. However, it warns against and aims to explain the accidental accumulation of unhelpful behaviours and provide context for their rigidity. ===Environmental cue evidence=== Environmental cues can trigger in an unwanted behaviours too. Neal et al. in 2011 ran an experiment where moviegoers with strong popcorn eating habits and weak popcorn eating habits were assessed on their popcorn consumption during a movie and a campus meeting room. They were presented with both fresh and stale popcorn. Interestingly the moviegoers with strong habits would still continue to eat stale popcorn during the movie regardless of the influence of hunger, but were guided by their personal preferences more when in the meeting room resulting in very little stale popcorn being consumed. The change in location disrupted this process from occuring, but their second study revealed an even more interesting discovery. Consuming the popcorn with their non-dominant hand actually also interrupted the automatic behaviour, they did not behave habitually and reduced their consumption of stale popcorn. Environmental cues may also reduce neutral or even beneficial habits. Wood et al. (2005) conducted an experiment on university students transferring to a new university. They analysed exercise, TV viewing and reading as well as everyday thoughts and actions via two surveys conducted four weeks apart. They revealed that changes in the context of which the behaviours were performed decreased the likelihood they'd perform the rehearsed behaviour. To preserve these behaviours some participants developed decisions about particular behaviours, which caused them to form or retrieve intentions about those behaviours which guided their actions. They concluded that behaviours were only sustained where the context to perform remained unchanged (e.g. reading the newspaper with others) without intervention from behavioural intention. To maintain a behaviour such as going for a run in the park, if there isn't one in proximity they would need to have the intention to continue running in order to adapt the behaviour to a new context, otherwise the behaviour would become extinct. ===Environmental cues example=== Wood and Neal (2007) provides the framework for setting a deliberate behaviour, the context needs to be specific to the behaviour. If James, the undercover officer, plays lots of video games on his home PC and occasionally try to do paperwork, the habit to play video games will be stronger and he will find it more difficult to engage in paperwork. This results in a weak plan to change behaviour as his context is more fluid. Strong context would be going to a local library to perform that specific activity. Doing this reduces the likelihood of the issue Neal et al. (2011) studied where unwanted or unpleasant behaviours occurred because the environment triggered their automatic response. If James' moves house and no longer lives near the library he will run into the issue Wood et al. (2005) discussed where his behaviour of doing paperwork may deminish because the context cue of doing it at the library is gone. ====Key takeaways for engaging in behaviour change involve:==== * Building patterns with intention creates a relatively effortless process over time. *Goals-orientated behaviours can persist even once the goal has been achieved, without intentionally wanting to achieve the goal or without the goal being relevant. *Behaviours triggered by environmental cues can be negative in the wrong context. *Lack of presence in environmental cues can reduce the likelihood those behaviours will be performed or even maintained. ==Pursuing goals with automaticity== Goal pursuit is always envisioned with a strong conscious effort. Overcoming trials and adversity requires steadfast courage and an unbreakable will. So the idea that it could be an unconscious effort seems to go against everything pursuit would stand for. However, cueing the desired behaviour removes decision-making, which is arguably where most people get stuck. Pursuing goals through automaticity aims to remove decision-making around taking action. In the overview, James, the undercover police officer had multiple opportunities to freeze or question their actions. Because of training-specific cues, they activated lights and sirens, identified key information about the suspect, and relayed it with the appropriate callsign without hesitation. This lack of decision-making freed up mental capacity to give chase and achieve the goal of a successful arrest. Wood & Rünger (2016) state that habits interface with goal pursuit in three ways: '''Exposure''', '''activation or inhibition''' and '''inference'''. # '''Exposure''' provides context cues. During training, James, the undercover officer would practise the same behaviours in response to the same stimulus repeatedly. Eventually, the habits become linked to context cues, ready for activation or inhibition. # '''Activation and inhibition''' allow the cue to activate or inhibit a behaviour immediately. Suspect flees --> Lights and sirens go up --> Radio relevant information. Behavioural activation increases the likelihood of a particular behaviour occurring, often requiring conscious thought to intervene during execution rather than before. # '''Inference''' is observing your own behaviour and determining whether it aligns with your goals. The James would be guided by their objective to apprehend the suspect safely. Lights and sirens increase safety, radioing important information increases the chance of finding them if they escape, and calling for backup increases the odds of making an arrest. James might associate that doing all of the above makes him a good police officer because those are things a good officer would do, which is in line with his goal of being a good officer. Gollwitzer and Sheeran (2006) conducted a meta-analysis to understand the effectiveness of pursuing goals with automaticity and what aids in the process. Literature they looked at previously suggested that the strength of intention was a defining factor, however, the reason for their meta-analysis was what conflicting literature said about intention. Intention was deemed insufficient by other researchers, resulting in them using the quote "the road to hell is paved with good intentions". They found that independant tests showed that implementation intentions (a plan of the when, where and how) produced a medium-to-large positive effect on goal attainment. ===Pursuing goals in context=== Wood & Rünger (2016) sets up the a way to engage with Gollwitzer and Sheeran's (2006) findings in order to construct a plan to maximise success. First determine a goal, this information should aim to pair with the ideal '''inference''' about the behaviour. Next is the '''activation and inhibition''' stage, create the implementation intentions of when and where specific behaviours should occur or not occur. Finally plan out the '''exposure''' stage, this introduces the how. Here cues need to be selected to trigger the activation or inhibition of a specific behaviour in context. James would set a goal to be a good officer. Then determine that lights, sirens, communication and attention to detail are valuable actions he wants to perform. Then would plan for the context cue to be the suspect fleeing. This way when James starts pursuing a fleeing suspect, once rehearsed, these behaviours will activate automatically.<quiz display=simple> {Behaving in the best interest of your goal is ______: |type="()"} + Inference - Activation - Inhibition - Exposure {Activation and inhibition allow _________: |type="()"} - You to turn a behaviour on or off at your own command. + Environmental cues to activate a learned behaviour. - Priming of the brain to consider action - Environmental cues to be maintained in the brain. </quiz> ===Subconscious pursuit=== Autonomous means something is automatic, but the discussion so far has been exclusively on controlling this automatic process which by extension starts to sound manual. However, subconscious pursuit of goals is a very real topic, lying below all assumed control listed above and otherwise. Goals do not require a conscous choice, the environment and those around can cue specific goals to be pursued. Bargh et al. (2001) conducted a series of five experiments testing whether or not they could subconsciously influence peoples goals in particular tasks. They conducted a series of priming effects over each experiment designed to subconsciously plant goals (e.g. a crossword with motivational words vs a crossword with random unrelated words). They found across each experiment that subconscious goal pursuit meaningfully influenced performance when completing the tasks laid out before them. However they also established that subconscious pursuit did not require a specific conscious goal beforehand to be performed. Task 2, a resource allocation task, was left open for interpretation for the treatment group and still produced meaningful positive change in the outcome. Subconscious pursuit might be hard to manipulate for the sake of improving goal pursuit, it can activate goals outside of conscious choice and may influence the execution of related behaviours in context to the task. This suggests subconscious goals still, while not an entire alternative, still have a degree of strength and that conscious thinking does not paint the full picture. ==Conclusion== Utilising current theory it is possible to manufacture meaningful and viable ways to achieve goals through environmental cueing. Practical use has been discussed extensively during this book chapter providing insight into the processes we can engage in to improve our own goal seeking behaviour through context specific cueing. It is important to also be flexible with the expectations of using automaticity through environmental cues to improve goal pursuit as it can take anywhere from 18-254 days to properly form the desired automatic behaviours. One significant benefit users can hope to see is a reduction in cognitive load over time which is encouraging because it tells the user that their initial struggle to perform the task will lessen which should reinforce the behaviour. It is also important to consider when behaviours might be cued negatively (e.g. Neal and colleagues stale popcorn experiment in 2011) to avoid unwanted behavioural cuing. Loss of behavioural cues can cause behavioural decay which be used positively to remove unwanted behaviours but is important to consider when you're trying to maintain specific behaviours under environmental change. Wood et al.'s (2016) model of exposure, activation and inhibition, and inference is a significant model that represents the ways in which habits interact with goal pursuit. These provide multiple avenues for individuals to try to prompt themselves to produce the best results they can when pursuing a goal. And to wrap up, not every goal is conscious. Some goals simply exist below the surface and automatically improve the tasks we engage in or inform us to behave in a way we are not consciously aware of. ==See also== * Clumsy effort to effortless action - [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eiBn0tbzHRM YouTube] * How habits guide behaviour with Wendy Wood - [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OWiDYOjgEFI YouTube] * Implementation intentions - [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mbGjJpkIsWM YouTube] * Wendy Wood's publication page - [https://dornsife.usc.edu/wendy-wood/publication/ External Website] ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bargh, J. A., Gollwitzer, P. M., Lee-Chai, A., Barndollar, K., & Trötschel, R. (2001). The Automated Will: Nonconscious Activation and Pursuit of Behavioral Goals. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 81(6), 1014–1027. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.81.6.1014 Gollwitzer, P. M., & Sheeran, P. (2006). Implementation Intentions and Goal Achievement: A Meta‐analysis of Effects and Processes. In M. P. Zanna (Ed.), Advances in Experimental Social Psychology (Vol. 38, pp. 69–119). Elsevier Science & Technology. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0065-2601(06)38002-1 Lally, P., van Jaarsveld, C. H. M., Potts, H. W. W., & Wardle, J. (2010). How are habits formed: Modelling habit formation in the real world. European Journal of Social Psychology, 40(6), 998–1009. https://doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.674 Sanvictores, T., Mahabadi, N., & Rehman, C. I. (2024). Classical conditioning. StatPearls Publishing. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK470326/ Verplanken, B., & Orbell, S. (2003). Self-Report Habit Index (SRHI) [Database record]. APA PsycTests. https://doi.org/10.1037/t03772-000 Wood, W., & Neal, D. T. (2007). A New Look at Habits and the Habit-Goal Interface. Psychological Review, 114(4), 843–863. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.114.4.843 Wood, W., & Rünger, D. (2016). Psychology of Habit. Annual Review of Psychology, 67(1), 289–314. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-psych-122414-033417 Wood, W., Tam, L., & Witt, M. G. (2005). Changing Circumstances, Disrupting Habits. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 88(6), 918–933. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.88.6.918 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Behaviour]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Goal striving]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Habit]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Unconscious]] 80oqxge9fybb5o3gd5uvsme2p42uys3 2840265 2840263 2026-10-14T13:12:06Z U3275873 3110137 Reference list - italicised journal names in accordance with apa7 guidelines 2840265 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Automaticity and goal pursuit:<br>How do habits and environmental cues drive unconscious goal pursuit?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} [[File:Driver, Driving the open top sports car, Rostov-on-Don, Russia.jpg|right|thumb|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Undercover officer in pursuit.]] ;Picture this... James is undercover. The air is cold, the night is dark and worst of all... he's tired. James was about to make the arrest when the suspect gets jumpy and decides to book it. He wastes no time going after them, lights flaring and sirens wailing as the tyres of his unmarked police car squeal as he takes off in pursuit. James spots his radio out of the corner of his eye. He grabs it, instantly citing the car make, colour, number plate, location and relevant call signs for support all without a second thought. He's gaining on the suspect but they're still out of reach until he watches their car lurch as they hit a catastrophic downshift, costing them seconds. He can smell the clutch. As they approach the highway, the backup James called for arrives blocking the top of the on-ramp. The suspect gives up, exiting the car with their hands held above their head and their eyes aimed at the ground. A successful arrest with no casualties. As James thinks back on the night with a sense of pride he also finds himself in awe of his performance. He focused solely on maintaining visual of the suspect, but also managed to perform skilled operation of a vehicle, navigation and detailed but brief communication all resulting in incremental advantages lending themselves to the success of the arrest with barely any thought involved. Maybe it was his training? Maybe it was the adrenaline? Regardless of what's true James just can't shake the feeling that everything just felt... automatic. "I'm a machine!" he thinks to himself, in a cool "robocop" kind of way. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Automaticity frees your brain for higher-order thinking, helping you improve your proficiency in goal areas. In fact, many behaviours we perform daily are automatic (see Figure 1). However, it can also drag you down. Many people have behaviours they're unsatisfied with but do anyway, even when it is in conflict with their goals. This is because they have formed habits, and those habits execute themselves automatically in response to stimuli. Understanding how to leverage habit formation is a strong strategy for pursuing goals and making the behaviours that drive them sustainable. Psychological science can help with specific frameworks to engineer the most effective cueing routine to increase the likelihood of taking action toward your goals, hopefully without even thinking about it. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' # How do you develop automatic behaviours? # What do environmental cues contribute? # How can we utilise automaticity in goal pursuit? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Automatic behaviour formation== Ever think your friend is weird for getting up at 5 am? Or that James, the undercover police officer is incredibly disciplined for going to the gym after work every day? Well, while those tasks might feel foreign to some people, others do them automatically. These behaviours are formed through repetition, and that with enough repetition they eventually become automatic. The individual no longer questions "should I go to the gym after work?"; they just go. The famous [[wikipedia:Classical_conditioning|Pavlov's theory of classical conditioning]] explains how two things, seemingly unrelated to each other can become linked to a particular outcome. Classical conditioning involves taking a neutral stimulus and transforming it within the individual to elicit a conditioned response (Sanvictores, et al. 2024). * Neutral stimulus elicits no response (e.g. a bell). * Unconditioned stimulus (e.g. food) elicits a direct response known as the unconditioned response (e.g. salivation). * A conditioned response (e.g. salivating to the bell) happens when the Neutral stimulus creates the same response as the unconditioned stimulus (e.g. salivating) ===Formation factors and dual process=== Wood & Rünger (2016) stated that through repeating context-dependent responses the behaviour strengthens into a habit. These habits become the default and most efficient way to deal with the situation. They go on to describe two factors of habit automaticity, activation by recurring context clues and insensitivity to short term goals which includes changes in response outcomes. In order for someone to change behaviours sufficient motivation is required to tailor themselves to new circumstances. Wood & Rünger (2016) cited dual process theory in their paper as a key theory explaining that habits are the individual engaging in Type 1 thinking. Type 1 thinking being automatic behaviour which is less cognitively demanding while Type 2 thinking is reliant on attention and mental resources to execute. These habits becoming the new default, and incidentally a Type 1 process. This could explain the identified insensitivity to short term goals. Due to the behaviour becoming a Type 1 process it reduces mental friction that would have been incurred by reducing mental resources significantly and making it more favourable in the decision making process. This could become particularly troublesome when dealing with maladaptive behaviours with high levels of automaticity as each repetition against it initially requires attention and planning. ===Automatic behaviour formation in action=== Lally et al. (2010) ran an experiment investigating habit automaticity through volunteers selecting a habit, and a context (e.g. morning walk after breakfast). They measured this through a self-report habit index (SRHI) analysing a history of repetition, automaticity (lack of control and awareness, efficiency), and expressing identity (Verplanken & Orbell, 2003). Participants met 95% of their asymptote of automaticity between 18 and 254 days. The variation could be explained by a lack of consistency during the process, especially early on. Lally et al. (2010) stated that missing occasional opportunities to perform an action did not substantially affect behaviour formation, however, significant early disruption could significantly delay achieving high levels of automaticity as the highest yield improvements to automaticity occur early in the process, with subsequent actions providing less and less improvements the closer they get to the limit of automaticity. Other limiting factors could also be task complexity, personal enjoyment, social support/facilitation and how much the individual identifies with the activity they're doing. Wood & Rünger (2016) provide a explanation on the presence of automaticity in behaviours, being refined over time through consistent context-dependent responses while also explaining the challenges in behaviour change by engaging with Dual Process Theory. Lally et al. (2010) expands on this providing real life evidence of behaviour change through investigating repetitive contextual behaviours and monitoring the process of increasing the automaticity of a behaviour. ====Key takeaways for engaging in behaviour change involve:==== * Recognising initial cognitive effort and sufficient motivation are essential for setting expectations. * Missing opportunities to perform the behaviour is okay as long as the behaviour is consistent overall. * The behaviour formation timeline varies significantly. ==Function of environmental cues== Environmental cues function similarly to classical conditioning. Environmental cues can be deliberate, such as sitting at a computer in the university library to promote thoughts of study, or inadvert, attempting to drive to the shops and accidentally starting to drive to work (Wood & Neal, 2007). In that situation, the environmental cue would be the using a computer in the library environment or driving the same road you take to work. That behaviour becomes a routine that your brain programs to run automatically. Wood & Neal in 2007 called this the habit-goal interface model. They claim that habits are artifacts of previous goal pursuits and that the success of that particular method is ingrained within the body so it can recall it to repeat that success. Their model had two principles: * The power of contexts to trigger habitual responding. * The absence goal mediation in context response associations. Patterns arise in life, intentional or otherwise. The first principle claims that people store patterns as procedural memory, which, once stored, can be activated by the specific cues associated with that pattern. The second principle claims that goal-oriented behaviours can stick around without thinking about the outcome or if the behaviour is relevant. This is a great insight, as it shows that behaviours can be cognitively offloaded from an internal "willpower" system to an external system. However, it warns against and aims to explain the accidental accumulation of unhelpful behaviours and provide context for their rigidity. ===Environmental cue evidence=== Environmental cues can trigger in an unwanted behaviours too. Neal et al. in 2011 ran an experiment where moviegoers with strong popcorn eating habits and weak popcorn eating habits were assessed on their popcorn consumption during a movie and a campus meeting room. They were presented with both fresh and stale popcorn. Interestingly the moviegoers with strong habits would still continue to eat stale popcorn during the movie regardless of the influence of hunger, but were guided by their personal preferences more when in the meeting room resulting in very little stale popcorn being consumed. The change in location disrupted this process from occuring, but their second study revealed an even more interesting discovery. Consuming the popcorn with their non-dominant hand actually also interrupted the automatic behaviour, they did not behave habitually and reduced their consumption of stale popcorn. Environmental cues may also reduce neutral or even beneficial habits. Wood et al. (2005) conducted an experiment on university students transferring to a new university. They analysed exercise, TV viewing and reading as well as everyday thoughts and actions via two surveys conducted four weeks apart. They revealed that changes in the context of which the behaviours were performed decreased the likelihood they'd perform the rehearsed behaviour. To preserve these behaviours some participants developed decisions about particular behaviours, which caused them to form or retrieve intentions about those behaviours which guided their actions. They concluded that behaviours were only sustained where the context to perform remained unchanged (e.g. reading the newspaper with others) without intervention from behavioural intention. To maintain a behaviour such as going for a run in the park, if there isn't one in proximity they would need to have the intention to continue running in order to adapt the behaviour to a new context, otherwise the behaviour would become extinct. ===Environmental cues example=== Wood and Neal (2007) provides the framework for setting a deliberate behaviour, the context needs to be specific to the behaviour. If James, the undercover officer, plays lots of video games on his home PC and occasionally try to do paperwork, the habit to play video games will be stronger and he will find it more difficult to engage in paperwork. This results in a weak plan to change behaviour as his context is more fluid. Strong context would be going to a local library to perform that specific activity. Doing this reduces the likelihood of the issue Neal et al. (2011) studied where unwanted or unpleasant behaviours occurred because the environment triggered their automatic response. If James' moves house and no longer lives near the library he will run into the issue Wood et al. (2005) discussed where his behaviour of doing paperwork may deminish because the context cue of doing it at the library is gone. ====Key takeaways for engaging in behaviour change involve:==== * Building patterns with intention creates a relatively effortless process over time. *Goals-orientated behaviours can persist even once the goal has been achieved, without intentionally wanting to achieve the goal or without the goal being relevant. *Behaviours triggered by environmental cues can be negative in the wrong context. *Lack of presence in environmental cues can reduce the likelihood those behaviours will be performed or even maintained. ==Pursuing goals with automaticity== Goal pursuit is always envisioned with a strong conscious effort. Overcoming trials and adversity requires steadfast courage and an unbreakable will. So the idea that it could be an unconscious effort seems to go against everything pursuit would stand for. However, cueing the desired behaviour removes decision-making, which is arguably where most people get stuck. Pursuing goals through automaticity aims to remove decision-making around taking action. In the overview, James, the undercover police officer had multiple opportunities to freeze or question their actions. Because of training-specific cues, they activated lights and sirens, identified key information about the suspect, and relayed it with the appropriate callsign without hesitation. This lack of decision-making freed up mental capacity to give chase and achieve the goal of a successful arrest. Wood & Rünger (2016) state that habits interface with goal pursuit in three ways: '''Exposure''', '''activation or inhibition''' and '''inference'''. # '''Exposure''' provides context cues. During training, James, the undercover officer would practise the same behaviours in response to the same stimulus repeatedly. Eventually, the habits become linked to context cues, ready for activation or inhibition. # '''Activation and inhibition''' allow the cue to activate or inhibit a behaviour immediately. Suspect flees --> Lights and sirens go up --> Radio relevant information. Behavioural activation increases the likelihood of a particular behaviour occurring, often requiring conscious thought to intervene during execution rather than before. # '''Inference''' is observing your own behaviour and determining whether it aligns with your goals. The James would be guided by their objective to apprehend the suspect safely. Lights and sirens increase safety, radioing important information increases the chance of finding them if they escape, and calling for backup increases the odds of making an arrest. James might associate that doing all of the above makes him a good police officer because those are things a good officer would do, which is in line with his goal of being a good officer. Gollwitzer and Sheeran (2006) conducted a meta-analysis to understand the effectiveness of pursuing goals with automaticity and what aids in the process. Literature they looked at previously suggested that the strength of intention was a defining factor, however, the reason for their meta-analysis was what conflicting literature said about intention. Intention was deemed insufficient by other researchers, resulting in them using the quote "the road to hell is paved with good intentions". They found that independant tests showed that implementation intentions (a plan of the when, where and how) produced a medium-to-large positive effect on goal attainment. ===Pursuing goals in context=== Wood & Rünger (2016) sets up the a way to engage with Gollwitzer and Sheeran's (2006) findings in order to construct a plan to maximise success. First determine a goal, this information should aim to pair with the ideal '''inference''' about the behaviour. Next is the '''activation and inhibition''' stage, create the implementation intentions of when and where specific behaviours should occur or not occur. Finally plan out the '''exposure''' stage, this introduces the how. Here cues need to be selected to trigger the activation or inhibition of a specific behaviour in context. James would set a goal to be a good officer. Then determine that lights, sirens, communication and attention to detail are valuable actions he wants to perform. Then would plan for the context cue to be the suspect fleeing. This way when James starts pursuing a fleeing suspect, once rehearsed, these behaviours will activate automatically.<quiz display=simple> {Behaving in the best interest of your goal is ______: |type="()"} + Inference - Activation - Inhibition - Exposure {Activation and inhibition allow _________: |type="()"} - You to turn a behaviour on or off at your own command. + Environmental cues to activate a learned behaviour. - Priming of the brain to consider action - Environmental cues to be maintained in the brain. </quiz> ===Subconscious pursuit=== Autonomous means something is automatic, but the discussion so far has been exclusively on controlling this automatic process which by extension starts to sound manual. However, subconscious pursuit of goals is a very real topic, lying below all assumed control listed above and otherwise. Goals do not require a conscous choice, the environment and those around can cue specific goals to be pursued. Bargh et al. (2001) conducted a series of five experiments testing whether or not they could subconsciously influence peoples goals in particular tasks. They conducted a series of priming effects over each experiment designed to subconsciously plant goals (e.g. a crossword with motivational words vs a crossword with random unrelated words). They found across each experiment that subconscious goal pursuit meaningfully influenced performance when completing the tasks laid out before them. However they also established that subconscious pursuit did not require a specific conscious goal beforehand to be performed. Task 2, a resource allocation task, was left open for interpretation for the treatment group and still produced meaningful positive change in the outcome. Subconscious pursuit might be hard to manipulate for the sake of improving goal pursuit, it can activate goals outside of conscious choice and may influence the execution of related behaviours in context to the task. This suggests subconscious goals still, while not an entire alternative, still have a degree of strength and that conscious thinking does not paint the full picture. ==Conclusion== Utilising current theory it is possible to manufacture meaningful and viable ways to achieve goals through environmental cueing. Practical use has been discussed extensively during this book chapter providing insight into the processes we can engage in to improve our own goal seeking behaviour through context specific cueing. It is important to also be flexible with the expectations of using automaticity through environmental cues to improve goal pursuit as it can take anywhere from 18-254 days to properly form the desired automatic behaviours. One significant benefit users can hope to see is a reduction in cognitive load over time which is encouraging because it tells the user that their initial struggle to perform the task will lessen which should reinforce the behaviour. It is also important to consider when behaviours might be cued negatively (e.g. Neal and colleagues stale popcorn experiment in 2011) to avoid unwanted behavioural cuing. Loss of behavioural cues can cause behavioural decay which be used positively to remove unwanted behaviours but is important to consider when you're trying to maintain specific behaviours under environmental change. Wood et al.'s (2016) model of exposure, activation and inhibition, and inference is a significant model that represents the ways in which habits interact with goal pursuit. These provide multiple avenues for individuals to try to prompt themselves to produce the best results they can when pursuing a goal. And to wrap up, not every goal is conscious. Some goals simply exist below the surface and automatically improve the tasks we engage in or inform us to behave in a way we are not consciously aware of. ==See also== * Clumsy effort to effortless action - [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eiBn0tbzHRM YouTube] * How habits guide behaviour with Wendy Wood - [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OWiDYOjgEFI YouTube] * Implementation intentions - [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mbGjJpkIsWM YouTube] * Wendy Wood's publication page - [https://dornsife.usc.edu/wendy-wood/publication/ External Website] ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bargh, J. A., Gollwitzer, P. M., Lee-Chai, A., Barndollar, K., & Trötschel, R. (2001). The Automated Will: Nonconscious Activation and Pursuit of Behavioral Goals. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''81''(6), 1014–1027. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.81.6.1014 Gollwitzer, P. M., & Sheeran, P. (2006). Implementation Intentions and Goal Achievement: A Meta‐analysis of Effects and Processes. In M. P. Zanna (Ed.), ''Advances in Experimental Social Psychology'' (Vol. 38, pp. 69–119). Elsevier Science & Technology. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0065-2601(06)38002-1 Lally, P., van Jaarsveld, C. H. M., Potts, H. W. W., & Wardle, J. (2010). How are habits formed: Modelling habit formation in the real world. ''European Journal of Social Psychology'', ''40''(6), 998–1009. https://doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.674 Sanvictores, T., Mahabadi, N., & Rehman, C. I. (2024). ''Classical conditioning.'' StatPearls Publishing. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK470326/ Verplanken, B., & Orbell, S. (2003). Self-Report Habit Index (SRHI) [Database record]. ''APA PsycTests.'' https://doi.org/10.1037/t03772-000 Wood, W., & Neal, D. T. (2007). A New Look at Habits and the Habit-Goal Interface. ''Psychological Review'', ''114''(4), 843–863. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.114.4.843 Wood, W., & Rünger, D. (2016). Psychology of Habit. ''Annual Review of Psychology'', ''67''(1), 289–314. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-psych-122414-033417 Wood, W., Tam, L., & Witt, M. G. (2005). Changing Circumstances, Disrupting Habits. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''88''(6), 918–933. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.88.6.918 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Behaviour]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Goal striving]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Habit]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Unconscious]] gcw5nc5axbjet5lvdlypv84q6bwyodm 2840419 2840265 2026-10-15T07:19:04Z Ella Kay244 3107007 2840419 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Automaticity and goal pursuit:<br>How do habits and environmental cues drive unconscious goal pursuit?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} [[File:Driver, Driving the open top sports car, Rostov-on-Don, Russia.jpg|right|thumb|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Undercover officer in pursuit.]] ;Picture this... James is undercover. The air is cold, the night is dark and worst of all... he's tired. James was about to make the arrest when the suspect gets jumpy and decides to book it. He wastes no time going after them, lights flaring and sirens wailing as the tyres of his unmarked police car squeal as he takes off in pursuit. James spots his radio out of the corner of his eye. He grabs it, instantly citing the car make, colour, number plate, location and relevant call signs for support all without a second thought. He's gaining on the suspect but they're still out of reach until he watches their car lurch as they hit a catastrophic downshift, costing them seconds. He can smell the clutch. As they approach the highway, the backup James called for arrives blocking the top of the on-ramp. The suspect gives up, exiting the car with their hands held above their head and their eyes aimed at the ground. A successful arrest with no casualties. As James thinks back on the night with a sense of pride he also finds himself in awe of his performance. He focused solely on maintaining visual of the suspect, but also managed to perform skilled operation of a vehicle, navigation and detailed but brief communication all resulting in incremental advantages lending themselves to the success of the arrest with barely any thought involved. Maybe it was his training? Maybe it was the adrenaline? Regardless of what's true James just can't shake the feeling that everything just felt... automatic. "I'm a machine!" he thinks to himself, in a cool "robocop" kind of way. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Automaticity frees your brain for [https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC8371589/ higher-order thinking], helping you improve your proficiency in goal areas. In fact, many behaviours we perform daily are automatic (see Figure 1). However, it can also drag you down. Many people have behaviours they're unsatisfied with but do anyway, even when it is in conflict with their goals. This is because they have formed habits, and those habits execute themselves automatically in response to stimuli. Understanding how to leverage habit formation is a strong strategy for pursuing goals and making the behaviours that drive them sustainable. Psychological science can help with specific frameworks to engineer the most effective cueing routine to increase the likelihood of taking action toward your goals, hopefully without even thinking about it. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' # How do you develop automatic behaviours? # What do environmental cues contribute? # How can we utilise automaticity in goal pursuit? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Automatic behaviour formation== Ever think your friend is weird for getting up at 5 am? Or that James, the undercover police officer is incredibly disciplined for going to the gym after work every day? Well, while those tasks might feel foreign to some people, others do them automatically. These behaviours are formed through repetition, and that with enough repetition they eventually become automatic. The individual no longer questions "should I go to the gym after work?"; they just go. The famous [[wikipedia:Classical_conditioning|Pavlov's theory of classical conditioning]] explains how two things, seemingly unrelated to each other can become linked to a particular outcome. Classical conditioning involves taking a neutral stimulus and transforming it within the individual to elicit a conditioned response (Sanvictores, et al. 2024). * Neutral stimulus elicits no response (e.g. a bell). * Unconditioned stimulus (e.g. food) elicits a direct response known as the unconditioned response (e.g. salivation). * A conditioned response (e.g. salivating to the bell) happens when the Neutral stimulus creates the same response as the unconditioned stimulus (e.g. salivating) ===Formation factors and dual process=== Wood & Rünger (2016) stated that through repeating context-dependent responses the behaviour strengthens into a habit. These habits become the default and most efficient way to deal with the situation. They go on to describe two factors of habit automaticity, activation by recurring context clues and insensitivity to short term goals which includes changes in response outcomes. In order for someone to change behaviours sufficient motivation is required to tailor themselves to new circumstances. Wood & Rünger (2016) cited dual process theory in their paper as a key theory explaining that habits are the individual engaging in Type 1 thinking. Type 1 thinking being automatic behaviour which is less cognitively demanding while Type 2 thinking is reliant on attention and mental resources to execute. These habits becoming the new default, and incidentally a Type 1 process. This could explain the identified insensitivity to short term goals. Due to the behaviour becoming a Type 1 process it reduces mental friction that would have been incurred by reducing mental resources significantly and making it more favourable in the decision making process. This could become particularly troublesome when dealing with maladaptive behaviours with high levels of automaticity as each repetition against it initially requires attention and planning. ===Automatic behaviour formation in action=== Lally et al. (2010) ran an experiment investigating habit automaticity through volunteers selecting a habit, and a context (e.g. morning walk after breakfast). They measured this through a self-report habit index (SRHI) analysing a history of repetition, automaticity (lack of control and awareness, efficiency), and expressing identity (Verplanken & Orbell, 2003). Participants met 95% of their asymptote of automaticity between 18 and 254 days. The variation could be explained by a lack of consistency during the process, especially early on. Lally et al. (2010) stated that missing occasional opportunities to perform an action did not substantially affect behaviour formation, however, significant early disruption could significantly delay achieving high levels of automaticity as the highest yield improvements to automaticity occur early in the process, with subsequent actions providing less and less improvements the closer they get to the limit of automaticity. Other limiting factors could also be task complexity, personal enjoyment, social support/facilitation and how much the individual identifies with the activity they're doing. Wood & Rünger (2016) provide a explanation on the presence of automaticity in behaviours, being refined over time through consistent context-dependent responses while also explaining the challenges in behaviour change by engaging with Dual Process Theory. Lally et al. (2010) expands on this providing real life evidence of behaviour change through investigating repetitive contextual behaviours and monitoring the process of increasing the automaticity of a behaviour. ====Key takeaways for engaging in behaviour change involve:==== * Recognising initial cognitive effort and sufficient motivation are essential for setting expectations. * Missing opportunities to perform the behaviour is okay as long as the behaviour is consistent overall. * The behaviour formation timeline varies significantly. ==Function of environmental cues== Environmental cues function similarly to classical conditioning. Environmental cues can be deliberate, such as sitting at a computer in the university library to promote thoughts of study, or inadvert, attempting to drive to the shops and accidentally starting to drive to work (Wood & Neal, 2007). In that situation, the environmental cue would be the using a computer in the library environment or driving the same road you take to work. That behaviour becomes a routine that your brain programs to run automatically. Wood & Neal in 2007 called this the habit-goal interface model. They claim that habits are artifacts of previous goal pursuits and that the success of that particular method is ingrained within the body so it can recall it to repeat that success. Their model had two principles: * The power of contexts to trigger habitual responding. * The absence goal mediation in context response associations. Patterns arise in life, intentional or otherwise. The first principle claims that people store patterns as procedural memory, which, once stored, can be activated by the specific cues associated with that pattern. The second principle claims that goal-oriented behaviours can stick around without thinking about the outcome or if the behaviour is relevant. This is a great insight, as it shows that behaviours can be cognitively offloaded from an internal "willpower" system to an external system. However, it warns against and aims to explain the accidental accumulation of unhelpful behaviours and provide context for their rigidity. ===Environmental cue evidence=== Environmental cues can trigger in an unwanted behaviours too. Neal et al. in 2011 ran an experiment where moviegoers with strong popcorn eating habits and weak popcorn eating habits were assessed on their popcorn consumption during a movie and a campus meeting room. They were presented with both fresh and stale popcorn. Interestingly the moviegoers with strong habits would still continue to eat stale popcorn during the movie regardless of the influence of hunger, but were guided by their personal preferences more when in the meeting room resulting in very little stale popcorn being consumed. The change in location disrupted this process from occuring, but their second study revealed an even more interesting discovery. Consuming the popcorn with their non-dominant hand actually also interrupted the automatic behaviour, they did not behave habitually and reduced their consumption of stale popcorn. Environmental cues may also reduce neutral or even beneficial habits. Wood et al. (2005) conducted an experiment on university students transferring to a new university. They analysed exercise, TV viewing and reading as well as everyday thoughts and actions via two surveys conducted four weeks apart. They revealed that changes in the context of which the behaviours were performed decreased the likelihood they'd perform the rehearsed behaviour. To preserve these behaviours some participants developed decisions about particular behaviours, which caused them to form or retrieve intentions about those behaviours which guided their actions. They concluded that behaviours were only sustained where the context to perform remained unchanged (e.g. reading the newspaper with others) without intervention from behavioural intention. To maintain a behaviour such as going for a run in the park, if there isn't one in proximity they would need to have the intention to continue running in order to adapt the behaviour to a new context, otherwise the behaviour would become extinct. ===Environmental cues example=== Wood and Neal (2007) provides the framework for setting a deliberate behaviour, the context needs to be specific to the behaviour. If James, the undercover officer, plays lots of video games on his home PC and occasionally try to do paperwork, the habit to play video games will be stronger and he will find it more difficult to engage in paperwork. This results in a weak plan to change behaviour as his context is more fluid. Strong context would be going to a local library to perform that specific activity. Doing this reduces the likelihood of the issue Neal et al. (2011) studied where unwanted or unpleasant behaviours occurred because the environment triggered their automatic response. If James' moves house and no longer lives near the library he will run into the issue Wood et al. (2005) discussed where his behaviour of doing paperwork may deminish because the context cue of doing it at the library is gone. ====Key takeaways for engaging in behaviour change involve:==== * Building patterns with intention creates a relatively effortless process over time. *Goals-orientated behaviours can persist even once the goal has been achieved, without intentionally wanting to achieve the goal or without the goal being relevant. *Behaviours triggered by environmental cues can be negative in the wrong context. *Lack of presence in environmental cues can reduce the likelihood those behaviours will be performed or even maintained. ==Pursuing goals with automaticity== Goal pursuit is always envisioned with a strong conscious effort. Overcoming trials and adversity requires steadfast courage and an unbreakable will. So the idea that it could be an unconscious effort seems to go against everything pursuit would stand for. However, cueing the desired behaviour removes decision-making, which is arguably where most people get stuck. Pursuing goals through automaticity aims to remove decision-making around taking action. In the overview, James, the undercover police officer had multiple opportunities to freeze or question their actions. Because of training-specific cues, they activated lights and sirens, identified key information about the suspect, and relayed it with the appropriate callsign without hesitation. This lack of decision-making freed up mental capacity to give chase and achieve the goal of a successful arrest. Wood & Rünger (2016) state that habits interface with goal pursuit in three ways: '''Exposure''', '''activation or inhibition''' and '''inference'''. # '''Exposure''' provides context cues. During training, James, the undercover officer would practise the same behaviours in response to the same stimulus repeatedly. Eventually, the habits become linked to context cues, ready for activation or inhibition. # '''Activation and inhibition''' allow the cue to activate or inhibit a behaviour immediately. Suspect flees --> Lights and sirens go up --> Radio relevant information. Behavioural activation increases the likelihood of a particular behaviour occurring, often requiring conscious thought to intervene during execution rather than before. # '''Inference''' is observing your own behaviour and determining whether it aligns with your goals. The James would be guided by their objective to apprehend the suspect safely. Lights and sirens increase safety, radioing important information increases the chance of finding them if they escape, and calling for backup increases the odds of making an arrest. James might associate that doing all of the above makes him a good police officer because those are things a good officer would do, which is in line with his goal of being a good officer. Gollwitzer and Sheeran (2006) conducted a meta-analysis to understand the effectiveness of pursuing goals with automaticity and what aids in the process. Literature they looked at previously suggested that the strength of intention was a defining factor, however, the reason for their meta-analysis was what conflicting literature said about intention. Intention was deemed insufficient by other researchers, resulting in them using the quote "the road to hell is paved with good intentions". They found that independant tests showed that implementation intentions (a plan of the when, where and how) produced a medium-to-large positive effect on goal attainment. ===Pursuing goals in context=== Wood & Rünger (2016) sets up the a way to engage with Gollwitzer and Sheeran's (2006) findings in order to construct a plan to maximise success. First determine a goal, this information should aim to pair with the ideal '''inference''' about the behaviour. Next is the '''activation and inhibition''' stage, create the implementation intentions of when and where specific behaviours should occur or not occur. Finally plan out the '''exposure''' stage, this introduces the how. Here cues need to be selected to trigger the activation or inhibition of a specific behaviour in context. James would set a goal to be a good officer. Then determine that lights, sirens, communication and attention to detail are valuable actions he wants to perform. Then would plan for the context cue to be the suspect fleeing. This way when James starts pursuing a fleeing suspect, once rehearsed, these behaviours will activate automatically.<quiz display=simple> {Behaving in the best interest of your goal is ______: |type="()"} + Inference - Activation - Inhibition - Exposure {Activation and inhibition allow _________: |type="()"} - You to turn a behaviour on or off at your own command. + Environmental cues to activate a learned behaviour. - Priming of the brain to consider action - Environmental cues to be maintained in the brain. </quiz> ===Subconscious pursuit=== Autonomous means something is automatic, but the discussion so far has been exclusively on controlling this automatic process which by extension starts to sound manual. However, subconscious pursuit of goals is a very real topic, lying below all assumed control listed above and otherwise. Goals do not require a conscous choice, the environment and those around can cue specific goals to be pursued. Bargh et al. (2001) conducted a series of five experiments testing whether or not they could subconsciously influence peoples goals in particular tasks. They conducted a series of priming effects over each experiment designed to subconsciously plant goals (e.g. a crossword with motivational words vs a crossword with random unrelated words). They found across each experiment that subconscious goal pursuit meaningfully influenced performance when completing the tasks laid out before them. However they also established that subconscious pursuit did not require a specific conscious goal beforehand to be performed. Task 2, a resource allocation task, was left open for interpretation for the treatment group and still produced meaningful positive change in the outcome. Subconscious pursuit might be hard to manipulate for the sake of improving goal pursuit, it can activate goals outside of conscious choice and may influence the execution of related behaviours in context to the task. This suggests subconscious goals still, while not an entire alternative, still have a degree of strength and that conscious thinking does not paint the full picture. ==Conclusion== Utilising current theory it is possible to manufacture meaningful and viable ways to achieve goals through environmental cueing. Practical use has been discussed extensively during this book chapter providing insight into the processes we can engage in to improve our own goal seeking behaviour through context specific cueing. It is important to also be flexible with the expectations of using automaticity through environmental cues to improve goal pursuit as it can take anywhere from 18-254 days to properly form the desired automatic behaviours. One significant benefit users can hope to see is a reduction in cognitive load over time which is encouraging because it tells the user that their initial struggle to perform the task will lessen which should reinforce the behaviour. It is also important to consider when behaviours might be cued negatively (e.g. Neal and colleagues stale popcorn experiment in 2011) to avoid unwanted behavioural cuing. Loss of behavioural cues can cause behavioural decay which be used positively to remove unwanted behaviours but is important to consider when you're trying to maintain specific behaviours under environmental change. Wood et al.'s (2016) model of exposure, activation and inhibition, and inference is a significant model that represents the ways in which habits interact with goal pursuit. These provide multiple avenues for individuals to try to prompt themselves to produce the best results they can when pursuing a goal. And to wrap up, not every goal is conscious. Some goals simply exist below the surface and automatically improve the tasks we engage in or inform us to behave in a way we are not consciously aware of. ==See also== * Clumsy effort to effortless action - [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eiBn0tbzHRM YouTube] * How habits guide behaviour with Wendy Wood - [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OWiDYOjgEFI YouTube] * Implementation intentions - [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mbGjJpkIsWM YouTube] * Wendy Wood's publication page - [https://dornsife.usc.edu/wendy-wood/publication/ External Website] ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bargh, J. A., Gollwitzer, P. M., Lee-Chai, A., Barndollar, K., & Trötschel, R. (2001). The Automated Will: Nonconscious Activation and Pursuit of Behavioral Goals. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''81''(6), 1014–1027. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.81.6.1014 Gollwitzer, P. M., & Sheeran, P. (2006). Implementation Intentions and Goal Achievement: A Meta‐analysis of Effects and Processes. In M. P. Zanna (Ed.), ''Advances in Experimental Social Psychology'' (Vol. 38, pp. 69–119). Elsevier Science & Technology. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0065-2601(06)38002-1 Lally, P., van Jaarsveld, C. H. M., Potts, H. W. W., & Wardle, J. (2010). How are habits formed: Modelling habit formation in the real world. ''European Journal of Social Psychology'', ''40''(6), 998–1009. https://doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.674 Sanvictores, T., Mahabadi, N., & Rehman, C. I. (2024). ''Classical conditioning.'' StatPearls Publishing. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK470326/ Verplanken, B., & Orbell, S. (2003). Self-Report Habit Index (SRHI) [Database record]. ''APA PsycTests.'' https://doi.org/10.1037/t03772-000 Wood, W., & Neal, D. T. (2007). A New Look at Habits and the Habit-Goal Interface. ''Psychological Review'', ''114''(4), 843–863. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.114.4.843 Wood, W., & Rünger, D. (2016). Psychology of Habit. ''Annual Review of Psychology'', ''67''(1), 289–314. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-psych-122414-033417 Wood, W., Tam, L., & Witt, M. G. (2005). Changing Circumstances, Disrupting Habits. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''88''(6), 918–933. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.88.6.918 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Behaviour]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Goal striving]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Habit]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Unconscious]] qqmvjy0vx3f7nu7cs6ropjzbqfkm7jb 0 330074 2840340 2840174 2026-10-14T22:47:47Z U3270398 3108645 /* What does deliberately changing dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping? */ 2840340 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Dreams and emotional problem-solving:<br>How do REM dreams contribute to emotional processing and adaptive coping?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}} '''Case study: Natalie part 1 ''' [[File:Dreaming.jpg|Dreaming|right|thumb|250px|'''Figure 1'''. Natalie's recurring dream after her breakup leaves her feeling sad when she wakes]] Since her breakup, Natalie keeps having the same dream. She's been left behind somewhere, calling out to someone who never turns around (See Figure 1). When she wakes the details are gone, but the feeling stays. Then one night, after her first good day in weeks, the dream changes: she stops calling out, notices a lit doorway, and walks through it. She wakes feeling better, and that afternoon she finally packs away his things. Did the dream help her move on, show that she was already moving on, or give her something to work with once awake? {{RoundBoxBottom}} [[w:Dream|Dreams]] are reported after most awakenings from [[w:Rapid eye movement sleep|rapid eye movement (REM) sleep]] (Solms, 2000), and REM sleep has been proposed to act as a form of "overnight therapy" (Walker & van der Helm, 2009, p. 731). Whether dreams do that work or merely reflect it is still debated. ''Emotional processing'' is the overnight change in how well an emotional memory is kept or how strongly it is felt. [[w:Emotional self-regulation|''Emotion regulation'']] is any process, deliberate or automatic, that changes the course of an emotion (Gross, 2015). [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Coping and emotion|''Coping'']] is what people think and do to manage stressful situations, which is adaptive only when it fits the situation and improves outcomes (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004). A dream could reflect processing without regulating anything, and could regulate a feeling without improving coping. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=15}} '''Focus questions''' * How do REM sleep and dreaming each contribute to overnight emotional processing? * What do competing theories propose dreams do with emotion? * How is dream emotion related to the way people cope while awake? * What does deliberately changing dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == How do REM sleep and dreaming each contribute to overnight emotional processing? == REM sleep is a brain state, marked by rapid eye movements, an active brain, and a paralysed body. Dreaming is a conscious experience. Because the two usually coincide, findings about one are easily attributed to the other. ===REM sleep and emotional memories === The ''sleep to forget, sleep to remember'' model proposes that the brain replays recent emotional memories during REM sleep while [[wikipedia:Norepinephrine|noradrenaline]], a chemical messenger that drives arousal, is low (Walker & van der Helm, 2009). Replay in this calm state should keep a memory's content while weakening its emotional charge, so that last month's argument is remembered clearly but no longer makes the heart race. The model makes two predictions: emotional memories should be retained better after sleep, and ''emotional reactivity'', the strength of the response when the memory returns, should fall. If the charge persists, the process repeats on later nights, which may explain recurring dreams like Natalie's. Early brain imaging seemed to confirm the second prediction. When 34 participants viewed emotional pictures twice, 12 hours apart, responses in the [[w:Amygdala|amygdala]], a threat-detecting region, fell in those who slept between viewings and rose in those who stayed awake (van der Helm et al, 2011). However, low noradrenaline was inferred from brain waves, not measured directly. Broader evidence has been less supportive. A [[w:Meta-analysis|meta-analysis]] found no reliable change in bodlily reactions to negative pictures after sleep, although its five studies were too few to rule an effect in or out. People also rated negative pictures as more arousing after sleep, the opposite of "sleep to forget" (Lipinska et al., 2022). Removing REM sleep would be a better test, but it requires repeatdetly waking people, which stresses them, disrupts other sleep stages, and can itself cause low mood. Research therefore supports the "remember" half of the model better than the "forget" half (Pesonen et al., 2024), leaving the emotion role of REM sleep unconfirmed rather than disproven. ===What dreaming adds === Dreaming is more than REM sleep in disguise: it can stop after brain damage while REM sleep continues, and some dreams occur outside REM sleep (Solms, 2000). Only one study measured both. Lara-Carrasco et al. (2009) partly deprived some participants of REM sleep, collected their dreams, and had them rate negative pictures in the evening and next morning. Contrary to the model, less REM sleep went with a larger drop in arousal, whereas a less negative final dream went with finding the pictures less unpleasant by morning. REM sleep and emotion thus tracked different parts of the response, suggesting that dreaming contributes something of its own. A lingering negative dream could have influenced the morning ratings, although the hour that has passed made this less likely. Even so, the design cannot show whether the dream produced the overnight change or reflected it, which is exactly where the [[#What do competing theories propose dreams do with emotion?|theories]] disagree. {{Robelbox|theme={{{theme|11}}}|title=Quiz}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {Which statement best summarises the evidence on REM sleep? |type="()"} - REM sleep reliably reduces the emotional intensity of upsetting memories + REM sleep may help keep emotional memories, but evidence that it reduces their intensity is inconclusive </quiz> </div> {{Robelbox/close}} == What do competing theories propose dreams do with emotion? == All three leading theories accept that waking emotion shapes dream emotion, but they disagree about what dream emotion does next and, crucially, over what timescale (Sikka et al., 2022; see Table 1). {| class="wikitable" style="width:100%;" |+ style="text-align:left;" | '''Table 1'''<br />''Three theories of what dreams do with emotion'' |- ! scope="col" | ! scope="col" |Continuity hypothesis (Domhoff, 2019) ! scope="col" |Fear extinction theory (Nielson & Levin, 2007) ! scope="col" |Mood regulation theory (Cartwright et al., 1998) |- ! scope="row" |Core claim |Dreams simulate current concerns |Dreams place fear memories in safe new contexts |Dreams work through low mood over the full night |- ! scope="row" |Natalie's recurring dream means |She is still preoccupied with the loss |Extinction under heavy emotional load |Regulation not yet complete |- ! scope="row" |Main prediction |Dream emotion carries into the next morning |Fear gradually decreases |Mood is better by morning, if it was low |- ! scope="row" |Timescale |Immediate |Weeks, between people |One night |} === Continuity hypothesis === The continuity hypothesis holds that dreams dramatise whatever currently concerns the dreamer. In Domhoff's (2019) neurocognitive version, dreaming is an "embodied simulation" (p. 265) produced by the [[w:Default mode network|default mode network]], the brain network that also supports daydreaming. According to this view, Natalie's dream portrays her loss without repairing it, much as daydreaming about an ex-partner would. Domhoff concludes that an emotion-regulating function "remains highly unliklely, and at best inconclusive, after decades of research studies' (p.287), noting that a quarter or more of REM dream reports contain no emotion. The theory is parsimonious, but "mirroring" fits almost any link between dreams and waking life, so it can only be told apart from a functional theory when dream emotion predicts something that a waking mood alone does not. ===Fear extinction theory === [[w:Extinction (psychology)|Extinction]] occurs when a feared cue is met repeatedly without harm, so that a new safety memory forms and competes with the fear memory rather than erasing it. Nielson and Levin (2007) propose that dreams do this offline by recombining fragments of fear memories with safe, unrelated material. In their example, a dream of a dark alley shifts when "suddenly i found myself in a brightly lit street" (p.302), erasing the growing fear, much like Natalie's lit doorway. Two factors shape the outcome. ''Affect load'' is a state: the combined weight of recent stress on a person's capacity to regulate emotion. ''Affect distress'' is a trait: a long-standing tendency to react to emotional material with heightened distress (Nielson & Levin, 2007, p. 303). Bad dreams and nightmares lie on a continuum, and nightmares signal that extinction is struggling under heavy load, especially when affect distress is high. Natalie's recurring dream therefore reflects heavy load after the breakup, not a broken process. Because extinction is gradual, a frightening dream need not bring relief the next day, yet people whose dreams regularly engage fear should regulate better over weeks. The authors call the model "highly testable" (p. 304). In practice, though, recovery after a frightening dream can be read as extinction working and distress as extinction overloaded. Unless a successful dream is defined before results are known, almost any outcome can be accommodated. ===Mood regulation theory === Mood regulation theory proposes that successive REM dreams across one night work through low mood, shifting from negative towards positive emotion. Cartwright et al. (1998) tested this in 60 students without depression. Depressed mood fell overnight, and lower mood before sleep predicted a more negative first dream. Only the 10 students with the lowest pre-sleep mood showed the predicted sequence, with negative dreams early and more positive dreams later. The authors therefore proposed a threshold: dreams moderate mood only when unhappiness is "at lest modest" (p. 7). The threshold both protects and limits the theory. It explains why studies of contented people find little, but the core pattern rested on 10 people and was not formally tested, and Kramer's group, who first proposed the theory, once failed to replicate their own effect (Nielson & Levin, 2007). Mood also improved when REM periods were interrupted, so overnight relief did not depend on undisturbed dreaming. In short, mood regulation predicts relief by morning, continuity immediate carry-over, and fear extinction that builds over weeks. Waking mood and coping provide the tests. == How is dream emotion related to the way people cope while awake? == For Gross (2015), the defining feature of emotion regulation is "the activation of a goal to influence the emotion trajectory" (p. 5), a goal that can operate implicitly. A dream has no obvious goal, so any regulation it achieves must be implicit, and the coping question is whether its effects reach waking life. ''Within-person'' comparisons ask whether a persons worse negative dreams after followed by worse days, and ''between-person'' comparisons whether people who generally dream one way also cope differently. ===Next-morning mood === For five days, 40 adults rated their dream emotion and morning mood, then viewed negative pictures, sometimes while trying to [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Cognitive strategies and emotion regulation|reappraise]] them (Sikka et al., 2022). After more negative dreams, mornings felt worse. Yet dream emotion predicted neither how strongly people reacted to the pictures nor how well they regulated, and [[w:Bayes factor|Bayesian analyses]] strongly favoured no relationship. Across 4,715 days from 536 adults, frightening dreams were likewise followed by about 7% more negative morning mood (Barber et al., 2026). Dreams that mixed fear with joy, however, were followed by mornings more often free of negative mood. ===Comparing people === Between people, the pattern reverses. People with more fearful dreams on average reported more adaptive regulation strategies, such as reappraisal and acceptance, even after accounting for [[w:Neuroticism|neuroticism]], which was also linked to fearful dreaming (Barber et al., 2026). In 89 adults who kept a week-long dream diary, more dream fear went with calmer brain responses to frightening pictures: weaker amygdala activity and stronger activity in a regulating prefrontal region (Sterpenich et al., 2020). Agreement across self-rport and brain measures makes the credible, and it fits fear extinctions slow, trait-level prediction. However, the direction of influence is unclear, since good regulators may simply tolerate negative material better. Morning carry-over after frightening dreams was also stronger in good regulators (Barber et al., 2026). The authors suggest that these people may be more aware of their feelings, may reappraise the dream after waking (recognising it was only a dream), or may need a brief rise in negative feeling to desensitise, as in exposure therapy. The last two, they note, place regulation after waking, with the dream supplying material and the awake person doing the work. ===Dreaming through a real loss === Real loss offers the most demanding test. Cartwright et al. (2006) followed 30 adults going through a divorce, 20 of them depressed, collecting dreams from every REM period on three nights over 5 months. In those who later recovered from depression, dreams of the former spouse carried emotion, mostly negative, and were linked to other memories. Those who stayed depressed still dreamed of the spouse, but these dreams were largely flat and disconnected from other memories. recovery therefore accompanied dreams that engaged painfully with the loss rather than dreams that turned about positive, which fits fear extinction better than mood regulation. However, this comparison rested on six versus four people and was descriptive, and recovery from depression is an outcome, not a coping strategy. Coping itself has rarely been measured. Among 35 female undergraduates facing exams, those who dreamed about the exam reported less active problem-solving white awake, and waking reappraisal went with more problem-solving inside dreams (Delorne et al., 2002), suggesting that coping style influences dreams as much as the reverse. At every levell, dream emotion moves with feeling and adjustment, but because nobody was assigned a particular dream, none of these studies shows that dreams cause change. That requires [[#What does deliberately changing dreams dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping?|changing dreams]] on purpose. {{Robelbox|theme={{{theme|11}}}|title=Quiz}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {In the same person, what usually follows a night with a frightening dream? |type="()"} - Better emotion regulation the next day. + A somewhat worse morning mood. </quiz> </div> {{Robelbox/close}} == What does deliberately changing dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping? == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}} [[File:Woman writing on a notebook with a pen.jpg|Woman writing on a notebook with a pen|right|thumb|200px|'''Figure 2'''. Rewriting a recurring dreams ending is the core of image rehearsal therapy]] '''Case study: Natalie part 2''' During a stressful fortnight, the old dream returns and Natalie starts staying up late to avoid it. A psychologist suggests writing the dream down, changing the ending so that this time, the person turns around, or Natalie stops calling out and walks the other way, and rehearsing it every evening (see Figure 2). Within weeks the dream comes less often and bothers her less. Oddly, she cannot recall ever dreaming the new ending. So what helped? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Conclusion== Natalie wondered whether the dream helped her move on, showed that she was moving on, or gave her something to work with. the evidence favours the last two. REM sleep may help keep emotional memories, but whether it softens them is unconfirmed. Dream emotion carries into the next morning, as continuity predicts, rather than changing it overnight, as mood regulation predicts. Fear extinction fits the slower patterns but has not passed its most direct tests, and experiments can change dreams, yet improvement has not been shown to depend on the changed dream. The most defensible conclusion is that dreams reflect emotional processing and supply material that people regulate and reappraise while awake. Natalie's lit doorway is most likely a sign of change already under way, and what helped was what she did with it after waking. Whether dreaming itself causes adaptive coping remains an open, testable question. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}} '''Take-home messages''' * A nights sleep does not reliably take the sting out of an upsetting memory. * A distressing dream shows what someone is carrying, not whether healing is happening. * Dreams about a loss that carry real feeling tend to accompany recovery, even when the feelings are painful. * For a recurring distressing dream, working with it while awake, by facing or rewriting it, is the best supported step. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==See also== * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Coping and emotion|Coping and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Dreams and emotional problem-solving|Dreams and emotional problem-solving]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[w:Emotional self-regulation|Emotional self-regulation]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Nightmare disorder|Nightmare disorder]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Nightmares and emotion|Nightmares and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2020) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Baber, G. 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''Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews, 139'', 104717. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2022.104717 }} ==External links== * [https://www.sleepfoundation.org/nightmares/how-to-stop-having-nightmares How to prevent nightmares] (Sleep Foundation) * [https://shows.acast.com/sleep-science-pod/episodes/ep12-sleep-dreams-and-mental-health Sleep, dreams and mental health] (The Sleep Science Pod) * [https://www.media.mit.edu/projects/targeted-dream-incubation/overview/ Targeted dream incubation] (MIT Media Lab) * [https://theconversation.com/the-science-of-dreams-and-nightmares-what-is-going-on-in-our-brains-while-were-sleeping-210901 The science of dreams and nightmares – what is going on in our brains while we're sleeping?] (The Conversation) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Dreams]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] j1i528gp2fqtak1sgyfsgshfxgyooh4 2840341 2840340 2026-10-14T23:06:17Z U3270398 3108645 /* What does deliberately changing dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping? */ added intro paragraph 2840341 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Dreams and emotional problem-solving:<br>How do REM dreams contribute to emotional processing and adaptive coping?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}} '''Case study: Natalie part 1 ''' [[File:Dreaming.jpg|Dreaming|right|thumb|250px|'''Figure 1'''. Natalie's recurring dream after her breakup leaves her feeling sad when she wakes]] Since her breakup, Natalie keeps having the same dream. She's been left behind somewhere, calling out to someone who never turns around (See Figure 1). When she wakes the details are gone, but the feeling stays. Then one night, after her first good day in weeks, the dream changes: she stops calling out, notices a lit doorway, and walks through it. She wakes feeling better, and that afternoon she finally packs away his things. Did the dream help her move on, show that she was already moving on, or give her something to work with once awake? {{RoundBoxBottom}} [[w:Dream|Dreams]] are reported after most awakenings from [[w:Rapid eye movement sleep|rapid eye movement (REM) sleep]] (Solms, 2000), and REM sleep has been proposed to act as a form of "overnight therapy" (Walker & van der Helm, 2009, p. 731). Whether dreams do that work or merely reflect it is still debated. ''Emotional processing'' is the overnight change in how well an emotional memory is kept or how strongly it is felt. [[w:Emotional self-regulation|''Emotion regulation'']] is any process, deliberate or automatic, that changes the course of an emotion (Gross, 2015). [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Coping and emotion|''Coping'']] is what people think and do to manage stressful situations, which is adaptive only when it fits the situation and improves outcomes (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004). A dream could reflect processing without regulating anything, and could regulate a feeling without improving coping. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=15}} '''Focus questions''' * How do REM sleep and dreaming each contribute to overnight emotional processing? * What do competing theories propose dreams do with emotion? * How is dream emotion related to the way people cope while awake? * What does deliberately changing dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == How do REM sleep and dreaming each contribute to overnight emotional processing? == REM sleep is a brain state, marked by rapid eye movements, an active brain, and a paralysed body. Dreaming is a conscious experience. Because the two usually coincide, findings about one are easily attributed to the other. ===REM sleep and emotional memories === The ''sleep to forget, sleep to remember'' model proposes that the brain replays recent emotional memories during REM sleep while [[wikipedia:Norepinephrine|noradrenaline]], a chemical messenger that drives arousal, is low (Walker & van der Helm, 2009). Replay in this calm state should keep a memory's content while weakening its emotional charge, so that last month's argument is remembered clearly but no longer makes the heart race. The model makes two predictions: emotional memories should be retained better after sleep, and ''emotional reactivity'', the strength of the response when the memory returns, should fall. If the charge persists, the process repeats on later nights, which may explain recurring dreams like Natalie's. Early brain imaging seemed to confirm the second prediction. When 34 participants viewed emotional pictures twice, 12 hours apart, responses in the [[w:Amygdala|amygdala]], a threat-detecting region, fell in those who slept between viewings and rose in those who stayed awake (van der Helm et al, 2011). However, low noradrenaline was inferred from brain waves, not measured directly. Broader evidence has been less supportive. A [[w:Meta-analysis|meta-analysis]] found no reliable change in bodlily reactions to negative pictures after sleep, although its five studies were too few to rule an effect in or out. People also rated negative pictures as more arousing after sleep, the opposite of "sleep to forget" (Lipinska et al., 2022). Removing REM sleep would be a better test, but it requires repeatdetly waking people, which stresses them, disrupts other sleep stages, and can itself cause low mood. Research therefore supports the "remember" half of the model better than the "forget" half (Pesonen et al., 2024), leaving the emotion role of REM sleep unconfirmed rather than disproven. ===What dreaming adds === Dreaming is more than REM sleep in disguise: it can stop after brain damage while REM sleep continues, and some dreams occur outside REM sleep (Solms, 2000). Only one study measured both. Lara-Carrasco et al. (2009) partly deprived some participants of REM sleep, collected their dreams, and had them rate negative pictures in the evening and next morning. Contrary to the model, less REM sleep went with a larger drop in arousal, whereas a less negative final dream went with finding the pictures less unpleasant by morning. REM sleep and emotion thus tracked different parts of the response, suggesting that dreaming contributes something of its own. A lingering negative dream could have influenced the morning ratings, although the hour that has passed made this less likely. Even so, the design cannot show whether the dream produced the overnight change or reflected it, which is exactly where the [[#What do competing theories propose dreams do with emotion?|theories]] disagree. {{Robelbox|theme={{{theme|11}}}|title=Quiz}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {Which statement best summarises the evidence on REM sleep? |type="()"} - REM sleep reliably reduces the emotional intensity of upsetting memories + REM sleep may help keep emotional memories, but evidence that it reduces their intensity is inconclusive </quiz> </div> {{Robelbox/close}} == What do competing theories propose dreams do with emotion? == All three leading theories accept that waking emotion shapes dream emotion, but they disagree about what dream emotion does next and, crucially, over what timescale (Sikka et al., 2022; see Table 1). {| class="wikitable" style="width:100%;" |+ style="text-align:left;" | '''Table 1'''<br />''Three theories of what dreams do with emotion'' |- ! scope="col" | ! scope="col" |Continuity hypothesis (Domhoff, 2019) ! scope="col" |Fear extinction theory (Nielson & Levin, 2007) ! scope="col" |Mood regulation theory (Cartwright et al., 1998) |- ! scope="row" |Core claim |Dreams simulate current concerns |Dreams place fear memories in safe new contexts |Dreams work through low mood over the full night |- ! scope="row" |Natalie's recurring dream means |She is still preoccupied with the loss |Extinction under heavy emotional load |Regulation not yet complete |- ! scope="row" |Main prediction |Dream emotion carries into the next morning |Fear gradually decreases |Mood is better by morning, if it was low |- ! scope="row" |Timescale |Immediate |Weeks, between people |One night |} === Continuity hypothesis === The continuity hypothesis holds that dreams dramatise whatever currently concerns the dreamer. In Domhoff's (2019) neurocognitive version, dreaming is an "embodied simulation" (p. 265) produced by the [[w:Default mode network|default mode network]], the brain network that also supports daydreaming. According to this view, Natalie's dream portrays her loss without repairing it, much as daydreaming about an ex-partner would. Domhoff concludes that an emotion-regulating function "remains highly unliklely, and at best inconclusive, after decades of research studies' (p.287), noting that a quarter or more of REM dream reports contain no emotion. The theory is parsimonious, but "mirroring" fits almost any link between dreams and waking life, so it can only be told apart from a functional theory when dream emotion predicts something that a waking mood alone does not. ===Fear extinction theory === [[w:Extinction (psychology)|Extinction]] occurs when a feared cue is met repeatedly without harm, so that a new safety memory forms and competes with the fear memory rather than erasing it. Nielson and Levin (2007) propose that dreams do this offline by recombining fragments of fear memories with safe, unrelated material. In their example, a dream of a dark alley shifts when "suddenly i found myself in a brightly lit street" (p.302), erasing the growing fear, much like Natalie's lit doorway. Two factors shape the outcome. ''Affect load'' is a state: the combined weight of recent stress on a person's capacity to regulate emotion. ''Affect distress'' is a trait: a long-standing tendency to react to emotional material with heightened distress (Nielson & Levin, 2007, p. 303). Bad dreams and nightmares lie on a continuum, and nightmares signal that extinction is struggling under heavy load, especially when affect distress is high. Natalie's recurring dream therefore reflects heavy load after the breakup, not a broken process. Because extinction is gradual, a frightening dream need not bring relief the next day, yet people whose dreams regularly engage fear should regulate better over weeks. The authors call the model "highly testable" (p. 304). In practice, though, recovery after a frightening dream can be read as extinction working and distress as extinction overloaded. Unless a successful dream is defined before results are known, almost any outcome can be accommodated. ===Mood regulation theory === Mood regulation theory proposes that successive REM dreams across one night work through low mood, shifting from negative towards positive emotion. Cartwright et al. (1998) tested this in 60 students without depression. Depressed mood fell overnight, and lower mood before sleep predicted a more negative first dream. Only the 10 students with the lowest pre-sleep mood showed the predicted sequence, with negative dreams early and more positive dreams later. The authors therefore proposed a threshold: dreams moderate mood only when unhappiness is "at lest modest" (p. 7). The threshold both protects and limits the theory. It explains why studies of contented people find little, but the core pattern rested on 10 people and was not formally tested, and Kramer's group, who first proposed the theory, once failed to replicate their own effect (Nielson & Levin, 2007). Mood also improved when REM periods were interrupted, so overnight relief did not depend on undisturbed dreaming. In short, mood regulation predicts relief by morning, continuity immediate carry-over, and fear extinction that builds over weeks. Waking mood and coping provide the tests. == How is dream emotion related to the way people cope while awake? == For Gross (2015), the defining feature of emotion regulation is "the activation of a goal to influence the emotion trajectory" (p. 5), a goal that can operate implicitly. A dream has no obvious goal, so any regulation it achieves must be implicit, and the coping question is whether its effects reach waking life. ''Within-person'' comparisons ask whether a persons worse negative dreams after followed by worse days, and ''between-person'' comparisons whether people who generally dream one way also cope differently. ===Next-morning mood === For five days, 40 adults rated their dream emotion and morning mood, then viewed negative pictures, sometimes while trying to [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Cognitive strategies and emotion regulation|reappraise]] them (Sikka et al., 2022). After more negative dreams, mornings felt worse. Yet dream emotion predicted neither how strongly people reacted to the pictures nor how well they regulated, and [[w:Bayes factor|Bayesian analyses]] strongly favoured no relationship. Across 4,715 days from 536 adults, frightening dreams were likewise followed by about 7% more negative morning mood (Barber et al., 2026). Dreams that mixed fear with joy, however, were followed by mornings more often free of negative mood. ===Comparing people === Between people, the pattern reverses. People with more fearful dreams on average reported more adaptive regulation strategies, such as reappraisal and acceptance, even after accounting for [[w:Neuroticism|neuroticism]], which was also linked to fearful dreaming (Barber et al., 2026). In 89 adults who kept a week-long dream diary, more dream fear went with calmer brain responses to frightening pictures: weaker amygdala activity and stronger activity in a regulating prefrontal region (Sterpenich et al., 2020). Agreement across self-rport and brain measures makes the credible, and it fits fear extinctions slow, trait-level prediction. However, the direction of influence is unclear, since good regulators may simply tolerate negative material better. Morning carry-over after frightening dreams was also stronger in good regulators (Barber et al., 2026). The authors suggest that these people may be more aware of their feelings, may reappraise the dream after waking (recognising it was only a dream), or may need a brief rise in negative feeling to desensitise, as in exposure therapy. The last two, they note, place regulation after waking, with the dream supplying material and the awake person doing the work. ===Dreaming through a real loss === Real loss offers the most demanding test. Cartwright et al. (2006) followed 30 adults going through a divorce, 20 of them depressed, collecting dreams from every REM period on three nights over 5 months. In those who later recovered from depression, dreams of the former spouse carried emotion, mostly negative, and were linked to other memories. Those who stayed depressed still dreamed of the spouse, but these dreams were largely flat and disconnected from other memories. recovery therefore accompanied dreams that engaged painfully with the loss rather than dreams that turned about positive, which fits fear extinction better than mood regulation. However, this comparison rested on six versus four people and was descriptive, and recovery from depression is an outcome, not a coping strategy. Coping itself has rarely been measured. Among 35 female undergraduates facing exams, those who dreamed about the exam reported less active problem-solving white awake, and waking reappraisal went with more problem-solving inside dreams (Delorne et al., 2002), suggesting that coping style influences dreams as much as the reverse. At every levell, dream emotion moves with feeling and adjustment, but because nobody was assigned a particular dream, none of these studies shows that dreams cause change. That requires [[#What does deliberately changing dreams dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping?|changing dreams]] on purpose. {{Robelbox|theme={{{theme|11}}}|title=Quiz}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {In the same person, what usually follows a night with a frightening dream? |type="()"} - Better emotion regulation the next day. + A somewhat worse morning mood. </quiz> </div> {{Robelbox/close}} == What does deliberately changing dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping? == The previous section showed that dream emotion moves with waking mood and coping, but not which drives which. Experiments can test this. If dreams do emotional work, changing a dream should change how someone feels, and the benefit should depend on the new dream actually occurring. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}} [[File:Woman writing on a notebook with a pen.jpg|Woman writing on a notebook with a pen|right|thumb|200px|'''Figure 2'''. Rewriting a recurring dreams ending is the core of image rehearsal therapy]] '''Case study: Natalie part 2''' During a stressful fortnight, the old dream returns and Natalie starts staying up late to avoid it. A psychologist suggests writing the dream down, changing the ending so that this time, the person turns around, or Natalie stops calling out and walks the other way, and rehearsing it every evening (see Figure 2). Within weeks the dream comes less often and bothers her less. Oddly, she cannot recall ever dreaming the new ending. So what helped? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Conclusion== Natalie wondered whether the dream helped her move on, showed that she was moving on, or gave her something to work with. the evidence favours the last two. REM sleep may help keep emotional memories, but whether it softens them is unconfirmed. Dream emotion carries into the next morning, as continuity predicts, rather than changing it overnight, as mood regulation predicts. Fear extinction fits the slower patterns but has not passed its most direct tests, and experiments can change dreams, yet improvement has not been shown to depend on the changed dream. The most defensible conclusion is that dreams reflect emotional processing and supply material that people regulate and reappraise while awake. Natalie's lit doorway is most likely a sign of change already under way, and what helped was what she did with it after waking. Whether dreaming itself causes adaptive coping remains an open, testable question. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}} '''Take-home messages''' * A nights sleep does not reliably take the sting out of an upsetting memory. * A distressing dream shows what someone is carrying, not whether healing is happening. * Dreams about a loss that carry real feeling tend to accompany recovery, even when the feelings are painful. * For a recurring distressing dream, working with it while awake, by facing or rewriting it, is the best supported step. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==See also== * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Coping and emotion|Coping and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Dreams and emotional problem-solving|Dreams and emotional problem-solving]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[w:Emotional self-regulation|Emotional self-regulation]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Nightmare disorder|Nightmare disorder]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Nightmares and emotion|Nightmares and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2020) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Baber, G. 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''Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews, 139'', 104717. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2022.104717 }} ==External links== * [https://www.sleepfoundation.org/nightmares/how-to-stop-having-nightmares How to prevent nightmares] (Sleep Foundation) * [https://shows.acast.com/sleep-science-pod/episodes/ep12-sleep-dreams-and-mental-health Sleep, dreams and mental health] (The Sleep Science Pod) * [https://www.media.mit.edu/projects/targeted-dream-incubation/overview/ Targeted dream incubation] (MIT Media Lab) * [https://theconversation.com/the-science-of-dreams-and-nightmares-what-is-going-on-in-our-brains-while-were-sleeping-210901 The science of dreams and nightmares – what is going on in our brains while we're sleeping?] (The Conversation) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Dreams]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] ea21arye7xr691iowsfnbih9yn0cv6r 2840343 2840341 2026-10-14T23:21:43Z U3270398 3108645 /* What does deliberately changing dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping? */ added paragraphs 2840343 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Dreams and emotional problem-solving:<br>How do REM dreams contribute to emotional processing and adaptive coping?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}} '''Case study: Natalie part 1 ''' [[File:Dreaming.jpg|Dreaming|right|thumb|250px|'''Figure 1'''. Natalie's recurring dream after her breakup leaves her feeling sad when she wakes]] Since her breakup, Natalie keeps having the same dream. She's been left behind somewhere, calling out to someone who never turns around (See Figure 1). When she wakes the details are gone, but the feeling stays. Then one night, after her first good day in weeks, the dream changes: she stops calling out, notices a lit doorway, and walks through it. She wakes feeling better, and that afternoon she finally packs away his things. Did the dream help her move on, show that she was already moving on, or give her something to work with once awake? {{RoundBoxBottom}} [[w:Dream|Dreams]] are reported after most awakenings from [[w:Rapid eye movement sleep|rapid eye movement (REM) sleep]] (Solms, 2000), and REM sleep has been proposed to act as a form of "overnight therapy" (Walker & van der Helm, 2009, p. 731). Whether dreams do that work or merely reflect it is still debated. ''Emotional processing'' is the overnight change in how well an emotional memory is kept or how strongly it is felt. [[w:Emotional self-regulation|''Emotion regulation'']] is any process, deliberate or automatic, that changes the course of an emotion (Gross, 2015). [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Coping and emotion|''Coping'']] is what people think and do to manage stressful situations, which is adaptive only when it fits the situation and improves outcomes (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004). A dream could reflect processing without regulating anything, and could regulate a feeling without improving coping. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=15}} '''Focus questions''' * How do REM sleep and dreaming each contribute to overnight emotional processing? * What do competing theories propose dreams do with emotion? * How is dream emotion related to the way people cope while awake? * What does deliberately changing dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == How do REM sleep and dreaming each contribute to overnight emotional processing? == REM sleep is a brain state, marked by rapid eye movements, an active brain, and a paralysed body. Dreaming is a conscious experience. Because the two usually coincide, findings about one are easily attributed to the other. ===REM sleep and emotional memories === The ''sleep to forget, sleep to remember'' model proposes that the brain replays recent emotional memories during REM sleep while [[wikipedia:Norepinephrine|noradrenaline]], a chemical messenger that drives arousal, is low (Walker & van der Helm, 2009). Replay in this calm state should keep a memory's content while weakening its emotional charge, so that last month's argument is remembered clearly but no longer makes the heart race. The model makes two predictions: emotional memories should be retained better after sleep, and ''emotional reactivity'', the strength of the response when the memory returns, should fall. If the charge persists, the process repeats on later nights, which may explain recurring dreams like Natalie's. Early brain imaging seemed to confirm the second prediction. When 34 participants viewed emotional pictures twice, 12 hours apart, responses in the [[w:Amygdala|amygdala]], a threat-detecting region, fell in those who slept between viewings and rose in those who stayed awake (van der Helm et al, 2011). However, low noradrenaline was inferred from brain waves, not measured directly. Broader evidence has been less supportive. A [[w:Meta-analysis|meta-analysis]] found no reliable change in bodlily reactions to negative pictures after sleep, although its five studies were too few to rule an effect in or out. People also rated negative pictures as more arousing after sleep, the opposite of "sleep to forget" (Lipinska et al., 2022). Removing REM sleep would be a better test, but it requires repeatdetly waking people, which stresses them, disrupts other sleep stages, and can itself cause low mood. Research therefore supports the "remember" half of the model better than the "forget" half (Pesonen et al., 2024), leaving the emotion role of REM sleep unconfirmed rather than disproven. ===What dreaming adds === Dreaming is more than REM sleep in disguise: it can stop after brain damage while REM sleep continues, and some dreams occur outside REM sleep (Solms, 2000). Only one study measured both. Lara-Carrasco et al. (2009) partly deprived some participants of REM sleep, collected their dreams, and had them rate negative pictures in the evening and next morning. Contrary to the model, less REM sleep went with a larger drop in arousal, whereas a less negative final dream went with finding the pictures less unpleasant by morning. REM sleep and emotion thus tracked different parts of the response, suggesting that dreaming contributes something of its own. A lingering negative dream could have influenced the morning ratings, although the hour that has passed made this less likely. Even so, the design cannot show whether the dream produced the overnight change or reflected it, which is exactly where the [[#What do competing theories propose dreams do with emotion?|theories]] disagree. {{Robelbox|theme={{{theme|11}}}|title=Quiz}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {Which statement best summarises the evidence on REM sleep? |type="()"} - REM sleep reliably reduces the emotional intensity of upsetting memories + REM sleep may help keep emotional memories, but evidence that it reduces their intensity is inconclusive </quiz> </div> {{Robelbox/close}} == What do competing theories propose dreams do with emotion? == All three leading theories accept that waking emotion shapes dream emotion, but they disagree about what dream emotion does next and, crucially, over what timescale (Sikka et al., 2022; see Table 1). {| class="wikitable" style="width:100%;" |+ style="text-align:left;" | '''Table 1'''<br />''Three theories of what dreams do with emotion'' |- ! scope="col" | ! scope="col" |Continuity hypothesis (Domhoff, 2019) ! scope="col" |Fear extinction theory (Nielson & Levin, 2007) ! scope="col" |Mood regulation theory (Cartwright et al., 1998) |- ! scope="row" |Core claim |Dreams simulate current concerns |Dreams place fear memories in safe new contexts |Dreams work through low mood over the full night |- ! scope="row" |Natalie's recurring dream means |She is still preoccupied with the loss |Extinction under heavy emotional load |Regulation not yet complete |- ! scope="row" |Main prediction |Dream emotion carries into the next morning |Fear gradually decreases |Mood is better by morning, if it was low |- ! scope="row" |Timescale |Immediate |Weeks, between people |One night |} === Continuity hypothesis === The continuity hypothesis holds that dreams dramatise whatever currently concerns the dreamer. In Domhoff's (2019) neurocognitive version, dreaming is an "embodied simulation" (p. 265) produced by the [[w:Default mode network|default mode network]], the brain network that also supports daydreaming. According to this view, Natalie's dream portrays her loss without repairing it, much as daydreaming about an ex-partner would. Domhoff concludes that an emotion-regulating function "remains highly unliklely, and at best inconclusive, after decades of research studies' (p.287), noting that a quarter or more of REM dream reports contain no emotion. The theory is parsimonious, but "mirroring" fits almost any link between dreams and waking life, so it can only be told apart from a functional theory when dream emotion predicts something that a waking mood alone does not. ===Fear extinction theory === [[w:Extinction (psychology)|Extinction]] occurs when a feared cue is met repeatedly without harm, so that a new safety memory forms and competes with the fear memory rather than erasing it. Nielson and Levin (2007) propose that dreams do this offline by recombining fragments of fear memories with safe, unrelated material. In their example, a dream of a dark alley shifts when "suddenly i found myself in a brightly lit street" (p.302), erasing the growing fear, much like Natalie's lit doorway. Two factors shape the outcome. ''Affect load'' is a state: the combined weight of recent stress on a person's capacity to regulate emotion. ''Affect distress'' is a trait: a long-standing tendency to react to emotional material with heightened distress (Nielson & Levin, 2007, p. 303). Bad dreams and nightmares lie on a continuum, and nightmares signal that extinction is struggling under heavy load, especially when affect distress is high. Natalie's recurring dream therefore reflects heavy load after the breakup, not a broken process. Because extinction is gradual, a frightening dream need not bring relief the next day, yet people whose dreams regularly engage fear should regulate better over weeks. The authors call the model "highly testable" (p. 304). In practice, though, recovery after a frightening dream can be read as extinction working and distress as extinction overloaded. Unless a successful dream is defined before results are known, almost any outcome can be accommodated. ===Mood regulation theory === Mood regulation theory proposes that successive REM dreams across one night work through low mood, shifting from negative towards positive emotion. Cartwright et al. (1998) tested this in 60 students without depression. Depressed mood fell overnight, and lower mood before sleep predicted a more negative first dream. Only the 10 students with the lowest pre-sleep mood showed the predicted sequence, with negative dreams early and more positive dreams later. The authors therefore proposed a threshold: dreams moderate mood only when unhappiness is "at lest modest" (p. 7). The threshold both protects and limits the theory. It explains why studies of contented people find little, but the core pattern rested on 10 people and was not formally tested, and Kramer's group, who first proposed the theory, once failed to replicate their own effect (Nielson & Levin, 2007). Mood also improved when REM periods were interrupted, so overnight relief did not depend on undisturbed dreaming. In short, mood regulation predicts relief by morning, continuity immediate carry-over, and fear extinction that builds over weeks. Waking mood and coping provide the tests. == How is dream emotion related to the way people cope while awake? == For Gross (2015), the defining feature of emotion regulation is "the activation of a goal to influence the emotion trajectory" (p. 5), a goal that can operate implicitly. A dream has no obvious goal, so any regulation it achieves must be implicit, and the coping question is whether its effects reach waking life. ''Within-person'' comparisons ask whether a persons worse negative dreams after followed by worse days, and ''between-person'' comparisons whether people who generally dream one way also cope differently. ===Next-morning mood === For five days, 40 adults rated their dream emotion and morning mood, then viewed negative pictures, sometimes while trying to [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Cognitive strategies and emotion regulation|reappraise]] them (Sikka et al., 2022). After more negative dreams, mornings felt worse. Yet dream emotion predicted neither how strongly people reacted to the pictures nor how well they regulated, and [[w:Bayes factor|Bayesian analyses]] strongly favoured no relationship. Across 4,715 days from 536 adults, frightening dreams were likewise followed by about 7% more negative morning mood (Barber et al., 2026). Dreams that mixed fear with joy, however, were followed by mornings more often free of negative mood. ===Comparing people === Between people, the pattern reverses. People with more fearful dreams on average reported more adaptive regulation strategies, such as reappraisal and acceptance, even after accounting for [[w:Neuroticism|neuroticism]], which was also linked to fearful dreaming (Barber et al., 2026). In 89 adults who kept a week-long dream diary, more dream fear went with calmer brain responses to frightening pictures: weaker amygdala activity and stronger activity in a regulating prefrontal region (Sterpenich et al., 2020). Agreement across self-rport and brain measures makes the credible, and it fits fear extinctions slow, trait-level prediction. However, the direction of influence is unclear, since good regulators may simply tolerate negative material better. Morning carry-over after frightening dreams was also stronger in good regulators (Barber et al., 2026). The authors suggest that these people may be more aware of their feelings, may reappraise the dream after waking (recognising it was only a dream), or may need a brief rise in negative feeling to desensitise, as in exposure therapy. The last two, they note, place regulation after waking, with the dream supplying material and the awake person doing the work. ===Dreaming through a real loss === Real loss offers the most demanding test. Cartwright et al. (2006) followed 30 adults going through a divorce, 20 of them depressed, collecting dreams from every REM period on three nights over 5 months. In those who later recovered from depression, dreams of the former spouse carried emotion, mostly negative, and were linked to other memories. Those who stayed depressed still dreamed of the spouse, but these dreams were largely flat and disconnected from other memories. recovery therefore accompanied dreams that engaged painfully with the loss rather than dreams that turned about positive, which fits fear extinction better than mood regulation. However, this comparison rested on six versus four people and was descriptive, and recovery from depression is an outcome, not a coping strategy. Coping itself has rarely been measured. Among 35 female undergraduates facing exams, those who dreamed about the exam reported less active problem-solving white awake, and waking reappraisal went with more problem-solving inside dreams (Delorne et al., 2002), suggesting that coping style influences dreams as much as the reverse. At every levell, dream emotion moves with feeling and adjustment, but because nobody was assigned a particular dream, none of these studies shows that dreams cause change. That requires [[#What does deliberately changing dreams dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping?|changing dreams]] on purpose. {{Robelbox|theme={{{theme|11}}}|title=Quiz}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {In the same person, what usually follows a night with a frightening dream? |type="()"} - Better emotion regulation the next day. + A somewhat worse morning mood. </quiz> </div> {{Robelbox/close}} == What does deliberately changing dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping? == The previous section showed that dream emotion moves with waking mood and coping, but not which drives which. Experiments can test this. If dreams do emotional work, changing a dream should change how someone feels, and the benefit should depend on the new dream actually occurring. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}} [[File:Woman writing on a notebook with a pen.jpg|Woman writing on a notebook with a pen|right|thumb|200px|'''Figure 2'''. Rewriting a recurring dreams ending is the core of image rehearsal therapy]] '''Case study: Natalie part 2''' During a stressful fortnight, the old dream returns and Natalie starts staying up late to avoid it. A psychologist suggests writing the dream down and giving it a new ending in which so she stops calling out and walks the other way, and rehearsing it every evening (see Figure 2). Within weeks the dream comes less often and bothers her less. Oddly, she cannot recall ever dreaming the new ending. So what helped? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ===Does changing a dream change how people feel?=== Dreams can be changed during sleep using sounds, smells, and touch, although reported success varies from 0% to about 80% (Salvesen et al, 2024). In one study, a sound paired with one of two evening tasks was replayed during REM sleep, and people dreamed more about the cued task. In an exploratory analysis, the more directly a task appeard in their dreams, the less negative they felt about it the next morning. This fits fear extinction theory, but the sound itself did not change their feelings, so a third factor (such as motivation) could explain both (Konkoly et al., 2025). In a clinical version, people with frequent [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Nightmares and emotion|nightmares]] rehearsed a rewritten nightmare, and half heard a sound paired with the new ending during REM sleep. They had fewer nightmares and more joyful dreams than patients who heard an unpaired sound. Yet their dreams almost never contained the rehearsed ending, and their nightmare distress, sleep quality, and mood improved no more than the comparison group (Schwartz et al., 2022). sleep may strengthen what was practised while awake, but with only 36 patients, small differences could be missed. ===Does the new ending need to be dreamed?=== ===Is less distress the same as better coping?=== ==Conclusion== Natalie wondered whether the dream helped her move on, showed that she was moving on, or gave her something to work with. the evidence favours the last two. REM sleep may help keep emotional memories, but whether it softens them is unconfirmed. Dream emotion carries into the next morning, as continuity predicts, rather than changing it overnight, as mood regulation predicts. Fear extinction fits the slower patterns but has not passed its most direct tests, and experiments can change dreams, yet improvement has not been shown to depend on the changed dream. The most defensible conclusion is that dreams reflect emotional processing and supply material that people regulate and reappraise while awake. Natalie's lit doorway is most likely a sign of change already under way, and what helped was what she did with it after waking. Whether dreaming itself causes adaptive coping remains an open, testable question. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}} '''Take-home messages''' * A nights sleep does not reliably take the sting out of an upsetting memory. * A distressing dream shows what someone is carrying, not whether healing is happening. * Dreams about a loss that carry real feeling tend to accompany recovery, even when the feelings are painful. * For a recurring distressing dream, working with it while awake, by facing or rewriting it, is the best supported step. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==See also== * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Coping and emotion|Coping and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Dreams and emotional problem-solving|Dreams and emotional problem-solving]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[w:Emotional self-regulation|Emotional self-regulation]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Nightmare disorder|Nightmare disorder]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Nightmares and emotion|Nightmares and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2020) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Baber, G. 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''Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews, 139'', 104717. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2022.104717 }} ==External links== * [https://www.sleepfoundation.org/nightmares/how-to-stop-having-nightmares How to prevent nightmares] (Sleep Foundation) * [https://shows.acast.com/sleep-science-pod/episodes/ep12-sleep-dreams-and-mental-health Sleep, dreams and mental health] (The Sleep Science Pod) * [https://www.media.mit.edu/projects/targeted-dream-incubation/overview/ Targeted dream incubation] (MIT Media Lab) * [https://theconversation.com/the-science-of-dreams-and-nightmares-what-is-going-on-in-our-brains-while-were-sleeping-210901 The science of dreams and nightmares – what is going on in our brains while we're sleeping?] (The Conversation) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Dreams]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] 767bivlj77d0f6i1xwroj29qtftiadk 2840344 2840343 2026-10-14T23:28:13Z U3270398 3108645 /* Does the new ending need to be dreamed? */ added paragraphs 2840344 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Dreams and emotional problem-solving:<br>How do REM dreams contribute to emotional processing and adaptive coping?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}} '''Case study: Natalie part 1 ''' [[File:Dreaming.jpg|Dreaming|right|thumb|250px|'''Figure 1'''. Natalie's recurring dream after her breakup leaves her feeling sad when she wakes]] Since her breakup, Natalie keeps having the same dream. She's been left behind somewhere, calling out to someone who never turns around (See Figure 1). When she wakes the details are gone, but the feeling stays. Then one night, after her first good day in weeks, the dream changes: she stops calling out, notices a lit doorway, and walks through it. She wakes feeling better, and that afternoon she finally packs away his things. Did the dream help her move on, show that she was already moving on, or give her something to work with once awake? {{RoundBoxBottom}} [[w:Dream|Dreams]] are reported after most awakenings from [[w:Rapid eye movement sleep|rapid eye movement (REM) sleep]] (Solms, 2000), and REM sleep has been proposed to act as a form of "overnight therapy" (Walker & van der Helm, 2009, p. 731). Whether dreams do that work or merely reflect it is still debated. ''Emotional processing'' is the overnight change in how well an emotional memory is kept or how strongly it is felt. [[w:Emotional self-regulation|''Emotion regulation'']] is any process, deliberate or automatic, that changes the course of an emotion (Gross, 2015). [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Coping and emotion|''Coping'']] is what people think and do to manage stressful situations, which is adaptive only when it fits the situation and improves outcomes (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004). A dream could reflect processing without regulating anything, and could regulate a feeling without improving coping. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=15}} '''Focus questions''' * How do REM sleep and dreaming each contribute to overnight emotional processing? * What do competing theories propose dreams do with emotion? * How is dream emotion related to the way people cope while awake? * What does deliberately changing dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == How do REM sleep and dreaming each contribute to overnight emotional processing? == REM sleep is a brain state, marked by rapid eye movements, an active brain, and a paralysed body. Dreaming is a conscious experience. Because the two usually coincide, findings about one are easily attributed to the other. ===REM sleep and emotional memories === The ''sleep to forget, sleep to remember'' model proposes that the brain replays recent emotional memories during REM sleep while [[wikipedia:Norepinephrine|noradrenaline]], a chemical messenger that drives arousal, is low (Walker & van der Helm, 2009). Replay in this calm state should keep a memory's content while weakening its emotional charge, so that last month's argument is remembered clearly but no longer makes the heart race. The model makes two predictions: emotional memories should be retained better after sleep, and ''emotional reactivity'', the strength of the response when the memory returns, should fall. If the charge persists, the process repeats on later nights, which may explain recurring dreams like Natalie's. Early brain imaging seemed to confirm the second prediction. When 34 participants viewed emotional pictures twice, 12 hours apart, responses in the [[w:Amygdala|amygdala]], a threat-detecting region, fell in those who slept between viewings and rose in those who stayed awake (van der Helm et al, 2011). However, low noradrenaline was inferred from brain waves, not measured directly. Broader evidence has been less supportive. A [[w:Meta-analysis|meta-analysis]] found no reliable change in bodlily reactions to negative pictures after sleep, although its five studies were too few to rule an effect in or out. People also rated negative pictures as more arousing after sleep, the opposite of "sleep to forget" (Lipinska et al., 2022). Removing REM sleep would be a better test, but it requires repeatdetly waking people, which stresses them, disrupts other sleep stages, and can itself cause low mood. Research therefore supports the "remember" half of the model better than the "forget" half (Pesonen et al., 2024), leaving the emotion role of REM sleep unconfirmed rather than disproven. ===What dreaming adds === Dreaming is more than REM sleep in disguise: it can stop after brain damage while REM sleep continues, and some dreams occur outside REM sleep (Solms, 2000). Only one study measured both. Lara-Carrasco et al. (2009) partly deprived some participants of REM sleep, collected their dreams, and had them rate negative pictures in the evening and next morning. Contrary to the model, less REM sleep went with a larger drop in arousal, whereas a less negative final dream went with finding the pictures less unpleasant by morning. REM sleep and emotion thus tracked different parts of the response, suggesting that dreaming contributes something of its own. A lingering negative dream could have influenced the morning ratings, although the hour that has passed made this less likely. Even so, the design cannot show whether the dream produced the overnight change or reflected it, which is exactly where the [[#What do competing theories propose dreams do with emotion?|theories]] disagree. {{Robelbox|theme={{{theme|11}}}|title=Quiz}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {Which statement best summarises the evidence on REM sleep? |type="()"} - REM sleep reliably reduces the emotional intensity of upsetting memories + REM sleep may help keep emotional memories, but evidence that it reduces their intensity is inconclusive </quiz> </div> {{Robelbox/close}} == What do competing theories propose dreams do with emotion? == All three leading theories accept that waking emotion shapes dream emotion, but they disagree about what dream emotion does next and, crucially, over what timescale (Sikka et al., 2022; see Table 1). {| class="wikitable" style="width:100%;" |+ style="text-align:left;" | '''Table 1'''<br />''Three theories of what dreams do with emotion'' |- ! scope="col" | ! scope="col" |Continuity hypothesis (Domhoff, 2019) ! scope="col" |Fear extinction theory (Nielson & Levin, 2007) ! scope="col" |Mood regulation theory (Cartwright et al., 1998) |- ! scope="row" |Core claim |Dreams simulate current concerns |Dreams place fear memories in safe new contexts |Dreams work through low mood over the full night |- ! scope="row" |Natalie's recurring dream means |She is still preoccupied with the loss |Extinction under heavy emotional load |Regulation not yet complete |- ! scope="row" |Main prediction |Dream emotion carries into the next morning |Fear gradually decreases |Mood is better by morning, if it was low |- ! scope="row" |Timescale |Immediate |Weeks, between people |One night |} === Continuity hypothesis === The continuity hypothesis holds that dreams dramatise whatever currently concerns the dreamer. In Domhoff's (2019) neurocognitive version, dreaming is an "embodied simulation" (p. 265) produced by the [[w:Default mode network|default mode network]], the brain network that also supports daydreaming. According to this view, Natalie's dream portrays her loss without repairing it, much as daydreaming about an ex-partner would. Domhoff concludes that an emotion-regulating function "remains highly unliklely, and at best inconclusive, after decades of research studies' (p.287), noting that a quarter or more of REM dream reports contain no emotion. The theory is parsimonious, but "mirroring" fits almost any link between dreams and waking life, so it can only be told apart from a functional theory when dream emotion predicts something that a waking mood alone does not. ===Fear extinction theory === [[w:Extinction (psychology)|Extinction]] occurs when a feared cue is met repeatedly without harm, so that a new safety memory forms and competes with the fear memory rather than erasing it. Nielson and Levin (2007) propose that dreams do this offline by recombining fragments of fear memories with safe, unrelated material. In their example, a dream of a dark alley shifts when "suddenly i found myself in a brightly lit street" (p.302), erasing the growing fear, much like Natalie's lit doorway. Two factors shape the outcome. ''Affect load'' is a state: the combined weight of recent stress on a person's capacity to regulate emotion. ''Affect distress'' is a trait: a long-standing tendency to react to emotional material with heightened distress (Nielson & Levin, 2007, p. 303). Bad dreams and nightmares lie on a continuum, and nightmares signal that extinction is struggling under heavy load, especially when affect distress is high. Natalie's recurring dream therefore reflects heavy load after the breakup, not a broken process. Because extinction is gradual, a frightening dream need not bring relief the next day, yet people whose dreams regularly engage fear should regulate better over weeks. The authors call the model "highly testable" (p. 304). In practice, though, recovery after a frightening dream can be read as extinction working and distress as extinction overloaded. Unless a successful dream is defined before results are known, almost any outcome can be accommodated. ===Mood regulation theory === Mood regulation theory proposes that successive REM dreams across one night work through low mood, shifting from negative towards positive emotion. Cartwright et al. (1998) tested this in 60 students without depression. Depressed mood fell overnight, and lower mood before sleep predicted a more negative first dream. Only the 10 students with the lowest pre-sleep mood showed the predicted sequence, with negative dreams early and more positive dreams later. The authors therefore proposed a threshold: dreams moderate mood only when unhappiness is "at lest modest" (p. 7). The threshold both protects and limits the theory. It explains why studies of contented people find little, but the core pattern rested on 10 people and was not formally tested, and Kramer's group, who first proposed the theory, once failed to replicate their own effect (Nielson & Levin, 2007). Mood also improved when REM periods were interrupted, so overnight relief did not depend on undisturbed dreaming. In short, mood regulation predicts relief by morning, continuity immediate carry-over, and fear extinction that builds over weeks. Waking mood and coping provide the tests. == How is dream emotion related to the way people cope while awake? == For Gross (2015), the defining feature of emotion regulation is "the activation of a goal to influence the emotion trajectory" (p. 5), a goal that can operate implicitly. A dream has no obvious goal, so any regulation it achieves must be implicit, and the coping question is whether its effects reach waking life. ''Within-person'' comparisons ask whether a persons worse negative dreams after followed by worse days, and ''between-person'' comparisons whether people who generally dream one way also cope differently. ===Next-morning mood === For five days, 40 adults rated their dream emotion and morning mood, then viewed negative pictures, sometimes while trying to [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Cognitive strategies and emotion regulation|reappraise]] them (Sikka et al., 2022). After more negative dreams, mornings felt worse. Yet dream emotion predicted neither how strongly people reacted to the pictures nor how well they regulated, and [[w:Bayes factor|Bayesian analyses]] strongly favoured no relationship. Across 4,715 days from 536 adults, frightening dreams were likewise followed by about 7% more negative morning mood (Barber et al., 2026). Dreams that mixed fear with joy, however, were followed by mornings more often free of negative mood. ===Comparing people === Between people, the pattern reverses. People with more fearful dreams on average reported more adaptive regulation strategies, such as reappraisal and acceptance, even after accounting for [[w:Neuroticism|neuroticism]], which was also linked to fearful dreaming (Barber et al., 2026). In 89 adults who kept a week-long dream diary, more dream fear went with calmer brain responses to frightening pictures: weaker amygdala activity and stronger activity in a regulating prefrontal region (Sterpenich et al., 2020). Agreement across self-rport and brain measures makes the credible, and it fits fear extinctions slow, trait-level prediction. However, the direction of influence is unclear, since good regulators may simply tolerate negative material better. Morning carry-over after frightening dreams was also stronger in good regulators (Barber et al., 2026). The authors suggest that these people may be more aware of their feelings, may reappraise the dream after waking (recognising it was only a dream), or may need a brief rise in negative feeling to desensitise, as in exposure therapy. The last two, they note, place regulation after waking, with the dream supplying material and the awake person doing the work. ===Dreaming through a real loss === Real loss offers the most demanding test. Cartwright et al. (2006) followed 30 adults going through a divorce, 20 of them depressed, collecting dreams from every REM period on three nights over 5 months. In those who later recovered from depression, dreams of the former spouse carried emotion, mostly negative, and were linked to other memories. Those who stayed depressed still dreamed of the spouse, but these dreams were largely flat and disconnected from other memories. recovery therefore accompanied dreams that engaged painfully with the loss rather than dreams that turned about positive, which fits fear extinction better than mood regulation. However, this comparison rested on six versus four people and was descriptive, and recovery from depression is an outcome, not a coping strategy. Coping itself has rarely been measured. Among 35 female undergraduates facing exams, those who dreamed about the exam reported less active problem-solving white awake, and waking reappraisal went with more problem-solving inside dreams (Delorne et al., 2002), suggesting that coping style influences dreams as much as the reverse. At every levell, dream emotion moves with feeling and adjustment, but because nobody was assigned a particular dream, none of these studies shows that dreams cause change. That requires [[#What does deliberately changing dreams dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping?|changing dreams]] on purpose. {{Robelbox|theme={{{theme|11}}}|title=Quiz}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {In the same person, what usually follows a night with a frightening dream? |type="()"} - Better emotion regulation the next day. + A somewhat worse morning mood. </quiz> </div> {{Robelbox/close}} == What does deliberately changing dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping? == The previous section showed that dream emotion moves with waking mood and coping, but not which drives which. Experiments can test this. If dreams do emotional work, changing a dream should change how someone feels, and the benefit should depend on the new dream actually occurring. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}} [[File:Woman writing on a notebook with a pen.jpg|Woman writing on a notebook with a pen|right|thumb|200px|'''Figure 2'''. Rewriting a recurring dreams ending is the core of image rehearsal therapy]] '''Case study: Natalie part 2''' During a stressful fortnight, the old dream returns and Natalie starts staying up late to avoid it. A psychologist suggests writing the dream down and giving it a new ending in which so she stops calling out and walks the other way, and rehearsing it every evening (see Figure 2). Within weeks the dream comes less often and bothers her less. Oddly, she cannot recall ever dreaming the new ending. So what helped? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ===Does changing a dream change how people feel?=== Dreams can be changed during sleep using sounds, smells, and touch, although reported success varies from 0% to about 80% (Salvesen et al, 2024). In one study, a sound paired with one of two evening tasks was replayed during REM sleep, and people dreamed more about the cued task. In an exploratory analysis, the more directly a task appeard in their dreams, the less negative they felt about it the next morning. This fits fear extinction theory, but the sound itself did not change their feelings, so a third factor (such as motivation) could explain both (Konkoly et al., 2025). In a clinical version, people with frequent [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Nightmares and emotion|nightmares]] rehearsed a rewritten nightmare, and half heard a sound paired with the new ending during REM sleep. They had fewer nightmares and more joyful dreams than patients who heard an unpaired sound. Yet their dreams almost never contained the rehearsed ending, and their nightmare distress, sleep quality, and mood improved no more than the comparison group (Schwartz et al., 2022). sleep may strengthen what was practised while awake, but with only 36 patients, small differences could be missed. ===Does the new ending need to be dreamed?=== Imagery rehearsal therapy, which rewrites and rehearses a nightmare, is recommended for [[w:Nightmare disorder|nightmare disorder]] (Morgenthaler et al., 2018), yet patients often improve without dreaming the new ending (Rousseau & Belleville, 2018). In fact re-imagining a nightmare exactly as it was reduced nightmares and distress about as much as rewriting it, compared with a waiting list (Kunze et al., 2017). This fits fear extinction, but with the safe re-exposure happening while awake. That trial could not show the two are equal, but in veterans with severe [[w:Post-traumatic stress disoder|PTSD]], therapy including imagery rehearsal also did no better than sleep-focused therapy without it (Cook et al., 2010; Harb et al., 2019). proposed reasons include a growing sense of control, changed beliefs about nightmares, and less avoidance, but few have been tested directly (Rousseau & Belleville, 2018). ===Is less distress the same as better coping?=== ==Conclusion== Natalie wondered whether the dream helped her move on, showed that she was moving on, or gave her something to work with. the evidence favours the last two. REM sleep may help keep emotional memories, but whether it softens them is unconfirmed. Dream emotion carries into the next morning, as continuity predicts, rather than changing it overnight, as mood regulation predicts. Fear extinction fits the slower patterns but has not passed its most direct tests, and experiments can change dreams, yet improvement has not been shown to depend on the changed dream. The most defensible conclusion is that dreams reflect emotional processing and supply material that people regulate and reappraise while awake. Natalie's lit doorway is most likely a sign of change already under way, and what helped was what she did with it after waking. Whether dreaming itself causes adaptive coping remains an open, testable question. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}} '''Take-home messages''' * A nights sleep does not reliably take the sting out of an upsetting memory. * A distressing dream shows what someone is carrying, not whether healing is happening. * Dreams about a loss that carry real feeling tend to accompany recovery, even when the feelings are painful. * For a recurring distressing dream, working with it while awake, by facing or rewriting it, is the best supported step. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==See also== * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Coping and emotion|Coping and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Dreams and emotional problem-solving|Dreams and emotional problem-solving]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[w:Emotional self-regulation|Emotional self-regulation]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Nightmare disorder|Nightmare disorder]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Nightmares and emotion|Nightmares and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2020) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Baber, G. 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''Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews, 139'', 104717. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2022.104717 }} ==External links== * [https://www.sleepfoundation.org/nightmares/how-to-stop-having-nightmares How to prevent nightmares] (Sleep Foundation) * [https://shows.acast.com/sleep-science-pod/episodes/ep12-sleep-dreams-and-mental-health Sleep, dreams and mental health] (The Sleep Science Pod) * [https://www.media.mit.edu/projects/targeted-dream-incubation/overview/ Targeted dream incubation] (MIT Media Lab) * [https://theconversation.com/the-science-of-dreams-and-nightmares-what-is-going-on-in-our-brains-while-were-sleeping-210901 The science of dreams and nightmares – what is going on in our brains while we're sleeping?] (The Conversation) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Dreams]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] 1keomr9qvclgsrqfmlzzvxflkioalsh 2840345 2840344 2026-10-14T23:35:31Z U3270398 3108645 /* Is less distress the same as better coping? */ added paragraphs 2840345 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Dreams and emotional problem-solving:<br>How do REM dreams contribute to emotional processing and adaptive coping?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}} '''Case study: Natalie part 1 ''' [[File:Dreaming.jpg|Dreaming|right|thumb|250px|'''Figure 1'''. Natalie's recurring dream after her breakup leaves her feeling sad when she wakes]] Since her breakup, Natalie keeps having the same dream. She's been left behind somewhere, calling out to someone who never turns around (See Figure 1). When she wakes the details are gone, but the feeling stays. Then one night, after her first good day in weeks, the dream changes: she stops calling out, notices a lit doorway, and walks through it. She wakes feeling better, and that afternoon she finally packs away his things. Did the dream help her move on, show that she was already moving on, or give her something to work with once awake? {{RoundBoxBottom}} [[w:Dream|Dreams]] are reported after most awakenings from [[w:Rapid eye movement sleep|rapid eye movement (REM) sleep]] (Solms, 2000), and REM sleep has been proposed to act as a form of "overnight therapy" (Walker & van der Helm, 2009, p. 731). Whether dreams do that work or merely reflect it is still debated. ''Emotional processing'' is the overnight change in how well an emotional memory is kept or how strongly it is felt. [[w:Emotional self-regulation|''Emotion regulation'']] is any process, deliberate or automatic, that changes the course of an emotion (Gross, 2015). [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Coping and emotion|''Coping'']] is what people think and do to manage stressful situations, which is adaptive only when it fits the situation and improves outcomes (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004). A dream could reflect processing without regulating anything, and could regulate a feeling without improving coping. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=15}} '''Focus questions''' * How do REM sleep and dreaming each contribute to overnight emotional processing? * What do competing theories propose dreams do with emotion? * How is dream emotion related to the way people cope while awake? * What does deliberately changing dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == How do REM sleep and dreaming each contribute to overnight emotional processing? == REM sleep is a brain state, marked by rapid eye movements, an active brain, and a paralysed body. Dreaming is a conscious experience. Because the two usually coincide, findings about one are easily attributed to the other. ===REM sleep and emotional memories === The ''sleep to forget, sleep to remember'' model proposes that the brain replays recent emotional memories during REM sleep while [[wikipedia:Norepinephrine|noradrenaline]], a chemical messenger that drives arousal, is low (Walker & van der Helm, 2009). Replay in this calm state should keep a memory's content while weakening its emotional charge, so that last month's argument is remembered clearly but no longer makes the heart race. The model makes two predictions: emotional memories should be retained better after sleep, and ''emotional reactivity'', the strength of the response when the memory returns, should fall. If the charge persists, the process repeats on later nights, which may explain recurring dreams like Natalie's. Early brain imaging seemed to confirm the second prediction. When 34 participants viewed emotional pictures twice, 12 hours apart, responses in the [[w:Amygdala|amygdala]], a threat-detecting region, fell in those who slept between viewings and rose in those who stayed awake (van der Helm et al, 2011). However, low noradrenaline was inferred from brain waves, not measured directly. Broader evidence has been less supportive. A [[w:Meta-analysis|meta-analysis]] found no reliable change in bodlily reactions to negative pictures after sleep, although its five studies were too few to rule an effect in or out. People also rated negative pictures as more arousing after sleep, the opposite of "sleep to forget" (Lipinska et al., 2022). Removing REM sleep would be a better test, but it requires repeatdetly waking people, which stresses them, disrupts other sleep stages, and can itself cause low mood. Research therefore supports the "remember" half of the model better than the "forget" half (Pesonen et al., 2024), leaving the emotion role of REM sleep unconfirmed rather than disproven. ===What dreaming adds === Dreaming is more than REM sleep in disguise: it can stop after brain damage while REM sleep continues, and some dreams occur outside REM sleep (Solms, 2000). Only one study measured both. Lara-Carrasco et al. (2009) partly deprived some participants of REM sleep, collected their dreams, and had them rate negative pictures in the evening and next morning. Contrary to the model, less REM sleep went with a larger drop in arousal, whereas a less negative final dream went with finding the pictures less unpleasant by morning. REM sleep and emotion thus tracked different parts of the response, suggesting that dreaming contributes something of its own. A lingering negative dream could have influenced the morning ratings, although the hour that has passed made this less likely. Even so, the design cannot show whether the dream produced the overnight change or reflected it, which is exactly where the [[#What do competing theories propose dreams do with emotion?|theories]] disagree. {{Robelbox|theme={{{theme|11}}}|title=Quiz}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {Which statement best summarises the evidence on REM sleep? |type="()"} - REM sleep reliably reduces the emotional intensity of upsetting memories + REM sleep may help keep emotional memories, but evidence that it reduces their intensity is inconclusive </quiz> </div> {{Robelbox/close}} == What do competing theories propose dreams do with emotion? == All three leading theories accept that waking emotion shapes dream emotion, but they disagree about what dream emotion does next and, crucially, over what timescale (Sikka et al., 2022; see Table 1). {| class="wikitable" style="width:100%;" |+ style="text-align:left;" | '''Table 1'''<br />''Three theories of what dreams do with emotion'' |- ! scope="col" | ! scope="col" |Continuity hypothesis (Domhoff, 2019) ! scope="col" |Fear extinction theory (Nielson & Levin, 2007) ! scope="col" |Mood regulation theory (Cartwright et al., 1998) |- ! scope="row" |Core claim |Dreams simulate current concerns |Dreams place fear memories in safe new contexts |Dreams work through low mood over the full night |- ! scope="row" |Natalie's recurring dream means |She is still preoccupied with the loss |Extinction under heavy emotional load |Regulation not yet complete |- ! scope="row" |Main prediction |Dream emotion carries into the next morning |Fear gradually decreases |Mood is better by morning, if it was low |- ! scope="row" |Timescale |Immediate |Weeks, between people |One night |} === Continuity hypothesis === The continuity hypothesis holds that dreams dramatise whatever currently concerns the dreamer. In Domhoff's (2019) neurocognitive version, dreaming is an "embodied simulation" (p. 265) produced by the [[w:Default mode network|default mode network]], the brain network that also supports daydreaming. According to this view, Natalie's dream portrays her loss without repairing it, much as daydreaming about an ex-partner would. Domhoff concludes that an emotion-regulating function "remains highly unliklely, and at best inconclusive, after decades of research studies' (p.287), noting that a quarter or more of REM dream reports contain no emotion. The theory is parsimonious, but "mirroring" fits almost any link between dreams and waking life, so it can only be told apart from a functional theory when dream emotion predicts something that a waking mood alone does not. ===Fear extinction theory === [[w:Extinction (psychology)|Extinction]] occurs when a feared cue is met repeatedly without harm, so that a new safety memory forms and competes with the fear memory rather than erasing it. Nielson and Levin (2007) propose that dreams do this offline by recombining fragments of fear memories with safe, unrelated material. In their example, a dream of a dark alley shifts when "suddenly i found myself in a brightly lit street" (p.302), erasing the growing fear, much like Natalie's lit doorway. Two factors shape the outcome. ''Affect load'' is a state: the combined weight of recent stress on a person's capacity to regulate emotion. ''Affect distress'' is a trait: a long-standing tendency to react to emotional material with heightened distress (Nielson & Levin, 2007, p. 303). Bad dreams and nightmares lie on a continuum, and nightmares signal that extinction is struggling under heavy load, especially when affect distress is high. Natalie's recurring dream therefore reflects heavy load after the breakup, not a broken process. Because extinction is gradual, a frightening dream need not bring relief the next day, yet people whose dreams regularly engage fear should regulate better over weeks. The authors call the model "highly testable" (p. 304). In practice, though, recovery after a frightening dream can be read as extinction working and distress as extinction overloaded. Unless a successful dream is defined before results are known, almost any outcome can be accommodated. ===Mood regulation theory === Mood regulation theory proposes that successive REM dreams across one night work through low mood, shifting from negative towards positive emotion. Cartwright et al. (1998) tested this in 60 students without depression. Depressed mood fell overnight, and lower mood before sleep predicted a more negative first dream. Only the 10 students with the lowest pre-sleep mood showed the predicted sequence, with negative dreams early and more positive dreams later. The authors therefore proposed a threshold: dreams moderate mood only when unhappiness is "at lest modest" (p. 7). The threshold both protects and limits the theory. It explains why studies of contented people find little, but the core pattern rested on 10 people and was not formally tested, and Kramer's group, who first proposed the theory, once failed to replicate their own effect (Nielson & Levin, 2007). Mood also improved when REM periods were interrupted, so overnight relief did not depend on undisturbed dreaming. In short, mood regulation predicts relief by morning, continuity immediate carry-over, and fear extinction that builds over weeks. Waking mood and coping provide the tests. == How is dream emotion related to the way people cope while awake? == For Gross (2015), the defining feature of emotion regulation is "the activation of a goal to influence the emotion trajectory" (p. 5), a goal that can operate implicitly. A dream has no obvious goal, so any regulation it achieves must be implicit, and the coping question is whether its effects reach waking life. ''Within-person'' comparisons ask whether a persons worse negative dreams after followed by worse days, and ''between-person'' comparisons whether people who generally dream one way also cope differently. ===Next-morning mood === For five days, 40 adults rated their dream emotion and morning mood, then viewed negative pictures, sometimes while trying to [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Cognitive strategies and emotion regulation|reappraise]] them (Sikka et al., 2022). After more negative dreams, mornings felt worse. Yet dream emotion predicted neither how strongly people reacted to the pictures nor how well they regulated, and [[w:Bayes factor|Bayesian analyses]] strongly favoured no relationship. Across 4,715 days from 536 adults, frightening dreams were likewise followed by about 7% more negative morning mood (Barber et al., 2026). Dreams that mixed fear with joy, however, were followed by mornings more often free of negative mood. ===Comparing people === Between people, the pattern reverses. People with more fearful dreams on average reported more adaptive regulation strategies, such as reappraisal and acceptance, even after accounting for [[w:Neuroticism|neuroticism]], which was also linked to fearful dreaming (Barber et al., 2026). In 89 adults who kept a week-long dream diary, more dream fear went with calmer brain responses to frightening pictures: weaker amygdala activity and stronger activity in a regulating prefrontal region (Sterpenich et al., 2020). Agreement across self-rport and brain measures makes the credible, and it fits fear extinctions slow, trait-level prediction. However, the direction of influence is unclear, since good regulators may simply tolerate negative material better. Morning carry-over after frightening dreams was also stronger in good regulators (Barber et al., 2026). The authors suggest that these people may be more aware of their feelings, may reappraise the dream after waking (recognising it was only a dream), or may need a brief rise in negative feeling to desensitise, as in exposure therapy. The last two, they note, place regulation after waking, with the dream supplying material and the awake person doing the work. ===Dreaming through a real loss === Real loss offers the most demanding test. Cartwright et al. (2006) followed 30 adults going through a divorce, 20 of them depressed, collecting dreams from every REM period on three nights over 5 months. In those who later recovered from depression, dreams of the former spouse carried emotion, mostly negative, and were linked to other memories. Those who stayed depressed still dreamed of the spouse, but these dreams were largely flat and disconnected from other memories. recovery therefore accompanied dreams that engaged painfully with the loss rather than dreams that turned about positive, which fits fear extinction better than mood regulation. However, this comparison rested on six versus four people and was descriptive, and recovery from depression is an outcome, not a coping strategy. Coping itself has rarely been measured. Among 35 female undergraduates facing exams, those who dreamed about the exam reported less active problem-solving white awake, and waking reappraisal went with more problem-solving inside dreams (Delorne et al., 2002), suggesting that coping style influences dreams as much as the reverse. At every levell, dream emotion moves with feeling and adjustment, but because nobody was assigned a particular dream, none of these studies shows that dreams cause change. That requires [[#What does deliberately changing dreams dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping?|changing dreams]] on purpose. {{Robelbox|theme={{{theme|11}}}|title=Quiz}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {In the same person, what usually follows a night with a frightening dream? |type="()"} - Better emotion regulation the next day. + A somewhat worse morning mood. </quiz> </div> {{Robelbox/close}} == What does deliberately changing dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping? == The previous section showed that dream emotion moves with waking mood and coping, but not which drives which. Experiments can test this. If dreams do emotional work, changing a dream should change how someone feels, and the benefit should depend on the new dream actually occurring. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}} [[File:Woman writing on a notebook with a pen.jpg|Woman writing on a notebook with a pen|right|thumb|200px|'''Figure 2'''. Rewriting a recurring dreams ending is the core of image rehearsal therapy]] '''Case study: Natalie part 2''' During a stressful fortnight, the old dream returns and Natalie starts staying up late to avoid it. A psychologist suggests writing the dream down and giving it a new ending in which so she stops calling out and walks the other way, and rehearsing it every evening (see Figure 2). Within weeks the dream comes less often and bothers her less. Oddly, she cannot recall ever dreaming the new ending. So what helped? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ===Does changing a dream change how people feel?=== Dreams can be changed during sleep using sounds, smells, and touch, although reported success varies from 0% to about 80% (Salvesen et al, 2024). In one study, a sound paired with one of two evening tasks was replayed during REM sleep, and people dreamed more about the cued task. In an exploratory analysis, the more directly a task appeard in their dreams, the less negative they felt about it the next morning. This fits fear extinction theory, but the sound itself did not change their feelings, so a third factor (such as motivation) could explain both (Konkoly et al., 2025). In a clinical version, people with frequent [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Nightmares and emotion|nightmares]] rehearsed a rewritten nightmare, and half heard a sound paired with the new ending during REM sleep. They had fewer nightmares and more joyful dreams than patients who heard an unpaired sound. Yet their dreams almost never contained the rehearsed ending, and their nightmare distress, sleep quality, and mood improved no more than the comparison group (Schwartz et al., 2022). sleep may strengthen what was practised while awake, but with only 36 patients, small differences could be missed. ===Does the new ending need to be dreamed?=== Imagery rehearsal therapy, which rewrites and rehearses a nightmare, is recommended for [[w:Nightmare disorder|nightmare disorder]] (Morgenthaler et al., 2018), yet patients often improve without dreaming the new ending (Rousseau & Belleville, 2018). In fact re-imagining a nightmare exactly as it was reduced nightmares and distress about as much as rewriting it, compared with a waiting list (Kunze et al., 2017). This fits fear extinction, but with the safe re-exposure happening while awake. That trial could not show the two are equal, but in veterans with severe [[w:Post-traumatic stress disoder|PTSD]], therapy including imagery rehearsal also did no better than sleep-focused therapy without it (Cook et al., 2010; Harb et al., 2019). proposed reasons include a growing sense of control, changed beliefs about nightmares, and less avoidance, but few have been tested directly (Rousseau & Belleville, 2018). ===Is less distress the same as better coping?=== Natalie's late nights are an example of [[w:Avoidance coping|avoidance coping]], which is common with bad dreams and nightmares and may keep them going (Rousseau & Belleville, 2018). Writing down and rehearing the dream is closer to emotional approach coping: actively processing a feeling rather than escaping it (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004). both are deliberate regulation while awake, not automatic processing during sleep (Gross, 2015). Less dream distress is not the same as adaptive coping, which requires better outcomes in the situation causing the stress (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004). These trials measured nightmares, sleep, and symptom, not how people handled the problems behind their dreams, and involved frequent nightmares rather than sad dreams like Natalie's. Deliberately changing dreams therefore reveals more about waking coping than about dreaming. Dreams can be changed, but emotional benefits have not been shown to depend on the changed dream. The research cannot say what helped Natalie, but it points away from the new ending and towards what she did while awake:: facing the dream instead of staying up to avoid it. ==Conclusion== Natalie wondered whether the dream helped her move on, showed that she was moving on, or gave her something to work with. the evidence favours the last two. REM sleep may help keep emotional memories, but whether it softens them is unconfirmed. Dream emotion carries into the next morning, as continuity predicts, rather than changing it overnight, as mood regulation predicts. Fear extinction fits the slower patterns but has not passed its most direct tests, and experiments can change dreams, yet improvement has not been shown to depend on the changed dream. The most defensible conclusion is that dreams reflect emotional processing and supply material that people regulate and reappraise while awake. Natalie's lit doorway is most likely a sign of change already under way, and what helped was what she did with it after waking. Whether dreaming itself causes adaptive coping remains an open, testable question. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}} '''Take-home messages''' * A nights sleep does not reliably take the sting out of an upsetting memory. * A distressing dream shows what someone is carrying, not whether healing is happening. * Dreams about a loss that carry real feeling tend to accompany recovery, even when the feelings are painful. * For a recurring distressing dream, working with it while awake, by facing or rewriting it, is the best supported step. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==See also== * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Coping and emotion|Coping and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Dreams and emotional problem-solving|Dreams and emotional problem-solving]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[w:Emotional self-regulation|Emotional self-regulation]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Nightmare disorder|Nightmare disorder]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Nightmares and emotion|Nightmares and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2020) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Baber, G. 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''Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews, 139'', 104717. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2022.104717 }} ==External links== * [https://www.sleepfoundation.org/nightmares/how-to-stop-having-nightmares How to prevent nightmares] (Sleep Foundation) * [https://shows.acast.com/sleep-science-pod/episodes/ep12-sleep-dreams-and-mental-health Sleep, dreams and mental health] (The Sleep Science Pod) * [https://www.media.mit.edu/projects/targeted-dream-incubation/overview/ Targeted dream incubation] (MIT Media Lab) * [https://theconversation.com/the-science-of-dreams-and-nightmares-what-is-going-on-in-our-brains-while-were-sleeping-210901 The science of dreams and nightmares – what is going on in our brains while we're sleeping?] (The Conversation) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Dreams]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] 2q302mi0oyhf4pem2y6gs2v08wak2lk 2840346 2840345 2026-10-14T23:36:33Z U3270398 3108645 /* What does deliberately changing dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping? */ moved case study? 2840346 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Dreams and emotional problem-solving:<br>How do REM dreams contribute to emotional processing and adaptive coping?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}} '''Case study: Natalie part 1 ''' [[File:Dreaming.jpg|Dreaming|right|thumb|250px|'''Figure 1'''. Natalie's recurring dream after her breakup leaves her feeling sad when she wakes]] Since her breakup, Natalie keeps having the same dream. She's been left behind somewhere, calling out to someone who never turns around (See Figure 1). When she wakes the details are gone, but the feeling stays. Then one night, after her first good day in weeks, the dream changes: she stops calling out, notices a lit doorway, and walks through it. She wakes feeling better, and that afternoon she finally packs away his things. Did the dream help her move on, show that she was already moving on, or give her something to work with once awake? {{RoundBoxBottom}} [[w:Dream|Dreams]] are reported after most awakenings from [[w:Rapid eye movement sleep|rapid eye movement (REM) sleep]] (Solms, 2000), and REM sleep has been proposed to act as a form of "overnight therapy" (Walker & van der Helm, 2009, p. 731). Whether dreams do that work or merely reflect it is still debated. ''Emotional processing'' is the overnight change in how well an emotional memory is kept or how strongly it is felt. [[w:Emotional self-regulation|''Emotion regulation'']] is any process, deliberate or automatic, that changes the course of an emotion (Gross, 2015). [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Coping and emotion|''Coping'']] is what people think and do to manage stressful situations, which is adaptive only when it fits the situation and improves outcomes (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004). A dream could reflect processing without regulating anything, and could regulate a feeling without improving coping. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=15}} '''Focus questions''' * How do REM sleep and dreaming each contribute to overnight emotional processing? * What do competing theories propose dreams do with emotion? * How is dream emotion related to the way people cope while awake? * What does deliberately changing dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == How do REM sleep and dreaming each contribute to overnight emotional processing? == REM sleep is a brain state, marked by rapid eye movements, an active brain, and a paralysed body. Dreaming is a conscious experience. Because the two usually coincide, findings about one are easily attributed to the other. ===REM sleep and emotional memories === The ''sleep to forget, sleep to remember'' model proposes that the brain replays recent emotional memories during REM sleep while [[wikipedia:Norepinephrine|noradrenaline]], a chemical messenger that drives arousal, is low (Walker & van der Helm, 2009). Replay in this calm state should keep a memory's content while weakening its emotional charge, so that last month's argument is remembered clearly but no longer makes the heart race. The model makes two predictions: emotional memories should be retained better after sleep, and ''emotional reactivity'', the strength of the response when the memory returns, should fall. If the charge persists, the process repeats on later nights, which may explain recurring dreams like Natalie's. Early brain imaging seemed to confirm the second prediction. When 34 participants viewed emotional pictures twice, 12 hours apart, responses in the [[w:Amygdala|amygdala]], a threat-detecting region, fell in those who slept between viewings and rose in those who stayed awake (van der Helm et al, 2011). However, low noradrenaline was inferred from brain waves, not measured directly. Broader evidence has been less supportive. A [[w:Meta-analysis|meta-analysis]] found no reliable change in bodlily reactions to negative pictures after sleep, although its five studies were too few to rule an effect in or out. People also rated negative pictures as more arousing after sleep, the opposite of "sleep to forget" (Lipinska et al., 2022). Removing REM sleep would be a better test, but it requires repeatdetly waking people, which stresses them, disrupts other sleep stages, and can itself cause low mood. Research therefore supports the "remember" half of the model better than the "forget" half (Pesonen et al., 2024), leaving the emotion role of REM sleep unconfirmed rather than disproven. ===What dreaming adds === Dreaming is more than REM sleep in disguise: it can stop after brain damage while REM sleep continues, and some dreams occur outside REM sleep (Solms, 2000). Only one study measured both. Lara-Carrasco et al. (2009) partly deprived some participants of REM sleep, collected their dreams, and had them rate negative pictures in the evening and next morning. Contrary to the model, less REM sleep went with a larger drop in arousal, whereas a less negative final dream went with finding the pictures less unpleasant by morning. REM sleep and emotion thus tracked different parts of the response, suggesting that dreaming contributes something of its own. A lingering negative dream could have influenced the morning ratings, although the hour that has passed made this less likely. Even so, the design cannot show whether the dream produced the overnight change or reflected it, which is exactly where the [[#What do competing theories propose dreams do with emotion?|theories]] disagree. {{Robelbox|theme={{{theme|11}}}|title=Quiz}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {Which statement best summarises the evidence on REM sleep? |type="()"} - REM sleep reliably reduces the emotional intensity of upsetting memories + REM sleep may help keep emotional memories, but evidence that it reduces their intensity is inconclusive </quiz> </div> {{Robelbox/close}} == What do competing theories propose dreams do with emotion? == All three leading theories accept that waking emotion shapes dream emotion, but they disagree about what dream emotion does next and, crucially, over what timescale (Sikka et al., 2022; see Table 1). {| class="wikitable" style="width:100%;" |+ style="text-align:left;" | '''Table 1'''<br />''Three theories of what dreams do with emotion'' |- ! scope="col" | ! scope="col" |Continuity hypothesis (Domhoff, 2019) ! scope="col" |Fear extinction theory (Nielson & Levin, 2007) ! scope="col" |Mood regulation theory (Cartwright et al., 1998) |- ! scope="row" |Core claim |Dreams simulate current concerns |Dreams place fear memories in safe new contexts |Dreams work through low mood over the full night |- ! scope="row" |Natalie's recurring dream means |She is still preoccupied with the loss |Extinction under heavy emotional load |Regulation not yet complete |- ! scope="row" |Main prediction |Dream emotion carries into the next morning |Fear gradually decreases |Mood is better by morning, if it was low |- ! scope="row" |Timescale |Immediate |Weeks, between people |One night |} === Continuity hypothesis === The continuity hypothesis holds that dreams dramatise whatever currently concerns the dreamer. In Domhoff's (2019) neurocognitive version, dreaming is an "embodied simulation" (p. 265) produced by the [[w:Default mode network|default mode network]], the brain network that also supports daydreaming. According to this view, Natalie's dream portrays her loss without repairing it, much as daydreaming about an ex-partner would. Domhoff concludes that an emotion-regulating function "remains highly unliklely, and at best inconclusive, after decades of research studies' (p.287), noting that a quarter or more of REM dream reports contain no emotion. The theory is parsimonious, but "mirroring" fits almost any link between dreams and waking life, so it can only be told apart from a functional theory when dream emotion predicts something that a waking mood alone does not. ===Fear extinction theory === [[w:Extinction (psychology)|Extinction]] occurs when a feared cue is met repeatedly without harm, so that a new safety memory forms and competes with the fear memory rather than erasing it. Nielson and Levin (2007) propose that dreams do this offline by recombining fragments of fear memories with safe, unrelated material. In their example, a dream of a dark alley shifts when "suddenly i found myself in a brightly lit street" (p.302), erasing the growing fear, much like Natalie's lit doorway. Two factors shape the outcome. ''Affect load'' is a state: the combined weight of recent stress on a person's capacity to regulate emotion. ''Affect distress'' is a trait: a long-standing tendency to react to emotional material with heightened distress (Nielson & Levin, 2007, p. 303). Bad dreams and nightmares lie on a continuum, and nightmares signal that extinction is struggling under heavy load, especially when affect distress is high. Natalie's recurring dream therefore reflects heavy load after the breakup, not a broken process. Because extinction is gradual, a frightening dream need not bring relief the next day, yet people whose dreams regularly engage fear should regulate better over weeks. The authors call the model "highly testable" (p. 304). In practice, though, recovery after a frightening dream can be read as extinction working and distress as extinction overloaded. Unless a successful dream is defined before results are known, almost any outcome can be accommodated. ===Mood regulation theory === Mood regulation theory proposes that successive REM dreams across one night work through low mood, shifting from negative towards positive emotion. Cartwright et al. (1998) tested this in 60 students without depression. Depressed mood fell overnight, and lower mood before sleep predicted a more negative first dream. Only the 10 students with the lowest pre-sleep mood showed the predicted sequence, with negative dreams early and more positive dreams later. The authors therefore proposed a threshold: dreams moderate mood only when unhappiness is "at lest modest" (p. 7). The threshold both protects and limits the theory. It explains why studies of contented people find little, but the core pattern rested on 10 people and was not formally tested, and Kramer's group, who first proposed the theory, once failed to replicate their own effect (Nielson & Levin, 2007). Mood also improved when REM periods were interrupted, so overnight relief did not depend on undisturbed dreaming. In short, mood regulation predicts relief by morning, continuity immediate carry-over, and fear extinction that builds over weeks. Waking mood and coping provide the tests. == How is dream emotion related to the way people cope while awake? == For Gross (2015), the defining feature of emotion regulation is "the activation of a goal to influence the emotion trajectory" (p. 5), a goal that can operate implicitly. A dream has no obvious goal, so any regulation it achieves must be implicit, and the coping question is whether its effects reach waking life. ''Within-person'' comparisons ask whether a persons worse negative dreams after followed by worse days, and ''between-person'' comparisons whether people who generally dream one way also cope differently. ===Next-morning mood === For five days, 40 adults rated their dream emotion and morning mood, then viewed negative pictures, sometimes while trying to [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Cognitive strategies and emotion regulation|reappraise]] them (Sikka et al., 2022). After more negative dreams, mornings felt worse. Yet dream emotion predicted neither how strongly people reacted to the pictures nor how well they regulated, and [[w:Bayes factor|Bayesian analyses]] strongly favoured no relationship. Across 4,715 days from 536 adults, frightening dreams were likewise followed by about 7% more negative morning mood (Barber et al., 2026). Dreams that mixed fear with joy, however, were followed by mornings more often free of negative mood. ===Comparing people === Between people, the pattern reverses. People with more fearful dreams on average reported more adaptive regulation strategies, such as reappraisal and acceptance, even after accounting for [[w:Neuroticism|neuroticism]], which was also linked to fearful dreaming (Barber et al., 2026). In 89 adults who kept a week-long dream diary, more dream fear went with calmer brain responses to frightening pictures: weaker amygdala activity and stronger activity in a regulating prefrontal region (Sterpenich et al., 2020). Agreement across self-rport and brain measures makes the credible, and it fits fear extinctions slow, trait-level prediction. However, the direction of influence is unclear, since good regulators may simply tolerate negative material better. Morning carry-over after frightening dreams was also stronger in good regulators (Barber et al., 2026). The authors suggest that these people may be more aware of their feelings, may reappraise the dream after waking (recognising it was only a dream), or may need a brief rise in negative feeling to desensitise, as in exposure therapy. The last two, they note, place regulation after waking, with the dream supplying material and the awake person doing the work. ===Dreaming through a real loss === Real loss offers the most demanding test. Cartwright et al. (2006) followed 30 adults going through a divorce, 20 of them depressed, collecting dreams from every REM period on three nights over 5 months. In those who later recovered from depression, dreams of the former spouse carried emotion, mostly negative, and were linked to other memories. Those who stayed depressed still dreamed of the spouse, but these dreams were largely flat and disconnected from other memories. recovery therefore accompanied dreams that engaged painfully with the loss rather than dreams that turned about positive, which fits fear extinction better than mood regulation. However, this comparison rested on six versus four people and was descriptive, and recovery from depression is an outcome, not a coping strategy. Coping itself has rarely been measured. Among 35 female undergraduates facing exams, those who dreamed about the exam reported less active problem-solving white awake, and waking reappraisal went with more problem-solving inside dreams (Delorne et al., 2002), suggesting that coping style influences dreams as much as the reverse. At every levell, dream emotion moves with feeling and adjustment, but because nobody was assigned a particular dream, none of these studies shows that dreams cause change. That requires [[#What does deliberately changing dreams dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping?|changing dreams]] on purpose. {{Robelbox|theme={{{theme|11}}}|title=Quiz}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {In the same person, what usually follows a night with a frightening dream? |type="()"} - Better emotion regulation the next day. + A somewhat worse morning mood. </quiz> </div> {{Robelbox/close}} == What does deliberately changing dreams reveal about their role in adaptive coping? == The previous section showed that dream emotion moves with waking mood and coping, but not which drives which. Experiments can test this. If dreams do emotional work, changing a dream should change how someone feels, and the benefit should depend on the new dream actually occurring. ===Does changing a dream change how people feel?=== Dreams can be changed during sleep using sounds, smells, and touch, although reported success varies from 0% to about 80% (Salvesen et al, 2024). In one study, a sound paired with one of two evening tasks was replayed during REM sleep, and people dreamed more about the cued task. In an exploratory analysis, the more directly a task appeard in their dreams, the less negative they felt about it the next morning. This fits fear extinction theory, but the sound itself did not change their feelings, so a third factor (such as motivation) could explain both (Konkoly et al., 2025). In a clinical version, people with frequent [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Nightmares and emotion|nightmares]] rehearsed a rewritten nightmare, and half heard a sound paired with the new ending during REM sleep. They had fewer nightmares and more joyful dreams than patients who heard an unpaired sound. Yet their dreams almost never contained the rehearsed ending, and their nightmare distress, sleep quality, and mood improved no more than the comparison group (Schwartz et al., 2022). sleep may strengthen what was practised while awake, but with only 36 patients, small differences could be missed. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}} [[File:Woman writing on a notebook with a pen.jpg|Woman writing on a notebook with a pen|right|thumb|200px|'''Figure 2'''. Rewriting a recurring dreams ending is the core of image rehearsal therapy]] '''Case study: Natalie part 2''' During a stressful fortnight, the old dream returns and Natalie starts staying up late to avoid it. A psychologist suggests writing the dream down and giving it a new ending in which so she stops calling out and walks the other way, and rehearsing it every evening (see Figure 2). Within weeks the dream comes less often and bothers her less. Oddly, she cannot recall ever dreaming the new ending. So what helped? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ===Does the new ending need to be dreamed?=== Imagery rehearsal therapy, which rewrites and rehearses a nightmare, is recommended for [[w:Nightmare disorder|nightmare disorder]] (Morgenthaler et al., 2018), yet patients often improve without dreaming the new ending (Rousseau & Belleville, 2018). In fact re-imagining a nightmare exactly as it was reduced nightmares and distress about as much as rewriting it, compared with a waiting list (Kunze et al., 2017). This fits fear extinction, but with the safe re-exposure happening while awake. That trial could not show the two are equal, but in veterans with severe [[w:Post-traumatic stress disoder|PTSD]], therapy including imagery rehearsal also did no better than sleep-focused therapy without it (Cook et al., 2010; Harb et al., 2019). proposed reasons include a growing sense of control, changed beliefs about nightmares, and less avoidance, but few have been tested directly (Rousseau & Belleville, 2018). ===Is less distress the same as better coping?=== Natalie's late nights are an example of [[w:Avoidance coping|avoidance coping]], which is common with bad dreams and nightmares and may keep them going (Rousseau & Belleville, 2018). Writing down and rehearing the dream is closer to emotional approach coping: actively processing a feeling rather than escaping it (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004). both are deliberate regulation while awake, not automatic processing during sleep (Gross, 2015). Less dream distress is not the same as adaptive coping, which requires better outcomes in the situation causing the stress (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2004). These trials measured nightmares, sleep, and symptom, not how people handled the problems behind their dreams, and involved frequent nightmares rather than sad dreams like Natalie's. Deliberately changing dreams therefore reveals more about waking coping than about dreaming. Dreams can be changed, but emotional benefits have not been shown to depend on the changed dream. The research cannot say what helped Natalie, but it points away from the new ending and towards what she did while awake:: facing the dream instead of staying up to avoid it. ==Conclusion== Natalie wondered whether the dream helped her move on, showed that she was moving on, or gave her something to work with. the evidence favours the last two. REM sleep may help keep emotional memories, but whether it softens them is unconfirmed. Dream emotion carries into the next morning, as continuity predicts, rather than changing it overnight, as mood regulation predicts. Fear extinction fits the slower patterns but has not passed its most direct tests, and experiments can change dreams, yet improvement has not been shown to depend on the changed dream. The most defensible conclusion is that dreams reflect emotional processing and supply material that people regulate and reappraise while awake. Natalie's lit doorway is most likely a sign of change already under way, and what helped was what she did with it after waking. Whether dreaming itself causes adaptive coping remains an open, testable question. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}} '''Take-home messages''' * A nights sleep does not reliably take the sting out of an upsetting memory. * A distressing dream shows what someone is carrying, not whether healing is happening. * Dreams about a loss that carry real feeling tend to accompany recovery, even when the feelings are painful. * For a recurring distressing dream, working with it while awake, by facing or rewriting it, is the best supported step. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==See also== * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Coping and emotion|Coping and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Dreams and emotional problem-solving|Dreams and emotional problem-solving]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[w:Emotional self-regulation|Emotional self-regulation]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Nightmare disorder|Nightmare disorder]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Nightmares and emotion|Nightmares and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2020) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Baber, G. 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''Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews, 139'', 104717. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2022.104717 }} ==External links== * [https://www.sleepfoundation.org/nightmares/how-to-stop-having-nightmares How to prevent nightmares] (Sleep Foundation) * [https://shows.acast.com/sleep-science-pod/episodes/ep12-sleep-dreams-and-mental-health Sleep, dreams and mental health] (The Sleep Science Pod) * [https://www.media.mit.edu/projects/targeted-dream-incubation/overview/ Targeted dream incubation] (MIT Media Lab) * [https://theconversation.com/the-science-of-dreams-and-nightmares-what-is-going-on-in-our-brains-while-were-sleeping-210901 The science of dreams and nightmares – what is going on in our brains while we're sleeping?] (The Conversation) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Dreams]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] m3d8401kox4ihyzpouw6vmrnam5b5nj 0 330079 2840222 2840202 2026-10-14T12:10:25Z Amyuniversity 3106627 /* Individual and social differences */ 2840222 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Body neutrality and emotional well-being:<br>How does a body-neutral perspective affect emotional well-being?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}}'''Consider this scenario...''' [[File:Woman with a rough life checking herself out in the mirror (8436629921).jpg|thumb|right|'''Figure 1.''' Woman looking at herself in the mirror]] Amanda is excitedly getting ready to go to a party with friends. Her excitement disappears when she looks in the mirror, beginning to compare her appearance to other women she knows. She focuses on what she perceives as flaws in her body, thinking about how she might be viewed by others at the event. As these thoughts become more intense, Amanda feels increasingly anxious and ashamed of her appearance. She considers making an excuse not to go as she worries she will be judged or that she does not look "good enough" to go out. Before texting the group chat to cancel, she stops. Amanda recognises how pumped she was seconds ago about this party, and how quickly this changes. She thinks, "Why is it that only after I look in the mirror, I believe I'm not worthy?". She realises how much her appearance has become closely connected with her emotions how she views her self-worth. Amanda decides to change the thought process. Instead of thinking "I will I look bad/good at this party" she thinks "I'm going to have to much fun at this party". This shifts the attention away from evaluating her appearance and more towards what her body allows her to do, such as spending time with friends, dancing, and enjoying the evening. Amanda also recognises that self-worth can come from many areas of her life, including her relationships, personality, interests, and achievements. She knows that negative thoughts about her appearance will still occur, but she's done with letting them determine whether she feels good about herself or whether she participates in activities she enjoys. Amanda does finishing touches to her hair, makeup, and outfit, before grabbing her bag and shoes. She leaves the house feeing better about herself and looking forward for the night ahead, all thanks to her discovery of a body-neutral perspective {{RoundBoxBottom}} Body neutrality is an approach to body image which focuses on accepting the body without any particular emotion or attention to one's physical appearance. This is an important concept because body dissatisfaction is common and has negative affects on emotional well-being, self-esteem and behaviour. These affects can lead to difficulties such as anxiety, depression, and psychological issues such as disordered eating. Social media, cultural and social idealised bodies, and appearance-based social comparison are important factors that contribute to how people evaluate their bodies. Psychological research somewhat explains how body-neutral perspectives may influence emotional-wellbeing through the examination of self-esteem, social comparison, self-compassion, psychological flexibility, and appearance-based self-worth. Understanding such psychological processes helps identify whether and how body neutrality may support a healthy body image and therefore emotional well-being. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * What is body neutrality, and how does it differ from other approaches to body image? * How can body image and appearance-related thinking influence emotional well-being? * How do social and cultural influences shape body image and the way we experience our bodies? * How might adopting a body-neutral perspect support emotional wellbeing?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding body neutrality == === Body image === The concept of body image has many interpretations. It was originally developed as a neurological concept, describing the brain's ability to detect weight, shape, size and form and incorporate these into core beliefs or mental frameworks (Lacey, 1986). This early definition of body image was known as 'the body percept' and focuses more on the accumulated sensory experience within one's body. The actual term 'body image' was coined by Paul Schilder (2013) who defined body image as "the picture of our own body which we form in our mind, that is to say the way in which the body appears to ourselves." Modern definitions of the term are far more in depth, explaining body image as something that is multidimensional that encompasses an individuals thoughts, feelings, attitudes, and behaviours regarding their physical appearance, body shape, size, weight, and how their body functions (Rodgers et al. 2023). Body image involves interconnected perceptual, cognitive, emotional, and behavioural components. These components explain how we percieve our bodies, develop beliefs about our appearance, experience body-related emotions, and respond through behaviour (Carey & Preston, 2019). * '''Perceptual''': How people perceive their body's size, shape, weight, and appearance. Perceptions may not always accurately reflect physical characteristics ** Example: perceiving your stomach to be bigger than it actually is * '''Cognitive''': Thoughts, beliefs, and evaluation individuals hold about their bodies. This includes beliefs about how attractive or important one's appearance is. ** Example: believing you need to lose weight to be considered attractive * '''Emotional''': Feelings associated with body appearance including satisfaction, confidence, shame, anxiety, or embarrassment ** Example: Feeling shame about your body when you compare to another person * '''Behavioural''': Actions people take in response to body image ** Example: Repeatedly checking appearance in mirrors or avoiding social situations due to being uncomfortable about appearance These components can be considered separately but they are best understood as interacting factors. For example, someone who may perceive their appearance negatively may develop critical thoughts about their body, experience feelings of shame or anxiety, and subsequently avoiding social situations, therefore displaying all body image components. === Development of body neutrality === The development of body neutrality is closely associated with Anne Poirier, who worked as a eating-disorder specialist and intuitive eating counsellor, helping popularise the approach through this work. Around 2015, body neutrality started to gain popularity in online spaces as a alternative way of discussing body image, with Poirer subsequently developing workshops around the concept (Nuss et al., 2026). Poirer's approach emphasised that people should not feel like they have to love their bodies. Instead, their attention should be on body functionality and recognising personal worth beyond physical appearance. Poirer's work helped bring body neutrality into wider discussions regarding body image. This includes popularity on social media such as Instagram or TikTok, which further increased visibility for the concept (Nuss et al., 2025). Despite its increasing popularity, there still is not an agreed-upon definition of body neutrality. The term is often used to describe reducing importance placed on physical appearance, accepting the body without required feelings, focusing on functionality, or responding to body-related thoughts without judgement. Although these ideas overlap, they do not necessarily describe the same psychological process. For example, trying to reduce the importance of appearance involves changing how much value is placed on physical attractiveness, whereas body functionality focuses on recognising what the body allows us to do. Similarly, accepting negative body related feelings does not necessarily mean that appearance has become unimportant. These differences make it difficult to establish a single definition that captures all the ways body neutrality is understood or practiced. '''*reference''' Body neutrality represents a promising approach to understanding body image by offering an alternative perspective that does not require feeling-focused attitudes towards appearance. Despite it's recent emergence and evolving definition, the concept is valuable because it helps navigate pressures surrounding body evaluation. === From body negativity to body positivity to body neutrality === Body image is best understood through the varying perspectives that people have. This ranges from negative evaluations of one's appearance, positive appreciation, and neutral acceptance. Body negativity involves dissatisfaction, criticism, or negative feelings towards one's body, often influenced by perceived flaws and societal beauty standards (Tort-Nasarre et al., 2021). Negative body image often contribute to lower self-esteem and emotional distress, including feelings of anxiety, sadness, and shame. It is also associated with disordered eating behaviours and other psychological difficulties, although these relationships are complex and do not effect everyone with body dissatisfaction (Abdoli et al., 2025). Body positivity is a opposing perspective because it involves encouragement in appreciating or accepting one's body regardless of shape, size, or appearance. The body positivity movement created visibility for body positive perspectives through social media, where people of all differing types of bodies challenges conventional beauty standards. The body positive movement originated with fat-acceptance activism, feminist and queer social movements, with a focused attention to the stigma and exclusion experienced by people whose bodies are marginalised because of body size, disability, gender expression, etc (Cohen et al., 2019). While this movement has messages of empowerment for many, some people have found the expectation to love and celebrate their bodies difficult to achieve. For those with a negative body image, being encouraged to replace negative feelings with positive ones may feel unrealistic or create pressure to feel confident when they simply do not. This does not mean that body positivity is ineffective, rather, it highlights that people relate to their bodies in different ways. This is where body neutrality comes in as a valuable alternative. For those who do not want to focus on loving their appearance, it allows them to accept their bodies without requiring positive feelings. Rather than judging body image by whether someone feels positivity or negatively about their looks, a neutral perspective allows for all feelings without them being the measure of personal worth. See table 1 for an overall comparison of these perspectives. {| class="wikitable sortable" |+Table 1. Comparing and Contrasting Body-image Concepts ! !Body negativity !Body positivity !Body neutrality |- |View of body |Negative evaluation |Positive appreciation |Acceptance without requiring positivity |- |Role of appearance | colspan="2" |High Importance |Reduced importance |- |Expected emotion |Shame, anxiety, distress |Pride, love, happiness |No particular feelings required |- |Basis of self-worth |May become appearance dependent |May include body appreciation |Broader than physical appearance |- |Psychological focus |Appearance evaluation |Appreciation and acceptance |Flexibility and reduced appearance centrality |- |Example thought |"I don't like how my body looks" |"I love and appreciate my body" |"I accept my body and my appearance does not determine my worth" |} == Body image and emotional wellbeing == === Appearance-based self-worth and emotional distress === Appearance-based self-worth is when individuals base their overall self-evaluation on whether they believe their physical attractiveness meets a certain standard. When appearance is a central focus, perceived flaws or concerns about looks becomes a central source of emotional distress. Findings from Adams et al. (2017) find that appearance-contingent self-worth is associated with greater-self objectification, which is linked to higher appearance anxiety and lower self-esteem. This suggests that people who place greater importance on appearance may become more concerned about if they meet beauty standards, causing vulnerabilities to their self-esteem because of appearance-related stress. For example, someone who believes their attractiveness determines worth may experience anxiety or shame when comparing themselves with others. This thinking can extend beyond body dissatisfaction and into how individuals evaluate themselves as a person overall. === Self-objectification and appearance monitoring === Self-objectification refers to viewing one's body from an outsider's perspective. There is great attention given to how the body looks rather than how it feels or functions. Appearance monitoring stems from this, and includes behaviours such as repeatedly checking mirrors, adjusting clothing to hide perceived flaws, or comparing one's appearance with others (Ahmed et al., 2025). Continually monitoring appearance can increase attention towards someone idea of a physical flaw and create greater concern about how other evaluate their body. This contributes to feelings body shame, appearance anxiety, and lower self-esteem, particularly for those who believe they do not meet expected standards (Sarda et al., 2025). When this behaviour continues, everyday situations may become opportunities for self-criticism and evaluation. Consequently, self-objectification and appearance monitoring negatively affects emotional well-being by making physical looks a source of worry and evaluation, reinforcing body dissatisfaction and increasing vulnerabilities to perceived physical imperfections. === Effects on everyday functioning === These concerning behaviours and thought processes about body image can affect how people participate in everyday activities, maintain relationships, and manage daily responsibilities. When one's attention is heavily directed towards appearance, it may be difficult to concentrate on other aspects of life. This can lead to avoidance behaviours such as not attending social events, exercising in public, or having photographs taken. Overtime, this avoidance limits social participation and prevents individuals from engaging in experiences they would otherwise enjoy. The consequences on daily life due to severe body image concerns can be illustrated through Diana's case study. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=7}} '''Case Study: Diana''' Diana is a 25-year-old with anorexia nervosa who was examined by Di Lernia et al. (2019). Diana sought treatment at an eating disorder centre following significant weight loss. Her issues with eating started when she began a restrictive diet due to health concerns. This caused her to develop persistent thoughts about calories, weight, and particular foods. Diana also experienced distorted perceptions of her body, repeatedly body checking in mirrors, and wearing clothes that would hide her figure. During periods of high distress, she reported frequently crying while looking at herself in the mirror. {{RoundBoxBottom}} This case study shows how body image can extend into eating behaviours, daily routines, and overall emotional wellbeing. Persistent concerns about food, weight, and body perception show how these thoughts can become a significant part of daily life and can cause severe negative emotional responses. Although this case involves [[wikipedia:Anorexia|anorexia nervosa]] and cannot represent all experiences of negative body image, it stands as a good example of how severe body image can coincide with distress and behaviours that distrupt daily functioning and therefore emotional wellbeing. == Social and cultural influences == [[File:Woman Montage (1).jpg|thumb|'''Figure 2.''' Faces and figures of women, showing how different groups depict beauty. ]] === Appearance ideals and cultural influence === Culture is one of the most influential aspects on the formation of body image as it shaped how individuals understand attractiveness and evaluate their appearance overall (Vincent et al., 2025). Societal values, historical impacts, and cultural expectations influence which body shapes or physical characteristics are considered desirable. Beauty ideals are not universal internationally, with all countries having differing appearance ideals. See Figure 2 for a board comparison of differing depictions of beauty. In many Western societies, thinness has been the ideal for beauty in women. However, ideals have shifted over time to include greater emphasis on curvier or more muscular bodies (Paudel et al., 2025). In Southeast Asia, preference for lighter skin is greatly influenced by historical class associations, [[wikipedia:Colorism|colourism]], and contemporary beauty industries (Khan & Khan, 2022). Across African countries and cultures, ideals also vary, with normal to overweight bodies being associated with beauty, prosperity or fertility in some contexts, while lighter skin and Eurocentric features have been favoured in others (Pradeilles et al., 2022). These ideals are largely based in culture and not necessarily the geographical regions in which they are developed. An example of this is shown through research involving South Asian women in the United Kingdom found that exposure to advertisements including white models reduce participants' satisfaction with their own skin colour, highlighting how culture and representation can change appearance evaluation (Craddock et al., 2025). This suggests that appearance ideals influence body image because individuals may encounter and internalise beauty standards associated with other cultures, making cultural influences and exposure to beauty ideals have significant impact on how individuals perceive and evaluate their bodies, regardless of where they live. The internalisation of such ideals contributes to body dissatisfaction when individuals adopt culturally prompted beauty standards as personal expectations and compare their appearance against them. An example of this is seen through research by Poloskov and Tracey (2013) that found internalisation of U.S beauty standards helped explain the relationship between [[wikipedia:Acculturation|acculturation]] towards dominant U.S culture and body dissatisfaction among Mexican American Women. Similar research by Negi et al. (2022) found that internalisation of the thin ideal accounted for the relationship between acculturation and body dissatisfaction among South and Southeast Asian women living in the United States. Such findings suggest the adoption of culturally valued appearance ideals are associated with greater dissatisfaction when individuals perceive a gap between their own appearance and standards they have internalised. === Effects of social media === Social media has amplified body dissatisfaction for many individuals because there is now increased exposure to idealised representations of physical appearance and encouragement of comparison with others. This exposure to beauty ideals on social media can negatively affect body image. These comparisons may contribute to dissatisfaction when individuals percieve their own appearance as falling short of standards presented online. Due to the fast-paced nature of social media trends, different body types and physical features quickly become fashionable or desirable, creating changing expectations around appearance. These trends are often reinforced through editing of photographs, beauty filters, and digitally altered images that present unrealistic or difficult-to-achieve beauty standards (Merino et al., 2024). As beauty trends change and edited images continue to circulate, social media users may experience ongoing pressure to modify their appearance to meet these unrealistic standards, potentially reinforcing body dissatisfaction and negatively affection emotional wellbeing. === Body neutrality, culture, and beauty standards === * body neutral content online? * cultures who already have body neutral perspective? examples? == Existing research on body neutrality == Intro: evaluating whether research supports the proposed relationship between body neutrality and emotional well-being === Evidence for benefits === * Findings provide preliminary support for potential emotional benefits of body neutrality * Research agrees that body neutrality is an acceptable and relevant approach for people experiencing body-image concerns (Pellizzer & Wade, 2023) * Body-neutral content produces improvements in mood, body satisfaction and hopelessness (Seekis & Lawrence, 2023) * Digital body neutral intervention produced improvements in body dissatisfaction and hopelessness (Smith et al., 2023) === Evidence is still mixed === * Research is promising but does not provide clear consensus * Researchers have not established that body neutrality is distinct from existing body-image approaches * Body neutrality overlaps with concepts such as body-acceptance, compassion and functionality appreciation (Mulgrew & Hinz, 2024) === The need for future research === * Long term studies are needed to establish if benefits are sustained - due to concept being fairly new * Future research should clarify what makes body neutrality distinct from existing approaches (Pellizzer & Wade, 2023) * Researchers should continue testing body-neutral interventions rather than relying primarily on related body-image constructs == Applying a body-neutral perspective == Intro: translating psychological principles of body neutrality into practical ways of changing body perception - how can the reader implement a body neutral perspective? === Changing body-related thinking === * Separating physical appearance from global self-worth may reduce appearance contingent self-evaluation * Notice negative body thoughts without treating them as facts or acting on them * Replace appearance-based judgements with more neutral descriptions of the body * Reduce all-or-nothing thinking, such as viewing your body as "good" or "bad" [[File:People hugging in the beach.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 3.''' Two people hugging showing an important sensory experience]] === From appearance to functionality === * Shifting attention toward health, strength, flexibility, and physical comfort * Recognising sensory experiences - seeing, hearing, moving * Appreciating what the body enables a person to experience and participate in * Valuing functionality without turning physical performance into another standard for evaluating the body (Alleva et al., 2023) === Healthier environments === * Developing media literacy helps critically evaluate idealisd body representations * Reducing exposure to appearance-focused content and opportunities for appearance comparison * Curating your environment and content consumed to reduce exposure to unrealistic body ideals (Fioravanti et al., 2022) ==Conclusion== * Arguably the most important section * Provide at least three bullet-points for this section even at the topic development stage, based on preliminary thinking * For the book chapter, develop clear take-home message(s) that address the focus questions based on psychological theory and research * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing this problem * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing the importan *A body-neutral perspective emphasises acceptance, functionality, and psychological flexibility, rather than requiring positivity * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing importance of appearance in self-worth and decreasing the emotional impact of negative body-related thoughts * Social and cultural influences continue to shape body image, therefore, body neutrality may be most effective alongside healthier approaches to managing appearance-focused environments * Research provides promising but preliminary evidence that body-neutral approaches can improve aspects of body and emotional well-being. However, more research is needed to establish long-term effectiveness as well as distinctiveness from other similar concepts * Overall message: the goal is not necessarily to love or feel positive about the body, but to reduce the extent to which your appearance determines emotional well-being. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Body_neutrality|Body neutrality]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Body neutrality and emotional well-being|Body neutrality and emotional well-being]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[wikipedia:Body_positivity|Body positivity]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Abdoli, M., Scotto Rosato, M., Desousa, A., & Cotrufo, P. (2024). Cultural differences in body image: A systematic review. ''Social Sciences (Basel)'', ''13''(6), 305. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci13060305 Adams, K. E., Tyler, J. M., Calogero, R., & Lee, J. (2017). Exploring the relationship between appearance-contingent self-worth and self-esteem: The roles of self-objectification and appearance anxiety. ''Body Image'', ''23'', 176–182. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2017.10.004 Ahmed, U., Fatima, Z., & Zulfiqar, Z. (2025). Media and body image: Analyzing self-objectification theory across different ages of women. ''SAGE Open'', ''15''(4), Article 21582440251379748. https://doi.org/10.1177/21582440251379748 Alleva, J. M., Atkinson, M. J., Vermeulen, W., Monpellier, V. M., & Martijn, C. (2023). Beyond body size: Focusing on body functionality to improve body image among women who have undergone bariatric surgery. ''Behavior Therapy'', ''54''(1), 14–28. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.beth.2022.06.007 Alleva, J. M., Holmqvist Gattario, K., Martijn, C., & Lunde, C. (2019). What can my body do vs. how does it look?: A qualitative analysis of young women and men’s descriptions of their body functionality or physical appearance. ''Body Image'', ''31'', 71–80. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2019.08.008 Fioravanti, G., Bocci Benucci, S., Ceragioli, G., & Casale, S. (2022). How the exposure to beauty ideals on social networking sites influences body image: A systematic review of experimental studies. ''Adolescent Research Review'', ''7''(3), 419–458. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40894-022-00179-4 Frederick, D. A., Forbes, M., Gentle, B., Reynolds, T. A., & Walters, T. (2012). Beauty standards. In ''Encyclopedia of human sexuality''. Wiley-Blackwell. Frederick, D. A., Gordon, A. R., Cook-Cottone, C. P., Brady, J. P., Reynolds, T. A., Alley, J., Garcia, J. R., Brown, T. A., Compte, E. J., Convertino, L., Crerand, C. E., Malcarne, V. L., Nagata, J. M., Parent, M. C., Pennesi, J.-L., Perez, M., Pila, E., Rodgers, R. F., Schaefer, L. M., … Murray, S. B. (2022). Demographic and sociocultural predictors of sexuality-related body image and sexual frequency: The U.S. Body Project I. ''Body Image'', ''41'', 109–127. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2022.01.010 Grogan, S. (2016). ''Body image: Understanding body dissatisfaction in men, women and children'' (3rd ed.). Routledge. Leboeuf, C. (2019). What is body positivity? The path from shame to pride. ''Philosophical Topics'', ''47''(2), 113–128. https://doi.org/10.5840/philtopics201947218 Mulgrew, K. E., & Hinz, A. (2024). What is body neutrality and how is it different to existing body image concepts? An analysis of experts and general community responses. ''Body Image'', ''51'', Article 101780. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101780 Paterna, A., Alcaraz‐Ibáñez, M., Fuller‐Tyszkiewicz, M., & Sicilia, Á. (2021). Internalization of body shape ideals and body dissatisfaction: A systematic review and meta‐analysis. ''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''54''(9), 1575–1600. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23568 Pellizzer, M. L., & Wade, T. D. (2023). Developing a definition of body neutrality and strategies for an intervention. ''Body Image'', ''46'', 434–442. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.07.006 Pomichter, E., Cepeda-Benito, A., Ahmadkaraji, S., & DePalma, J. P. (2025). Exploring male body image: A scoping review of measurement approaches and mental health implications. ''International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health'', ''22''(6), 834. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph22060834 Saunders, J. F., Nutter, S., Waugh, R., & Hayden, K. A. (2024). Testing body-related components of objectification theory: A meta-analysis of the relations between body shame, self-objectification, and body dissatisfaction. ''Body Image'', ''50'', Article 101738. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101738 Seekis, V., & Lawrence, R. K. (2023). How exposure to body neutrality content on TikTok affects young women’s body image and mood. ''Body Image'', ''47'', Article 101629. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.101629 Shontz, F. C. (1989). Development and structure of the body image, Vols. 1 and 2 [Rev. of ''Development and Structure of the Body Image, Volumes 1 and 2'']. ''Psychoanalytic Psychology'', ''6''(4), 503–507. https://doi.org/10.1037/0736-9735.6.4.503 Smith, A. C., Ahuvia, I., Ito, S., & Schleider, J. L. (2023). Project Body Neutrality: Piloting a digital single‐session intervention for adolescent body image and depression. ''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''56''(8), 1554–1569. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23976 Tylka, T. L., & Wood-Barcalow, N. L. (2015). What is and what is not positive body image? Conceptual foundations and construct definition. ''Body Image'', ''14'', 118–129. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2015.04.001 https://www.sciencedirect.com/sdfe/pdf/download/eid/1-s2.0-0022399986900966/first-page-pdf https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9970735/ https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychiatry/articles/10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00635/full https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/15598276261481490?casa_token=CLtVTca5fboAAAAA%3AVZXxdEaZIobOVIUNsqpuvNDYxboj26-mVH0q6wzArhtqivaE-lAE97I6k_favxKjw-E_XHvw-CpTqA https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2025-86318-001 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7908267/ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s40211-025-00544-4 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144518304595?casa_token=hdy0DS5cSAUAAAAA:kC46Z81NQanQQzq_0Muk0WbbEhXW-zrw1xPEe6MJC5UA-NPJn2Ts0k4IwkfiCs1gYaXm8i2UEaQ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1186/s40337-025-01353-4 https://www.mdpi.com/2227-9032/13/1/76 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11905045/ https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144525000099 https://academic.oup.com/bjd/article-abstract/187/S1/191/6700551 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/33593472/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/23809859/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/35923740/ https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11276240/ https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15213269.2016.1257392 }} ==External links== *[https://www.healthline.com/health/body-neutrality How to Shift from ‘Body Positivity’ to ‘Body Neutrality’ — and Why You Should] - Healthline *[https://www.nationaleatingdisorders.org/5-steps-body-neutrality/ 5 Steps to Body Neutrality] - NEDA *[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X2nBomd-mpY TedTalk - Existing: Body Neutrality and Beauty Standards | Sophia Vimol Horng] - YouTube [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Body image]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] a2m4wn2an0zw64qontdejao6j8aia6m 2840225 2840222 2026-10-14T12:15:00Z Amyuniversity 3106627 2840225 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__{{Title|7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!1=Body neutrality and emotional well-being: How a body-neutral perspective can affect emotional well-being}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}}'''Consider this scenario...''' [[File:Woman with a rough life checking herself out in the mirror (8436629921).jpg|thumb|right|'''Figure 1.''' Woman looking at herself in the mirror]] Amanda is excitedly getting ready to go to a party with friends. Her excitement disappears when she looks in the mirror, beginning to compare her appearance to other women she knows. She focuses on what she perceives as flaws in her body, thinking about how she might be viewed by others at the event. As these thoughts become more intense, Amanda feels increasingly anxious and ashamed of her appearance. She considers making an excuse not to go as she worries she will be judged or that she does not look "good enough" to go out. Before texting the group chat to cancel, she stops. Amanda recognises how pumped she was seconds ago about this party, and how quickly this changes. She thinks, "Why is it that only after I look in the mirror, I believe I'm not worthy?". She realises how much her appearance has become closely connected with her emotions how she views her self-worth. Amanda decides to change the thought process. Instead of thinking "I will I look bad/good at this party" she thinks "I'm going to have to much fun at this party". This shifts the attention away from evaluating her appearance and more towards what her body allows her to do, such as spending time with friends, dancing, and enjoying the evening. Amanda also recognises that self-worth can come from many areas of her life, including her relationships, personality, interests, and achievements. She knows that negative thoughts about her appearance will still occur, but she's done with letting them determine whether she feels good about herself or whether she participates in activities she enjoys. Amanda does finishing touches to her hair, makeup, and outfit, before grabbing her bag and shoes. She leaves the house feeing better about herself and looking forward for the night ahead, all thanks to her discovery of a body-neutral perspective {{RoundBoxBottom}} Body neutrality is an approach to body image which focuses on accepting the body without any particular emotion or attention to one's physical appearance. This is an important concept because body dissatisfaction is common and has negative affects on emotional well-being, self-esteem and behaviour. These affects can lead to difficulties such as anxiety, depression, and psychological issues such as disordered eating. Social media, cultural and social idealised bodies, and appearance-based social comparison are important factors that contribute to how people evaluate their bodies. Psychological research somewhat explains how body-neutral perspectives may influence emotional-wellbeing through the examination of self-esteem, social comparison, self-compassion, psychological flexibility, and appearance-based self-worth. Understanding such psychological processes helps identify whether and how body neutrality may support a healthy body image and therefore emotional well-being. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * What is body neutrality, and how does it differ from other approaches to body image? * How can body image and appearance-related thinking influence emotional well-being? * How do social and cultural influences shape body image and the way we experience our bodies? * How might adopting a body-neutral perspect support emotional wellbeing?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding body neutrality == === Body image === The concept of body image has many interpretations. It was originally developed as a neurological concept, describing the brain's ability to detect weight, shape, size and form and incorporate these into core beliefs or mental frameworks (Lacey, 1986). This early definition of body image was known as 'the body percept' and focuses more on the accumulated sensory experience within one's body. The actual term 'body image' was coined by Paul Schilder (2013) who defined body image as "the picture of our own body which we form in our mind, that is to say the way in which the body appears to ourselves." Modern definitions of the term are far more in depth, explaining body image as something that is multidimensional that encompasses an individuals thoughts, feelings, attitudes, and behaviours regarding their physical appearance, body shape, size, weight, and how their body functions (Rodgers et al. 2023). Body image involves interconnected perceptual, cognitive, emotional, and behavioural components. These components explain how we percieve our bodies, develop beliefs about our appearance, experience body-related emotions, and respond through behaviour (Carey & Preston, 2019). * '''Perceptual''': How people perceive their body's size, shape, weight, and appearance. Perceptions may not always accurately reflect physical characteristics ** Example: perceiving your stomach to be bigger than it actually is * '''Cognitive''': Thoughts, beliefs, and evaluation individuals hold about their bodies. This includes beliefs about how attractive or important one's appearance is. ** Example: believing you need to lose weight to be considered attractive * '''Emotional''': Feelings associated with body appearance including satisfaction, confidence, shame, anxiety, or embarrassment ** Example: Feeling shame about your body when you compare to another person * '''Behavioural''': Actions people take in response to body image ** Example: Repeatedly checking appearance in mirrors or avoiding social situations due to being uncomfortable about appearance These components can be considered separately but they are best understood as interacting factors. For example, someone who may perceive their appearance negatively may develop critical thoughts about their body, experience feelings of shame or anxiety, and subsequently avoiding social situations, therefore displaying all body image components. === Development of body neutrality === The development of body neutrality is closely associated with Anne Poirier, who worked as a eating-disorder specialist and intuitive eating counsellor, helping popularise the approach through this work. Around 2015, body neutrality started to gain popularity in online spaces as a alternative way of discussing body image, with Poirer subsequently developing workshops around the concept (Nuss et al., 2026). Poirer's approach emphasised that people should not feel like they have to love their bodies. Instead, their attention should be on body functionality and recognising personal worth beyond physical appearance. Poirer's work helped bring body neutrality into wider discussions regarding body image. This includes popularity on social media such as Instagram or TikTok, which further increased visibility for the concept (Nuss et al., 2025). Despite its increasing popularity, there still is not an agreed-upon definition of body neutrality. The term is often used to describe reducing importance placed on physical appearance, accepting the body without required feelings, focusing on functionality, or responding to body-related thoughts without judgement. Although these ideas overlap, they do not necessarily describe the same psychological process. For example, trying to reduce the importance of appearance involves changing how much value is placed on physical attractiveness, whereas body functionality focuses on recognising what the body allows us to do. Similarly, accepting negative body related feelings does not necessarily mean that appearance has become unimportant. These differences make it difficult to establish a single definition that captures all the ways body neutrality is understood or practiced. '''*reference''' Body neutrality represents a promising approach to understanding body image by offering an alternative perspective that does not require feeling-focused attitudes towards appearance. Despite it's recent emergence and evolving definition, the concept is valuable because it helps navigate pressures surrounding body evaluation. === From body negativity to body positivity to body neutrality === Body image is best understood through the varying perspectives that people have. This ranges from negative evaluations of one's appearance, positive appreciation, and neutral acceptance. Body negativity involves dissatisfaction, criticism, or negative feelings towards one's body, often influenced by perceived flaws and societal beauty standards (Tort-Nasarre et al., 2021). Negative body image often contribute to lower self-esteem and emotional distress, including feelings of anxiety, sadness, and shame. It is also associated with disordered eating behaviours and other psychological difficulties, although these relationships are complex and do not effect everyone with body dissatisfaction (Abdoli et al., 2025). Body positivity is a opposing perspective because it involves encouragement in appreciating or accepting one's body regardless of shape, size, or appearance. The body positivity movement created visibility for body positive perspectives through social media, where people of all differing types of bodies challenges conventional beauty standards. The body positive movement originated with fat-acceptance activism, feminist and queer social movements, with a focused attention to the stigma and exclusion experienced by people whose bodies are marginalised because of body size, disability, gender expression, etc (Cohen et al., 2019). While this movement has messages of empowerment for many, some people have found the expectation to love and celebrate their bodies difficult to achieve. For those with a negative body image, being encouraged to replace negative feelings with positive ones may feel unrealistic or create pressure to feel confident when they simply do not. This does not mean that body positivity is ineffective, rather, it highlights that people relate to their bodies in different ways. This is where body neutrality comes in as a valuable alternative. For those who do not want to focus on loving their appearance, it allows them to accept their bodies without requiring positive feelings. Rather than judging body image by whether someone feels positivity or negatively about their looks, a neutral perspective allows for all feelings without them being the measure of personal worth. See table 1 for an overall comparison of these perspectives. {| class="wikitable sortable" |+Table 1. Comparing and Contrasting Body-image Concepts ! !Body negativity !Body positivity !Body neutrality |- |View of body |Negative evaluation |Positive appreciation |Acceptance without requiring positivity |- |Role of appearance | colspan="2" |High Importance |Reduced importance |- |Expected emotion |Shame, anxiety, distress |Pride, love, happiness |No particular feelings required |- |Basis of self-worth |May become appearance dependent |May include body appreciation |Broader than physical appearance |- |Psychological focus |Appearance evaluation |Appreciation and acceptance |Flexibility and reduced appearance centrality |- |Example thought |"I don't like how my body looks" |"I love and appreciate my body" |"I accept my body and my appearance does not determine my worth" |} == Body image and emotional wellbeing == === Appearance-based self-worth and emotional distress === Appearance-based self-worth is when individuals base their overall self-evaluation on whether they believe their physical attractiveness meets a certain standard. When appearance is a central focus, perceived flaws or concerns about looks becomes a central source of emotional distress. Findings from Adams et al. (2017) find that appearance-contingent self-worth is associated with greater-self objectification, which is linked to higher appearance anxiety and lower self-esteem. This suggests that people who place greater importance on appearance may become more concerned about if they meet beauty standards, causing vulnerabilities to their self-esteem because of appearance-related stress. For example, someone who believes their attractiveness determines worth may experience anxiety or shame when comparing themselves with others. This thinking can extend beyond body dissatisfaction and into how individuals evaluate themselves as a person overall. === Self-objectification and appearance monitoring === Self-objectification refers to viewing one's body from an outsider's perspective. There is great attention given to how the body looks rather than how it feels or functions. Appearance monitoring stems from this, and includes behaviours such as repeatedly checking mirrors, adjusting clothing to hide perceived flaws, or comparing one's appearance with others (Ahmed et al., 2025). Continually monitoring appearance can increase attention towards someone idea of a physical flaw and create greater concern about how other evaluate their body. This contributes to feelings body shame, appearance anxiety, and lower self-esteem, particularly for those who believe they do not meet expected standards (Sarda et al., 2025). When this behaviour continues, everyday situations may become opportunities for self-criticism and evaluation. Consequently, self-objectification and appearance monitoring negatively affects emotional well-being by making physical looks a source of worry and evaluation, reinforcing body dissatisfaction and increasing vulnerabilities to perceived physical imperfections. === Effects on everyday functioning === These concerning behaviours and thought processes about body image can affect how people participate in everyday activities, maintain relationships, and manage daily responsibilities. When one's attention is heavily directed towards appearance, it may be difficult to concentrate on other aspects of life. This can lead to avoidance behaviours such as not attending social events, exercising in public, or having photographs taken. Overtime, this avoidance limits social participation and prevents individuals from engaging in experiences they would otherwise enjoy. The consequences on daily life due to severe body image concerns can be illustrated through Diana's case study. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=7}} '''Case Study: Diana''' Diana is a 25-year-old with anorexia nervosa who was examined by Di Lernia et al. (2019). Diana sought treatment at an eating disorder centre following significant weight loss. Her issues with eating started when she began a restrictive diet due to health concerns. This caused her to develop persistent thoughts about calories, weight, and particular foods. Diana also experienced distorted perceptions of her body, repeatedly body checking in mirrors, and wearing clothes that would hide her figure. During periods of high distress, she reported frequently crying while looking at herself in the mirror. {{RoundBoxBottom}} This case study shows how body image can extend into eating behaviours, daily routines, and overall emotional wellbeing. Persistent concerns about food, weight, and body perception show how these thoughts can become a significant part of daily life and can cause severe negative emotional responses. Although this case involves [[wikipedia:Anorexia|anorexia nervosa]] and cannot represent all experiences of negative body image, it stands as a good example of how severe body image can coincide with distress and behaviours that distrupt daily functioning and therefore emotional wellbeing. == Social and cultural influences == [[File:Woman Montage (1).jpg|thumb|'''Figure 2.''' Faces and figures of women, showing how different groups depict beauty. ]] === Appearance ideals and cultural influence === Culture is one of the most influential aspects on the formation of body image as it shaped how individuals understand attractiveness and evaluate their appearance overall (Vincent et al., 2025). Societal values, historical impacts, and cultural expectations influence which body shapes or physical characteristics are considered desirable. Beauty ideals are not universal internationally, with all countries having differing appearance ideals. See Figure 2 for a board comparison of differing depictions of beauty. In many Western societies, thinness has been the ideal for beauty in women. However, ideals have shifted over time to include greater emphasis on curvier or more muscular bodies (Paudel et al., 2025). In Southeast Asia, preference for lighter skin is greatly influenced by historical class associations, [[wikipedia:Colorism|colourism]], and contemporary beauty industries (Khan & Khan, 2022). Across African countries and cultures, ideals also vary, with normal to overweight bodies being associated with beauty, prosperity or fertility in some contexts, while lighter skin and Eurocentric features have been favoured in others (Pradeilles et al., 2022). These ideals are largely based in culture and not necessarily the geographical regions in which they are developed. An example of this is shown through research involving South Asian women in the United Kingdom found that exposure to advertisements including white models reduce participants' satisfaction with their own skin colour, highlighting how culture and representation can change appearance evaluation (Craddock et al., 2025). This suggests that appearance ideals influence body image because individuals may encounter and internalise beauty standards associated with other cultures, making cultural influences and exposure to beauty ideals have significant impact on how individuals perceive and evaluate their bodies, regardless of where they live. The internalisation of such ideals contributes to body dissatisfaction when individuals adopt culturally prompted beauty standards as personal expectations and compare their appearance against them. An example of this is seen through research by Poloskov and Tracey (2013) that found internalisation of U.S beauty standards helped explain the relationship between [[wikipedia:Acculturation|acculturation]] towards dominant U.S culture and body dissatisfaction among Mexican American Women. Similar research by Negi et al. (2022) found that internalisation of the thin ideal accounted for the relationship between acculturation and body dissatisfaction among South and Southeast Asian women living in the United States. Such findings suggest the adoption of culturally valued appearance ideals are associated with greater dissatisfaction when individuals perceive a gap between their own appearance and standards they have internalised. === Effects of social media === Social media has amplified body dissatisfaction for many individuals because there is now increased exposure to idealised representations of physical appearance and encouragement of comparison with others. This exposure to beauty ideals on social media can negatively affect body image. These comparisons may contribute to dissatisfaction when individuals percieve their own appearance as falling short of standards presented online. Due to the fast-paced nature of social media trends, different body types and physical features quickly become fashionable or desirable, creating changing expectations around appearance. These trends are often reinforced through editing of photographs, beauty filters, and digitally altered images that present unrealistic or difficult-to-achieve beauty standards (Merino et al., 2024). As beauty trends change and edited images continue to circulate, social media users may experience ongoing pressure to modify their appearance to meet these unrealistic standards, potentially reinforcing body dissatisfaction and negatively affection emotional wellbeing. === Body neutrality, culture, and beauty standards === * body neutral content online? * cultures who already have body neutral perspective? examples? == Existing research on body neutrality == Intro: evaluating whether research supports the proposed relationship between body neutrality and emotional well-being === Evidence for benefits === * Findings provide preliminary support for potential emotional benefits of body neutrality * Research agrees that body neutrality is an acceptable and relevant approach for people experiencing body-image concerns (Pellizzer & Wade, 2023) * Body-neutral content produces improvements in mood, body satisfaction and hopelessness (Seekis & Lawrence, 2023) * Digital body neutral intervention produced improvements in body dissatisfaction and hopelessness (Smith et al., 2023) === Evidence is still mixed === * Research is promising but does not provide clear consensus * Researchers have not established that body neutrality is distinct from existing body-image approaches * Body neutrality overlaps with concepts such as body-acceptance, compassion and functionality appreciation (Mulgrew & Hinz, 2024) === The need for future research === * Long term studies are needed to establish if benefits are sustained - due to concept being fairly new * Future research should clarify what makes body neutrality distinct from existing approaches (Pellizzer & Wade, 2023) * Researchers should continue testing body-neutral interventions rather than relying primarily on related body-image constructs == Applying a body-neutral perspective == Intro: translating psychological principles of body neutrality into practical ways of changing body perception - how can the reader implement a body neutral perspective? === Changing body-related thinking === * Separating physical appearance from global self-worth may reduce appearance contingent self-evaluation * Notice negative body thoughts without treating them as facts or acting on them * Replace appearance-based judgements with more neutral descriptions of the body * Reduce all-or-nothing thinking, such as viewing your body as "good" or "bad" [[File:People hugging in the beach.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 3.''' Two people hugging showing an important sensory experience]] === From appearance to functionality === * Shifting attention toward health, strength, flexibility, and physical comfort * Recognising sensory experiences - seeing, hearing, moving * Appreciating what the body enables a person to experience and participate in * Valuing functionality without turning physical performance into another standard for evaluating the body (Alleva et al., 2023) === Healthier environments === * Developing media literacy helps critically evaluate idealisd body representations * Reducing exposure to appearance-focused content and opportunities for appearance comparison * Curating your environment and content consumed to reduce exposure to unrealistic body ideals (Fioravanti et al., 2022) ==Conclusion== * Arguably the most important section * Provide at least three bullet-points for this section even at the topic development stage, based on preliminary thinking * For the book chapter, develop clear take-home message(s) that address the focus questions based on psychological theory and research * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing this problem * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing the importan *A body-neutral perspective emphasises acceptance, functionality, and psychological flexibility, rather than requiring positivity * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing importance of appearance in self-worth and decreasing the emotional impact of negative body-related thoughts * Social and cultural influences continue to shape body image, therefore, body neutrality may be most effective alongside healthier approaches to managing appearance-focused environments * Research provides promising but preliminary evidence that body-neutral approaches can improve aspects of body and emotional well-being. However, more research is needed to establish long-term effectiveness as well as distinctiveness from other similar concepts * Overall message: the goal is not necessarily to love or feel positive about the body, but to reduce the extent to which your appearance determines emotional well-being. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Body_neutrality|Body neutrality]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Body neutrality and emotional well-being|Body neutrality and emotional well-being]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[wikipedia:Body_positivity|Body positivity]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Abdoli, M., Scotto Rosato, M., Desousa, A., & Cotrufo, P. (2024). Cultural differences in body image: A systematic review. 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What can my body do vs. how does it look?: A qualitative analysis of young women and men’s descriptions of their body functionality or physical appearance. ''Body Image'', ''31'', 71–80. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2019.08.008 Fioravanti, G., Bocci Benucci, S., Ceragioli, G., & Casale, S. (2022). How the exposure to beauty ideals on social networking sites influences body image: A systematic review of experimental studies. ''Adolescent Research Review'', ''7''(3), 419–458. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40894-022-00179-4 Frederick, D. A., Forbes, M., Gentle, B., Reynolds, T. A., & Walters, T. (2012). Beauty standards. In ''Encyclopedia of human sexuality''. Wiley-Blackwell. Frederick, D. A., Gordon, A. R., Cook-Cottone, C. P., Brady, J. P., Reynolds, T. A., Alley, J., Garcia, J. R., Brown, T. A., Compte, E. J., Convertino, L., Crerand, C. E., Malcarne, V. L., Nagata, J. M., Parent, M. C., Pennesi, J.-L., Perez, M., Pila, E., Rodgers, R. F., Schaefer, L. M., … Murray, S. B. (2022). Demographic and sociocultural predictors of sexuality-related body image and sexual frequency: The U.S. Body Project I. ''Body Image'', ''41'', 109–127. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2022.01.010 Grogan, S. (2016). ''Body image: Understanding body dissatisfaction in men, women and children'' (3rd ed.). Routledge. Leboeuf, C. (2019). What is body positivity? The path from shame to pride. ''Philosophical Topics'', ''47''(2), 113–128. https://doi.org/10.5840/philtopics201947218 Mulgrew, K. E., & Hinz, A. (2024). What is body neutrality and how is it different to existing body image concepts? An analysis of experts and general community responses. ''Body Image'', ''51'', Article 101780. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101780 Paterna, A., Alcaraz‐Ibáñez, M., Fuller‐Tyszkiewicz, M., & Sicilia, Á. (2021). Internalization of body shape ideals and body dissatisfaction: A systematic review and meta‐analysis. ''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''54''(9), 1575–1600. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23568 Pellizzer, M. L., & Wade, T. D. (2023). Developing a definition of body neutrality and strategies for an intervention. ''Body Image'', ''46'', 434–442. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.07.006 Pomichter, E., Cepeda-Benito, A., Ahmadkaraji, S., & DePalma, J. P. (2025). Exploring male body image: A scoping review of measurement approaches and mental health implications. ''International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health'', ''22''(6), 834. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph22060834 Saunders, J. F., Nutter, S., Waugh, R., & Hayden, K. A. (2024). Testing body-related components of objectification theory: A meta-analysis of the relations between body shame, self-objectification, and body dissatisfaction. ''Body Image'', ''50'', Article 101738. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101738 Seekis, V., & Lawrence, R. K. (2023). How exposure to body neutrality content on TikTok affects young women’s body image and mood. ''Body Image'', ''47'', Article 101629. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.101629 Shontz, F. C. (1989). Development and structure of the body image, Vols. 1 and 2 [Rev. of ''Development and Structure of the Body Image, Volumes 1 and 2'']. ''Psychoanalytic Psychology'', ''6''(4), 503–507. https://doi.org/10.1037/0736-9735.6.4.503 Smith, A. C., Ahuvia, I., Ito, S., & Schleider, J. L. (2023). Project Body Neutrality: Piloting a digital single‐session intervention for adolescent body image and depression. ''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''56''(8), 1554–1569. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23976 Tylka, T. L., & Wood-Barcalow, N. L. (2015). What is and what is not positive body image? Conceptual foundations and construct definition. ''Body Image'', ''14'', 118–129. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2015.04.001 https://www.sciencedirect.com/sdfe/pdf/download/eid/1-s2.0-0022399986900966/first-page-pdf https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9970735/ https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychiatry/articles/10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00635/full https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/15598276261481490?casa_token=CLtVTca5fboAAAAA%3AVZXxdEaZIobOVIUNsqpuvNDYxboj26-mVH0q6wzArhtqivaE-lAE97I6k_favxKjw-E_XHvw-CpTqA https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2025-86318-001 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7908267/ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s40211-025-00544-4 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144518304595?casa_token=hdy0DS5cSAUAAAAA:kC46Z81NQanQQzq_0Muk0WbbEhXW-zrw1xPEe6MJC5UA-NPJn2Ts0k4IwkfiCs1gYaXm8i2UEaQ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1186/s40337-025-01353-4 https://www.mdpi.com/2227-9032/13/1/76 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11905045/ https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144525000099 https://academic.oup.com/bjd/article-abstract/187/S1/191/6700551 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/33593472/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/23809859/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/35923740/ https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11276240/ https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15213269.2016.1257392 }} ==External links== *[https://www.healthline.com/health/body-neutrality How to Shift from ‘Body Positivity’ to ‘Body Neutrality’ — and Why You Should] - Healthline *[https://www.nationaleatingdisorders.org/5-steps-body-neutrality/ 5 Steps to Body Neutrality] - NEDA *[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X2nBomd-mpY TedTalk - Existing: Body Neutrality and Beauty Standards | Sophia Vimol Horng] - YouTube [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Body image]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] tka6mbw9gia0sdkxtmlzmmv6vx3lh6v 2840259 2840225 2026-10-14T12:50:05Z Amyuniversity 3106627 /* Body neutrality, culture, and beauty standards */ 2840259 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__{{Title|7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!1=Body neutrality and emotional well-being: How a body-neutral perspective can affect emotional well-being}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}}'''Consider this scenario...''' [[File:Woman with a rough life checking herself out in the mirror (8436629921).jpg|thumb|right|'''Figure 1.''' Woman looking at herself in the mirror]] Amanda is excitedly getting ready to go to a party with friends. Her excitement disappears when she looks in the mirror, beginning to compare her appearance to other women she knows. She focuses on what she perceives as flaws in her body, thinking about how she might be viewed by others at the event. As these thoughts become more intense, Amanda feels increasingly anxious and ashamed of her appearance. She considers making an excuse not to go as she worries she will be judged or that she does not look "good enough" to go out. Before texting the group chat to cancel, she stops. Amanda recognises how pumped she was seconds ago about this party, and how quickly this changes. She thinks, "Why is it that only after I look in the mirror, I believe I'm not worthy?". She realises how much her appearance has become closely connected with her emotions how she views her self-worth. Amanda decides to change the thought process. Instead of thinking "I will I look bad/good at this party" she thinks "I'm going to have to much fun at this party". This shifts the attention away from evaluating her appearance and more towards what her body allows her to do, such as spending time with friends, dancing, and enjoying the evening. Amanda also recognises that self-worth can come from many areas of her life, including her relationships, personality, interests, and achievements. She knows that negative thoughts about her appearance will still occur, but she's done with letting them determine whether she feels good about herself or whether she participates in activities she enjoys. Amanda does finishing touches to her hair, makeup, and outfit, before grabbing her bag and shoes. She leaves the house feeing better about herself and looking forward for the night ahead, all thanks to her discovery of a body-neutral perspective {{RoundBoxBottom}} Body neutrality is an approach to body image which focuses on accepting the body without any particular emotion or attention to one's physical appearance. This is an important concept because body dissatisfaction is common and has negative affects on emotional well-being, self-esteem and behaviour. These affects can lead to difficulties such as anxiety, depression, and psychological issues such as disordered eating. Social media, cultural and social idealised bodies, and appearance-based social comparison are important factors that contribute to how people evaluate their bodies. Psychological research somewhat explains how body-neutral perspectives may influence emotional-wellbeing through the examination of self-esteem, social comparison, self-compassion, psychological flexibility, and appearance-based self-worth. Understanding such psychological processes helps identify whether and how body neutrality may support a healthy body image and therefore emotional well-being. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * What is body neutrality, and how does it differ from other approaches to body image? * How can body image and appearance-related thinking influence emotional well-being? * How do social and cultural influences shape body image and the way we experience our bodies? * How might adopting a body-neutral perspect support emotional wellbeing?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding body neutrality == === Body image === The concept of body image has many interpretations. It was originally developed as a neurological concept, describing the brain's ability to detect weight, shape, size and form and incorporate these into core beliefs or mental frameworks (Lacey, 1986). This early definition of body image was known as 'the body percept' and focuses more on the accumulated sensory experience within one's body. The actual term 'body image' was coined by Paul Schilder (2013) who defined body image as "the picture of our own body which we form in our mind, that is to say the way in which the body appears to ourselves." Modern definitions of the term are far more in depth, explaining body image as something that is multidimensional that encompasses an individuals thoughts, feelings, attitudes, and behaviours regarding their physical appearance, body shape, size, weight, and how their body functions (Rodgers et al. 2023). Body image involves interconnected perceptual, cognitive, emotional, and behavioural components. These components explain how we percieve our bodies, develop beliefs about our appearance, experience body-related emotions, and respond through behaviour (Carey & Preston, 2019). * '''Perceptual''': How people perceive their body's size, shape, weight, and appearance. Perceptions may not always accurately reflect physical characteristics ** Example: perceiving your stomach to be bigger than it actually is * '''Cognitive''': Thoughts, beliefs, and evaluation individuals hold about their bodies. This includes beliefs about how attractive or important one's appearance is. ** Example: believing you need to lose weight to be considered attractive * '''Emotional''': Feelings associated with body appearance including satisfaction, confidence, shame, anxiety, or embarrassment ** Example: Feeling shame about your body when you compare to another person * '''Behavioural''': Actions people take in response to body image ** Example: Repeatedly checking appearance in mirrors or avoiding social situations due to being uncomfortable about appearance These components can be considered separately but they are best understood as interacting factors. For example, someone who may perceive their appearance negatively may develop critical thoughts about their body, experience feelings of shame or anxiety, and subsequently avoiding social situations, therefore displaying all body image components. === Development of body neutrality === The development of body neutrality is closely associated with Anne Poirier, who worked as a eating-disorder specialist and intuitive eating counsellor, helping popularise the approach through this work. Around 2015, body neutrality started to gain popularity in online spaces as a alternative way of discussing body image, with Poirer subsequently developing workshops around the concept (Nuss et al., 2026). Poirer's approach emphasised that people should not feel like they have to love their bodies. Instead, their attention should be on body functionality and recognising personal worth beyond physical appearance. Poirer's work helped bring body neutrality into wider discussions regarding body image. This includes popularity on social media such as Instagram or TikTok, which further increased visibility for the concept (Nuss et al., 2025). Despite its increasing popularity, there still is not an agreed-upon definition of body neutrality. The term is often used to describe reducing importance placed on physical appearance, accepting the body without required feelings, focusing on functionality, or responding to body-related thoughts without judgement. Although these ideas overlap, they do not necessarily describe the same psychological process. For example, trying to reduce the importance of appearance involves changing how much value is placed on physical attractiveness, whereas body functionality focuses on recognising what the body allows us to do. Similarly, accepting negative body related feelings does not necessarily mean that appearance has become unimportant. These differences make it difficult to establish a single definition that captures all the ways body neutrality is understood or practiced. '''*reference''' Body neutrality represents a promising approach to understanding body image by offering an alternative perspective that does not require feeling-focused attitudes towards appearance. Despite it's recent emergence and evolving definition, the concept is valuable because it helps navigate pressures surrounding body evaluation. === From body negativity to body positivity to body neutrality === Body image is best understood through the varying perspectives that people have. This ranges from negative evaluations of one's appearance, positive appreciation, and neutral acceptance. Body negativity involves dissatisfaction, criticism, or negative feelings towards one's body, often influenced by perceived flaws and societal beauty standards (Tort-Nasarre et al., 2021). Negative body image often contribute to lower self-esteem and emotional distress, including feelings of anxiety, sadness, and shame. It is also associated with disordered eating behaviours and other psychological difficulties, although these relationships are complex and do not effect everyone with body dissatisfaction (Abdoli et al., 2025). Body positivity is a opposing perspective because it involves encouragement in appreciating or accepting one's body regardless of shape, size, or appearance. The body positivity movement created visibility for body positive perspectives through social media, where people of all differing types of bodies challenges conventional beauty standards. The body positive movement originated with fat-acceptance activism, feminist and queer social movements, with a focused attention to the stigma and exclusion experienced by people whose bodies are marginalised because of body size, disability, gender expression, etc (Cohen et al., 2019). While this movement has messages of empowerment for many, some people have found the expectation to love and celebrate their bodies difficult to achieve. For those with a negative body image, being encouraged to replace negative feelings with positive ones may feel unrealistic or create pressure to feel confident when they simply do not. This does not mean that body positivity is ineffective, rather, it highlights that people relate to their bodies in different ways. This is where body neutrality comes in as a valuable alternative. For those who do not want to focus on loving their appearance, it allows them to accept their bodies without requiring positive feelings. Rather than judging body image by whether someone feels positivity or negatively about their looks, a neutral perspective allows for all feelings without them being the measure of personal worth. See table 1 for an overall comparison of these perspectives. {| class="wikitable sortable" |+Table 1. Comparing and Contrasting Body-image Concepts ! !Body negativity !Body positivity !Body neutrality |- |View of body |Negative evaluation |Positive appreciation |Acceptance without requiring positivity |- |Role of appearance | colspan="2" |High Importance |Reduced importance |- |Expected emotion |Shame, anxiety, distress |Pride, love, happiness |No particular feelings required |- |Basis of self-worth |May become appearance dependent |May include body appreciation |Broader than physical appearance |- |Psychological focus |Appearance evaluation |Appreciation and acceptance |Flexibility and reduced appearance centrality |- |Example thought |"I don't like how my body looks" |"I love and appreciate my body" |"I accept my body and my appearance does not determine my worth" |} == Body image and emotional wellbeing == === Appearance-based self-worth and emotional distress === Appearance-based self-worth is when individuals base their overall self-evaluation on whether they believe their physical attractiveness meets a certain standard. When appearance is a central focus, perceived flaws or concerns about looks becomes a central source of emotional distress. Findings from Adams et al. (2017) find that appearance-contingent self-worth is associated with greater-self objectification, which is linked to higher appearance anxiety and lower self-esteem. This suggests that people who place greater importance on appearance may become more concerned about if they meet beauty standards, causing vulnerabilities to their self-esteem because of appearance-related stress. For example, someone who believes their attractiveness determines worth may experience anxiety or shame when comparing themselves with others. This thinking can extend beyond body dissatisfaction and into how individuals evaluate themselves as a person overall. === Self-objectification and appearance monitoring === Self-objectification refers to viewing one's body from an outsider's perspective. There is great attention given to how the body looks rather than how it feels or functions. Appearance monitoring stems from this, and includes behaviours such as repeatedly checking mirrors, adjusting clothing to hide perceived flaws, or comparing one's appearance with others (Ahmed et al., 2025). Continually monitoring appearance can increase attention towards someone idea of a physical flaw and create greater concern about how other evaluate their body. This contributes to feelings body shame, appearance anxiety, and lower self-esteem, particularly for those who believe they do not meet expected standards (Sarda et al., 2025). When this behaviour continues, everyday situations may become opportunities for self-criticism and evaluation. Consequently, self-objectification and appearance monitoring negatively affects emotional well-being by making physical looks a source of worry and evaluation, reinforcing body dissatisfaction and increasing vulnerabilities to perceived physical imperfections. === Effects on everyday functioning === These concerning behaviours and thought processes about body image can affect how people participate in everyday activities, maintain relationships, and manage daily responsibilities. When one's attention is heavily directed towards appearance, it may be difficult to concentrate on other aspects of life. This can lead to avoidance behaviours such as not attending social events, exercising in public, or having photographs taken. Overtime, this avoidance limits social participation and prevents individuals from engaging in experiences they would otherwise enjoy. The consequences on daily life due to severe body image concerns can be illustrated through Diana's case study. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=7}} '''Case Study: Diana''' Diana is a 25-year-old with anorexia nervosa who was examined by Di Lernia et al. (2019). Diana sought treatment at an eating disorder centre following significant weight loss. Her issues with eating started when she began a restrictive diet due to health concerns. This caused her to develop persistent thoughts about calories, weight, and particular foods. Diana also experienced distorted perceptions of her body, repeatedly body checking in mirrors, and wearing clothes that would hide her figure. During periods of high distress, she reported frequently crying while looking at herself in the mirror. {{RoundBoxBottom}} This case study shows how body image can extend into eating behaviours, daily routines, and overall emotional wellbeing. Persistent concerns about food, weight, and body perception show how these thoughts can become a significant part of daily life and can cause severe negative emotional responses. Although this case involves [[wikipedia:Anorexia|anorexia nervosa]] and cannot represent all experiences of negative body image, it stands as a good example of how severe body image can coincide with distress and behaviours that distrupt daily functioning and therefore emotional wellbeing. == Social and cultural influences == [[File:Woman Montage (1).jpg|thumb|'''Figure 2.''' Faces and figures of women, showing how different groups depict beauty. ]] === Appearance ideals and cultural influence === Culture is one of the most influential aspects on the formation of body image as it shaped how individuals understand attractiveness and evaluate their appearance overall (Vincent et al., 2025). Societal values, historical impacts, and cultural expectations influence which body shapes or physical characteristics are considered desirable. Beauty ideals are not universal internationally, with all countries having differing appearance ideals. See Figure 2 for a board comparison of differing depictions of beauty. In many Western societies, thinness has been the ideal for beauty in women. However, ideals have shifted over time to include greater emphasis on curvier or more muscular bodies (Paudel et al., 2025). In Southeast Asia, preference for lighter skin is greatly influenced by historical class associations, [[wikipedia:Colorism|colourism]], and contemporary beauty industries (Khan & Khan, 2022). Across African countries and cultures, ideals also vary, with normal to overweight bodies being associated with beauty, prosperity or fertility in some contexts, while lighter skin and Eurocentric features have been favoured in others (Pradeilles et al., 2022). These ideals are largely based in culture and not necessarily the geographical regions in which they are developed. An example of this is shown through research involving South Asian women in the United Kingdom found that exposure to advertisements including white models reduce participants' satisfaction with their own skin colour, highlighting how culture and representation can change appearance evaluation (Craddock et al., 2025). This suggests that appearance ideals influence body image because individuals may encounter and internalise beauty standards associated with other cultures, making cultural influences and exposure to beauty ideals have significant impact on how individuals perceive and evaluate their bodies, regardless of where they live. The internalisation of such ideals contributes to body dissatisfaction when individuals adopt culturally prompted beauty standards as personal expectations and compare their appearance against them. An example of this is seen through research by Poloskov and Tracey (2013) that found internalisation of U.S beauty standards helped explain the relationship between [[wikipedia:Acculturation|acculturation]] towards dominant U.S culture and body dissatisfaction among Mexican American Women. Similar research by Negi et al. (2022) found that internalisation of the thin ideal accounted for the relationship between acculturation and body dissatisfaction among South and Southeast Asian women living in the United States. Such findings suggest the adoption of culturally valued appearance ideals are associated with greater dissatisfaction when individuals perceive a gap between their own appearance and standards they have internalised. === Cultural perspectives that overlap with body neutrality === Although body neutrality is a relatively recent concept in psychological research, some cultural perspectives share overlapping aspects of its emphasis on valuing the body beyond physical appearance. An example of this is described by Martin and Latner (2025) who state how [[wikipedia:Native_Hawaiians|Kānaka Maoli]] or Indigenous Hawaiian cultural knowledge systems foster appreciation of body functionality through connections to land, community, spirituality and movement. Similarly, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women in Australia found that cultural identity and sense of belonging could help against negative body image experiences (Chalmers et al., 2022). These examples highlight how perspectives that overlap with body neutrality such as valuing body functionality, relationships, community, and connections to land, can be reflected within differing cultural contexts. Although these examples may not explicitly identify as body neutrality, they share very similar emphasis on thought processes. === Social media === Social media has amplified body dissatisfaction for many individuals because there is now increased exposure to idealised representations of physical appearance and encouragement of comparison with others. This exposure to beauty ideals on social media can negatively affect body image. These comparisons may contribute to dissatisfaction when individuals perceive their own appearance as falling short of standards presented online. Due to the fast-paced nature of social media trends, different body types and physical features quickly become fashionable or desirable, creating changing expectations around appearance. These trends are often reinforced through editing of photographs, beauty filters, and digitally altered images that present unrealistic or difficult-to-achieve beauty standards (Merino et al., 2024). As beauty trends change and edited images continue to circulate, social media users may experience ongoing pressure to modify their appearance to meet these unrealistic standards, potentially reinforcing body dissatisfaction and negatively affection emotional wellbeing. Despite social media's negative effects of body image, it has also been able to gain visibility for the body neutral perspective through platforms like TikTok. == Existing research on body neutrality == Intro: evaluating whether research supports the proposed relationship between body neutrality and emotional well-being === Evidence for benefits === * Findings provide preliminary support for potential emotional benefits of body neutrality * Research agrees that body neutrality is an acceptable and relevant approach for people experiencing body-image concerns (Pellizzer & Wade, 2023) * Body-neutral content produces improvements in mood, body satisfaction and hopelessness (Seekis & Lawrence, 2023) * Digital body neutral intervention produced improvements in body dissatisfaction and hopelessness (Smith et al., 2023) === Evidence is still mixed === * Research is promising but does not provide clear consensus * Researchers have not established that body neutrality is distinct from existing body-image approaches * Body neutrality overlaps with concepts such as body-acceptance, compassion and functionality appreciation (Mulgrew & Hinz, 2024) === The need for future research === * Long term studies are needed to establish if benefits are sustained - due to concept being fairly new * Future research should clarify what makes body neutrality distinct from existing approaches (Pellizzer & Wade, 2023) * Researchers should continue testing body-neutral interventions rather than relying primarily on related body-image constructs == Applying a body-neutral perspective == Intro: translating psychological principles of body neutrality into practical ways of changing body perception - how can the reader implement a body neutral perspective? === Changing body-related thinking === * Separating physical appearance from global self-worth may reduce appearance contingent self-evaluation * Notice negative body thoughts without treating them as facts or acting on them * Replace appearance-based judgements with more neutral descriptions of the body * Reduce all-or-nothing thinking, such as viewing your body as "good" or "bad" [[File:People hugging in the beach.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 3.''' Two people hugging showing an important sensory experience]] === From appearance to functionality === * Shifting attention toward health, strength, flexibility, and physical comfort * Recognising sensory experiences - seeing, hearing, moving * Appreciating what the body enables a person to experience and participate in * Valuing functionality without turning physical performance into another standard for evaluating the body (Alleva et al., 2023) === Healthier environments === * Developing media literacy helps critically evaluate idealisd body representations * Reducing exposure to appearance-focused content and opportunities for appearance comparison * Curating your environment and content consumed to reduce exposure to unrealistic body ideals (Fioravanti et al., 2022) ==Conclusion== * Arguably the most important section * Provide at least three bullet-points for this section even at the topic development stage, based on preliminary thinking * For the book chapter, develop clear take-home message(s) that address the focus questions based on psychological theory and research * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing this problem * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing the importan *A body-neutral perspective emphasises acceptance, functionality, and psychological flexibility, rather than requiring positivity * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing importance of appearance in self-worth and decreasing the emotional impact of negative body-related thoughts * Social and cultural influences continue to shape body image, therefore, body neutrality may be most effective alongside healthier approaches to managing appearance-focused environments * Research provides promising but preliminary evidence that body-neutral approaches can improve aspects of body and emotional well-being. However, more research is needed to establish long-term effectiveness as well as distinctiveness from other similar concepts * Overall message: the goal is not necessarily to love or feel positive about the body, but to reduce the extent to which your appearance determines emotional well-being. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Body_neutrality|Body neutrality]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Body neutrality and emotional well-being|Body neutrality and emotional well-being]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[wikipedia:Body_positivity|Body positivity]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Abdoli, M., Scotto Rosato, M., Desousa, A., & Cotrufo, P. (2024). Cultural differences in body image: A systematic review. 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What can my body do vs. how does it look?: A qualitative analysis of young women and men’s descriptions of their body functionality or physical appearance. ''Body Image'', ''31'', 71–80. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2019.08.008 Fioravanti, G., Bocci Benucci, S., Ceragioli, G., & Casale, S. (2022). How the exposure to beauty ideals on social networking sites influences body image: A systematic review of experimental studies. ''Adolescent Research Review'', ''7''(3), 419–458. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40894-022-00179-4 Frederick, D. A., Forbes, M., Gentle, B., Reynolds, T. A., & Walters, T. (2012). Beauty standards. In ''Encyclopedia of human sexuality''. Wiley-Blackwell. Frederick, D. A., Gordon, A. R., Cook-Cottone, C. P., Brady, J. P., Reynolds, T. A., Alley, J., Garcia, J. R., Brown, T. A., Compte, E. J., Convertino, L., Crerand, C. E., Malcarne, V. L., Nagata, J. M., Parent, M. C., Pennesi, J.-L., Perez, M., Pila, E., Rodgers, R. F., Schaefer, L. M., … Murray, S. B. (2022). Demographic and sociocultural predictors of sexuality-related body image and sexual frequency: The U.S. Body Project I. ''Body Image'', ''41'', 109–127. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2022.01.010 Grogan, S. (2016). ''Body image: Understanding body dissatisfaction in men, women and children'' (3rd ed.). Routledge. Leboeuf, C. (2019). What is body positivity? The path from shame to pride. ''Philosophical Topics'', ''47''(2), 113–128. https://doi.org/10.5840/philtopics201947218 Mulgrew, K. E., & Hinz, A. (2024). What is body neutrality and how is it different to existing body image concepts? An analysis of experts and general community responses. ''Body Image'', ''51'', Article 101780. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101780 Paterna, A., Alcaraz‐Ibáñez, M., Fuller‐Tyszkiewicz, M., & Sicilia, Á. (2021). Internalization of body shape ideals and body dissatisfaction: A systematic review and meta‐analysis. ''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''54''(9), 1575–1600. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23568 Pellizzer, M. L., & Wade, T. D. (2023). Developing a definition of body neutrality and strategies for an intervention. ''Body Image'', ''46'', 434–442. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.07.006 Pomichter, E., Cepeda-Benito, A., Ahmadkaraji, S., & DePalma, J. P. (2025). Exploring male body image: A scoping review of measurement approaches and mental health implications. ''International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health'', ''22''(6), 834. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph22060834 Saunders, J. F., Nutter, S., Waugh, R., & Hayden, K. A. (2024). Testing body-related components of objectification theory: A meta-analysis of the relations between body shame, self-objectification, and body dissatisfaction. ''Body Image'', ''50'', Article 101738. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101738 Seekis, V., & Lawrence, R. K. (2023). How exposure to body neutrality content on TikTok affects young women’s body image and mood. ''Body Image'', ''47'', Article 101629. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.101629 Shontz, F. C. (1989). Development and structure of the body image, Vols. 1 and 2 [Rev. of ''Development and Structure of the Body Image, Volumes 1 and 2'']. ''Psychoanalytic Psychology'', ''6''(4), 503–507. https://doi.org/10.1037/0736-9735.6.4.503 Smith, A. C., Ahuvia, I., Ito, S., & Schleider, J. L. (2023). Project Body Neutrality: Piloting a digital single‐session intervention for adolescent body image and depression. ''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''56''(8), 1554–1569. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23976 Tylka, T. L., & Wood-Barcalow, N. L. (2015). What is and what is not positive body image? Conceptual foundations and construct definition. ''Body Image'', ''14'', 118–129. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2015.04.001 https://www.sciencedirect.com/sdfe/pdf/download/eid/1-s2.0-0022399986900966/first-page-pdf https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9970735/ https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychiatry/articles/10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00635/full https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/15598276261481490?casa_token=CLtVTca5fboAAAAA%3AVZXxdEaZIobOVIUNsqpuvNDYxboj26-mVH0q6wzArhtqivaE-lAE97I6k_favxKjw-E_XHvw-CpTqA https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2025-86318-001 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7908267/ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s40211-025-00544-4 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144518304595?casa_token=hdy0DS5cSAUAAAAA:kC46Z81NQanQQzq_0Muk0WbbEhXW-zrw1xPEe6MJC5UA-NPJn2Ts0k4IwkfiCs1gYaXm8i2UEaQ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1186/s40337-025-01353-4 https://www.mdpi.com/2227-9032/13/1/76 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11905045/ https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144525000099 https://academic.oup.com/bjd/article-abstract/187/S1/191/6700551 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/33593472/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/23809859/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/35923740/ https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11276240/ https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15213269.2016.1257392 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/40513252/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36347166/ }} ==External links== *[https://www.healthline.com/health/body-neutrality How to Shift from ‘Body Positivity’ to ‘Body Neutrality’ — and Why You Should] - Healthline *[https://www.nationaleatingdisorders.org/5-steps-body-neutrality/ 5 Steps to Body Neutrality] - NEDA *[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X2nBomd-mpY TedTalk - Existing: Body Neutrality and Beauty Standards | Sophia Vimol Horng] - YouTube [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Body image]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] my4qq2nhuevv9ko80zk3pf130yvbjxj 2840264 2840259 2026-10-14T13:08:55Z Amyuniversity 3106627 /* Social media */ 2840264 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__{{Title|7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!1=Body neutrality and emotional well-being: How a body-neutral perspective can affect emotional well-being}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}}'''Consider this scenario...''' [[File:Woman with a rough life checking herself out in the mirror (8436629921).jpg|thumb|right|'''Figure 1.''' Woman looking at herself in the mirror]] Amanda is excitedly getting ready to go to a party with friends. Her excitement disappears when she looks in the mirror, beginning to compare her appearance to other women she knows. She focuses on what she perceives as flaws in her body, thinking about how she might be viewed by others at the event. As these thoughts become more intense, Amanda feels increasingly anxious and ashamed of her appearance. She considers making an excuse not to go as she worries she will be judged or that she does not look "good enough" to go out. Before texting the group chat to cancel, she stops. Amanda recognises how pumped she was seconds ago about this party, and how quickly this changes. She thinks, "Why is it that only after I look in the mirror, I believe I'm not worthy?". She realises how much her appearance has become closely connected with her emotions how she views her self-worth. Amanda decides to change the thought process. Instead of thinking "I will I look bad/good at this party" she thinks "I'm going to have to much fun at this party". This shifts the attention away from evaluating her appearance and more towards what her body allows her to do, such as spending time with friends, dancing, and enjoying the evening. Amanda also recognises that self-worth can come from many areas of her life, including her relationships, personality, interests, and achievements. She knows that negative thoughts about her appearance will still occur, but she's done with letting them determine whether she feels good about herself or whether she participates in activities she enjoys. Amanda does finishing touches to her hair, makeup, and outfit, before grabbing her bag and shoes. She leaves the house feeing better about herself and looking forward for the night ahead, all thanks to her discovery of a body-neutral perspective {{RoundBoxBottom}} Body neutrality is an approach to body image which focuses on accepting the body without any particular emotion or attention to one's physical appearance. This is an important concept because body dissatisfaction is common and has negative affects on emotional well-being, self-esteem and behaviour. These affects can lead to difficulties such as anxiety, depression, and psychological issues such as disordered eating. Social media, cultural and social idealised bodies, and appearance-based social comparison are important factors that contribute to how people evaluate their bodies. Psychological research somewhat explains how body-neutral perspectives may influence emotional-wellbeing through the examination of self-esteem, social comparison, self-compassion, psychological flexibility, and appearance-based self-worth. Understanding such psychological processes helps identify whether and how body neutrality may support a healthy body image and therefore emotional well-being. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * What is body neutrality, and how does it differ from other approaches to body image? * How can body image and appearance-related thinking influence emotional well-being? * How do social and cultural influences shape body image and the way we experience our bodies? * How might adopting a body-neutral perspect support emotional wellbeing?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding body neutrality == === Body image === The concept of body image has many interpretations. It was originally developed as a neurological concept, describing the brain's ability to detect weight, shape, size and form and incorporate these into core beliefs or mental frameworks (Lacey, 1986). This early definition of body image was known as 'the body percept' and focuses more on the accumulated sensory experience within one's body. The actual term 'body image' was coined by Paul Schilder (2013) who defined body image as "the picture of our own body which we form in our mind, that is to say the way in which the body appears to ourselves." Modern definitions of the term are far more in depth, explaining body image as something that is multidimensional that encompasses an individuals thoughts, feelings, attitudes, and behaviours regarding their physical appearance, body shape, size, weight, and how their body functions (Rodgers et al. 2023). Body image involves interconnected perceptual, cognitive, emotional, and behavioural components. These components explain how we percieve our bodies, develop beliefs about our appearance, experience body-related emotions, and respond through behaviour (Carey & Preston, 2019). * '''Perceptual''': How people perceive their body's size, shape, weight, and appearance. Perceptions may not always accurately reflect physical characteristics ** Example: perceiving your stomach to be bigger than it actually is * '''Cognitive''': Thoughts, beliefs, and evaluation individuals hold about their bodies. This includes beliefs about how attractive or important one's appearance is. ** Example: believing you need to lose weight to be considered attractive * '''Emotional''': Feelings associated with body appearance including satisfaction, confidence, shame, anxiety, or embarrassment ** Example: Feeling shame about your body when you compare to another person * '''Behavioural''': Actions people take in response to body image ** Example: Repeatedly checking appearance in mirrors or avoiding social situations due to being uncomfortable about appearance These components can be considered separately but they are best understood as interacting factors. For example, someone who may perceive their appearance negatively may develop critical thoughts about their body, experience feelings of shame or anxiety, and subsequently avoiding social situations, therefore displaying all body image components. === Development of body neutrality === The development of body neutrality is closely associated with Anne Poirier, who worked as a eating-disorder specialist and intuitive eating counsellor, helping popularise the approach through this work. Around 2015, body neutrality started to gain popularity in online spaces as a alternative way of discussing body image, with Poirer subsequently developing workshops around the concept (Nuss et al., 2026). Poirer's approach emphasised that people should not feel like they have to love their bodies. Instead, their attention should be on body functionality and recognising personal worth beyond physical appearance. Poirer's work helped bring body neutrality into wider discussions regarding body image. This includes popularity on social media such as Instagram or TikTok, which further increased visibility for the concept (Nuss et al., 2025). Despite its increasing popularity, there still is not an agreed-upon definition of body neutrality. The term is often used to describe reducing importance placed on physical appearance, accepting the body without required feelings, focusing on functionality, or responding to body-related thoughts without judgement. Although these ideas overlap, they do not necessarily describe the same psychological process. For example, trying to reduce the importance of appearance involves changing how much value is placed on physical attractiveness, whereas body functionality focuses on recognising what the body allows us to do. Similarly, accepting negative body related feelings does not necessarily mean that appearance has become unimportant. These differences make it difficult to establish a single definition that captures all the ways body neutrality is understood or practiced. '''*reference''' Body neutrality represents a promising approach to understanding body image by offering an alternative perspective that does not require feeling-focused attitudes towards appearance. Despite it's recent emergence and evolving definition, the concept is valuable because it helps navigate pressures surrounding body evaluation. === From body negativity to body positivity to body neutrality === Body image is best understood through the varying perspectives that people have. This ranges from negative evaluations of one's appearance, positive appreciation, and neutral acceptance. Body negativity involves dissatisfaction, criticism, or negative feelings towards one's body, often influenced by perceived flaws and societal beauty standards (Tort-Nasarre et al., 2021). Negative body image often contribute to lower self-esteem and emotional distress, including feelings of anxiety, sadness, and shame. It is also associated with disordered eating behaviours and other psychological difficulties, although these relationships are complex and do not effect everyone with body dissatisfaction (Abdoli et al., 2025). Body positivity is a opposing perspective because it involves encouragement in appreciating or accepting one's body regardless of shape, size, or appearance. The body positivity movement created visibility for body positive perspectives through social media, where people of all differing types of bodies challenges conventional beauty standards. The body positive movement originated with fat-acceptance activism, feminist and queer social movements, with a focused attention to the stigma and exclusion experienced by people whose bodies are marginalised because of body size, disability, gender expression, etc (Cohen et al., 2019). While this movement has messages of empowerment for many, some people have found the expectation to love and celebrate their bodies difficult to achieve. For those with a negative body image, being encouraged to replace negative feelings with positive ones may feel unrealistic or create pressure to feel confident when they simply do not. This does not mean that body positivity is ineffective, rather, it highlights that people relate to their bodies in different ways. This is where body neutrality comes in as a valuable alternative. For those who do not want to focus on loving their appearance, it allows them to accept their bodies without requiring positive feelings. Rather than judging body image by whether someone feels positivity or negatively about their looks, a neutral perspective allows for all feelings without them being the measure of personal worth. See table 1 for an overall comparison of these perspectives. {| class="wikitable sortable" |+Table 1. Comparing and Contrasting Body-image Concepts ! !Body negativity !Body positivity !Body neutrality |- |View of body |Negative evaluation |Positive appreciation |Acceptance without requiring positivity |- |Role of appearance | colspan="2" |High Importance |Reduced importance |- |Expected emotion |Shame, anxiety, distress |Pride, love, happiness |No particular feelings required |- |Basis of self-worth |May become appearance dependent |May include body appreciation |Broader than physical appearance |- |Psychological focus |Appearance evaluation |Appreciation and acceptance |Flexibility and reduced appearance centrality |- |Example thought |"I don't like how my body looks" |"I love and appreciate my body" |"I accept my body and my appearance does not determine my worth" |} == Body image and emotional wellbeing == === Appearance-based self-worth and emotional distress === Appearance-based self-worth is when individuals base their overall self-evaluation on whether they believe their physical attractiveness meets a certain standard. When appearance is a central focus, perceived flaws or concerns about looks becomes a central source of emotional distress. Findings from Adams et al. (2017) find that appearance-contingent self-worth is associated with greater-self objectification, which is linked to higher appearance anxiety and lower self-esteem. This suggests that people who place greater importance on appearance may become more concerned about if they meet beauty standards, causing vulnerabilities to their self-esteem because of appearance-related stress. For example, someone who believes their attractiveness determines worth may experience anxiety or shame when comparing themselves with others. This thinking can extend beyond body dissatisfaction and into how individuals evaluate themselves as a person overall. === Self-objectification and appearance monitoring === Self-objectification refers to viewing one's body from an outsider's perspective. There is great attention given to how the body looks rather than how it feels or functions. Appearance monitoring stems from this, and includes behaviours such as repeatedly checking mirrors, adjusting clothing to hide perceived flaws, or comparing one's appearance with others (Ahmed et al., 2025). Continually monitoring appearance can increase attention towards someone idea of a physical flaw and create greater concern about how other evaluate their body. This contributes to feelings body shame, appearance anxiety, and lower self-esteem, particularly for those who believe they do not meet expected standards (Sarda et al., 2025). When this behaviour continues, everyday situations may become opportunities for self-criticism and evaluation. Consequently, self-objectification and appearance monitoring negatively affects emotional well-being by making physical looks a source of worry and evaluation, reinforcing body dissatisfaction and increasing vulnerabilities to perceived physical imperfections. === Effects on everyday functioning === These concerning behaviours and thought processes about body image can affect how people participate in everyday activities, maintain relationships, and manage daily responsibilities. When one's attention is heavily directed towards appearance, it may be difficult to concentrate on other aspects of life. This can lead to avoidance behaviours such as not attending social events, exercising in public, or having photographs taken. Overtime, this avoidance limits social participation and prevents individuals from engaging in experiences they would otherwise enjoy. The consequences on daily life due to severe body image concerns can be illustrated through Diana's case study. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=7}} '''Case Study: Diana''' Diana is a 25-year-old with anorexia nervosa who was examined by Di Lernia et al. (2019). Diana sought treatment at an eating disorder centre following significant weight loss. Her issues with eating started when she began a restrictive diet due to health concerns. This caused her to develop persistent thoughts about calories, weight, and particular foods. Diana also experienced distorted perceptions of her body, repeatedly body checking in mirrors, and wearing clothes that would hide her figure. During periods of high distress, she reported frequently crying while looking at herself in the mirror. {{RoundBoxBottom}} This case study shows how body image can extend into eating behaviours, daily routines, and overall emotional wellbeing. Persistent concerns about food, weight, and body perception show how these thoughts can become a significant part of daily life and can cause severe negative emotional responses. Although this case involves [[wikipedia:Anorexia|anorexia nervosa]] and cannot represent all experiences of negative body image, it stands as a good example of how severe body image can coincide with distress and behaviours that distrupt daily functioning and therefore emotional wellbeing. == Social and cultural influences == [[File:Woman Montage (1).jpg|thumb|'''Figure 2.''' Faces and figures of women, showing how different groups depict beauty. ]] === Appearance ideals and cultural influence === Culture is one of the most influential aspects on the formation of body image as it shaped how individuals understand attractiveness and evaluate their appearance overall (Vincent et al., 2025). Societal values, historical impacts, and cultural expectations influence which body shapes or physical characteristics are considered desirable. Beauty ideals are not universal internationally, with all countries having differing appearance ideals. See Figure 2 for a board comparison of differing depictions of beauty. In many Western societies, thinness has been the ideal for beauty in women. However, ideals have shifted over time to include greater emphasis on curvier or more muscular bodies (Paudel et al., 2025). In Southeast Asia, preference for lighter skin is greatly influenced by historical class associations, [[wikipedia:Colorism|colourism]], and contemporary beauty industries (Khan & Khan, 2022). Across African countries and cultures, ideals also vary, with normal to overweight bodies being associated with beauty, prosperity or fertility in some contexts, while lighter skin and Eurocentric features have been favoured in others (Pradeilles et al., 2022). These ideals are largely based in culture and not necessarily the geographical regions in which they are developed. An example of this is shown through research involving South Asian women in the United Kingdom found that exposure to advertisements including white models reduce participants' satisfaction with their own skin colour, highlighting how culture and representation can change appearance evaluation (Craddock et al., 2025). This suggests that appearance ideals influence body image because individuals may encounter and internalise beauty standards associated with other cultures, making cultural influences and exposure to beauty ideals have significant impact on how individuals perceive and evaluate their bodies, regardless of where they live. The internalisation of such ideals contributes to body dissatisfaction when individuals adopt culturally prompted beauty standards as personal expectations and compare their appearance against them. An example of this is seen through research by Poloskov and Tracey (2013) that found internalisation of U.S beauty standards helped explain the relationship between [[wikipedia:Acculturation|acculturation]] towards dominant U.S culture and body dissatisfaction among Mexican American Women. Similar research by Negi et al. (2022) found that internalisation of the thin ideal accounted for the relationship between acculturation and body dissatisfaction among South and Southeast Asian women living in the United States. Such findings suggest the adoption of culturally valued appearance ideals are associated with greater dissatisfaction when individuals perceive a gap between their own appearance and standards they have internalised. === Cultural perspectives that overlap with body neutrality === Although body neutrality is a relatively recent concept in psychological research, some cultural perspectives share overlapping aspects of its emphasis on valuing the body beyond physical appearance. An example of this is described by Martin and Latner (2025) who state how [[wikipedia:Native_Hawaiians|Kānaka Maoli]] or Indigenous Hawaiian cultural knowledge systems foster appreciation of body functionality through connections to land, community, spirituality and movement. Similarly, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women in Australia found that cultural identity and sense of belonging could help against negative body image experiences (Chalmers et al., 2022). These examples highlight how perspectives that overlap with body neutrality such as valuing body functionality, relationships, community, and connections to land, can be reflected within differing cultural contexts. Although these examples may not explicitly identify as body neutrality, they share very similar emphasis on thought processes. === Social media === Social media has amplified body dissatisfaction for many individuals because there is now increased exposure to idealised representations of physical appearance and encouragement of comparison with others. This exposure to beauty ideals on social media can negatively affect body image. These comparisons may contribute to dissatisfaction when individuals perceive their own appearance as falling short of standards presented online. Due to the fast-paced nature of social media trends, different body types and physical features quickly become fashionable or desirable, creating changing expectations around appearance. These trends are often reinforced through editing of photographs, beauty filters, and digitally altered images that present unrealistic or difficult-to-achieve beauty standards (Merino et al., 2024). As beauty trends change and edited images continue to circulate, social media users may experience ongoing pressure to modify their appearance to meet these unrealistic standards, potentially reinforcing body dissatisfaction and negatively affection emotional wellbeing. Despite social media's negative effects of body image, it has also been able to gain visibility for the body neutral perspective through platforms like TikTok. Analysis of videos taken from this platform using the hashtag #bodyneutrality found that this content commonly challenged appearance-based expectations and promoted acceptance of diverse bodies (Machin et al., 2025) . This suggests that social media can be used as a tool to help spread messages that encourage a body neutral perspective. Further research indicates that exposure to body-neutral content may have positive effects on body image and emotional wellbeing. Seekis and Lawrence (2023) found that young women who viewed body-neutral Tiktok videos reported greater body satisfaction and more positive mood than those exposed to thin-ideal content. This research shows that body-neutral content may offer a valuable alternative to appearance-focused social media by encourages a less judgmental relationship with the body, therefore supporting emotional wellbeing. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=5}} '''Reflecting on beauty standards''' * Who or what influences the beauty standards you see? * Why might people experience body dissatisfaction when their appearance does not match the beauty ideals promoted in their soceity? * How might body neutrality help people respond differently to beauty standards?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Existing research on body neutrality == Intro: evaluating whether research supports the proposed relationship between body neutrality and emotional well-being === Evidence for benefits === * Findings provide preliminary support for potential emotional benefits of body neutrality * Research agrees that body neutrality is an acceptable and relevant approach for people experiencing body-image concerns (Pellizzer & Wade, 2023) * Body-neutral content produces improvements in mood, body satisfaction and hopelessness (Seekis & Lawrence, 2023) * Digital body neutral intervention produced improvements in body dissatisfaction and hopelessness (Smith et al., 2023) === Evidence is still mixed === * Research is promising but does not provide clear consensus * Researchers have not established that body neutrality is distinct from existing body-image approaches * Body neutrality overlaps with concepts such as body-acceptance, compassion and functionality appreciation (Mulgrew & Hinz, 2024) === The need for future research === * Long term studies are needed to establish if benefits are sustained - due to concept being fairly new * Future research should clarify what makes body neutrality distinct from existing approaches (Pellizzer & Wade, 2023) * Researchers should continue testing body-neutral interventions rather than relying primarily on related body-image constructs == Applying a body-neutral perspective == Intro: translating psychological principles of body neutrality into practical ways of changing body perception - how can the reader implement a body neutral perspective? === Changing body-related thinking === * Separating physical appearance from global self-worth may reduce appearance contingent self-evaluation * Notice negative body thoughts without treating them as facts or acting on them * Replace appearance-based judgements with more neutral descriptions of the body * Reduce all-or-nothing thinking, such as viewing your body as "good" or "bad" [[File:People hugging in the beach.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 3.''' Two people hugging showing an important sensory experience]] === From appearance to functionality === * Shifting attention toward health, strength, flexibility, and physical comfort * Recognising sensory experiences - seeing, hearing, moving * Appreciating what the body enables a person to experience and participate in * Valuing functionality without turning physical performance into another standard for evaluating the body (Alleva et al., 2023) === Healthier environments === * Developing media literacy helps critically evaluate idealisd body representations * Reducing exposure to appearance-focused content and opportunities for appearance comparison * Curating your environment and content consumed to reduce exposure to unrealistic body ideals (Fioravanti et al., 2022) ==Conclusion== * Arguably the most important section * Provide at least three bullet-points for this section even at the topic development stage, based on preliminary thinking * For the book chapter, develop clear take-home message(s) that address the focus questions based on psychological theory and research * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing this problem * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing the importan *A body-neutral perspective emphasises acceptance, functionality, and psychological flexibility, rather than requiring positivity * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing importance of appearance in self-worth and decreasing the emotional impact of negative body-related thoughts * Social and cultural influences continue to shape body image, therefore, body neutrality may be most effective alongside healthier approaches to managing appearance-focused environments * Research provides promising but preliminary evidence that body-neutral approaches can improve aspects of body and emotional well-being. However, more research is needed to establish long-term effectiveness as well as distinctiveness from other similar concepts * Overall message: the goal is not necessarily to love or feel positive about the body, but to reduce the extent to which your appearance determines emotional well-being. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Body_neutrality|Body neutrality]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Body neutrality and emotional well-being|Body neutrality and emotional well-being]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[wikipedia:Body_positivity|Body positivity]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Abdoli, M., Scotto Rosato, M., Desousa, A., & Cotrufo, P. (2024). Cultural differences in body image: A systematic review. 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What can my body do vs. how does it look?: A qualitative analysis of young women and men’s descriptions of their body functionality or physical appearance. ''Body Image'', ''31'', 71–80. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2019.08.008 Fioravanti, G., Bocci Benucci, S., Ceragioli, G., & Casale, S. (2022). How the exposure to beauty ideals on social networking sites influences body image: A systematic review of experimental studies. ''Adolescent Research Review'', ''7''(3), 419–458. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40894-022-00179-4 Frederick, D. A., Forbes, M., Gentle, B., Reynolds, T. A., & Walters, T. (2012). Beauty standards. In ''Encyclopedia of human sexuality''. Wiley-Blackwell. Frederick, D. A., Gordon, A. R., Cook-Cottone, C. P., Brady, J. P., Reynolds, T. A., Alley, J., Garcia, J. R., Brown, T. A., Compte, E. J., Convertino, L., Crerand, C. E., Malcarne, V. L., Nagata, J. M., Parent, M. C., Pennesi, J.-L., Perez, M., Pila, E., Rodgers, R. F., Schaefer, L. M., … Murray, S. B. (2022). Demographic and sociocultural predictors of sexuality-related body image and sexual frequency: The U.S. Body Project I. ''Body Image'', ''41'', 109–127. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2022.01.010 Grogan, S. (2016). ''Body image: Understanding body dissatisfaction in men, women and children'' (3rd ed.). Routledge. Leboeuf, C. (2019). What is body positivity? The path from shame to pride. ''Philosophical Topics'', ''47''(2), 113–128. https://doi.org/10.5840/philtopics201947218 Mulgrew, K. E., & Hinz, A. (2024). What is body neutrality and how is it different to existing body image concepts? An analysis of experts and general community responses. ''Body Image'', ''51'', Article 101780. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101780 Paterna, A., Alcaraz‐Ibáñez, M., Fuller‐Tyszkiewicz, M., & Sicilia, Á. (2021). Internalization of body shape ideals and body dissatisfaction: A systematic review and meta‐analysis. ''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''54''(9), 1575–1600. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23568 Pellizzer, M. L., & Wade, T. D. (2023). Developing a definition of body neutrality and strategies for an intervention. ''Body Image'', ''46'', 434–442. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.07.006 Pomichter, E., Cepeda-Benito, A., Ahmadkaraji, S., & DePalma, J. P. (2025). Exploring male body image: A scoping review of measurement approaches and mental health implications. ''International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health'', ''22''(6), 834. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph22060834 Saunders, J. F., Nutter, S., Waugh, R., & Hayden, K. A. (2024). Testing body-related components of objectification theory: A meta-analysis of the relations between body shame, self-objectification, and body dissatisfaction. ''Body Image'', ''50'', Article 101738. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101738 Seekis, V., & Lawrence, R. K. (2023). How exposure to body neutrality content on TikTok affects young women’s body image and mood. ''Body Image'', ''47'', Article 101629. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.101629 Shontz, F. C. (1989). Development and structure of the body image, Vols. 1 and 2 [Rev. of ''Development and Structure of the Body Image, Volumes 1 and 2'']. ''Psychoanalytic Psychology'', ''6''(4), 503–507. https://doi.org/10.1037/0736-9735.6.4.503 Smith, A. C., Ahuvia, I., Ito, S., & Schleider, J. L. (2023). Project Body Neutrality: Piloting a digital single‐session intervention for adolescent body image and depression. ''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''56''(8), 1554–1569. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23976 Tylka, T. L., & Wood-Barcalow, N. L. (2015). What is and what is not positive body image? Conceptual foundations and construct definition. ''Body Image'', ''14'', 118–129. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2015.04.001 https://www.sciencedirect.com/sdfe/pdf/download/eid/1-s2.0-0022399986900966/first-page-pdf https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9970735/ https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychiatry/articles/10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00635/full https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/15598276261481490?casa_token=CLtVTca5fboAAAAA%3AVZXxdEaZIobOVIUNsqpuvNDYxboj26-mVH0q6wzArhtqivaE-lAE97I6k_favxKjw-E_XHvw-CpTqA https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2025-86318-001 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7908267/ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s40211-025-00544-4 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144518304595?casa_token=hdy0DS5cSAUAAAAA:kC46Z81NQanQQzq_0Muk0WbbEhXW-zrw1xPEe6MJC5UA-NPJn2Ts0k4IwkfiCs1gYaXm8i2UEaQ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1186/s40337-025-01353-4 https://www.mdpi.com/2227-9032/13/1/76 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11905045/ https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144525000099 https://academic.oup.com/bjd/article-abstract/187/S1/191/6700551 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/33593472/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/23809859/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/35923740/ https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11276240/ https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15213269.2016.1257392 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/40513252/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36347166/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/39633454/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/37742535/ }} ==External links== *[https://www.healthline.com/health/body-neutrality How to Shift from ‘Body Positivity’ to ‘Body Neutrality’ — and Why You Should] - Healthline *[https://www.nationaleatingdisorders.org/5-steps-body-neutrality/ 5 Steps to Body Neutrality] - NEDA *[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X2nBomd-mpY TedTalk - Existing: Body Neutrality and Beauty Standards | Sophia Vimol Horng] - YouTube [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Body image]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] 14r7cmvkm3tghe86fqxaqbos4jp1r1b 2840266 2840264 2026-10-14T13:13:06Z Amyuniversity 3106627 2840266 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__{{Title|7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!1=Body neutrality and emotional well-being: How a body-neutral perspective can affect emotional well-being|Body neutrality and emotional well-being: How a body-neutral perspective can affect emotional well-being}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}}'''Consider this scenario...''' [[File:Woman with a rough life checking herself out in the mirror (8436629921).jpg|thumb|right|'''Figure 1.''' Woman looking at herself in the mirror]] Amanda is excitedly getting ready to go to a party with friends. Her excitement disappears when she looks in the mirror, beginning to compare her appearance to other women she knows. She focuses on what she perceives as flaws in her body, thinking about how she might be viewed by others at the event. As these thoughts become more intense, Amanda feels increasingly anxious and ashamed of her appearance. She considers making an excuse not to go as she worries she will be judged or that she does not look "good enough" to go out. Before texting the group chat to cancel, she stops. Amanda recognises how pumped she was seconds ago about this party, and how quickly this changes. She thinks, "Why is it that only after I look in the mirror, I believe I'm not worthy?". She realises how much her appearance has become closely connected with her emotions how she views her self-worth. Amanda decides to change the thought process. Instead of thinking "I will I look bad/good at this party" she thinks "I'm going to have to much fun at this party". This shifts the attention away from evaluating her appearance and more towards what her body allows her to do, such as spending time with friends, dancing, and enjoying the evening. Amanda also recognises that self-worth can come from many areas of her life, including her relationships, personality, interests, and achievements. She knows that negative thoughts about her appearance will still occur, but she's done with letting them determine whether she feels good about herself or whether she participates in activities she enjoys. Amanda does finishing touches to her hair, makeup, and outfit, before grabbing her bag and shoes. She leaves the house feeing better about herself and looking forward for the night ahead, all thanks to her discovery of a body-neutral perspective {{RoundBoxBottom}} Body neutrality is an approach to body image which focuses on accepting the body without any particular emotion or attention to one's physical appearance. This is an important concept because body dissatisfaction is common and has negative affects on emotional well-being, self-esteem and behaviour. These affects can lead to difficulties such as anxiety, depression, and psychological issues such as disordered eating. Social media, cultural and social idealised bodies, and appearance-based social comparison are important factors that contribute to how people evaluate their bodies. Psychological research somewhat explains how body-neutral perspectives may influence emotional-wellbeing through the examination of self-esteem, social comparison, self-compassion, psychological flexibility, and appearance-based self-worth. Understanding such psychological processes helps identify whether and how body neutrality may support a healthy body image and therefore emotional well-being. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * What is body neutrality, and how does it differ from other approaches to body image? * How can body image and appearance-related thinking influence emotional well-being? * How do social and cultural influences shape body image and the way we experience our bodies? * How might adopting a body-neutral perspect support emotional wellbeing?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding body neutrality == === Body image === The concept of body image has many interpretations. It was originally developed as a neurological concept, describing the brain's ability to detect weight, shape, size and form and incorporate these into core beliefs or mental frameworks (Lacey, 1986). This early definition of body image was known as 'the body percept' and focuses more on the accumulated sensory experience within one's body. The actual term 'body image' was coined by Paul Schilder (2013) who defined body image as "the picture of our own body which we form in our mind, that is to say the way in which the body appears to ourselves." Modern definitions of the term are far more in depth, explaining body image as something that is multidimensional that encompasses an individuals thoughts, feelings, attitudes, and behaviours regarding their physical appearance, body shape, size, weight, and how their body functions (Rodgers et al. 2023). Body image involves interconnected perceptual, cognitive, emotional, and behavioural components. These components explain how we percieve our bodies, develop beliefs about our appearance, experience body-related emotions, and respond through behaviour (Carey & Preston, 2019). * '''Perceptual''': How people perceive their body's size, shape, weight, and appearance. Perceptions may not always accurately reflect physical characteristics ** Example: perceiving your stomach to be bigger than it actually is * '''Cognitive''': Thoughts, beliefs, and evaluation individuals hold about their bodies. This includes beliefs about how attractive or important one's appearance is. ** Example: believing you need to lose weight to be considered attractive * '''Emotional''': Feelings associated with body appearance including satisfaction, confidence, shame, anxiety, or embarrassment ** Example: Feeling shame about your body when you compare to another person * '''Behavioural''': Actions people take in response to body image ** Example: Repeatedly checking appearance in mirrors or avoiding social situations due to being uncomfortable about appearance These components can be considered separately but they are best understood as interacting factors. For example, someone who may perceive their appearance negatively may develop critical thoughts about their body, experience feelings of shame or anxiety, and subsequently avoiding social situations, therefore displaying all body image components. === Development of body neutrality === The development of body neutrality is closely associated with Anne Poirier, who worked as a eating-disorder specialist and intuitive eating counsellor, helping popularise the approach through this work. Around 2015, body neutrality started to gain popularity in online spaces as a alternative way of discussing body image, with Poirer subsequently developing workshops around the concept (Nuss et al., 2026). Poirer's approach emphasised that people should not feel like they have to love their bodies. Instead, their attention should be on body functionality and recognising personal worth beyond physical appearance. Poirer's work helped bring body neutrality into wider discussions regarding body image. This includes popularity on social media such as Instagram or TikTok, which further increased visibility for the concept (Nuss et al., 2025). Despite its increasing popularity, there still is not an agreed-upon definition of body neutrality. The term is often used to describe reducing importance placed on physical appearance, accepting the body without required feelings, focusing on functionality, or responding to body-related thoughts without judgement. Although these ideas overlap, they do not necessarily describe the same psychological process. For example, trying to reduce the importance of appearance involves changing how much value is placed on physical attractiveness, whereas body functionality focuses on recognising what the body allows us to do. Similarly, accepting negative body related feelings does not necessarily mean that appearance has become unimportant. These differences make it difficult to establish a single definition that captures all the ways body neutrality is understood or practiced. '''*reference''' Body neutrality represents a promising approach to understanding body image by offering an alternative perspective that does not require feeling-focused attitudes towards appearance. Despite it's recent emergence and evolving definition, the concept is valuable because it helps navigate pressures surrounding body evaluation. === From body negativity to body positivity to body neutrality === Body image is best understood through the varying perspectives that people have. This ranges from negative evaluations of one's appearance, positive appreciation, and neutral acceptance. Body negativity involves dissatisfaction, criticism, or negative feelings towards one's body, often influenced by perceived flaws and societal beauty standards (Tort-Nasarre et al., 2021). Negative body image often contribute to lower self-esteem and emotional distress, including feelings of anxiety, sadness, and shame. It is also associated with disordered eating behaviours and other psychological difficulties, although these relationships are complex and do not effect everyone with body dissatisfaction (Abdoli et al., 2025). Body positivity is a opposing perspective because it involves encouragement in appreciating or accepting one's body regardless of shape, size, or appearance. The body positivity movement created visibility for body positive perspectives through social media, where people of all differing types of bodies challenges conventional beauty standards. The body positive movement originated with fat-acceptance activism, feminist and queer social movements, with a focused attention to the stigma and exclusion experienced by people whose bodies are marginalised because of body size, disability, gender expression, etc (Cohen et al., 2019). While this movement has messages of empowerment for many, some people have found the expectation to love and celebrate their bodies difficult to achieve. For those with a negative body image, being encouraged to replace negative feelings with positive ones may feel unrealistic or create pressure to feel confident when they simply do not. This does not mean that body positivity is ineffective, rather, it highlights that people relate to their bodies in different ways. This is where body neutrality comes in as a valuable alternative. For those who do not want to focus on loving their appearance, it allows them to accept their bodies without requiring positive feelings. Rather than judging body image by whether someone feels positivity or negatively about their looks, a neutral perspective allows for all feelings without them being the measure of personal worth. See table 1 for an overall comparison of these perspectives. {| class="wikitable sortable" |+Table 1. Comparing and Contrasting Body-image Concepts ! !Body negativity !Body positivity !Body neutrality |- |View of body |Negative evaluation |Positive appreciation |Acceptance without requiring positivity |- |Role of appearance | colspan="2" |High Importance |Reduced importance |- |Expected emotion |Shame, anxiety, distress |Pride, love, happiness |No particular feelings required |- |Basis of self-worth |May become appearance dependent |May include body appreciation |Broader than physical appearance |- |Psychological focus |Appearance evaluation |Appreciation and acceptance |Flexibility and reduced appearance centrality |- |Example thought |"I don't like how my body looks" |"I love and appreciate my body" |"I accept my body and my appearance does not determine my worth" |} == Body image and emotional wellbeing == === Appearance-based self-worth and emotional distress === Appearance-based self-worth is when individuals base their overall self-evaluation on whether they believe their physical attractiveness meets a certain standard. When appearance is a central focus, perceived flaws or concerns about looks becomes a central source of emotional distress. Findings from Adams et al. (2017) find that appearance-contingent self-worth is associated with greater-self objectification, which is linked to higher appearance anxiety and lower self-esteem. This suggests that people who place greater importance on appearance may become more concerned about if they meet beauty standards, causing vulnerabilities to their self-esteem because of appearance-related stress. For example, someone who believes their attractiveness determines worth may experience anxiety or shame when comparing themselves with others. This thinking can extend beyond body dissatisfaction and into how individuals evaluate themselves as a person overall. === Self-objectification and appearance monitoring === Self-objectification refers to viewing one's body from an outsider's perspective. There is great attention given to how the body looks rather than how it feels or functions. Appearance monitoring stems from this, and includes behaviours such as repeatedly checking mirrors, adjusting clothing to hide perceived flaws, or comparing one's appearance with others (Ahmed et al., 2025). Continually monitoring appearance can increase attention towards someone idea of a physical flaw and create greater concern about how other evaluate their body. This contributes to feelings body shame, appearance anxiety, and lower self-esteem, particularly for those who believe they do not meet expected standards (Sarda et al., 2025). When this behaviour continues, everyday situations may become opportunities for self-criticism and evaluation. Consequently, self-objectification and appearance monitoring negatively affects emotional well-being by making physical looks a source of worry and evaluation, reinforcing body dissatisfaction and increasing vulnerabilities to perceived physical imperfections. === Effects on everyday functioning === These concerning behaviours and thought processes about body image can affect how people participate in everyday activities, maintain relationships, and manage daily responsibilities. When one's attention is heavily directed towards appearance, it may be difficult to concentrate on other aspects of life. This can lead to avoidance behaviours such as not attending social events, exercising in public, or having photographs taken. Overtime, this avoidance limits social participation and prevents individuals from engaging in experiences they would otherwise enjoy. The consequences on daily life due to severe body image concerns can be illustrated through Diana's case study. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=7}} '''Case Study: Diana''' Diana is a 25-year-old with anorexia nervosa who was examined by Di Lernia et al. (2019). Diana sought treatment at an eating disorder centre following significant weight loss. Her issues with eating started when she began a restrictive diet due to health concerns. This caused her to develop persistent thoughts about calories, weight, and particular foods. Diana also experienced distorted perceptions of her body, repeatedly body checking in mirrors, and wearing clothes that would hide her figure. During periods of high distress, she reported frequently crying while looking at herself in the mirror. {{RoundBoxBottom}} This case study shows how body image can extend into eating behaviours, daily routines, and overall emotional wellbeing. Persistent concerns about food, weight, and body perception show how these thoughts can become a significant part of daily life and can cause severe negative emotional responses. Although this case involves [[wikipedia:Anorexia|anorexia nervosa]] and cannot represent all experiences of negative body image, it stands as a good example of how severe body image can coincide with distress and behaviours that distrupt daily functioning and therefore emotional wellbeing. == Social and cultural influences == [[File:Woman Montage (1).jpg|thumb|'''Figure 2.''' Faces and figures of women, showing how different groups depict beauty. ]] === Appearance ideals and cultural influence === Culture is one of the most influential aspects on the formation of body image as it shaped how individuals understand attractiveness and evaluate their appearance overall (Vincent et al., 2025). Societal values, historical impacts, and cultural expectations influence which body shapes or physical characteristics are considered desirable. Beauty ideals are not universal internationally, with all countries having differing appearance ideals. See Figure 2 for a board comparison of differing depictions of beauty. In many Western societies, thinness has been the ideal for beauty in women. However, ideals have shifted over time to include greater emphasis on curvier or more muscular bodies (Paudel et al., 2025). In Southeast Asia, preference for lighter skin is greatly influenced by historical class associations, [[wikipedia:Colorism|colourism]], and contemporary beauty industries (Khan & Khan, 2022). Across African countries and cultures, ideals also vary, with normal to overweight bodies being associated with beauty, prosperity or fertility in some contexts, while lighter skin and Eurocentric features have been favoured in others (Pradeilles et al., 2022). These ideals are largely based in culture and not necessarily the geographical regions in which they are developed. An example of this is shown through research involving South Asian women in the United Kingdom found that exposure to advertisements including white models reduce participants' satisfaction with their own skin colour, highlighting how culture and representation can change appearance evaluation (Craddock et al., 2025). This suggests that appearance ideals influence body image because individuals may encounter and internalise beauty standards associated with other cultures, making cultural influences and exposure to beauty ideals have significant impact on how individuals perceive and evaluate their bodies, regardless of where they live. The internalisation of such ideals contributes to body dissatisfaction when individuals adopt culturally prompted beauty standards as personal expectations and compare their appearance against them. An example of this is seen through research by Poloskov and Tracey (2013) that found internalisation of U.S beauty standards helped explain the relationship between [[wikipedia:Acculturation|acculturation]] towards dominant U.S culture and body dissatisfaction among Mexican American Women. Similar research by Negi et al. (2022) found that internalisation of the thin ideal accounted for the relationship between acculturation and body dissatisfaction among South and Southeast Asian women living in the United States. Such findings suggest the adoption of culturally valued appearance ideals are associated with greater dissatisfaction when individuals perceive a gap between their own appearance and standards they have internalised. === Cultural perspectives that overlap with body neutrality === Although body neutrality is a relatively recent concept in psychological research, some cultural perspectives share overlapping aspects of its emphasis on valuing the body beyond physical appearance. An example of this is described by Martin and Latner (2025) who state how [[wikipedia:Native_Hawaiians|Kānaka Maoli]] or Indigenous Hawaiian cultural knowledge systems foster appreciation of body functionality through connections to land, community, spirituality and movement. Similarly, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women in Australia found that cultural identity and sense of belonging could help against negative body image experiences (Chalmers et al., 2022). These examples highlight how perspectives that overlap with body neutrality such as valuing body functionality, relationships, community, and connections to land, can be reflected within differing cultural contexts. Although these examples may not explicitly identify as body neutrality, they share very similar emphasis on thought processes. === Social media === Social media has amplified body dissatisfaction for many individuals because there is now increased exposure to idealised representations of physical appearance and encouragement of comparison with others. This exposure to beauty ideals on social media can negatively affect body image. These comparisons may contribute to dissatisfaction when individuals perceive their own appearance as falling short of standards presented online. Due to the fast-paced nature of social media trends, different body types and physical features quickly become fashionable or desirable, creating changing expectations around appearance. These trends are often reinforced through editing of photographs, beauty filters, and digitally altered images that present unrealistic or difficult-to-achieve beauty standards (Merino et al., 2024). As beauty trends change and edited images continue to circulate, social media users may experience ongoing pressure to modify their appearance to meet these unrealistic standards, potentially reinforcing body dissatisfaction and negatively affection emotional wellbeing. Despite social media's negative effects of body image, it has also been able to gain visibility for the body neutral perspective through platforms like TikTok. Analysis of videos taken from this platform using the hashtag #bodyneutrality found that this content commonly challenged appearance-based expectations and promoted acceptance of diverse bodies (Machin et al., 2025) . This suggests that social media can be used as a tool to help spread messages that encourage a body neutral perspective. Further research indicates that exposure to body-neutral content may have positive effects on body image and emotional wellbeing. Seekis and Lawrence (2023) found that young women who viewed body-neutral Tiktok videos reported greater body satisfaction and more positive mood than those exposed to thin-ideal content. This research shows that body-neutral content may offer a valuable alternative to appearance-focused social media by encourages a less judgmental relationship with the body, therefore supporting emotional wellbeing. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=5}} '''Reflecting on beauty standards''' * Who or what influences the beauty standards you see? * Why might people experience body dissatisfaction when their appearance does not match the beauty ideals promoted in their soceity? * How might body neutrality help people respond differently to beauty standards?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Existing research on body neutrality == Intro: evaluating whether research supports the proposed relationship between body neutrality and emotional well-being === Evidence for benefits === * Findings provide preliminary support for potential emotional benefits of body neutrality * Research agrees that body neutrality is an acceptable and relevant approach for people experiencing body-image concerns (Pellizzer & Wade, 2023) * Body-neutral content produces improvements in mood, body satisfaction and hopelessness (Seekis & Lawrence, 2023) * Digital body neutral intervention produced improvements in body dissatisfaction and hopelessness (Smith et al., 2023) === Evidence is still mixed === * Research is promising but does not provide clear consensus * Researchers have not established that body neutrality is distinct from existing body-image approaches * Body neutrality overlaps with concepts such as body-acceptance, compassion and functionality appreciation (Mulgrew & Hinz, 2024) === The need for future research === * Long term studies are needed to establish if benefits are sustained - due to concept being fairly new * Future research should clarify what makes body neutrality distinct from existing approaches (Pellizzer & Wade, 2023) * Researchers should continue testing body-neutral interventions rather than relying primarily on related body-image constructs == Applying a body-neutral perspective == Intro: translating psychological principles of body neutrality into practical ways of changing body perception - how can the reader implement a body neutral perspective? === Changing body-related thinking === * Separating physical appearance from global self-worth may reduce appearance contingent self-evaluation * Notice negative body thoughts without treating them as facts or acting on them * Replace appearance-based judgements with more neutral descriptions of the body * Reduce all-or-nothing thinking, such as viewing your body as "good" or "bad" [[File:People hugging in the beach.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 3.''' Two people hugging showing an important sensory experience]] === From appearance to functionality === * Shifting attention toward health, strength, flexibility, and physical comfort * Recognising sensory experiences - seeing, hearing, moving * Appreciating what the body enables a person to experience and participate in * Valuing functionality without turning physical performance into another standard for evaluating the body (Alleva et al., 2023) === Healthier environments === * Developing media literacy helps critically evaluate idealisd body representations * Reducing exposure to appearance-focused content and opportunities for appearance comparison * Curating your environment and content consumed to reduce exposure to unrealistic body ideals (Fioravanti et al., 2022) ==Conclusion== * Arguably the most important section * Provide at least three bullet-points for this section even at the topic development stage, based on preliminary thinking * For the book chapter, develop clear take-home message(s) that address the focus questions based on psychological theory and research * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing this problem * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing the importan *A body-neutral perspective emphasises acceptance, functionality, and psychological flexibility, rather than requiring positivity * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing importance of appearance in self-worth and decreasing the emotional impact of negative body-related thoughts * Social and cultural influences continue to shape body image, therefore, body neutrality may be most effective alongside healthier approaches to managing appearance-focused environments * Research provides promising but preliminary evidence that body-neutral approaches can improve aspects of body and emotional well-being. However, more research is needed to establish long-term effectiveness as well as distinctiveness from other similar concepts * Overall message: the goal is not necessarily to love or feel positive about the body, but to reduce the extent to which your appearance determines emotional well-being. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Body_neutrality|Body neutrality]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Body neutrality and emotional well-being|Body neutrality and emotional well-being]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[wikipedia:Body_positivity|Body positivity]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Abdoli, M., Scotto Rosato, M., Desousa, A., & Cotrufo, P. (2024). Cultural differences in body image: A systematic review. 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What can my body do vs. how does it look?: A qualitative analysis of young women and men’s descriptions of their body functionality or physical appearance. ''Body Image'', ''31'', 71–80. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2019.08.008 Fioravanti, G., Bocci Benucci, S., Ceragioli, G., & Casale, S. (2022). How the exposure to beauty ideals on social networking sites influences body image: A systematic review of experimental studies. ''Adolescent Research Review'', ''7''(3), 419–458. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40894-022-00179-4 Frederick, D. A., Forbes, M., Gentle, B., Reynolds, T. A., & Walters, T. (2012). Beauty standards. In ''Encyclopedia of human sexuality''. Wiley-Blackwell. Frederick, D. A., Gordon, A. R., Cook-Cottone, C. P., Brady, J. P., Reynolds, T. A., Alley, J., Garcia, J. R., Brown, T. A., Compte, E. J., Convertino, L., Crerand, C. E., Malcarne, V. L., Nagata, J. M., Parent, M. C., Pennesi, J.-L., Perez, M., Pila, E., Rodgers, R. F., Schaefer, L. M., … Murray, S. B. (2022). Demographic and sociocultural predictors of sexuality-related body image and sexual frequency: The U.S. Body Project I. ''Body Image'', ''41'', 109–127. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2022.01.010 Grogan, S. (2016). ''Body image: Understanding body dissatisfaction in men, women and children'' (3rd ed.). Routledge. Leboeuf, C. (2019). What is body positivity? The path from shame to pride. ''Philosophical Topics'', ''47''(2), 113–128. https://doi.org/10.5840/philtopics201947218 Mulgrew, K. E., & Hinz, A. (2024). What is body neutrality and how is it different to existing body image concepts? An analysis of experts and general community responses. ''Body Image'', ''51'', Article 101780. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101780 Paterna, A., Alcaraz‐Ibáñez, M., Fuller‐Tyszkiewicz, M., & Sicilia, Á. (2021). Internalization of body shape ideals and body dissatisfaction: A systematic review and meta‐analysis. ''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''54''(9), 1575–1600. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23568 Pellizzer, M. L., & Wade, T. D. (2023). Developing a definition of body neutrality and strategies for an intervention. ''Body Image'', ''46'', 434–442. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.07.006 Pomichter, E., Cepeda-Benito, A., Ahmadkaraji, S., & DePalma, J. P. (2025). Exploring male body image: A scoping review of measurement approaches and mental health implications. ''International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health'', ''22''(6), 834. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph22060834 Saunders, J. F., Nutter, S., Waugh, R., & Hayden, K. A. (2024). Testing body-related components of objectification theory: A meta-analysis of the relations between body shame, self-objectification, and body dissatisfaction. ''Body Image'', ''50'', Article 101738. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101738 Seekis, V., & Lawrence, R. K. (2023). How exposure to body neutrality content on TikTok affects young women’s body image and mood. ''Body Image'', ''47'', Article 101629. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.101629 Shontz, F. C. (1989). Development and structure of the body image, Vols. 1 and 2 [Rev. of ''Development and Structure of the Body Image, Volumes 1 and 2'']. ''Psychoanalytic Psychology'', ''6''(4), 503–507. https://doi.org/10.1037/0736-9735.6.4.503 Smith, A. C., Ahuvia, I., Ito, S., & Schleider, J. L. (2023). Project Body Neutrality: Piloting a digital single‐session intervention for adolescent body image and depression. ''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''56''(8), 1554–1569. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23976 Tylka, T. L., & Wood-Barcalow, N. L. (2015). What is and what is not positive body image? Conceptual foundations and construct definition. ''Body Image'', ''14'', 118–129. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2015.04.001 https://www.sciencedirect.com/sdfe/pdf/download/eid/1-s2.0-0022399986900966/first-page-pdf https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9970735/ https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychiatry/articles/10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00635/full https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/15598276261481490?casa_token=CLtVTca5fboAAAAA%3AVZXxdEaZIobOVIUNsqpuvNDYxboj26-mVH0q6wzArhtqivaE-lAE97I6k_favxKjw-E_XHvw-CpTqA https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2025-86318-001 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7908267/ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s40211-025-00544-4 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144518304595?casa_token=hdy0DS5cSAUAAAAA:kC46Z81NQanQQzq_0Muk0WbbEhXW-zrw1xPEe6MJC5UA-NPJn2Ts0k4IwkfiCs1gYaXm8i2UEaQ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1186/s40337-025-01353-4 https://www.mdpi.com/2227-9032/13/1/76 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11905045/ https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144525000099 https://academic.oup.com/bjd/article-abstract/187/S1/191/6700551 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/33593472/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/23809859/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/35923740/ https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11276240/ https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15213269.2016.1257392 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/40513252/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36347166/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/39633454/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/37742535/ }} ==External links== *[https://www.healthline.com/health/body-neutrality How to Shift from ‘Body Positivity’ to ‘Body Neutrality’ — and Why You Should] - Healthline *[https://www.nationaleatingdisorders.org/5-steps-body-neutrality/ 5 Steps to Body Neutrality] - NEDA *[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X2nBomd-mpY TedTalk - Existing: Body Neutrality and Beauty Standards | Sophia Vimol Horng] - YouTube [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Body image]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] swe20fnzwaz3grjacfvcrohym2z5g7s 2840267 2840266 2026-10-14T13:15:30Z Amyuniversity 3106627 /* Social media */ 2840267 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__{{Title|7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!1=Body neutrality and emotional well-being: How a body-neutral perspective can affect emotional well-being|Body neutrality and emotional well-being: How a body-neutral perspective can affect emotional well-being}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}}'''Consider this scenario...''' [[File:Woman with a rough life checking herself out in the mirror (8436629921).jpg|thumb|right|'''Figure 1.''' Woman looking at herself in the mirror]] Amanda is excitedly getting ready to go to a party with friends. Her excitement disappears when she looks in the mirror, beginning to compare her appearance to other women she knows. She focuses on what she perceives as flaws in her body, thinking about how she might be viewed by others at the event. As these thoughts become more intense, Amanda feels increasingly anxious and ashamed of her appearance. She considers making an excuse not to go as she worries she will be judged or that she does not look "good enough" to go out. Before texting the group chat to cancel, she stops. Amanda recognises how pumped she was seconds ago about this party, and how quickly this changes. She thinks, "Why is it that only after I look in the mirror, I believe I'm not worthy?". She realises how much her appearance has become closely connected with her emotions how she views her self-worth. Amanda decides to change the thought process. Instead of thinking "I will I look bad/good at this party" she thinks "I'm going to have to much fun at this party". This shifts the attention away from evaluating her appearance and more towards what her body allows her to do, such as spending time with friends, dancing, and enjoying the evening. Amanda also recognises that self-worth can come from many areas of her life, including her relationships, personality, interests, and achievements. She knows that negative thoughts about her appearance will still occur, but she's done with letting them determine whether she feels good about herself or whether she participates in activities she enjoys. Amanda does finishing touches to her hair, makeup, and outfit, before grabbing her bag and shoes. She leaves the house feeing better about herself and looking forward for the night ahead, all thanks to her discovery of a body-neutral perspective {{RoundBoxBottom}} Body neutrality is an approach to body image which focuses on accepting the body without any particular emotion or attention to one's physical appearance. This is an important concept because body dissatisfaction is common and has negative affects on emotional well-being, self-esteem and behaviour. These affects can lead to difficulties such as anxiety, depression, and psychological issues such as disordered eating. Social media, cultural and social idealised bodies, and appearance-based social comparison are important factors that contribute to how people evaluate their bodies. Psychological research somewhat explains how body-neutral perspectives may influence emotional-wellbeing through the examination of self-esteem, social comparison, self-compassion, psychological flexibility, and appearance-based self-worth. Understanding such psychological processes helps identify whether and how body neutrality may support a healthy body image and therefore emotional well-being. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * What is body neutrality, and how does it differ from other approaches to body image? * How can body image and appearance-related thinking influence emotional well-being? * How do social and cultural influences shape body image and the way we experience our bodies? * How might adopting a body-neutral perspect support emotional wellbeing?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding body neutrality == === Body image === The concept of body image has many interpretations. It was originally developed as a neurological concept, describing the brain's ability to detect weight, shape, size and form and incorporate these into core beliefs or mental frameworks (Lacey, 1986). This early definition of body image was known as 'the body percept' and focuses more on the accumulated sensory experience within one's body. The actual term 'body image' was coined by Paul Schilder (2013) who defined body image as "the picture of our own body which we form in our mind, that is to say the way in which the body appears to ourselves." Modern definitions of the term are far more in depth, explaining body image as something that is multidimensional that encompasses an individuals thoughts, feelings, attitudes, and behaviours regarding their physical appearance, body shape, size, weight, and how their body functions (Rodgers et al. 2023). Body image involves interconnected perceptual, cognitive, emotional, and behavioural components. These components explain how we percieve our bodies, develop beliefs about our appearance, experience body-related emotions, and respond through behaviour (Carey & Preston, 2019). * '''Perceptual''': How people perceive their body's size, shape, weight, and appearance. Perceptions may not always accurately reflect physical characteristics ** Example: perceiving your stomach to be bigger than it actually is * '''Cognitive''': Thoughts, beliefs, and evaluation individuals hold about their bodies. This includes beliefs about how attractive or important one's appearance is. ** Example: believing you need to lose weight to be considered attractive * '''Emotional''': Feelings associated with body appearance including satisfaction, confidence, shame, anxiety, or embarrassment ** Example: Feeling shame about your body when you compare to another person * '''Behavioural''': Actions people take in response to body image ** Example: Repeatedly checking appearance in mirrors or avoiding social situations due to being uncomfortable about appearance These components can be considered separately but they are best understood as interacting factors. For example, someone who may perceive their appearance negatively may develop critical thoughts about their body, experience feelings of shame or anxiety, and subsequently avoiding social situations, therefore displaying all body image components. === Development of body neutrality === The development of body neutrality is closely associated with Anne Poirier, who worked as a eating-disorder specialist and intuitive eating counsellor, helping popularise the approach through this work. Around 2015, body neutrality started to gain popularity in online spaces as a alternative way of discussing body image, with Poirer subsequently developing workshops around the concept (Nuss et al., 2026). Poirer's approach emphasised that people should not feel like they have to love their bodies. Instead, their attention should be on body functionality and recognising personal worth beyond physical appearance. Poirer's work helped bring body neutrality into wider discussions regarding body image. This includes popularity on social media such as Instagram or TikTok, which further increased visibility for the concept (Nuss et al., 2025). Despite its increasing popularity, there still is not an agreed-upon definition of body neutrality. The term is often used to describe reducing importance placed on physical appearance, accepting the body without required feelings, focusing on functionality, or responding to body-related thoughts without judgement. Although these ideas overlap, they do not necessarily describe the same psychological process. For example, trying to reduce the importance of appearance involves changing how much value is placed on physical attractiveness, whereas body functionality focuses on recognising what the body allows us to do. Similarly, accepting negative body related feelings does not necessarily mean that appearance has become unimportant. These differences make it difficult to establish a single definition that captures all the ways body neutrality is understood or practiced. '''*reference''' Body neutrality represents a promising approach to understanding body image by offering an alternative perspective that does not require feeling-focused attitudes towards appearance. Despite it's recent emergence and evolving definition, the concept is valuable because it helps navigate pressures surrounding body evaluation. === From body negativity to body positivity to body neutrality === Body image is best understood through the varying perspectives that people have. This ranges from negative evaluations of one's appearance, positive appreciation, and neutral acceptance. Body negativity involves dissatisfaction, criticism, or negative feelings towards one's body, often influenced by perceived flaws and societal beauty standards (Tort-Nasarre et al., 2021). Negative body image often contribute to lower self-esteem and emotional distress, including feelings of anxiety, sadness, and shame. It is also associated with disordered eating behaviours and other psychological difficulties, although these relationships are complex and do not effect everyone with body dissatisfaction (Abdoli et al., 2025). Body positivity is a opposing perspective because it involves encouragement in appreciating or accepting one's body regardless of shape, size, or appearance. The body positivity movement created visibility for body positive perspectives through social media, where people of all differing types of bodies challenges conventional beauty standards. The body positive movement originated with fat-acceptance activism, feminist and queer social movements, with a focused attention to the stigma and exclusion experienced by people whose bodies are marginalised because of body size, disability, gender expression, etc (Cohen et al., 2019). While this movement has messages of empowerment for many, some people have found the expectation to love and celebrate their bodies difficult to achieve. For those with a negative body image, being encouraged to replace negative feelings with positive ones may feel unrealistic or create pressure to feel confident when they simply do not. This does not mean that body positivity is ineffective, rather, it highlights that people relate to their bodies in different ways. This is where body neutrality comes in as a valuable alternative. For those who do not want to focus on loving their appearance, it allows them to accept their bodies without requiring positive feelings. Rather than judging body image by whether someone feels positivity or negatively about their looks, a neutral perspective allows for all feelings without them being the measure of personal worth. See table 1 for an overall comparison of these perspectives. {| class="wikitable sortable" |+Table 1. Comparing and Contrasting Body-image Concepts ! !Body negativity !Body positivity !Body neutrality |- |View of body |Negative evaluation |Positive appreciation |Acceptance without requiring positivity |- |Role of appearance | colspan="2" |High Importance |Reduced importance |- |Expected emotion |Shame, anxiety, distress |Pride, love, happiness |No particular feelings required |- |Basis of self-worth |May become appearance dependent |May include body appreciation |Broader than physical appearance |- |Psychological focus |Appearance evaluation |Appreciation and acceptance |Flexibility and reduced appearance centrality |- |Example thought |"I don't like how my body looks" |"I love and appreciate my body" |"I accept my body and my appearance does not determine my worth" |} == Body image and emotional wellbeing == === Appearance-based self-worth and emotional distress === Appearance-based self-worth is when individuals base their overall self-evaluation on whether they believe their physical attractiveness meets a certain standard. When appearance is a central focus, perceived flaws or concerns about looks becomes a central source of emotional distress. Findings from Adams et al. (2017) find that appearance-contingent self-worth is associated with greater-self objectification, which is linked to higher appearance anxiety and lower self-esteem. This suggests that people who place greater importance on appearance may become more concerned about if they meet beauty standards, causing vulnerabilities to their self-esteem because of appearance-related stress. For example, someone who believes their attractiveness determines worth may experience anxiety or shame when comparing themselves with others. This thinking can extend beyond body dissatisfaction and into how individuals evaluate themselves as a person overall. === Self-objectification and appearance monitoring === Self-objectification refers to viewing one's body from an outsider's perspective. There is great attention given to how the body looks rather than how it feels or functions. Appearance monitoring stems from this, and includes behaviours such as repeatedly checking mirrors, adjusting clothing to hide perceived flaws, or comparing one's appearance with others (Ahmed et al., 2025). Continually monitoring appearance can increase attention towards someone idea of a physical flaw and create greater concern about how other evaluate their body. This contributes to feelings body shame, appearance anxiety, and lower self-esteem, particularly for those who believe they do not meet expected standards (Sarda et al., 2025). When this behaviour continues, everyday situations may become opportunities for self-criticism and evaluation. Consequently, self-objectification and appearance monitoring negatively affects emotional well-being by making physical looks a source of worry and evaluation, reinforcing body dissatisfaction and increasing vulnerabilities to perceived physical imperfections. === Effects on everyday functioning === These concerning behaviours and thought processes about body image can affect how people participate in everyday activities, maintain relationships, and manage daily responsibilities. When one's attention is heavily directed towards appearance, it may be difficult to concentrate on other aspects of life. This can lead to avoidance behaviours such as not attending social events, exercising in public, or having photographs taken. Overtime, this avoidance limits social participation and prevents individuals from engaging in experiences they would otherwise enjoy. The consequences on daily life due to severe body image concerns can be illustrated through Diana's case study. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=7}} '''Case Study: Diana''' Diana is a 25-year-old with anorexia nervosa who was examined by Di Lernia et al. (2019). Diana sought treatment at an eating disorder centre following significant weight loss. Her issues with eating started when she began a restrictive diet due to health concerns. This caused her to develop persistent thoughts about calories, weight, and particular foods. Diana also experienced distorted perceptions of her body, repeatedly body checking in mirrors, and wearing clothes that would hide her figure. During periods of high distress, she reported frequently crying while looking at herself in the mirror. {{RoundBoxBottom}} This case study shows how body image can extend into eating behaviours, daily routines, and overall emotional wellbeing. Persistent concerns about food, weight, and body perception show how these thoughts can become a significant part of daily life and can cause severe negative emotional responses. Although this case involves [[wikipedia:Anorexia|anorexia nervosa]] and cannot represent all experiences of negative body image, it stands as a good example of how severe body image can coincide with distress and behaviours that distrupt daily functioning and therefore emotional wellbeing. == Social and cultural influences == [[File:Woman Montage (1).jpg|thumb|'''Figure 2.''' Faces and figures of women, showing how different groups depict beauty. ]] === Appearance ideals and cultural influence === Culture is one of the most influential aspects on the formation of body image as it shaped how individuals understand attractiveness and evaluate their appearance overall (Vincent et al., 2025). Societal values, historical impacts, and cultural expectations influence which body shapes or physical characteristics are considered desirable. Beauty ideals are not universal internationally, with all countries having differing appearance ideals. See Figure 2 for a board comparison of differing depictions of beauty. In many Western societies, thinness has been the ideal for beauty in women. However, ideals have shifted over time to include greater emphasis on curvier or more muscular bodies (Paudel et al., 2025). In Southeast Asia, preference for lighter skin is greatly influenced by historical class associations, [[wikipedia:Colorism|colourism]], and contemporary beauty industries (Khan & Khan, 2022). Across African countries and cultures, ideals also vary, with normal to overweight bodies being associated with beauty, prosperity or fertility in some contexts, while lighter skin and Eurocentric features have been favoured in others (Pradeilles et al., 2022). These ideals are largely based in culture and not necessarily the geographical regions in which they are developed. An example of this is shown through research involving South Asian women in the United Kingdom found that exposure to advertisements including white models reduce participants' satisfaction with their own skin colour, highlighting how culture and representation can change appearance evaluation (Craddock et al., 2025). This suggests that appearance ideals influence body image because individuals may encounter and internalise beauty standards associated with other cultures, making cultural influences and exposure to beauty ideals have significant impact on how individuals perceive and evaluate their bodies, regardless of where they live. The internalisation of such ideals contributes to body dissatisfaction when individuals adopt culturally prompted beauty standards as personal expectations and compare their appearance against them. An example of this is seen through research by Poloskov and Tracey (2013) that found internalisation of U.S beauty standards helped explain the relationship between [[wikipedia:Acculturation|acculturation]] towards dominant U.S culture and body dissatisfaction among Mexican American Women. Similar research by Negi et al. (2022) found that internalisation of the thin ideal accounted for the relationship between acculturation and body dissatisfaction among South and Southeast Asian women living in the United States. Such findings suggest the adoption of culturally valued appearance ideals are associated with greater dissatisfaction when individuals perceive a gap between their own appearance and standards they have internalised. === Cultural perspectives that overlap with body neutrality === Although body neutrality is a relatively recent concept in psychological research, some cultural perspectives share overlapping aspects of its emphasis on valuing the body beyond physical appearance. An example of this is described by Martin and Latner (2025) who state how [[wikipedia:Native_Hawaiians|Kānaka Maoli]] or Indigenous Hawaiian cultural knowledge systems foster appreciation of body functionality through connections to land, community, spirituality and movement. Similarly, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women in Australia found that cultural identity and sense of belonging could help against negative body image experiences (Chalmers et al., 2022). These examples highlight how perspectives that overlap with body neutrality such as valuing body functionality, relationships, community, and connections to land, can be reflected within differing cultural contexts. Although these examples may not explicitly identify as body neutrality, they share very similar emphasis on thought processes. === Social media === [[File:Social media collection 2020s.png|thumb|'''Figure 3.''' Image of examples of social media platforms]] Social media has amplified body dissatisfaction for many individuals because there is now increased exposure to idealised representations of physical appearance and encouragement of comparison with others. This exposure to beauty ideals on social media can negatively affect body image. These comparisons may contribute to dissatisfaction when individuals perceive their own appearance as falling short of standards presented online. Due to the fast-paced nature of social media trends, different body types and physical features quickly become fashionable or desirable, creating changing expectations around appearance. These trends are often reinforced through editing of photographs, beauty filters, and digitally altered images that present unrealistic or difficult-to-achieve beauty standards (Merino et al., 2024). As beauty trends change and edited images continue to circulate, social media users may experience ongoing pressure to modify their appearance to meet these unrealistic standards, potentially reinforcing body dissatisfaction and negatively affection emotional wellbeing. '''*reference figure 3''' Despite social media's negative effects of body image, it has also been able to gain visibility for the body neutral perspective through platforms like TikTok. Analysis of videos taken from this platform using the hashtag #bodyneutrality found that this content commonly challenged appearance-based expectations and promoted acceptance of diverse bodies (Machin et al., 2025) . This suggests that social media can be used as a tool to help spread messages that encourage a body neutral perspective. Further research indicates that exposure to body-neutral content may have positive effects on body image and emotional wellbeing. Seekis and Lawrence (2023) found that young women who viewed body-neutral Tiktok videos reported greater body satisfaction and more positive mood than those exposed to thin-ideal content. This research shows that body-neutral content may offer a valuable alternative to appearance-focused social media by encourages a less judgmental relationship with the body, therefore supporting emotional wellbeing. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=5}} '''Reflecting on beauty standards''' * Who or what influences the beauty standards you see? * Why might people experience body dissatisfaction when their appearance does not match the beauty ideals promoted in their soceity? * How might body neutrality help people respond differently to beauty standards?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Existing research on body neutrality == Intro: evaluating whether research supports the proposed relationship between body neutrality and emotional well-being === Evidence for benefits === * Findings provide preliminary support for potential emotional benefits of body neutrality * Research agrees that body neutrality is an acceptable and relevant approach for people experiencing body-image concerns (Pellizzer & Wade, 2023) * Body-neutral content produces improvements in mood, body satisfaction and hopelessness (Seekis & Lawrence, 2023) * Digital body neutral intervention produced improvements in body dissatisfaction and hopelessness (Smith et al., 2023) === Evidence is still mixed === * Research is promising but does not provide clear consensus * Researchers have not established that body neutrality is distinct from existing body-image approaches * Body neutrality overlaps with concepts such as body-acceptance, compassion and functionality appreciation (Mulgrew & Hinz, 2024) === The need for future research === * Long term studies are needed to establish if benefits are sustained - due to concept being fairly new * Future research should clarify what makes body neutrality distinct from existing approaches (Pellizzer & Wade, 2023) * Researchers should continue testing body-neutral interventions rather than relying primarily on related body-image constructs == Applying a body-neutral perspective == Intro: translating psychological principles of body neutrality into practical ways of changing body perception - how can the reader implement a body neutral perspective? === Changing body-related thinking === * Separating physical appearance from global self-worth may reduce appearance contingent self-evaluation * Notice negative body thoughts without treating them as facts or acting on them * Replace appearance-based judgements with more neutral descriptions of the body * Reduce all-or-nothing thinking, such as viewing your body as "good" or "bad" [[File:People hugging in the beach.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 3.''' Two people hugging showing an important sensory experience]] === From appearance to functionality === * Shifting attention toward health, strength, flexibility, and physical comfort * Recognising sensory experiences - seeing, hearing, moving * Appreciating what the body enables a person to experience and participate in * Valuing functionality without turning physical performance into another standard for evaluating the body (Alleva et al., 2023) === Healthier environments === * Developing media literacy helps critically evaluate idealisd body representations * Reducing exposure to appearance-focused content and opportunities for appearance comparison * Curating your environment and content consumed to reduce exposure to unrealistic body ideals (Fioravanti et al., 2022) ==Conclusion== * Arguably the most important section * Provide at least three bullet-points for this section even at the topic development stage, based on preliminary thinking * For the book chapter, develop clear take-home message(s) that address the focus questions based on psychological theory and research * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing this problem * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing the importan *A body-neutral perspective emphasises acceptance, functionality, and psychological flexibility, rather than requiring positivity * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing importance of appearance in self-worth and decreasing the emotional impact of negative body-related thoughts * Social and cultural influences continue to shape body image, therefore, body neutrality may be most effective alongside healthier approaches to managing appearance-focused environments * Research provides promising but preliminary evidence that body-neutral approaches can improve aspects of body and emotional well-being. However, more research is needed to establish long-term effectiveness as well as distinctiveness from other similar concepts * Overall message: the goal is not necessarily to love or feel positive about the body, but to reduce the extent to which your appearance determines emotional well-being. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Body_neutrality|Body neutrality]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Body neutrality and emotional well-being|Body neutrality and emotional well-being]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[wikipedia:Body_positivity|Body positivity]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Abdoli, M., Scotto Rosato, M., Desousa, A., & Cotrufo, P. (2024). Cultural differences in body image: A systematic review. 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What can my body do vs. how does it look?: A qualitative analysis of young women and men’s descriptions of their body functionality or physical appearance. ''Body Image'', ''31'', 71–80. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2019.08.008 Fioravanti, G., Bocci Benucci, S., Ceragioli, G., & Casale, S. (2022). How the exposure to beauty ideals on social networking sites influences body image: A systematic review of experimental studies. ''Adolescent Research Review'', ''7''(3), 419–458. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40894-022-00179-4 Frederick, D. A., Forbes, M., Gentle, B., Reynolds, T. A., & Walters, T. (2012). Beauty standards. In ''Encyclopedia of human sexuality''. Wiley-Blackwell. Frederick, D. A., Gordon, A. R., Cook-Cottone, C. P., Brady, J. P., Reynolds, T. A., Alley, J., Garcia, J. R., Brown, T. A., Compte, E. J., Convertino, L., Crerand, C. E., Malcarne, V. L., Nagata, J. M., Parent, M. C., Pennesi, J.-L., Perez, M., Pila, E., Rodgers, R. F., Schaefer, L. M., … Murray, S. B. (2022). Demographic and sociocultural predictors of sexuality-related body image and sexual frequency: The U.S. Body Project I. ''Body Image'', ''41'', 109–127. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2022.01.010 Grogan, S. (2016). ''Body image: Understanding body dissatisfaction in men, women and children'' (3rd ed.). Routledge. Leboeuf, C. (2019). What is body positivity? The path from shame to pride. ''Philosophical Topics'', ''47''(2), 113–128. https://doi.org/10.5840/philtopics201947218 Mulgrew, K. E., & Hinz, A. (2024). What is body neutrality and how is it different to existing body image concepts? An analysis of experts and general community responses. ''Body Image'', ''51'', Article 101780. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101780 Paterna, A., Alcaraz‐Ibáñez, M., Fuller‐Tyszkiewicz, M., & Sicilia, Á. (2021). Internalization of body shape ideals and body dissatisfaction: A systematic review and meta‐analysis. ''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''54''(9), 1575–1600. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23568 Pellizzer, M. L., & Wade, T. D. (2023). Developing a definition of body neutrality and strategies for an intervention. ''Body Image'', ''46'', 434–442. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.07.006 Pomichter, E., Cepeda-Benito, A., Ahmadkaraji, S., & DePalma, J. P. (2025). Exploring male body image: A scoping review of measurement approaches and mental health implications. ''International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health'', ''22''(6), 834. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph22060834 Saunders, J. F., Nutter, S., Waugh, R., & Hayden, K. A. (2024). Testing body-related components of objectification theory: A meta-analysis of the relations between body shame, self-objectification, and body dissatisfaction. ''Body Image'', ''50'', Article 101738. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101738 Seekis, V., & Lawrence, R. K. (2023). How exposure to body neutrality content on TikTok affects young women’s body image and mood. ''Body Image'', ''47'', Article 101629. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.101629 Shontz, F. C. (1989). Development and structure of the body image, Vols. 1 and 2 [Rev. of ''Development and Structure of the Body Image, Volumes 1 and 2'']. ''Psychoanalytic Psychology'', ''6''(4), 503–507. https://doi.org/10.1037/0736-9735.6.4.503 Smith, A. C., Ahuvia, I., Ito, S., & Schleider, J. L. (2023). Project Body Neutrality: Piloting a digital single‐session intervention for adolescent body image and depression. ''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''56''(8), 1554–1569. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23976 Tylka, T. L., & Wood-Barcalow, N. L. (2015). What is and what is not positive body image? Conceptual foundations and construct definition. ''Body Image'', ''14'', 118–129. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2015.04.001 https://www.sciencedirect.com/sdfe/pdf/download/eid/1-s2.0-0022399986900966/first-page-pdf https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9970735/ https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychiatry/articles/10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00635/full https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/15598276261481490?casa_token=CLtVTca5fboAAAAA%3AVZXxdEaZIobOVIUNsqpuvNDYxboj26-mVH0q6wzArhtqivaE-lAE97I6k_favxKjw-E_XHvw-CpTqA https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2025-86318-001 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7908267/ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s40211-025-00544-4 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144518304595?casa_token=hdy0DS5cSAUAAAAA:kC46Z81NQanQQzq_0Muk0WbbEhXW-zrw1xPEe6MJC5UA-NPJn2Ts0k4IwkfiCs1gYaXm8i2UEaQ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1186/s40337-025-01353-4 https://www.mdpi.com/2227-9032/13/1/76 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11905045/ https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144525000099 https://academic.oup.com/bjd/article-abstract/187/S1/191/6700551 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/33593472/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/23809859/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/35923740/ https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11276240/ https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15213269.2016.1257392 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/40513252/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36347166/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/39633454/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/37742535/ }} ==External links== *[https://www.healthline.com/health/body-neutrality How to Shift from ‘Body Positivity’ to ‘Body Neutrality’ — and Why You Should] - Healthline *[https://www.nationaleatingdisorders.org/5-steps-body-neutrality/ 5 Steps to Body Neutrality] - NEDA *[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X2nBomd-mpY TedTalk - Existing: Body Neutrality and Beauty Standards | Sophia Vimol Horng] - YouTube [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Body image]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] 8lqvh4igwz1nmlj19bhjb7pm91j1n8e 2840271 2840267 2026-10-14T13:24:11Z Amyuniversity 3106627 /* Understanding body neutrality */ 2840271 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__{{Title|7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!1=Body neutrality and emotional well-being: How a body-neutral perspective can affect emotional well-being|Body neutrality and emotional well-being: How a body-neutral perspective can affect emotional well-being}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}}'''Consider this scenario...''' [[File:Woman with a rough life checking herself out in the mirror (8436629921).jpg|thumb|right|'''Figure 1.''' Woman looking at herself in the mirror]] Amanda is excitedly getting ready to go to a party with friends. Her excitement disappears when she looks in the mirror, beginning to compare her appearance to other women she knows. She focuses on what she perceives as flaws in her body, thinking about how she might be viewed by others at the event. As these thoughts become more intense, Amanda feels increasingly anxious and ashamed of her appearance. She considers making an excuse not to go as she worries she will be judged or that she does not look "good enough" to go out. Before texting the group chat to cancel, she stops. Amanda recognises how pumped she was seconds ago about this party, and how quickly this changes. She thinks, "Why is it that only after I look in the mirror, I believe I'm not worthy?". She realises how much her appearance has become closely connected with her emotions how she views her self-worth. Amanda decides to change the thought process. Instead of thinking "I will I look bad/good at this party" she thinks "I'm going to have to much fun at this party". This shifts the attention away from evaluating her appearance and more towards what her body allows her to do, such as spending time with friends, dancing, and enjoying the evening. Amanda also recognises that self-worth can come from many areas of her life, including her relationships, personality, interests, and achievements. She knows that negative thoughts about her appearance will still occur, but she's done with letting them determine whether she feels good about herself or whether she participates in activities she enjoys. Amanda does finishing touches to her hair, makeup, and outfit, before grabbing her bag and shoes. She leaves the house feeing better about herself and looking forward for the night ahead, all thanks to her discovery of a body-neutral perspective {{RoundBoxBottom}} [[wikipedia:Body_neutrality|Body neutrality]] is an approach to body image which focuses on accepting the body without any particular emotion or attention to one's physical appearance. This is an important concept because body dissatisfaction is common and has negative affects on emotional well-being, self-esteem and behaviour. These affects can lead to difficulties such as anxiety, depression, and psychological issues such as disordered eating. Social media, cultural and social idealised bodies, and appearance-based social comparison are important factors that contribute to how people evaluate their bodies. Psychological research somewhat explains how body-neutral perspectives may influence emotional-wellbeing through the examination of self-esteem, social comparison, self-compassion, psychological flexibility, and appearance-based self-worth. Understanding such psychological processes helps identify whether and how body neutrality may support a healthy body image and therefore emotional well-being. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * What is body neutrality, and how does it differ from other approaches to body image? * How can body image and appearance-related thinking influence emotional well-being? * How do social and cultural influences shape body image and the way we experience our bodies? * How might adopting a body-neutral perspect support emotional wellbeing?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding body neutrality == === Body image === The concept of [[wikipedia:Body_image|body image]] has many interpretations. It was originally developed as a neurological concept, describing the brain's ability to detect weight, shape, size and form and incorporate these into core beliefs or mental frameworks (Lacey, 1986). This early definition of body image was known as 'the body percept' and focuses more on the accumulated sensory experience within one's body. The actual term 'body image' was coined by Paul Schilder (2013) who defined body image as "the picture of our own body which we form in our mind, that is to say the way in which the body appears to ourselves." Modern definitions of the term are far more in depth, explaining body image as something that is multidimensional that encompasses an individuals thoughts, feelings, attitudes, and behaviours regarding their physical appearance, body shape, size, weight, and how their body functions (Rodgers et al. 2023). Body image involves interconnected perceptual, cognitive, emotional, and behavioural components. These components explain how we percieve our bodies, develop beliefs about our appearance, experience body-related emotions, and respond through behaviour (Carey & Preston, 2019). * '''Perceptual''': How people perceive their body's size, shape, weight, and appearance. Perceptions may not always accurately reflect physical characteristics ** Example: perceiving your stomach to be bigger than it actually is * '''Cognitive''': Thoughts, beliefs, and evaluation individuals hold about their bodies. This includes beliefs about how attractive or important one's appearance is. ** Example: believing you need to lose weight to be considered attractive * '''Emotional''': Feelings associated with body appearance including satisfaction, confidence, shame, anxiety, or embarrassment ** Example: Feeling shame about your body when you compare to another person * '''Behavioural''': Actions people take in response to body image ** Example: Repeatedly checking appearance in mirrors or avoiding social situations due to being uncomfortable about appearance These components can be considered separately but they are best understood as interacting factors. For example, someone who may perceive their appearance negatively may develop critical thoughts about their body, experience feelings of shame or anxiety, and subsequently avoiding social situations, therefore displaying all body image components. === Development of body neutrality === The development of body neutrality is closely associated with Anne Poirier, who worked as a eating-disorder specialist and intuitive eating counsellor, helping popularise the approach through this work. Around 2015, body neutrality started to gain popularity in online spaces as a alternative way of discussing body image, with Poirer subsequently developing workshops around the concept (Nuss et al., 2026). Poirer's approach emphasised that people should not feel like they have to love their bodies. Instead, their attention should be on body functionality and recognising personal worth beyond physical appearance. Poirer's work helped bring body neutrality into wider discussions regarding body image. This includes popularity on social media such as Instagram or TikTok, which further increased visibility for the concept (Nuss et al., 2025). Despite its increasing popularity, there still is not an agreed-upon definition of body neutrality. The term is often used to describe reducing importance placed on physical appearance, accepting the body without required feelings, focusing on functionality, or responding to body-related thoughts without judgement. Although these ideas overlap, they do not necessarily describe the same psychological process. For example, trying to reduce the importance of appearance involves changing how much value is placed on physical attractiveness, whereas body functionality focuses on recognising what the body allows us to do. Similarly, accepting negative body related feelings does not necessarily mean that appearance has become unimportant. These differences make it difficult to establish a single definition that captures all the ways body neutrality is understood or practiced. '''*reference''' Body neutrality represents a promising approach to understanding body image by offering an alternative perspective that does not require feeling-focused attitudes towards appearance. Despite it's recent emergence and evolving definition, the concept is valuable because it helps navigate pressures surrounding body evaluation. === From body negativity to body positivity to body neutrality === Body image is best understood through the varying perspectives that people have. This ranges from negative evaluations of one's appearance, positive appreciation, and neutral acceptance. Body negativity involves dissatisfaction, criticism, or negative feelings towards one's body, often influenced by perceived flaws and societal beauty standards (Tort-Nasarre et al., 2021). Negative body image often contribute to lower self-esteem and emotional distress, including feelings of anxiety, sadness, and shame. It is also associated with disordered eating behaviours and other psychological difficulties, although these relationships are complex and do not effect everyone with body dissatisfaction (Abdoli et al., 2025). [[wikipedia:Body_positivity|Body positivity]] is a opposing perspective because it involves encouragement in appreciating or accepting one's body regardless of shape, size, or appearance. The body positivity movement created visibility for body positive perspectives through social media, where people of all differing types of bodies challenges conventional beauty standards. The body positive movement originated with fat-acceptance activism, feminist and queer social movements, with a focused attention to the stigma and exclusion experienced by people whose bodies are marginalised because of body size, disability, gender expression, etc (Cohen et al., 2019). While this movement has messages of empowerment for many, some people have found the expectation to love and celebrate their bodies difficult to achieve. For those with a negative body image, being encouraged to replace negative feelings with positive ones may feel unrealistic or create pressure to feel confident when they simply do not. This does not mean that body positivity is ineffective, rather, it highlights that people relate to their bodies in different ways. This is where body neutrality comes in as a valuable alternative. For those who do not want to focus on loving their appearance, it allows them to accept their bodies without requiring positive feelings. Rather than judging body image by whether someone feels positivity or negatively about their looks, a neutral perspective allows for all feelings without them being the measure of personal worth. See table 1 for an overall comparison of these perspectives. {| class="wikitable sortable" |+Table 1. Comparing and Contrasting Body-image Concepts ! !Body negativity !Body positivity !Body neutrality |- |View of body |Negative evaluation |Positive appreciation |Acceptance without requiring positivity |- |Role of appearance | colspan="2" |High Importance |Reduced importance |- |Expected emotion |Shame, anxiety, distress |Pride, love, happiness |No particular feelings required |- |Basis of self-worth |May become appearance dependent |May include body appreciation |Broader than physical appearance |- |Psychological focus |Appearance evaluation |Appreciation and acceptance |Flexibility and reduced appearance centrality |- |Example thought |"I don't like how my body looks" |"I love and appreciate my body" |"I accept my body and my appearance does not determine my worth" |} == Body image and emotional wellbeing == === Appearance-based self-worth and emotional distress === Appearance-based self-worth is when individuals base their overall self-evaluation on whether they believe their physical attractiveness meets a certain standard. When appearance is a central focus, perceived flaws or concerns about looks becomes a central source of emotional distress. Findings from Adams et al. (2017) find that appearance-contingent self-worth is associated with greater [[wikipedia:Self-objectification|self-objectification]], which is linked to higher appearance anxiety and lower self-esteem. This suggests that people who place greater importance on appearance may become more concerned about if they meet beauty standards, causing vulnerabilities to their self-esteem because of appearance-related stress. For example, someone who believes their attractiveness determines worth may experience anxiety or shame when comparing themselves with others. This thinking can extend beyond body dissatisfaction and into how individuals evaluate themselves as a person overall. === Self-objectification and appearance monitoring === Self-objectification refers to viewing one's body from an outsider's perspective. There is great attention given to how the body looks rather than how it feels or functions. [[wikipedia:Self-monitoring|Appearance monitoring]] stems from this, and includes behaviours such as repeatedly checking mirrors, adjusting clothing to hide perceived flaws, or comparing one's appearance with others (Ahmed et al., 2025). Continually monitoring appearance can increase attention towards someone idea of a physical flaw and create greater concern about how other evaluate their body. This contributes to feelings body shame, appearance anxiety, and lower self-esteem, particularly for those who believe they do not meet expected standards (Sarda et al., 2025). When this behaviour continues, everyday situations may become opportunities for self-criticism and evaluation. Consequently, self-objectification and appearance monitoring negatively affects emotional well-being by making physical looks a source of worry and evaluation, reinforcing body dissatisfaction and increasing vulnerabilities to perceived physical imperfections. === Effects on everyday functioning === These concerning behaviours and thought processes about body image can affect how people participate in everyday activities, maintain relationships, and manage daily responsibilities. When one's attention is heavily directed towards appearance, it may be difficult to concentrate on other aspects of life. This can lead to avoidance behaviours such as not attending social events, exercising in public, or having photographs taken. Overtime, this avoidance limits social participation and prevents individuals from engaging in experiences they would otherwise enjoy. The consequences on daily life due to severe body image concerns can be illustrated through Diana's case study. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=7}} '''Case Study: Diana''' Diana is a 25-year-old with anorexia nervosa who was examined by Di Lernia et al. (2019). Diana sought treatment at an eating disorder centre following significant weight loss. Her issues with eating started when she began a restrictive diet due to health concerns. This caused her to develop persistent thoughts about calories, weight, and particular foods. Diana also experienced distorted perceptions of her body, repeatedly body checking in mirrors, and wearing clothes that would hide her figure. During periods of high distress, she reported frequently crying while looking at herself in the mirror. {{RoundBoxBottom}} This case study shows how body image can extend into eating behaviours, daily routines, and overall emotional wellbeing. Persistent concerns about food, weight, and body perception show how these thoughts can become a significant part of daily life and can cause severe negative emotional responses. Although this case involves [[wikipedia:Anorexia|anorexia nervosa]] and cannot represent all experiences of negative body image, it stands as a good example of how severe body image can coincide with distress and behaviours that distrupt daily functioning and therefore emotional wellbeing. == Social and cultural influences == [[File:Woman Montage (1).jpg|thumb|'''Figure 2.''' Faces and figures of women, showing how different groups depict beauty. ]] === Appearance ideals and cultural influence === Culture is one of the most influential aspects on the formation of body image as it shaped how individuals understand attractiveness and evaluate their appearance overall (Vincent et al., 2025). Societal values, historical impacts, and cultural expectations influence which body shapes or physical characteristics are considered desirable. [[wikipedia:Feminine_beauty_ideal|Beauty ideals]] are not universal internationally, with all countries having differing appearance ideals. See Figure 2 for a board comparison of differing depictions of beauty. In many Western societies, thinness has been the ideal for beauty in women. However, ideals have shifted over time to include greater emphasis on curvier or more muscular bodies (Paudel et al., 2025). In Southeast Asia, preference for lighter skin is greatly influenced by historical class associations, [[wikipedia:Colorism|colourism]], and contemporary beauty industries (Khan & Khan, 2022). Across African countries and cultures, ideals also vary, with normal to overweight bodies being associated with beauty, prosperity or fertility in some contexts, while lighter skin and Eurocentric features have been favoured in others (Pradeilles et al., 2022). These ideals are largely based in culture and not necessarily the geographical regions in which they are developed. An example of this is shown through research involving South Asian women in the United Kingdom found that exposure to advertisements including white models reduce participants' satisfaction with their own skin colour, highlighting how culture and representation can change appearance evaluation (Craddock et al., 2025). This suggests that appearance ideals influence body image because individuals may encounter and internalise beauty standards associated with other cultures, making cultural influences and exposure to beauty ideals have significant impact on how individuals perceive and evaluate their bodies, regardless of where they live. The internalisation of such ideals contributes to body dissatisfaction when individuals adopt culturally prompted beauty standards as personal expectations and compare their appearance against them. An example of this is seen through research by Poloskov and Tracey (2013) that found internalisation of U.S beauty standards helped explain the relationship between [[wikipedia:Acculturation|acculturation]] towards dominant U.S culture and body dissatisfaction among Mexican American Women. Similar research by Negi et al. (2022) found that internalisation of the thin ideal accounted for the relationship between acculturation and body dissatisfaction among South and Southeast Asian women living in the United States. Such findings suggest the adoption of culturally valued appearance ideals are associated with greater dissatisfaction when individuals perceive a gap between their own appearance and standards they have internalised. === Cultural perspectives that overlap with body neutrality === Although body neutrality is a relatively recent concept in psychological research, some cultural perspectives share overlapping aspects of its emphasis on valuing the body beyond physical appearance. An example of this is described by Martin and Latner (2025) who state how [[wikipedia:Native_Hawaiians|Kānaka Maoli]] or Indigenous Hawaiian cultural knowledge systems foster appreciation of body functionality through connections to land, community, spirituality and movement. Similarly, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women in Australia found that cultural identity and sense of belonging could help against negative body image experiences (Chalmers et al., 2022). These examples highlight how perspectives that overlap with body neutrality such as valuing body functionality, relationships, community, and connections to land, can be reflected within differing cultural contexts. Although these examples may not explicitly identify as body neutrality, they share very similar emphasis on thought processes. === Social media === [[File:Social media collection 2020s.png|thumb|'''Figure 3.''' Image of examples of social media platforms]] Social media has amplified body dissatisfaction for many individuals because there is now increased exposure to idealised representations of physical appearance and encouragement of comparison with others. This exposure to beauty ideals on social media can negatively affect body image. These comparisons may contribute to dissatisfaction when individuals perceive their own appearance as falling short of standards presented online. Due to the fast-paced nature of social media trends, different body types and physical features quickly become fashionable or desirable, creating changing expectations around appearance. These trends are often reinforced through editing of photographs, beauty filters, and digitally altered images that present unrealistic or difficult-to-achieve beauty standards (Merino et al., 2024). As beauty trends change and edited images continue to circulate, social media users may experience ongoing pressure to modify their appearance to meet these unrealistic standards, potentially reinforcing body dissatisfaction and negatively affection emotional wellbeing. '''*reference figure 3''' Despite social media's negative effects of body image, it has also been able to gain visibility for the body neutral perspective through platforms like TikTok. Analysis of videos taken from this platform using the hashtag #bodyneutrality found that this content commonly challenged appearance-based expectations and promoted acceptance of diverse bodies (Machin et al., 2025) . This suggests that social media can be used as a tool to help spread messages that encourage a body neutral perspective. Further research indicates that exposure to body-neutral content may have positive effects on body image and emotional wellbeing. Seekis and Lawrence (2023) found that young women who viewed body-neutral Tiktok videos reported greater body satisfaction and more positive mood than those exposed to thin-ideal content. This research shows that body-neutral content may offer a valuable alternative to appearance-focused social media by encourages a less judgmental relationship with the body, therefore supporting emotional wellbeing. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=5}} '''Reflecting on beauty standards''' * Who or what influences the beauty standards you see? * Why might people experience body dissatisfaction when their appearance does not match the beauty ideals promoted in their soceity? * How might body neutrality help people respond differently to beauty standards?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Existing research on body neutrality == Intro: evaluating whether research supports the proposed relationship between body neutrality and emotional well-being === Evidence for benefits === * Findings provide preliminary support for potential emotional benefits of body neutrality * Research agrees that body neutrality is an acceptable and relevant approach for people experiencing body-image concerns (Pellizzer & Wade, 2023) * Body-neutral content produces improvements in mood, body satisfaction and hopelessness (Seekis & Lawrence, 2023) * Digital body neutral intervention produced improvements in body dissatisfaction and hopelessness (Smith et al., 2023) === Evidence is still mixed === * Research is promising but does not provide clear consensus * Researchers have not established that body neutrality is distinct from existing body-image approaches * Body neutrality overlaps with concepts such as body-acceptance, compassion and functionality appreciation (Mulgrew & Hinz, 2024) === The need for future research === * Long term studies are needed to establish if benefits are sustained - due to concept being fairly new * Future research should clarify what makes body neutrality distinct from existing approaches (Pellizzer & Wade, 2023) * Researchers should continue testing body-neutral interventions rather than relying primarily on related body-image constructs == Applying a body-neutral perspective == Intro: translating psychological principles of body neutrality into practical ways of changing body perception - how can the reader implement a body neutral perspective? === Changing body-related thinking === * Separating physical appearance from global self-worth may reduce appearance contingent self-evaluation * Notice negative body thoughts without treating them as facts or acting on them * Replace appearance-based judgements with more neutral descriptions of the body * Reduce all-or-nothing thinking, such as viewing your body as "good" or "bad" [[File:People hugging in the beach.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 3.''' Two people hugging showing an important sensory experience]] === From appearance to functionality === * Shifting attention toward health, strength, flexibility, and physical comfort * Recognising sensory experiences - seeing, hearing, moving * Appreciating what the body enables a person to experience and participate in * Valuing functionality without turning physical performance into another standard for evaluating the body (Alleva et al., 2023) === Healthier environments === * Developing media literacy helps critically evaluate idealisd body representations * Reducing exposure to appearance-focused content and opportunities for appearance comparison * Curating your environment and content consumed to reduce exposure to unrealistic body ideals (Fioravanti et al., 2022) ==Conclusion== * Arguably the most important section * Provide at least three bullet-points for this section even at the topic development stage, based on preliminary thinking * For the book chapter, develop clear take-home message(s) that address the focus questions based on psychological theory and research * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing this problem * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing the importan *A body-neutral perspective emphasises acceptance, functionality, and psychological flexibility, rather than requiring positivity * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing importance of appearance in self-worth and decreasing the emotional impact of negative body-related thoughts * Social and cultural influences continue to shape body image, therefore, body neutrality may be most effective alongside healthier approaches to managing appearance-focused environments * Research provides promising but preliminary evidence that body-neutral approaches can improve aspects of body and emotional well-being. However, more research is needed to establish long-term effectiveness as well as distinctiveness from other similar concepts * Overall message: the goal is not necessarily to love or feel positive about the body, but to reduce the extent to which your appearance determines emotional well-being. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Body_neutrality|Body neutrality]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Body neutrality and emotional well-being|Body neutrality and emotional well-being]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[wikipedia:Body_positivity|Body positivity]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Abdoli, M., Scotto Rosato, M., Desousa, A., & Cotrufo, P. (2024). Cultural differences in body image: A systematic review. 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What can my body do vs. how does it look?: A qualitative analysis of young women and men’s descriptions of their body functionality or physical appearance. ''Body Image'', ''31'', 71–80. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2019.08.008 Fioravanti, G., Bocci Benucci, S., Ceragioli, G., & Casale, S. (2022). How the exposure to beauty ideals on social networking sites influences body image: A systematic review of experimental studies. ''Adolescent Research Review'', ''7''(3), 419–458. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40894-022-00179-4 Frederick, D. A., Forbes, M., Gentle, B., Reynolds, T. A., & Walters, T. (2012). Beauty standards. In ''Encyclopedia of human sexuality''. Wiley-Blackwell. Frederick, D. A., Gordon, A. R., Cook-Cottone, C. P., Brady, J. P., Reynolds, T. A., Alley, J., Garcia, J. R., Brown, T. A., Compte, E. J., Convertino, L., Crerand, C. E., Malcarne, V. L., Nagata, J. M., Parent, M. C., Pennesi, J.-L., Perez, M., Pila, E., Rodgers, R. F., Schaefer, L. M., … Murray, S. B. (2022). Demographic and sociocultural predictors of sexuality-related body image and sexual frequency: The U.S. Body Project I. ''Body Image'', ''41'', 109–127. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2022.01.010 Grogan, S. (2016). ''Body image: Understanding body dissatisfaction in men, women and children'' (3rd ed.). Routledge. Leboeuf, C. (2019). What is body positivity? The path from shame to pride. ''Philosophical Topics'', ''47''(2), 113–128. https://doi.org/10.5840/philtopics201947218 Mulgrew, K. E., & Hinz, A. (2024). What is body neutrality and how is it different to existing body image concepts? An analysis of experts and general community responses. ''Body Image'', ''51'', Article 101780. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101780 Paterna, A., Alcaraz‐Ibáñez, M., Fuller‐Tyszkiewicz, M., & Sicilia, Á. (2021). Internalization of body shape ideals and body dissatisfaction: A systematic review and meta‐analysis. ''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''54''(9), 1575–1600. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23568 Pellizzer, M. L., & Wade, T. D. (2023). Developing a definition of body neutrality and strategies for an intervention. ''Body Image'', ''46'', 434–442. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.07.006 Pomichter, E., Cepeda-Benito, A., Ahmadkaraji, S., & DePalma, J. P. (2025). Exploring male body image: A scoping review of measurement approaches and mental health implications. ''International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health'', ''22''(6), 834. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph22060834 Saunders, J. F., Nutter, S., Waugh, R., & Hayden, K. A. (2024). Testing body-related components of objectification theory: A meta-analysis of the relations between body shame, self-objectification, and body dissatisfaction. ''Body Image'', ''50'', Article 101738. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101738 Seekis, V., & Lawrence, R. K. (2023). How exposure to body neutrality content on TikTok affects young women’s body image and mood. ''Body Image'', ''47'', Article 101629. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.101629 Shontz, F. C. (1989). Development and structure of the body image, Vols. 1 and 2 [Rev. of ''Development and Structure of the Body Image, Volumes 1 and 2'']. ''Psychoanalytic Psychology'', ''6''(4), 503–507. https://doi.org/10.1037/0736-9735.6.4.503 Smith, A. C., Ahuvia, I., Ito, S., & Schleider, J. L. (2023). Project Body Neutrality: Piloting a digital single‐session intervention for adolescent body image and depression. ''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''56''(8), 1554–1569. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23976 Tylka, T. L., & Wood-Barcalow, N. L. (2015). What is and what is not positive body image? Conceptual foundations and construct definition. ''Body Image'', ''14'', 118–129. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2015.04.001 https://www.sciencedirect.com/sdfe/pdf/download/eid/1-s2.0-0022399986900966/first-page-pdf https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9970735/ https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychiatry/articles/10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00635/full https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/15598276261481490?casa_token=CLtVTca5fboAAAAA%3AVZXxdEaZIobOVIUNsqpuvNDYxboj26-mVH0q6wzArhtqivaE-lAE97I6k_favxKjw-E_XHvw-CpTqA https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2025-86318-001 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7908267/ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s40211-025-00544-4 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144518304595?casa_token=hdy0DS5cSAUAAAAA:kC46Z81NQanQQzq_0Muk0WbbEhXW-zrw1xPEe6MJC5UA-NPJn2Ts0k4IwkfiCs1gYaXm8i2UEaQ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1186/s40337-025-01353-4 https://www.mdpi.com/2227-9032/13/1/76 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11905045/ https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144525000099 https://academic.oup.com/bjd/article-abstract/187/S1/191/6700551 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/33593472/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/23809859/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/35923740/ https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11276240/ https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15213269.2016.1257392 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/40513252/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36347166/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/39633454/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/37742535/ }} ==External links== *[https://www.healthline.com/health/body-neutrality How to Shift from ‘Body Positivity’ to ‘Body Neutrality’ — and Why You Should] - Healthline *[https://www.nationaleatingdisorders.org/5-steps-body-neutrality/ 5 Steps to Body Neutrality] - NEDA *[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X2nBomd-mpY TedTalk - Existing: Body Neutrality and Beauty Standards | Sophia Vimol Horng] - YouTube [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Body image]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] 1lw9g4jiyxf3th3c4ov7mqjmxh7960s 2840272 2840271 2026-10-14T13:28:30Z Amyuniversity 3106627 /* Changing body-related thinking */ 2840272 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__{{Title|7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!1=Body neutrality and emotional well-being: How a body-neutral perspective can affect emotional well-being|Body neutrality and emotional well-being: How a body-neutral perspective can affect emotional well-being}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}}'''Consider this scenario...''' [[File:Woman with a rough life checking herself out in the mirror (8436629921).jpg|thumb|right|'''Figure 1.''' Woman looking at herself in the mirror]] Amanda is excitedly getting ready to go to a party with friends. Her excitement disappears when she looks in the mirror, beginning to compare her appearance to other women she knows. She focuses on what she perceives as flaws in her body, thinking about how she might be viewed by others at the event. As these thoughts become more intense, Amanda feels increasingly anxious and ashamed of her appearance. She considers making an excuse not to go as she worries she will be judged or that she does not look "good enough" to go out. Before texting the group chat to cancel, she stops. Amanda recognises how pumped she was seconds ago about this party, and how quickly this changes. She thinks, "Why is it that only after I look in the mirror, I believe I'm not worthy?". She realises how much her appearance has become closely connected with her emotions how she views her self-worth. Amanda decides to change the thought process. Instead of thinking "I will I look bad/good at this party" she thinks "I'm going to have to much fun at this party". This shifts the attention away from evaluating her appearance and more towards what her body allows her to do, such as spending time with friends, dancing, and enjoying the evening. Amanda also recognises that self-worth can come from many areas of her life, including her relationships, personality, interests, and achievements. She knows that negative thoughts about her appearance will still occur, but she's done with letting them determine whether she feels good about herself or whether she participates in activities she enjoys. Amanda does finishing touches to her hair, makeup, and outfit, before grabbing her bag and shoes. She leaves the house feeing better about herself and looking forward for the night ahead, all thanks to her discovery of a body-neutral perspective {{RoundBoxBottom}} [[wikipedia:Body_neutrality|Body neutrality]] is an approach to body image which focuses on accepting the body without any particular emotion or attention to one's physical appearance. This is an important concept because body dissatisfaction is common and has negative affects on emotional well-being, self-esteem and behaviour. These affects can lead to difficulties such as anxiety, depression, and psychological issues such as disordered eating. Social media, cultural and social idealised bodies, and appearance-based social comparison are important factors that contribute to how people evaluate their bodies. Psychological research somewhat explains how body-neutral perspectives may influence emotional-wellbeing through the examination of self-esteem, social comparison, self-compassion, psychological flexibility, and appearance-based self-worth. Understanding such psychological processes helps identify whether and how body neutrality may support a healthy body image and therefore emotional well-being. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * What is body neutrality, and how does it differ from other approaches to body image? * How can body image and appearance-related thinking influence emotional well-being? * How do social and cultural influences shape body image and the way we experience our bodies? * How might adopting a body-neutral perspect support emotional wellbeing?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding body neutrality == === Body image === The concept of [[wikipedia:Body_image|body image]] has many interpretations. It was originally developed as a neurological concept, describing the brain's ability to detect weight, shape, size and form and incorporate these into core beliefs or mental frameworks (Lacey, 1986). This early definition of body image was known as 'the body percept' and focuses more on the accumulated sensory experience within one's body. The actual term 'body image' was coined by Paul Schilder (2013) who defined body image as "the picture of our own body which we form in our mind, that is to say the way in which the body appears to ourselves." Modern definitions of the term are far more in depth, explaining body image as something that is multidimensional that encompasses an individuals thoughts, feelings, attitudes, and behaviours regarding their physical appearance, body shape, size, weight, and how their body functions (Rodgers et al. 2023). Body image involves interconnected perceptual, cognitive, emotional, and behavioural components. These components explain how we percieve our bodies, develop beliefs about our appearance, experience body-related emotions, and respond through behaviour (Carey & Preston, 2019). * '''Perceptual''': How people perceive their body's size, shape, weight, and appearance. Perceptions may not always accurately reflect physical characteristics ** Example: perceiving your stomach to be bigger than it actually is * '''Cognitive''': Thoughts, beliefs, and evaluation individuals hold about their bodies. This includes beliefs about how attractive or important one's appearance is. ** Example: believing you need to lose weight to be considered attractive * '''Emotional''': Feelings associated with body appearance including satisfaction, confidence, shame, anxiety, or embarrassment ** Example: Feeling shame about your body when you compare to another person * '''Behavioural''': Actions people take in response to body image ** Example: Repeatedly checking appearance in mirrors or avoiding social situations due to being uncomfortable about appearance These components can be considered separately but they are best understood as interacting factors. For example, someone who may perceive their appearance negatively may develop critical thoughts about their body, experience feelings of shame or anxiety, and subsequently avoiding social situations, therefore displaying all body image components. === Development of body neutrality === The development of body neutrality is closely associated with Anne Poirier, who worked as a eating-disorder specialist and intuitive eating counsellor, helping popularise the approach through this work. Around 2015, body neutrality started to gain popularity in online spaces as a alternative way of discussing body image, with Poirer subsequently developing workshops around the concept (Nuss et al., 2026). Poirer's approach emphasised that people should not feel like they have to love their bodies. Instead, their attention should be on body functionality and recognising personal worth beyond physical appearance. Poirer's work helped bring body neutrality into wider discussions regarding body image. This includes popularity on social media such as Instagram or TikTok, which further increased visibility for the concept (Nuss et al., 2025). Despite its increasing popularity, there still is not an agreed-upon definition of body neutrality. The term is often used to describe reducing importance placed on physical appearance, accepting the body without required feelings, focusing on functionality, or responding to body-related thoughts without judgement. Although these ideas overlap, they do not necessarily describe the same psychological process. For example, trying to reduce the importance of appearance involves changing how much value is placed on physical attractiveness, whereas body functionality focuses on recognising what the body allows us to do. Similarly, accepting negative body related feelings does not necessarily mean that appearance has become unimportant. These differences make it difficult to establish a single definition that captures all the ways body neutrality is understood or practiced. '''*reference''' Body neutrality represents a promising approach to understanding body image by offering an alternative perspective that does not require feeling-focused attitudes towards appearance. Despite it's recent emergence and evolving definition, the concept is valuable because it helps navigate pressures surrounding body evaluation. === From body negativity to body positivity to body neutrality === Body image is best understood through the varying perspectives that people have. This ranges from negative evaluations of one's appearance, positive appreciation, and neutral acceptance. Body negativity involves dissatisfaction, criticism, or negative feelings towards one's body, often influenced by perceived flaws and societal beauty standards (Tort-Nasarre et al., 2021). Negative body image often contribute to lower self-esteem and emotional distress, including feelings of anxiety, sadness, and shame. It is also associated with disordered eating behaviours and other psychological difficulties, although these relationships are complex and do not effect everyone with body dissatisfaction (Abdoli et al., 2025). [[wikipedia:Body_positivity|Body positivity]] is a opposing perspective because it involves encouragement in appreciating or accepting one's body regardless of shape, size, or appearance. The body positivity movement created visibility for body positive perspectives through social media, where people of all differing types of bodies challenges conventional beauty standards. The body positive movement originated with fat-acceptance activism, feminist and queer social movements, with a focused attention to the stigma and exclusion experienced by people whose bodies are marginalised because of body size, disability, gender expression, etc (Cohen et al., 2019). While this movement has messages of empowerment for many, some people have found the expectation to love and celebrate their bodies difficult to achieve. For those with a negative body image, being encouraged to replace negative feelings with positive ones may feel unrealistic or create pressure to feel confident when they simply do not. This does not mean that body positivity is ineffective, rather, it highlights that people relate to their bodies in different ways. This is where body neutrality comes in as a valuable alternative. For those who do not want to focus on loving their appearance, it allows them to accept their bodies without requiring positive feelings. Rather than judging body image by whether someone feels positivity or negatively about their looks, a neutral perspective allows for all feelings without them being the measure of personal worth. See table 1 for an overall comparison of these perspectives. {| class="wikitable sortable" |+Table 1. Comparing and Contrasting Body-image Concepts ! !Body negativity !Body positivity !Body neutrality |- |View of body |Negative evaluation |Positive appreciation |Acceptance without requiring positivity |- |Role of appearance | colspan="2" |High Importance |Reduced importance |- |Expected emotion |Shame, anxiety, distress |Pride, love, happiness |No particular feelings required |- |Basis of self-worth |May become appearance dependent |May include body appreciation |Broader than physical appearance |- |Psychological focus |Appearance evaluation |Appreciation and acceptance |Flexibility and reduced appearance centrality |- |Example thought |"I don't like how my body looks" |"I love and appreciate my body" |"I accept my body and my appearance does not determine my worth" |} == Body image and emotional wellbeing == === Appearance-based self-worth and emotional distress === Appearance-based self-worth is when individuals base their overall self-evaluation on whether they believe their physical attractiveness meets a certain standard. When appearance is a central focus, perceived flaws or concerns about looks becomes a central source of emotional distress. Findings from Adams et al. (2017) find that appearance-contingent self-worth is associated with greater [[wikipedia:Self-objectification|self-objectification]], which is linked to higher appearance anxiety and lower self-esteem. This suggests that people who place greater importance on appearance may become more concerned about if they meet beauty standards, causing vulnerabilities to their self-esteem because of appearance-related stress. For example, someone who believes their attractiveness determines worth may experience anxiety or shame when comparing themselves with others. This thinking can extend beyond body dissatisfaction and into how individuals evaluate themselves as a person overall. === Self-objectification and appearance monitoring === Self-objectification refers to viewing one's body from an outsider's perspective. There is great attention given to how the body looks rather than how it feels or functions. [[wikipedia:Self-monitoring|Appearance monitoring]] stems from this, and includes behaviours such as repeatedly checking mirrors, adjusting clothing to hide perceived flaws, or comparing one's appearance with others (Ahmed et al., 2025). Continually monitoring appearance can increase attention towards someone idea of a physical flaw and create greater concern about how other evaluate their body. This contributes to feelings body shame, appearance anxiety, and lower self-esteem, particularly for those who believe they do not meet expected standards (Sarda et al., 2025). When this behaviour continues, everyday situations may become opportunities for self-criticism and evaluation. Consequently, self-objectification and appearance monitoring negatively affects emotional well-being by making physical looks a source of worry and evaluation, reinforcing body dissatisfaction and increasing vulnerabilities to perceived physical imperfections. === Effects on everyday functioning === These concerning behaviours and thought processes about body image can affect how people participate in everyday activities, maintain relationships, and manage daily responsibilities. When one's attention is heavily directed towards appearance, it may be difficult to concentrate on other aspects of life. This can lead to avoidance behaviours such as not attending social events, exercising in public, or having photographs taken. Overtime, this avoidance limits social participation and prevents individuals from engaging in experiences they would otherwise enjoy. The consequences on daily life due to severe body image concerns can be illustrated through Diana's case study. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=7}} '''Case Study: Diana''' Diana is a 25-year-old with anorexia nervosa who was examined by Di Lernia et al. (2019). Diana sought treatment at an eating disorder centre following significant weight loss. Her issues with eating started when she began a restrictive diet due to health concerns. This caused her to develop persistent thoughts about calories, weight, and particular foods. Diana also experienced distorted perceptions of her body, repeatedly body checking in mirrors, and wearing clothes that would hide her figure. During periods of high distress, she reported frequently crying while looking at herself in the mirror. {{RoundBoxBottom}} This case study shows how body image can extend into eating behaviours, daily routines, and overall emotional wellbeing. Persistent concerns about food, weight, and body perception show how these thoughts can become a significant part of daily life and can cause severe negative emotional responses. Although this case involves [[wikipedia:Anorexia|anorexia nervosa]] and cannot represent all experiences of negative body image, it stands as a good example of how severe body image can coincide with distress and behaviours that distrupt daily functioning and therefore emotional wellbeing. == Social and cultural influences == [[File:Woman Montage (1).jpg|thumb|'''Figure 2.''' Faces and figures of women, showing how different groups depict beauty. ]] === Appearance ideals and cultural influence === Culture is one of the most influential aspects on the formation of body image as it shaped how individuals understand attractiveness and evaluate their appearance overall (Vincent et al., 2025). Societal values, historical impacts, and cultural expectations influence which body shapes or physical characteristics are considered desirable. [[wikipedia:Feminine_beauty_ideal|Beauty ideals]] are not universal internationally, with all countries having differing appearance ideals. See Figure 2 for a board comparison of differing depictions of beauty. In many Western societies, thinness has been the ideal for beauty in women. However, ideals have shifted over time to include greater emphasis on curvier or more muscular bodies (Paudel et al., 2025). In Southeast Asia, preference for lighter skin is greatly influenced by historical class associations, [[wikipedia:Colorism|colourism]], and contemporary beauty industries (Khan & Khan, 2022). Across African countries and cultures, ideals also vary, with normal to overweight bodies being associated with beauty, prosperity or fertility in some contexts, while lighter skin and Eurocentric features have been favoured in others (Pradeilles et al., 2022). These ideals are largely based in culture and not necessarily the geographical regions in which they are developed. An example of this is shown through research involving South Asian women in the United Kingdom found that exposure to advertisements including white models reduce participants' satisfaction with their own skin colour, highlighting how culture and representation can change appearance evaluation (Craddock et al., 2025). This suggests that appearance ideals influence body image because individuals may encounter and internalise beauty standards associated with other cultures, making cultural influences and exposure to beauty ideals have significant impact on how individuals perceive and evaluate their bodies, regardless of where they live. The internalisation of such ideals contributes to body dissatisfaction when individuals adopt culturally prompted beauty standards as personal expectations and compare their appearance against them. An example of this is seen through research by Poloskov and Tracey (2013) that found internalisation of U.S beauty standards helped explain the relationship between [[wikipedia:Acculturation|acculturation]] towards dominant U.S culture and body dissatisfaction among Mexican American Women. Similar research by Negi et al. (2022) found that internalisation of the thin ideal accounted for the relationship between acculturation and body dissatisfaction among South and Southeast Asian women living in the United States. Such findings suggest the adoption of culturally valued appearance ideals are associated with greater dissatisfaction when individuals perceive a gap between their own appearance and standards they have internalised. === Cultural perspectives that overlap with body neutrality === Although body neutrality is a relatively recent concept in psychological research, some cultural perspectives share overlapping aspects of its emphasis on valuing the body beyond physical appearance. An example of this is described by Martin and Latner (2025) who state how [[wikipedia:Native_Hawaiians|Kānaka Maoli]] or Indigenous Hawaiian cultural knowledge systems foster appreciation of body functionality through connections to land, community, spirituality and movement. Similarly, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women in Australia found that cultural identity and sense of belonging could help against negative body image experiences (Chalmers et al., 2022). These examples highlight how perspectives that overlap with body neutrality such as valuing body functionality, relationships, community, and connections to land, can be reflected within differing cultural contexts. Although these examples may not explicitly identify as body neutrality, they share very similar emphasis on thought processes. === Social media === [[File:Social media collection 2020s.png|thumb|'''Figure 3.''' Image of examples of social media platforms]] Social media has amplified body dissatisfaction for many individuals because there is now increased exposure to idealised representations of physical appearance and encouragement of comparison with others. This exposure to beauty ideals on social media can negatively affect body image. These comparisons may contribute to dissatisfaction when individuals perceive their own appearance as falling short of standards presented online. Due to the fast-paced nature of social media trends, different body types and physical features quickly become fashionable or desirable, creating changing expectations around appearance. These trends are often reinforced through editing of photographs, beauty filters, and digitally altered images that present unrealistic or difficult-to-achieve beauty standards (Merino et al., 2024). As beauty trends change and edited images continue to circulate, social media users may experience ongoing pressure to modify their appearance to meet these unrealistic standards, potentially reinforcing body dissatisfaction and negatively affection emotional wellbeing. '''*reference figure 3''' Despite social media's negative effects of body image, it has also been able to gain visibility for the body neutral perspective through platforms like TikTok. Analysis of videos taken from this platform using the hashtag #bodyneutrality found that this content commonly challenged appearance-based expectations and promoted acceptance of diverse bodies (Machin et al., 2025) . This suggests that social media can be used as a tool to help spread messages that encourage a body neutral perspective. Further research indicates that exposure to body-neutral content may have positive effects on body image and emotional wellbeing. Seekis and Lawrence (2023) found that young women who viewed body-neutral Tiktok videos reported greater body satisfaction and more positive mood than those exposed to thin-ideal content. This research shows that body-neutral content may offer a valuable alternative to appearance-focused social media by encourages a less judgmental relationship with the body, therefore supporting emotional wellbeing. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=5}} '''Reflecting on beauty standards''' * Who or what influences the beauty standards you see? * Why might people experience body dissatisfaction when their appearance does not match the beauty ideals promoted in their soceity? * How might body neutrality help people respond differently to beauty standards?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Existing research on body neutrality == Intro: evaluating whether research supports the proposed relationship between body neutrality and emotional well-being === Evidence for benefits === * Findings provide preliminary support for potential emotional benefits of body neutrality * Research agrees that body neutrality is an acceptable and relevant approach for people experiencing body-image concerns (Pellizzer & Wade, 2023) * Body-neutral content produces improvements in mood, body satisfaction and hopelessness (Seekis & Lawrence, 2023) * Digital body neutral intervention produced improvements in body dissatisfaction and hopelessness (Smith et al., 2023) === Evidence is still mixed === * Research is promising but does not provide clear consensus * Researchers have not established that body neutrality is distinct from existing body-image approaches * Body neutrality overlaps with concepts such as body-acceptance, compassion and functionality appreciation (Mulgrew & Hinz, 2024) === The need for future research === * Long term studies are needed to establish if benefits are sustained - due to concept being fairly new * Future research should clarify what makes body neutrality distinct from existing approaches (Pellizzer & Wade, 2023) * Researchers should continue testing body-neutral interventions rather than relying primarily on related body-image constructs == Applying a body-neutral perspective == Intro: translating psychological principles of body neutrality into practical ways of changing body perception - how can the reader implement a body neutral perspective? === Changing body-related thinking === * Separating physical appearance from global self-worth may reduce appearance contingent self-evaluation * Notice negative body thoughts without treating them as facts or acting on them * Replace appearance-based judgements with more neutral descriptions of the body * Reduce all-or-nothing thinking, such as viewing your body as "good" or "bad" * Psychological flexivility theory ++++ [[File:People hugging in the beach.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 3.''' Two people hugging showing an important sensory experience]] === From appearance to functionality === * Shifting attention toward health, strength, flexibility, and physical comfort * Recognising sensory experiences - seeing, hearing, moving * Appreciating what the body enables a person to experience and participate in * Valuing functionality without turning physical performance into another standard for evaluating the body (Alleva et al., 2023) * Body functionality appreciation +++++ === Healthier environments === * Developing media literacy helps critically evaluate idealisd body representations * Reducing exposure to appearance-focused content and opportunities for appearance comparison * Curating your environment and content consumed to reduce exposure to unrealistic body ideals (Fioravanti et al., 2022) ==Conclusion== * Arguably the most important section * Provide at least three bullet-points for this section even at the topic development stage, based on preliminary thinking * For the book chapter, develop clear take-home message(s) that address the focus questions based on psychological theory and research * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing this problem * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing the importan *A body-neutral perspective emphasises acceptance, functionality, and psychological flexibility, rather than requiring positivity * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing importance of appearance in self-worth and decreasing the emotional impact of negative body-related thoughts * Social and cultural influences continue to shape body image, therefore, body neutrality may be most effective alongside healthier approaches to managing appearance-focused environments * Research provides promising but preliminary evidence that body-neutral approaches can improve aspects of body and emotional well-being. However, more research is needed to establish long-term effectiveness as well as distinctiveness from other similar concepts * Overall message: the goal is not necessarily to love or feel positive about the body, but to reduce the extent to which your appearance determines emotional well-being. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Body_neutrality|Body neutrality]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Body neutrality and emotional well-being|Body neutrality and emotional well-being]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[wikipedia:Body_positivity|Body positivity]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Abdoli, M., Scotto Rosato, M., Desousa, A., & Cotrufo, P. (2024). Cultural differences in body image: A systematic review. 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What can my body do vs. how does it look?: A qualitative analysis of young women and men’s descriptions of their body functionality or physical appearance. ''Body Image'', ''31'', 71–80. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2019.08.008 Fioravanti, G., Bocci Benucci, S., Ceragioli, G., & Casale, S. (2022). How the exposure to beauty ideals on social networking sites influences body image: A systematic review of experimental studies. ''Adolescent Research Review'', ''7''(3), 419–458. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40894-022-00179-4 Frederick, D. A., Forbes, M., Gentle, B., Reynolds, T. A., & Walters, T. (2012). Beauty standards. In ''Encyclopedia of human sexuality''. Wiley-Blackwell. Frederick, D. A., Gordon, A. R., Cook-Cottone, C. P., Brady, J. P., Reynolds, T. A., Alley, J., Garcia, J. R., Brown, T. A., Compte, E. J., Convertino, L., Crerand, C. E., Malcarne, V. L., Nagata, J. M., Parent, M. C., Pennesi, J.-L., Perez, M., Pila, E., Rodgers, R. F., Schaefer, L. M., … Murray, S. B. (2022). Demographic and sociocultural predictors of sexuality-related body image and sexual frequency: The U.S. Body Project I. ''Body Image'', ''41'', 109–127. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2022.01.010 Grogan, S. (2016). ''Body image: Understanding body dissatisfaction in men, women and children'' (3rd ed.). Routledge. Leboeuf, C. (2019). What is body positivity? The path from shame to pride. ''Philosophical Topics'', ''47''(2), 113–128. https://doi.org/10.5840/philtopics201947218 Mulgrew, K. E., & Hinz, A. (2024). What is body neutrality and how is it different to existing body image concepts? An analysis of experts and general community responses. ''Body Image'', ''51'', Article 101780. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101780 Paterna, A., Alcaraz‐Ibáñez, M., Fuller‐Tyszkiewicz, M., & Sicilia, Á. (2021). Internalization of body shape ideals and body dissatisfaction: A systematic review and meta‐analysis. ''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''54''(9), 1575–1600. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23568 Pellizzer, M. L., & Wade, T. D. (2023). Developing a definition of body neutrality and strategies for an intervention. ''Body Image'', ''46'', 434–442. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.07.006 Pomichter, E., Cepeda-Benito, A., Ahmadkaraji, S., & DePalma, J. P. (2025). Exploring male body image: A scoping review of measurement approaches and mental health implications. ''International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health'', ''22''(6), 834. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph22060834 Saunders, J. F., Nutter, S., Waugh, R., & Hayden, K. A. (2024). Testing body-related components of objectification theory: A meta-analysis of the relations between body shame, self-objectification, and body dissatisfaction. ''Body Image'', ''50'', Article 101738. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101738 Seekis, V., & Lawrence, R. K. (2023). How exposure to body neutrality content on TikTok affects young women’s body image and mood. ''Body Image'', ''47'', Article 101629. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.101629 Shontz, F. C. (1989). Development and structure of the body image, Vols. 1 and 2 [Rev. of ''Development and Structure of the Body Image, Volumes 1 and 2'']. ''Psychoanalytic Psychology'', ''6''(4), 503–507. https://doi.org/10.1037/0736-9735.6.4.503 Smith, A. C., Ahuvia, I., Ito, S., & Schleider, J. L. (2023). Project Body Neutrality: Piloting a digital single‐session intervention for adolescent body image and depression. ''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''56''(8), 1554–1569. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23976 Tylka, T. L., & Wood-Barcalow, N. L. (2015). What is and what is not positive body image? Conceptual foundations and construct definition. ''Body Image'', ''14'', 118–129. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2015.04.001 https://www.sciencedirect.com/sdfe/pdf/download/eid/1-s2.0-0022399986900966/first-page-pdf https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9970735/ https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychiatry/articles/10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00635/full https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/15598276261481490?casa_token=CLtVTca5fboAAAAA%3AVZXxdEaZIobOVIUNsqpuvNDYxboj26-mVH0q6wzArhtqivaE-lAE97I6k_favxKjw-E_XHvw-CpTqA https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2025-86318-001 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7908267/ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s40211-025-00544-4 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144518304595?casa_token=hdy0DS5cSAUAAAAA:kC46Z81NQanQQzq_0Muk0WbbEhXW-zrw1xPEe6MJC5UA-NPJn2Ts0k4IwkfiCs1gYaXm8i2UEaQ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1186/s40337-025-01353-4 https://www.mdpi.com/2227-9032/13/1/76 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11905045/ https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144525000099 https://academic.oup.com/bjd/article-abstract/187/S1/191/6700551 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/33593472/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/23809859/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/35923740/ https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11276240/ https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15213269.2016.1257392 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/40513252/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36347166/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/39633454/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/37742535/ }} ==External links== *[https://www.healthline.com/health/body-neutrality How to Shift from ‘Body Positivity’ to ‘Body Neutrality’ — and Why You Should] - Healthline *[https://www.nationaleatingdisorders.org/5-steps-body-neutrality/ 5 Steps to Body Neutrality] - NEDA *[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X2nBomd-mpY TedTalk - Existing: Body Neutrality and Beauty Standards | Sophia Vimol Horng] - YouTube [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Body image]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] nmnep8o6wb465vjbdpb24mc44upxvnp 2840273 2840272 2026-10-14T13:30:34Z Amyuniversity 3106627 /* Healthier environments */ 2840273 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__{{Title|7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!1=Body neutrality and emotional well-being: How a body-neutral perspective can affect emotional well-being|Body neutrality and emotional well-being: How a body-neutral perspective can affect emotional well-being}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}}'''Consider this scenario...''' [[File:Woman with a rough life checking herself out in the mirror (8436629921).jpg|thumb|right|'''Figure 1.''' Woman looking at herself in the mirror]] Amanda is excitedly getting ready to go to a party with friends. Her excitement disappears when she looks in the mirror, beginning to compare her appearance to other women she knows. She focuses on what she perceives as flaws in her body, thinking about how she might be viewed by others at the event. As these thoughts become more intense, Amanda feels increasingly anxious and ashamed of her appearance. She considers making an excuse not to go as she worries she will be judged or that she does not look "good enough" to go out. Before texting the group chat to cancel, she stops. Amanda recognises how pumped she was seconds ago about this party, and how quickly this changes. She thinks, "Why is it that only after I look in the mirror, I believe I'm not worthy?". She realises how much her appearance has become closely connected with her emotions how she views her self-worth. Amanda decides to change the thought process. Instead of thinking "I will I look bad/good at this party" she thinks "I'm going to have to much fun at this party". This shifts the attention away from evaluating her appearance and more towards what her body allows her to do, such as spending time with friends, dancing, and enjoying the evening. Amanda also recognises that self-worth can come from many areas of her life, including her relationships, personality, interests, and achievements. She knows that negative thoughts about her appearance will still occur, but she's done with letting them determine whether she feels good about herself or whether she participates in activities she enjoys. Amanda does finishing touches to her hair, makeup, and outfit, before grabbing her bag and shoes. She leaves the house feeing better about herself and looking forward for the night ahead, all thanks to her discovery of a body-neutral perspective {{RoundBoxBottom}} [[wikipedia:Body_neutrality|Body neutrality]] is an approach to body image which focuses on accepting the body without any particular emotion or attention to one's physical appearance. This is an important concept because body dissatisfaction is common and has negative affects on emotional well-being, self-esteem and behaviour. These affects can lead to difficulties such as anxiety, depression, and psychological issues such as disordered eating. Social media, cultural and social idealised bodies, and appearance-based social comparison are important factors that contribute to how people evaluate their bodies. Psychological research somewhat explains how body-neutral perspectives may influence emotional-wellbeing through the examination of self-esteem, social comparison, self-compassion, psychological flexibility, and appearance-based self-worth. Understanding such psychological processes helps identify whether and how body neutrality may support a healthy body image and therefore emotional well-being. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * What is body neutrality, and how does it differ from other approaches to body image? * How can body image and appearance-related thinking influence emotional well-being? * How do social and cultural influences shape body image and the way we experience our bodies? * How might adopting a body-neutral perspect support emotional wellbeing?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding body neutrality == === Body image === The concept of [[wikipedia:Body_image|body image]] has many interpretations. It was originally developed as a neurological concept, describing the brain's ability to detect weight, shape, size and form and incorporate these into core beliefs or mental frameworks (Lacey, 1986). This early definition of body image was known as 'the body percept' and focuses more on the accumulated sensory experience within one's body. The actual term 'body image' was coined by Paul Schilder (2013) who defined body image as "the picture of our own body which we form in our mind, that is to say the way in which the body appears to ourselves." Modern definitions of the term are far more in depth, explaining body image as something that is multidimensional that encompasses an individuals thoughts, feelings, attitudes, and behaviours regarding their physical appearance, body shape, size, weight, and how their body functions (Rodgers et al. 2023). Body image involves interconnected perceptual, cognitive, emotional, and behavioural components. These components explain how we percieve our bodies, develop beliefs about our appearance, experience body-related emotions, and respond through behaviour (Carey & Preston, 2019). * '''Perceptual''': How people perceive their body's size, shape, weight, and appearance. Perceptions may not always accurately reflect physical characteristics ** Example: perceiving your stomach to be bigger than it actually is * '''Cognitive''': Thoughts, beliefs, and evaluation individuals hold about their bodies. This includes beliefs about how attractive or important one's appearance is. ** Example: believing you need to lose weight to be considered attractive * '''Emotional''': Feelings associated with body appearance including satisfaction, confidence, shame, anxiety, or embarrassment ** Example: Feeling shame about your body when you compare to another person * '''Behavioural''': Actions people take in response to body image ** Example: Repeatedly checking appearance in mirrors or avoiding social situations due to being uncomfortable about appearance These components can be considered separately but they are best understood as interacting factors. For example, someone who may perceive their appearance negatively may develop critical thoughts about their body, experience feelings of shame or anxiety, and subsequently avoiding social situations, therefore displaying all body image components. === Development of body neutrality === The development of body neutrality is closely associated with Anne Poirier, who worked as a eating-disorder specialist and intuitive eating counsellor, helping popularise the approach through this work. Around 2015, body neutrality started to gain popularity in online spaces as a alternative way of discussing body image, with Poirer subsequently developing workshops around the concept (Nuss et al., 2026). Poirer's approach emphasised that people should not feel like they have to love their bodies. Instead, their attention should be on body functionality and recognising personal worth beyond physical appearance. Poirer's work helped bring body neutrality into wider discussions regarding body image. This includes popularity on social media such as Instagram or TikTok, which further increased visibility for the concept (Nuss et al., 2025). Despite its increasing popularity, there still is not an agreed-upon definition of body neutrality. The term is often used to describe reducing importance placed on physical appearance, accepting the body without required feelings, focusing on functionality, or responding to body-related thoughts without judgement. Although these ideas overlap, they do not necessarily describe the same psychological process. For example, trying to reduce the importance of appearance involves changing how much value is placed on physical attractiveness, whereas body functionality focuses on recognising what the body allows us to do. Similarly, accepting negative body related feelings does not necessarily mean that appearance has become unimportant. These differences make it difficult to establish a single definition that captures all the ways body neutrality is understood or practiced. '''*reference''' Body neutrality represents a promising approach to understanding body image by offering an alternative perspective that does not require feeling-focused attitudes towards appearance. Despite it's recent emergence and evolving definition, the concept is valuable because it helps navigate pressures surrounding body evaluation. === From body negativity to body positivity to body neutrality === Body image is best understood through the varying perspectives that people have. This ranges from negative evaluations of one's appearance, positive appreciation, and neutral acceptance. Body negativity involves dissatisfaction, criticism, or negative feelings towards one's body, often influenced by perceived flaws and societal beauty standards (Tort-Nasarre et al., 2021). Negative body image often contribute to lower self-esteem and emotional distress, including feelings of anxiety, sadness, and shame. It is also associated with disordered eating behaviours and other psychological difficulties, although these relationships are complex and do not effect everyone with body dissatisfaction (Abdoli et al., 2025). [[wikipedia:Body_positivity|Body positivity]] is a opposing perspective because it involves encouragement in appreciating or accepting one's body regardless of shape, size, or appearance. The body positivity movement created visibility for body positive perspectives through social media, where people of all differing types of bodies challenges conventional beauty standards. The body positive movement originated with fat-acceptance activism, feminist and queer social movements, with a focused attention to the stigma and exclusion experienced by people whose bodies are marginalised because of body size, disability, gender expression, etc (Cohen et al., 2019). While this movement has messages of empowerment for many, some people have found the expectation to love and celebrate their bodies difficult to achieve. For those with a negative body image, being encouraged to replace negative feelings with positive ones may feel unrealistic or create pressure to feel confident when they simply do not. This does not mean that body positivity is ineffective, rather, it highlights that people relate to their bodies in different ways. This is where body neutrality comes in as a valuable alternative. For those who do not want to focus on loving their appearance, it allows them to accept their bodies without requiring positive feelings. Rather than judging body image by whether someone feels positivity or negatively about their looks, a neutral perspective allows for all feelings without them being the measure of personal worth. See table 1 for an overall comparison of these perspectives. {| class="wikitable sortable" |+Table 1. Comparing and Contrasting Body-image Concepts ! !Body negativity !Body positivity !Body neutrality |- |View of body |Negative evaluation |Positive appreciation |Acceptance without requiring positivity |- |Role of appearance | colspan="2" |High Importance |Reduced importance |- |Expected emotion |Shame, anxiety, distress |Pride, love, happiness |No particular feelings required |- |Basis of self-worth |May become appearance dependent |May include body appreciation |Broader than physical appearance |- |Psychological focus |Appearance evaluation |Appreciation and acceptance |Flexibility and reduced appearance centrality |- |Example thought |"I don't like how my body looks" |"I love and appreciate my body" |"I accept my body and my appearance does not determine my worth" |} == Body image and emotional wellbeing == === Appearance-based self-worth and emotional distress === Appearance-based self-worth is when individuals base their overall self-evaluation on whether they believe their physical attractiveness meets a certain standard. When appearance is a central focus, perceived flaws or concerns about looks becomes a central source of emotional distress. Findings from Adams et al. (2017) find that appearance-contingent self-worth is associated with greater [[wikipedia:Self-objectification|self-objectification]], which is linked to higher appearance anxiety and lower self-esteem. This suggests that people who place greater importance on appearance may become more concerned about if they meet beauty standards, causing vulnerabilities to their self-esteem because of appearance-related stress. For example, someone who believes their attractiveness determines worth may experience anxiety or shame when comparing themselves with others. This thinking can extend beyond body dissatisfaction and into how individuals evaluate themselves as a person overall. === Self-objectification and appearance monitoring === Self-objectification refers to viewing one's body from an outsider's perspective. There is great attention given to how the body looks rather than how it feels or functions. [[wikipedia:Self-monitoring|Appearance monitoring]] stems from this, and includes behaviours such as repeatedly checking mirrors, adjusting clothing to hide perceived flaws, or comparing one's appearance with others (Ahmed et al., 2025). Continually monitoring appearance can increase attention towards someone idea of a physical flaw and create greater concern about how other evaluate their body. This contributes to feelings body shame, appearance anxiety, and lower self-esteem, particularly for those who believe they do not meet expected standards (Sarda et al., 2025). When this behaviour continues, everyday situations may become opportunities for self-criticism and evaluation. Consequently, self-objectification and appearance monitoring negatively affects emotional well-being by making physical looks a source of worry and evaluation, reinforcing body dissatisfaction and increasing vulnerabilities to perceived physical imperfections. === Effects on everyday functioning === These concerning behaviours and thought processes about body image can affect how people participate in everyday activities, maintain relationships, and manage daily responsibilities. When one's attention is heavily directed towards appearance, it may be difficult to concentrate on other aspects of life. This can lead to avoidance behaviours such as not attending social events, exercising in public, or having photographs taken. Overtime, this avoidance limits social participation and prevents individuals from engaging in experiences they would otherwise enjoy. The consequences on daily life due to severe body image concerns can be illustrated through Diana's case study. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=7}} '''Case Study: Diana''' Diana is a 25-year-old with anorexia nervosa who was examined by Di Lernia et al. (2019). Diana sought treatment at an eating disorder centre following significant weight loss. Her issues with eating started when she began a restrictive diet due to health concerns. This caused her to develop persistent thoughts about calories, weight, and particular foods. Diana also experienced distorted perceptions of her body, repeatedly body checking in mirrors, and wearing clothes that would hide her figure. During periods of high distress, she reported frequently crying while looking at herself in the mirror. {{RoundBoxBottom}} This case study shows how body image can extend into eating behaviours, daily routines, and overall emotional wellbeing. Persistent concerns about food, weight, and body perception show how these thoughts can become a significant part of daily life and can cause severe negative emotional responses. Although this case involves [[wikipedia:Anorexia|anorexia nervosa]] and cannot represent all experiences of negative body image, it stands as a good example of how severe body image can coincide with distress and behaviours that distrupt daily functioning and therefore emotional wellbeing. == Social and cultural influences == [[File:Woman Montage (1).jpg|thumb|'''Figure 2.''' Faces and figures of women, showing how different groups depict beauty. ]] === Appearance ideals and cultural influence === Culture is one of the most influential aspects on the formation of body image as it shaped how individuals understand attractiveness and evaluate their appearance overall (Vincent et al., 2025). Societal values, historical impacts, and cultural expectations influence which body shapes or physical characteristics are considered desirable. [[wikipedia:Feminine_beauty_ideal|Beauty ideals]] are not universal internationally, with all countries having differing appearance ideals. See Figure 2 for a board comparison of differing depictions of beauty. In many Western societies, thinness has been the ideal for beauty in women. However, ideals have shifted over time to include greater emphasis on curvier or more muscular bodies (Paudel et al., 2025). In Southeast Asia, preference for lighter skin is greatly influenced by historical class associations, [[wikipedia:Colorism|colourism]], and contemporary beauty industries (Khan & Khan, 2022). Across African countries and cultures, ideals also vary, with normal to overweight bodies being associated with beauty, prosperity or fertility in some contexts, while lighter skin and Eurocentric features have been favoured in others (Pradeilles et al., 2022). These ideals are largely based in culture and not necessarily the geographical regions in which they are developed. An example of this is shown through research involving South Asian women in the United Kingdom found that exposure to advertisements including white models reduce participants' satisfaction with their own skin colour, highlighting how culture and representation can change appearance evaluation (Craddock et al., 2025). This suggests that appearance ideals influence body image because individuals may encounter and internalise beauty standards associated with other cultures, making cultural influences and exposure to beauty ideals have significant impact on how individuals perceive and evaluate their bodies, regardless of where they live. The internalisation of such ideals contributes to body dissatisfaction when individuals adopt culturally prompted beauty standards as personal expectations and compare their appearance against them. An example of this is seen through research by Poloskov and Tracey (2013) that found internalisation of U.S beauty standards helped explain the relationship between [[wikipedia:Acculturation|acculturation]] towards dominant U.S culture and body dissatisfaction among Mexican American Women. Similar research by Negi et al. (2022) found that internalisation of the thin ideal accounted for the relationship between acculturation and body dissatisfaction among South and Southeast Asian women living in the United States. Such findings suggest the adoption of culturally valued appearance ideals are associated with greater dissatisfaction when individuals perceive a gap between their own appearance and standards they have internalised. === Cultural perspectives that overlap with body neutrality === Although body neutrality is a relatively recent concept in psychological research, some cultural perspectives share overlapping aspects of its emphasis on valuing the body beyond physical appearance. An example of this is described by Martin and Latner (2025) who state how [[wikipedia:Native_Hawaiians|Kānaka Maoli]] or Indigenous Hawaiian cultural knowledge systems foster appreciation of body functionality through connections to land, community, spirituality and movement. Similarly, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women in Australia found that cultural identity and sense of belonging could help against negative body image experiences (Chalmers et al., 2022). These examples highlight how perspectives that overlap with body neutrality such as valuing body functionality, relationships, community, and connections to land, can be reflected within differing cultural contexts. Although these examples may not explicitly identify as body neutrality, they share very similar emphasis on thought processes. === Social media === [[File:Social media collection 2020s.png|thumb|'''Figure 3.''' Image of examples of social media platforms]] Social media has amplified body dissatisfaction for many individuals because there is now increased exposure to idealised representations of physical appearance and encouragement of comparison with others. This exposure to beauty ideals on social media can negatively affect body image. These comparisons may contribute to dissatisfaction when individuals perceive their own appearance as falling short of standards presented online. Due to the fast-paced nature of social media trends, different body types and physical features quickly become fashionable or desirable, creating changing expectations around appearance. These trends are often reinforced through editing of photographs, beauty filters, and digitally altered images that present unrealistic or difficult-to-achieve beauty standards (Merino et al., 2024). As beauty trends change and edited images continue to circulate, social media users may experience ongoing pressure to modify their appearance to meet these unrealistic standards, potentially reinforcing body dissatisfaction and negatively affection emotional wellbeing. '''*reference figure 3''' Despite social media's negative effects of body image, it has also been able to gain visibility for the body neutral perspective through platforms like TikTok. Analysis of videos taken from this platform using the hashtag #bodyneutrality found that this content commonly challenged appearance-based expectations and promoted acceptance of diverse bodies (Machin et al., 2025) . This suggests that social media can be used as a tool to help spread messages that encourage a body neutral perspective. Further research indicates that exposure to body-neutral content may have positive effects on body image and emotional wellbeing. Seekis and Lawrence (2023) found that young women who viewed body-neutral Tiktok videos reported greater body satisfaction and more positive mood than those exposed to thin-ideal content. This research shows that body-neutral content may offer a valuable alternative to appearance-focused social media by encourages a less judgmental relationship with the body, therefore supporting emotional wellbeing. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=5}} '''Reflecting on beauty standards''' * Who or what influences the beauty standards you see? * Why might people experience body dissatisfaction when their appearance does not match the beauty ideals promoted in their soceity? * How might body neutrality help people respond differently to beauty standards?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Existing research on body neutrality == Intro: evaluating whether research supports the proposed relationship between body neutrality and emotional well-being === Evidence for benefits === * Findings provide preliminary support for potential emotional benefits of body neutrality * Research agrees that body neutrality is an acceptable and relevant approach for people experiencing body-image concerns (Pellizzer & Wade, 2023) * Body-neutral content produces improvements in mood, body satisfaction and hopelessness (Seekis & Lawrence, 2023) * Digital body neutral intervention produced improvements in body dissatisfaction and hopelessness (Smith et al., 2023) === Evidence is still mixed === * Research is promising but does not provide clear consensus * Researchers have not established that body neutrality is distinct from existing body-image approaches * Body neutrality overlaps with concepts such as body-acceptance, compassion and functionality appreciation (Mulgrew & Hinz, 2024) === The need for future research === * Long term studies are needed to establish if benefits are sustained - due to concept being fairly new * Future research should clarify what makes body neutrality distinct from existing approaches (Pellizzer & Wade, 2023) * Researchers should continue testing body-neutral interventions rather than relying primarily on related body-image constructs == Applying a body-neutral perspective == Intro: translating psychological principles of body neutrality into practical ways of changing body perception - how can the reader implement a body neutral perspective? === Changing body-related thinking === * Separating physical appearance from global self-worth may reduce appearance contingent self-evaluation * Notice negative body thoughts without treating them as facts or acting on them * Replace appearance-based judgements with more neutral descriptions of the body * Reduce all-or-nothing thinking, such as viewing your body as "good" or "bad" * Psychological flexivility theory ++++ [[File:People hugging in the beach.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 3.''' Two people hugging showing an important sensory experience]] === From appearance to functionality === * Shifting attention toward health, strength, flexibility, and physical comfort * Recognising sensory experiences - seeing, hearing, moving * Appreciating what the body enables a person to experience and participate in * Valuing functionality without turning physical performance into another standard for evaluating the body (Alleva et al., 2023) * Body functionality appreciation +++++ === Healthier environments === * Developing media literacy helps critically evaluate idealisd body representations * Reducing exposure to appearance-focused content and opportunities for appearance comparison * Curating your environment and content consumed to reduce exposure to unrealistic body ideals (Fioravanti et al., 2022) * Tripartite Influence Model ++++ ==Conclusion== * Arguably the most important section * Provide at least three bullet-points for this section even at the topic development stage, based on preliminary thinking * For the book chapter, develop clear take-home message(s) that address the focus questions based on psychological theory and research * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing this problem * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing the importan *A body-neutral perspective emphasises acceptance, functionality, and psychological flexibility, rather than requiring positivity * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing importance of appearance in self-worth and decreasing the emotional impact of negative body-related thoughts * Social and cultural influences continue to shape body image, therefore, body neutrality may be most effective alongside healthier approaches to managing appearance-focused environments * Research provides promising but preliminary evidence that body-neutral approaches can improve aspects of body and emotional well-being. However, more research is needed to establish long-term effectiveness as well as distinctiveness from other similar concepts * Overall message: the goal is not necessarily to love or feel positive about the body, but to reduce the extent to which your appearance determines emotional well-being. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Body_neutrality|Body neutrality]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Body neutrality and emotional well-being|Body neutrality and emotional well-being]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[wikipedia:Body_positivity|Body positivity]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Abdoli, M., Scotto Rosato, M., Desousa, A., & Cotrufo, P. (2024). Cultural differences in body image: A systematic review. 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Demographic and sociocultural predictors of sexuality-related body image and sexual frequency: The U.S. Body Project I. ''Body Image'', ''41'', 109–127. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2022.01.010 Grogan, S. (2016). ''Body image: Understanding body dissatisfaction in men, women and children'' (3rd ed.). Routledge. Leboeuf, C. (2019). What is body positivity? The path from shame to pride. ''Philosophical Topics'', ''47''(2), 113–128. https://doi.org/10.5840/philtopics201947218 Mulgrew, K. E., & Hinz, A. (2024). What is body neutrality and how is it different to existing body image concepts? An analysis of experts and general community responses. ''Body Image'', ''51'', Article 101780. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101780 Paterna, A., Alcaraz‐Ibáñez, M., Fuller‐Tyszkiewicz, M., & Sicilia, Á. (2021). Internalization of body shape ideals and body dissatisfaction: A systematic review and meta‐analysis. ''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''54''(9), 1575–1600. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23568 Pellizzer, M. L., & Wade, T. D. (2023). Developing a definition of body neutrality and strategies for an intervention. ''Body Image'', ''46'', 434–442. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.07.006 Pomichter, E., Cepeda-Benito, A., Ahmadkaraji, S., & DePalma, J. P. (2025). Exploring male body image: A scoping review of measurement approaches and mental health implications. ''International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health'', ''22''(6), 834. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph22060834 Saunders, J. F., Nutter, S., Waugh, R., & Hayden, K. A. (2024). Testing body-related components of objectification theory: A meta-analysis of the relations between body shame, self-objectification, and body dissatisfaction. ''Body Image'', ''50'', Article 101738. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101738 Seekis, V., & Lawrence, R. K. (2023). How exposure to body neutrality content on TikTok affects young women’s body image and mood. ''Body Image'', ''47'', Article 101629. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.101629 Shontz, F. C. (1989). Development and structure of the body image, Vols. 1 and 2 [Rev. of ''Development and Structure of the Body Image, Volumes 1 and 2'']. ''Psychoanalytic Psychology'', ''6''(4), 503–507. https://doi.org/10.1037/0736-9735.6.4.503 Smith, A. C., Ahuvia, I., Ito, S., & Schleider, J. L. (2023). Project Body Neutrality: Piloting a digital single‐session intervention for adolescent body image and depression. ''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''56''(8), 1554–1569. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23976 Tylka, T. L., & Wood-Barcalow, N. L. (2015). What is and what is not positive body image? Conceptual foundations and construct definition. ''Body Image'', ''14'', 118–129. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2015.04.001 https://www.sciencedirect.com/sdfe/pdf/download/eid/1-s2.0-0022399986900966/first-page-pdf https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9970735/ https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychiatry/articles/10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00635/full https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/15598276261481490?casa_token=CLtVTca5fboAAAAA%3AVZXxdEaZIobOVIUNsqpuvNDYxboj26-mVH0q6wzArhtqivaE-lAE97I6k_favxKjw-E_XHvw-CpTqA https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2025-86318-001 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7908267/ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s40211-025-00544-4 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144518304595?casa_token=hdy0DS5cSAUAAAAA:kC46Z81NQanQQzq_0Muk0WbbEhXW-zrw1xPEe6MJC5UA-NPJn2Ts0k4IwkfiCs1gYaXm8i2UEaQ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1186/s40337-025-01353-4 https://www.mdpi.com/2227-9032/13/1/76 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11905045/ https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144525000099 https://academic.oup.com/bjd/article-abstract/187/S1/191/6700551 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/33593472/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/23809859/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/35923740/ https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11276240/ https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15213269.2016.1257392 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/40513252/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36347166/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/39633454/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/37742535/ }} ==External links== *[https://www.healthline.com/health/body-neutrality How to Shift from ‘Body Positivity’ to ‘Body Neutrality’ — and Why You Should] - Healthline *[https://www.nationaleatingdisorders.org/5-steps-body-neutrality/ 5 Steps to Body Neutrality] - NEDA *[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X2nBomd-mpY TedTalk - Existing: Body Neutrality and Beauty Standards | Sophia Vimol Horng] - YouTube [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Body image]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] lcponw9l3jtsi3tnrpstvblyi21wi0k 2840489 2840273 2026-10-15T11:50:43Z Amyuniversity 3106627 /* Existing research on body neutrality */ 2840489 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__{{Title|7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!1=Body neutrality and emotional well-being: How a body-neutral perspective can affect emotional well-being|Body neutrality and emotional well-being: How a body-neutral perspective can affect emotional well-being}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}}'''Consider this scenario...''' [[File:Woman with a rough life checking herself out in the mirror (8436629921).jpg|thumb|right|'''Figure 1.''' Woman looking at herself in the mirror]] Amanda is excitedly getting ready to go to a party with friends. Her excitement disappears when she looks in the mirror, beginning to compare her appearance to other women she knows. She focuses on what she perceives as flaws in her body, thinking about how she might be viewed by others at the event. As these thoughts become more intense, Amanda feels increasingly anxious and ashamed of her appearance. She considers making an excuse not to go as she worries she will be judged or that she does not look "good enough" to go out. Before texting the group chat to cancel, she stops. Amanda recognises how pumped she was seconds ago about this party, and how quickly this changes. She thinks, "Why is it that only after I look in the mirror, I believe I'm not worthy?". She realises how much her appearance has become closely connected with her emotions how she views her self-worth. Amanda decides to change the thought process. Instead of thinking "I will I look bad/good at this party" she thinks "I'm going to have to much fun at this party". This shifts the attention away from evaluating her appearance and more towards what her body allows her to do, such as spending time with friends, dancing, and enjoying the evening. Amanda also recognises that self-worth can come from many areas of her life, including her relationships, personality, interests, and achievements. She knows that negative thoughts about her appearance will still occur, but she's done with letting them determine whether she feels good about herself or whether she participates in activities she enjoys. Amanda does finishing touches to her hair, makeup, and outfit, before grabbing her bag and shoes. She leaves the house feeing better about herself and looking forward for the night ahead, all thanks to her discovery of a body-neutral perspective {{RoundBoxBottom}} [[wikipedia:Body_neutrality|Body-neutrality]] is an approach to body image which focuses on accepting the body without any particular emotion or attention to one's physical appearance. This is an important concept because body dissatisfaction is common and has negative affects on emotional well-being, self-esteem and behaviour. These affects can lead to difficulties such as anxiety, depression, and psychological issues such as disordered eating. Social media, cultural and social idealised bodies, and appearance-based social comparison are important factors that contribute to how people evaluate their bodies. Psychological research somewhat explains how body-neutral perspectives may influence emotional-wellbeing through the examination of self-esteem, social comparison, self-compassion, psychological flexibility, and appearance-based self-worth. Understanding such psychological processes helps identify whether and how body-neutrality may support a healthy body image and therefore emotional well-being. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * What is body neutrality, and how does it differ from other approaches to body image? * How can body image and appearance-related thinking influence emotional well-being? * How do social and cultural influences shape body image and the way we experience our bodies? * How might adopting a body-neutral perspect support emotional wellbeing?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding body-neutrality == === Body image === The concept of [[wikipedia:Body_image|body image]] has many interpretations. It was originally developed as a neurological concept, describing the brain's ability to detect weight, shape, size and form and incorporate these into core beliefs or mental frameworks (Lacey, 1986). This early definition of body image was known as 'the body percept' and focuses more on the accumulated sensory experience within one's body. The actual term 'body image' was coined by Paul Schilder (2013) who defined body image as "the picture of our own body which we form in our mind, that is to say the way in which the body appears to ourselves." Modern definitions of the term are far more in depth, explaining body image as something that is multidimensional that encompasses an individuals thoughts, feelings, attitudes, and behaviours regarding their physical appearance, body shape, size, weight, and how their body functions (Rodgers et al. 2023). Body image involves interconnected perceptual, cognitive, emotional, and behavioural components. These components explain how we percieve our bodies, develop beliefs about our appearance, experience body-related emotions, and respond through behaviour (Carey & Preston, 2019). * '''Perceptual''': How people perceive their body's size, shape, weight, and appearance. Perceptions may not always accurately reflect physical characteristics ** Example: perceiving your stomach to be bigger than it actually is * '''Cognitive''': Thoughts, beliefs, and evaluation individuals hold about their bodies. This includes beliefs about how attractive or important one's appearance is. ** Example: believing you need to lose weight to be considered attractive * '''Emotional''': Feelings associated with body appearance including satisfaction, confidence, shame, anxiety, or embarrassment ** Example: Feeling shame about your body when you compare to another person * '''Behavioural''': Actions people take in response to body image ** Example: Repeatedly checking appearance in mirrors or avoiding social situations due to being uncomfortable about appearance These components can be considered separately but they are best understood as interacting factors. For example, someone who may perceive their appearance negatively may develop critical thoughts about their body, experience feelings of shame or anxiety, and subsequently avoiding social situations, therefore displaying all body image components. === Development of body-neutrality === The development of body-neutrality is closely associated with Anne Poirier, who worked as a eating-disorder specialist and intuitive eating counsellor, helping popularise the approach through this work. Around 2015, body-neutrality started to gain popularity in online spaces as a alternative way of discussing body image, with Poirer subsequently developing workshops around the concept (Nuss et al., 2026). Poirer's approach emphasised that people should not feel like they have to love their bodies. Instead, their attention should be on body functionality and recognising personal worth beyond physical appearance. Poirer's work helped bring body-neutrality into wider discussions regarding body image. This includes popularity on social media such as Instagram or TikTok, which further increased visibility for the concept (Nuss et al., 2025). Despite its increasing popularity, there still is not an agreed-upon definition of body-neutrality. The term is often used to describe reducing importance placed on physical appearance, accepting the body without required feelings, focusing on functionality, or responding to body-related thoughts without judgement. Although these ideas overlap, they do not necessarily describe the same psychological process. For example, trying to reduce the importance of appearance involves changing how much value is placed on physical attractiveness, whereas body functionality focuses on recognising what the body allows us to do. Similarly, accepting negative body related feelings does not necessarily mean that appearance has become unimportant. These differences make it difficult to establish a single definition that captures all the ways body-neutrality is understood or practiced. '''*reference''' Body-neutrality represents a promising approach to understanding body image by offering an alternative perspective that does not require feeling-focused attitudes towards appearance. Despite it's recent emergence and evolving definition, the concept is valuable because it helps navigate pressures surrounding body evaluation. === From body-negativity to body-positivity to body-neutrality === Body image is best understood through the varying perspectives that people have. This ranges from negative evaluations of one's appearance, positive appreciation, and neutral acceptance. Body-negativity involves dissatisfaction, criticism, or negative feelings towards one's body, often influenced by perceived flaws and societal beauty standards (Tort-Nasarre et al., 2021). Negative body image often contribute to lower self-esteem and emotional distress, including feelings of anxiety, sadness, and shame. It is also associated with disordered eating behaviours and other psychological difficulties, although these relationships are complex and do not effect everyone with body dissatisfaction (Abdoli et al., 2025). [[wikipedia:Body_positivity|Body-positivity]] is a opposing perspective because it involves encouragement in appreciating or accepting one's body regardless of shape, size, or appearance. The body-positivity movement created visibility for body-positive perspectives through social media, where people of all differing types of bodies challenges conventional beauty standards. The body-positive movement originated with fat-acceptance activism, feminist and queer social movements, with a focused attention to the stigma and exclusion experienced by people whose bodies are marginalised because of body size, disability, gender expression, etc (Cohen et al., 2019). While this movement has messages of empowerment for many, some people have found the expectation to love and celebrate their bodies difficult to achieve. For those with a negative body image, being encouraged to replace negative feelings with positive ones may feel unrealistic or create pressure to feel confident when they simply do not. This does not mean that body-positivity is ineffective, rather, it highlights that people relate to their bodies in different ways. This is where body-neutrality comes in as a valuable alternative. For those who do not want to focus on loving their appearance, it allows them to accept their bodies without requiring positive feelings. Rather than judging body image by whether someone feels positivity or negatively about their looks, a neutral perspective allows for all feelings without them being the measure of personal worth. See table 1 for an overall comparison of these perspectives. {| class="wikitable sortable" |+Table 1. Comparing and Contrasting Body-image Concepts ! !Body-negativity !Body-positivity !Body-neutrality |- |View of body |Negative evaluation |Positive appreciation |Acceptance without requiring positivity |- |Role of appearance | colspan="2" |High Importance |Reduced importance |- |Expected emotion |Shame, anxiety, distress |Pride, love, happiness |No particular feelings required |- |Basis of self-worth |May become appearance dependent |May include body appreciation |Broader than physical appearance |- |Psychological focus |Appearance evaluation |Appreciation and acceptance |Flexibility and reduced appearance centrality |- |Example thought |"I don't like how my body looks" |"I love and appreciate my body" |"I accept my body and my appearance does not determine my worth" |} == Body image and emotional wellbeing == === Appearance-based self-worth and emotional distress === Appearance-based self-worth is when individuals base their overall self-evaluation on whether they believe their physical attractiveness meets a certain standard. When appearance is a central focus, perceived flaws or concerns about looks becomes a central source of emotional distress. Findings from Adams et al. (2017) find that appearance-contingent self-worth is associated with greater [[wikipedia:Self-objectification|self-objectification]], which is linked to higher appearance anxiety and lower self-esteem. This suggests that people who place greater importance on appearance may become more concerned about if they meet beauty standards, causing vulnerabilities to their self-esteem because of appearance-related stress. For example, someone who believes their attractiveness determines worth may experience anxiety or shame when comparing themselves with others. This thinking can extend beyond body dissatisfaction and into how individuals evaluate themselves as a person overall. === Self-objectification and appearance monitoring === Self-objectification refers to viewing one's body from an outsider's perspective. There is great attention given to how the body looks rather than how it feels or functions. [[wikipedia:Self-monitoring|Appearance monitoring]] stems from this, and includes behaviours such as repeatedly checking mirrors, adjusting clothing to hide perceived flaws, or comparing one's appearance with others (Ahmed et al., 2025). Continually monitoring appearance can increase attention towards someone idea of a physical flaw and create greater concern about how other evaluate their body. This contributes to feelings body shame, appearance anxiety, and lower self-esteem, particularly for those who believe they do not meet expected standards (Sarda et al., 2025). When this behaviour continues, everyday situations may become opportunities for self-criticism and evaluation. Consequently, self-objectification and appearance monitoring negatively affects emotional well-being by making physical looks a source of worry and evaluation, reinforcing body dissatisfaction and increasing vulnerabilities to perceived physical imperfections. === Effects on everyday functioning === These concerning behaviours and thought processes about body image can affect how people participate in everyday activities, maintain relationships, and manage daily responsibilities. When one's attention is heavily directed towards appearance, it may be difficult to concentrate on other aspects of life. This can lead to avoidance behaviours such as not attending social events, exercising in public, or having photographs taken. Overtime, this avoidance limits social participation and prevents individuals from engaging in experiences they would otherwise enjoy. The consequences on daily life due to severe body image concerns can be illustrated through Diana's case study. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=7}} '''Case Study: Diana''' Diana is a 25-year-old with anorexia nervosa who was examined by Di Lernia et al. (2019). Diana sought treatment at an eating disorder centre following significant weight loss. Her issues with eating started when she began a restrictive diet due to health concerns. This caused her to develop persistent thoughts about calories, weight, and particular foods. Diana also experienced distorted perceptions of her body, repeatedly body checking in mirrors, and wearing clothes that would hide her figure. During periods of high distress, she reported frequently crying while looking at herself in the mirror. {{RoundBoxBottom}} This case study shows how body image can extend into eating behaviours, daily routines, and overall emotional wellbeing. Persistent concerns about food, weight, and body perception show how these thoughts can become a significant part of daily life and can cause severe negative emotional responses. Although this case involves [[wikipedia:Anorexia|anorexia nervosa]] and cannot represent all experiences of negative body image, it stands as a good example of how severe body image can coincide with distress and behaviours that distrupt daily functioning and therefore emotional wellbeing. == Social and cultural influences == [[File:Woman Montage (1).jpg|thumb|'''Figure 2.''' Faces and figures of women, showing how different groups depict beauty. ]] === Appearance ideals and cultural influence === Culture is one of the most influential aspects on the formation of body image as it shaped how individuals understand attractiveness and evaluate their appearance overall (Vincent et al., 2025). Societal values, historical impacts, and cultural expectations influence which body shapes or physical characteristics are considered desirable. [[wikipedia:Feminine_beauty_ideal|Beauty ideals]] are not universal internationally, with all countries having differing appearance ideals. See Figure 2 for a board comparison of differing depictions of beauty. In many Western societies, thinness has been the ideal for beauty in women. However, ideals have shifted over time to include greater emphasis on curvier or more muscular bodies (Paudel et al., 2025). In Southeast Asia, preference for lighter skin is greatly influenced by historical class associations, [[wikipedia:Colorism|colourism]], and contemporary beauty industries (Khan & Khan, 2022). Across African countries and cultures, ideals also vary, with normal to overweight bodies being associated with beauty, prosperity or fertility in some contexts, while lighter skin and Eurocentric features have been favoured in others (Pradeilles et al., 2022). These ideals are largely based in culture and not necessarily the geographical regions in which they are developed. An example of this is shown through research involving South Asian women in the United Kingdom found that exposure to advertisements including white models reduce participants' satisfaction with their own skin colour, highlighting how culture and representation can change appearance evaluation (Craddock et al., 2025). This suggests that appearance ideals influence body image because individuals may encounter and internalise beauty standards associated with other cultures, making cultural influences and exposure to beauty ideals have significant impact on how individuals perceive and evaluate their bodies, regardless of where they live. The internalisation of such ideals contributes to body dissatisfaction when individuals adopt culturally prompted beauty standards as personal expectations and compare their appearance against them. An example of this is seen through research by Poloskov and Tracey (2013) that found internalisation of U.S beauty standards helped explain the relationship between [[wikipedia:Acculturation|acculturation]] towards dominant U.S culture and body dissatisfaction among Mexican American Women. Similar research by Negi et al. (2022) found that internalisation of the thin ideal accounted for the relationship between acculturation and body dissatisfaction among South and Southeast Asian women living in the United States. Such findings suggest the adoption of culturally valued appearance ideals are associated with greater dissatisfaction when individuals perceive a gap between their own appearance and standards they have internalised. === Cultural perspectives that overlap with body neutrality === Although body neutrality is a relatively recent concept in psychological research, some cultural perspectives share overlapping aspects of its emphasis on valuing the body beyond physical appearance. An example of this is described by Martin and Latner (2025) who state how [[wikipedia:Native_Hawaiians|Kānaka Maoli]] or Indigenous Hawaiian cultural knowledge systems foster appreciation of body functionality through connections to land, community, spirituality and movement. Similarly, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women in Australia found that cultural identity and sense of belonging could help against negative body image experiences (Chalmers et al., 2022). These examples highlight how perspectives that overlap with body neutrality such as valuing body functionality, relationships, community, and connections to land, can be reflected within differing cultural contexts. Although these examples may not explicitly identify as body neutrality, they share very similar emphasis on thought processes. === Social media === [[File:Social media collection 2020s.png|thumb|'''Figure 3.''' Image of examples of social media platforms]] Social media has amplified body dissatisfaction for many individuals because there is now increased exposure to idealised representations of physical appearance and encouragement of comparison with others. This exposure to beauty ideals on social media can negatively affect body image. These comparisons may contribute to dissatisfaction when individuals perceive their own appearance as falling short of standards presented online. Due to the fast-paced nature of social media trends, different body types and physical features quickly become fashionable or desirable, creating changing expectations around appearance. These trends are often reinforced through editing of photographs, beauty filters, and digitally altered images that present unrealistic or difficult-to-achieve beauty standards (Merino et al., 2024). As beauty trends change and edited images continue to circulate, social media users may experience ongoing pressure to modify their appearance to meet these unrealistic standards, potentially reinforcing body dissatisfaction and negatively affection emotional wellbeing. '''*reference figure 3''' {{RoundBoxTop|theme=5}} '''Reflecting on beauty standards''' * Who or what influences the beauty standards you see? * Why might people experience body dissatisfaction when their appearance does not match the beauty ideals promoted in their soceity? * How might body-neutrality help people respond differently to beauty standards?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Existing research on body-neutrality == === Evidence that body-neutrality improves emotional wellbeing === Research that has began investigating the potential benefits of body-neutrality to body image concerns and emotional wellbeing is still relatively new but promising. One of the more direct investigations of body-neutrality is conducted by Smith et al., (2023), who created a study that tested the outcomes of a body neutral perspective by conducting a digital, self-guided, single-session intervention designed to improve body image and mood in adolescents ages 13-17 experiencing body image and mood difficulties. Post intervention, participants reported significant improvements with body dissatisfaction, functionality appreciation, and hopelessness. The testing recieved positive acceptability ratings from participants, indicating that a body neutral perspective is a suitable approach for adolescents. Despite this positive response, the study measured changed within a single group without a control condition, making it difficult to establish if the intervention was what caused the improvements. While positive outcomes were immediate, the study also did not establish if the effects of the intervention lasted. Other promosing evidence is conducted by Smith et al. (2025) who conducted a randomised controlled trial involving 218 adolescence aged 13-17. Participants were randomly assigned to either the body-neutral intervention or a comparison intervention designed to provide supportive therapy. This provides stronger evidence than earlier studies who had an uncontrolled pilot as it allows researcher to compare changes between groups. Immediately after the intervention, participants in the body-neutral group showed significantly greater improvements in body satisfaction, functionality appreciation, and hopelessness than those in the comparison group. These findings strengthen the argument that body-neutral interventions produce short-term benefits for emotional wellbeing. Despite social media's negative effects of body image, it has been able to provide another context in which the benefits of body-neutrality have been investigated. Analysis of videos taken from this platform using the hashtag #bodyneutrality found that this content commonly challenged appearance-based expectations and promoted acceptance of diverse bodies (Machin et al., 2025) . Although this demonstrates how body-neutral perspectives are percieved online, It does not establish whether this content improves emotional wellbeing. More direct research indicates that exposure to body-neutral content may have positive effects on body image and emotional wellbeing. Seekis and Lawrence (2023) found that young women who viewed body-neutral Tiktok videos reported greater body satisfaction and more positive mood than those exposed to thin-ideal content. However, improvements following brief exposure to the content do not necessarily indicate lasting changing in emotional wellbeing. This suggests that while social media can be used as a tool to promote a body-neutral perspective and emotional wellbeing, the long-term effects are not promised. === Evidence is still mixed === While these findings are promising, research has not yet established whether body-neutrality consistently improves emotional wellbeing or whether its benefits extend beyond the short term. A problem with the research is that body-neutrality is still a recent concept, so researchers have not reached a clear agreement about how it should be defined or measured. Some researchers have the approach on reducing the importance of physical appearance, while others emphasis on accepting the body without emotional input or appreciating what the body can do. This makes it difficult to compare findings across studies and determine which aspects of body-neutrality may contribute to improvements in wellbeing. Evidence for this limitation is provided by Mulgrew and Hinz (2024) through a study involving 229 participants, including researchers, clinicians, people with lived experience of eating disorders, and members of the general community. Participants described body-neutrality in ways that overlapped with existing concepts, particularly body acceptance, body compassion, and functionality appreciation. Researchers were not able to identify unique features that clearly distinguished body-neutrality from positive body image approaches. This suggests that some reported benefits may be a result from already established psychological processes rather than from body-neutrality as a distinct approach. Although body neutral strategies may be beneficial, further clarity is needed about what specifically makes them effective. Another discussed limitation is the evidence for long-term outcomes of body-neutrality for emotional wellbeing. Pellizzer and Wade (2023) stated that academic literature was limited when they developed a working definition and identified strategies for future interventions. As a result, as of now, there is not enough research to determine whether body-neutrality provides lasting benefits across different age groups and populations. Although evidence suggests that body-neutrality has a positive effect on emotional wellbeing, its benefits cannot be considered conclusive. Future research is needed in order to establish clear definitions that distinguish body-neutrality from existing body-image concepts, and examine whether improvements persist over longer periods. * === The need for future research === * Long term studies are needed to establish if benefits are sustained - due to concept being fairly new * Future research should clarify what makes body-neutrality distinct from existing approaches (Pellizzer & Wade, 2023) * Researchers should continue testing body-neutral interventions rather than relying primarily on related body-image constructs == Applying a body-neutral perspective == Intro: translating psychological principles of body neutrality into practical ways of changing body perception - how can the reader implement a body neutral perspective? === Changing body-related thinking === * Separating physical appearance from global self-worth may reduce appearance contingent self-evaluation * Notice negative body thoughts without treating them as facts or acting on them * Replace appearance-based judgements with more neutral descriptions of the body * Reduce all-or-nothing thinking, such as viewing your body as "good" or "bad" * Psychological flexivility theory ++++ [[File:People hugging in the beach.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 3.''' Two people hugging showing an important sensory experience]] === From appearance to functionality === * Shifting attention toward health, strength, flexibility, and physical comfort * Recognising sensory experiences - seeing, hearing, moving * Appreciating what the body enables a person to experience and participate in * Valuing functionality without turning physical performance into another standard for evaluating the body (Alleva et al., 2023) * Body functionality appreciation +++++ === Healthier environments === * Developing media literacy helps critically evaluate idealisd body representations * Reducing exposure to appearance-focused content and opportunities for appearance comparison * Curating your environment and content consumed to reduce exposure to unrealistic body ideals (Fioravanti et al., 2022) * Tripartite Influence Model ++++ ==Conclusion== * Arguably the most important section * Provide at least three bullet-points for this section even at the topic development stage, based on preliminary thinking * For the book chapter, develop clear take-home message(s) that address the focus questions based on psychological theory and research * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing this problem * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing the importan *A body-neutral perspective emphasises acceptance, functionality, and psychological flexibility, rather than requiring positivity * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing importance of appearance in self-worth and decreasing the emotional impact of negative body-related thoughts * Social and cultural influences continue to shape body image, therefore, body neutrality may be most effective alongside healthier approaches to managing appearance-focused environments * Research provides promising but preliminary evidence that body-neutral approaches can improve aspects of body and emotional well-being. However, more research is needed to establish long-term effectiveness as well as distinctiveness from other similar concepts * Overall message: the goal is not necessarily to love or feel positive about the body, but to reduce the extent to which your appearance determines emotional well-being. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Body_neutrality|Body neutrality]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Body neutrality and emotional well-being|Body neutrality and emotional well-being]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[wikipedia:Body_positivity|Body positivity]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Abdoli, M., Scotto Rosato, M., Desousa, A., & Cotrufo, P. (2024). Cultural differences in body image: A systematic review. 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''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''54''(9), 1575–1600. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23568 Pellizzer, M. L., & Wade, T. D. (2023). Developing a definition of body neutrality and strategies for an intervention. ''Body Image'', ''46'', 434–442. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.07.006 Pomichter, E., Cepeda-Benito, A., Ahmadkaraji, S., & DePalma, J. P. (2025). Exploring male body image: A scoping review of measurement approaches and mental health implications. ''International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health'', ''22''(6), 834. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph22060834 Saunders, J. F., Nutter, S., Waugh, R., & Hayden, K. A. (2024). Testing body-related components of objectification theory: A meta-analysis of the relations between body shame, self-objectification, and body dissatisfaction. ''Body Image'', ''50'', Article 101738. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101738 Seekis, V., & Lawrence, R. K. (2023). How exposure to body neutrality content on TikTok affects young women’s body image and mood. ''Body Image'', ''47'', Article 101629. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.101629 Shontz, F. C. (1989). Development and structure of the body image, Vols. 1 and 2 [Rev. of ''Development and Structure of the Body Image, Volumes 1 and 2'']. ''Psychoanalytic Psychology'', ''6''(4), 503–507. https://doi.org/10.1037/0736-9735.6.4.503 Smith, A. C., Ahuvia, I., Ito, S., & Schleider, J. L. (2023). Project Body Neutrality: Piloting a digital single‐session intervention for adolescent body image and depression. ''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''56''(8), 1554–1569. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23976 Tylka, T. L., & Wood-Barcalow, N. L. (2015). What is and what is not positive body image? Conceptual foundations and construct definition. ''Body Image'', ''14'', 118–129. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2015.04.001 https://www.sciencedirect.com/sdfe/pdf/download/eid/1-s2.0-0022399986900966/first-page-pdf https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9970735/ https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychiatry/articles/10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00635/full https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/15598276261481490?casa_token=CLtVTca5fboAAAAA%3AVZXxdEaZIobOVIUNsqpuvNDYxboj26-mVH0q6wzArhtqivaE-lAE97I6k_favxKjw-E_XHvw-CpTqA https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2025-86318-001 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7908267/ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s40211-025-00544-4 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144518304595?casa_token=hdy0DS5cSAUAAAAA:kC46Z81NQanQQzq_0Muk0WbbEhXW-zrw1xPEe6MJC5UA-NPJn2Ts0k4IwkfiCs1gYaXm8i2UEaQ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1186/s40337-025-01353-4 https://www.mdpi.com/2227-9032/13/1/76 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11905045/ https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144525000099 https://academic.oup.com/bjd/article-abstract/187/S1/191/6700551 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/33593472/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/23809859/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/35923740/ https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11276240/ https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15213269.2016.1257392 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/40513252/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36347166/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/39633454/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/37742535/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/37129116/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/40578276/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/39146631/ }} ==External links== *[https://www.healthline.com/health/body-neutrality How to Shift from ‘Body Positivity’ to ‘Body Neutrality’ — and Why You Should] - Healthline *[https://www.nationaleatingdisorders.org/5-steps-body-neutrality/ 5 Steps to Body Neutrality] - NEDA *[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X2nBomd-mpY TedTalk - Existing: Body Neutrality and Beauty Standards | Sophia Vimol Horng] - YouTube [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Body image]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] npsaezvu7n5vknjexlq1pmasdr9eii7 2840490 2840489 2026-10-15T11:56:59Z Amyuniversity 3106627 /* Existing research on body-neutrality */ 2840490 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__{{Title|7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!1=Body neutrality and emotional well-being: How a body-neutral perspective can affect emotional well-being|Body neutrality and emotional well-being: How a body-neutral perspective can affect emotional well-being}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}}'''Consider this scenario...''' [[File:Woman with a rough life checking herself out in the mirror (8436629921).jpg|thumb|right|'''Figure 1.''' Woman looking at herself in the mirror]] Amanda is excitedly getting ready to go to a party with friends. Her excitement disappears when she looks in the mirror, beginning to compare her appearance to other women she knows. She focuses on what she perceives as flaws in her body, thinking about how she might be viewed by others at the event. As these thoughts become more intense, Amanda feels increasingly anxious and ashamed of her appearance. She considers making an excuse not to go as she worries she will be judged or that she does not look "good enough" to go out. Before texting the group chat to cancel, she stops. Amanda recognises how pumped she was seconds ago about this party, and how quickly this changes. She thinks, "Why is it that only after I look in the mirror, I believe I'm not worthy?". She realises how much her appearance has become closely connected with her emotions how she views her self-worth. Amanda decides to change the thought process. Instead of thinking "I will I look bad/good at this party" she thinks "I'm going to have to much fun at this party". This shifts the attention away from evaluating her appearance and more towards what her body allows her to do, such as spending time with friends, dancing, and enjoying the evening. Amanda also recognises that self-worth can come from many areas of her life, including her relationships, personality, interests, and achievements. She knows that negative thoughts about her appearance will still occur, but she's done with letting them determine whether she feels good about herself or whether she participates in activities she enjoys. Amanda does finishing touches to her hair, makeup, and outfit, before grabbing her bag and shoes. She leaves the house feeing better about herself and looking forward for the night ahead, all thanks to her discovery of a body-neutral perspective {{RoundBoxBottom}} [[wikipedia:Body_neutrality|Body-neutrality]] is an approach to body image which focuses on accepting the body without any particular emotion or attention to one's physical appearance. This is an important concept because body dissatisfaction is common and has negative affects on emotional well-being, self-esteem and behaviour. These affects can lead to difficulties such as anxiety, depression, and psychological issues such as disordered eating. Social media, cultural and social idealised bodies, and appearance-based social comparison are important factors that contribute to how people evaluate their bodies. Psychological research somewhat explains how body-neutral perspectives may influence emotional-well-being through the examination of self-esteem, social comparison, self-compassion, psychological flexibility, and appearance-based self-worth. Understanding such psychological processes helps identify whether and how body-neutrality may support a healthy body image and therefore emotional well-being. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * What is body neutrality, and how does it differ from other approaches to body image? * How can body image and appearance-related thinking influence emotional well-being? * How do social and cultural influences shape body image and the way we experience our bodies? * How might adopting a body-neutral perspect support emotional wellbeing?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding body-neutrality == === Body image === The concept of [[wikipedia:Body_image|body image]] has many interpretations. It was originally developed as a neurological concept, describing the brain's ability to detect weight, shape, size and form and incorporate these into core beliefs or mental frameworks (Lacey, 1986). This early definition of body image was known as 'the body percept' and focuses more on the accumulated sensory experience within one's body. The actual term 'body image' was coined by Paul Schilder (2013) who defined body image as "the picture of our own body which we form in our mind, that is to say the way in which the body appears to ourselves." Modern definitions of the term are far more in depth, explaining body image as something that is multidimensional that encompasses an individuals thoughts, feelings, attitudes, and behaviours regarding their physical appearance, body shape, size, weight, and how their body functions (Rodgers et al. 2023). Body image involves interconnected perceptual, cognitive, emotional, and behavioural components. These components explain how we percieve our bodies, develop beliefs about our appearance, experience body-related emotions, and respond through behaviour (Carey & Preston, 2019). * '''Perceptual''': How people perceive their body's size, shape, weight, and appearance. Perceptions may not always accurately reflect physical characteristics ** Example: perceiving your stomach to be bigger than it actually is * '''Cognitive''': Thoughts, beliefs, and evaluation individuals hold about their bodies. This includes beliefs about how attractive or important one's appearance is. ** Example: believing you need to lose weight to be considered attractive * '''Emotional''': Feelings associated with body appearance including satisfaction, confidence, shame, anxiety, or embarrassment ** Example: Feeling shame about your body when you compare to another person * '''Behavioural''': Actions people take in response to body image ** Example: Repeatedly checking appearance in mirrors or avoiding social situations due to being uncomfortable about appearance These components can be considered separately but they are best understood as interacting factors. For example, someone who may perceive their appearance negatively may develop critical thoughts about their body, experience feelings of shame or anxiety, and subsequently avoiding social situations, therefore displaying all body image components. === Development of body-neutrality === The development of body-neutrality is closely associated with Anne Poirier, who worked as a eating-disorder specialist and intuitive eating counsellor, helping popularise the approach through this work. Around 2015, body-neutrality started to gain popularity in online spaces as a alternative way of discussing body image, with Poirer subsequently developing workshops around the concept (Nuss et al., 2026). Poirer's approach emphasised that people should not feel like they have to love their bodies. Instead, their attention should be on body functionality and recognising personal worth beyond physical appearance. Poirer's work helped bring body-neutrality into wider discussions regarding body image. This includes popularity on social media such as Instagram or TikTok, which further increased visibility for the concept (Nuss et al., 2025). Despite its increasing popularity, there still is not an agreed-upon definition of body-neutrality. The term is often used to describe reducing importance placed on physical appearance, accepting the body without required feelings, focusing on functionality, or responding to body-related thoughts without judgement. Although these ideas overlap, they do not necessarily describe the same psychological process. For example, trying to reduce the importance of appearance involves changing how much value is placed on physical attractiveness, whereas body functionality focuses on recognising what the body allows us to do. Similarly, accepting negative body related feelings does not necessarily mean that appearance has become unimportant. These differences make it difficult to establish a single definition that captures all the ways body-neutrality is understood or practiced. '''*reference''' Body-neutrality represents a promising approach to understanding body image by offering an alternative perspective that does not require feeling-focused attitudes towards appearance. Despite it's recent emergence and evolving definition, the concept is valuable because it helps navigate pressures surrounding body evaluation. === From body-negativity to body-positivity to body-neutrality === Body image is best understood through the varying perspectives that people have. This ranges from negative evaluations of one's appearance, positive appreciation, and neutral acceptance. Body-negativity involves dissatisfaction, criticism, or negative feelings towards one's body, often influenced by perceived flaws and societal beauty standards (Tort-Nasarre et al., 2021). Negative body image often contribute to lower self-esteem and emotional distress, including feelings of anxiety, sadness, and shame. It is also associated with disordered eating behaviours and other psychological difficulties, although these relationships are complex and do not effect everyone with body dissatisfaction (Abdoli et al., 2025). [[wikipedia:Body_positivity|Body-positivity]] is a opposing perspective because it involves encouragement in appreciating or accepting one's body regardless of shape, size, or appearance. The body-positivity movement created visibility for body-positive perspectives through social media, where people of all differing types of bodies challenges conventional beauty standards. The body-positive movement originated with fat-acceptance activism, feminist and queer social movements, with a focused attention to the stigma and exclusion experienced by people whose bodies are marginalised because of body size, disability, gender expression, etc (Cohen et al., 2019). While this movement has messages of empowerment for many, some people have found the expectation to love and celebrate their bodies difficult to achieve. For those with a negative body image, being encouraged to replace negative feelings with positive ones may feel unrealistic or create pressure to feel confident when they simply do not. This does not mean that body-positivity is ineffective, rather, it highlights that people relate to their bodies in different ways. This is where body-neutrality comes in as a valuable alternative. For those who do not want to focus on loving their appearance, it allows them to accept their bodies without requiring positive feelings. Rather than judging body image by whether someone feels positivity or negatively about their looks, a neutral perspective allows for all feelings without them being the measure of personal worth. See table 1 for an overall comparison of these perspectives. {| class="wikitable sortable" |+Table 1. Comparing and Contrasting Body-image Concepts ! !Body-negativity !Body-positivity !Body-neutrality |- |View of body |Negative evaluation |Positive appreciation |Acceptance without requiring positivity |- |Role of appearance | colspan="2" |High Importance |Reduced importance |- |Expected emotion |Shame, anxiety, distress |Pride, love, happiness |No particular feelings required |- |Basis of self-worth |May become appearance dependent |May include body appreciation |Broader than physical appearance |- |Psychological focus |Appearance evaluation |Appreciation and acceptance |Flexibility and reduced appearance centrality |- |Example thought |"I don't like how my body looks" |"I love and appreciate my body" |"I accept my body and my appearance does not determine my worth" |} == Body image and emotional well-being == === Appearance-based self-worth and emotional distress === Appearance-based self-worth is when individuals base their overall self-evaluation on whether they believe their physical attractiveness meets a certain standard. When appearance is a central focus, perceived flaws or concerns about looks becomes a central source of emotional distress. Findings from Adams et al. (2017) find that appearance-contingent self-worth is associated with greater [[wikipedia:Self-objectification|self-objectification]], which is linked to higher appearance anxiety and lower self-esteem. This suggests that people who place greater importance on appearance may become more concerned about if they meet beauty standards, causing vulnerabilities to their self-esteem because of appearance-related stress. For example, someone who believes their attractiveness determines worth may experience anxiety or shame when comparing themselves with others. This thinking can extend beyond body dissatisfaction and into how individuals evaluate themselves as a person overall. === Self-objectification and appearance monitoring === Self-objectification refers to viewing one's body from an outsider's perspective. There is great attention given to how the body looks rather than how it feels or functions. [[wikipedia:Self-monitoring|Appearance monitoring]] stems from this, and includes behaviours such as repeatedly checking mirrors, adjusting clothing to hide perceived flaws, or comparing one's appearance with others (Ahmed et al., 2025). Continually monitoring appearance can increase attention towards someone idea of a physical flaw and create greater concern about how other evaluate their body. This contributes to feelings body shame, appearance anxiety, and lower self-esteem, particularly for those who believe they do not meet expected standards (Sarda et al., 2025). When this behaviour continues, everyday situations may become opportunities for self-criticism and evaluation. Consequently, self-objectification and appearance monitoring negatively affects emotional well-being by making physical looks a source of worry and evaluation, reinforcing body dissatisfaction and increasing vulnerabilities to perceived physical imperfections. === Effects on everyday functioning === These concerning behaviours and thought processes about body image can affect how people participate in everyday activities, maintain relationships, and manage daily responsibilities. When one's attention is heavily directed towards appearance, it may be difficult to concentrate on other aspects of life. This can lead to avoidance behaviours such as not attending social events, exercising in public, or having photographs taken. Overtime, this avoidance limits social participation and prevents individuals from engaging in experiences they would otherwise enjoy. The consequences on daily life due to severe body image concerns can be illustrated through Diana's case study. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=7}} '''Case Study: Diana''' Diana is a 25-year-old with anorexia nervosa who was examined by Di Lernia et al. (2019). Diana sought treatment at an eating disorder centre following significant weight loss. Her issues with eating started when she began a restrictive diet due to health concerns. This caused her to develop persistent thoughts about calories, weight, and particular foods. Diana also experienced distorted perceptions of her body, repeatedly body checking in mirrors, and wearing clothes that would hide her figure. During periods of high distress, she reported frequently crying while looking at herself in the mirror. {{RoundBoxBottom}} This case study shows how body image can extend into eating behaviours, daily routines, and overall emotional well-being. Persistent concerns about food, weight, and body perception show how these thoughts can become a significant part of daily life and can cause severe negative emotional responses. Although this case involves [[wikipedia:Anorexia|anorexia nervosa]] and cannot represent all experiences of negative body image, it stands as a good example of how severe body image can coincide with distress and behaviours that distrupt daily functioning and therefore emotional well-being. == Social and cultural influences == [[File:Woman Montage (1).jpg|thumb|'''Figure 2.''' Faces and figures of women, showing how different groups depict beauty. ]] === Appearance ideals and cultural influence === Culture is one of the most influential aspects on the formation of body image as it shaped how individuals understand attractiveness and evaluate their appearance overall (Vincent et al., 2025). Societal values, historical impacts, and cultural expectations influence which body shapes or physical characteristics are considered desirable. [[wikipedia:Feminine_beauty_ideal|Beauty ideals]] are not universal internationally, with all countries having differing appearance ideals. See Figure 2 for a board comparison of differing depictions of beauty. In many Western societies, thinness has been the ideal for beauty in women. However, ideals have shifted over time to include greater emphasis on curvier or more muscular bodies (Paudel et al., 2025). In Southeast Asia, preference for lighter skin is greatly influenced by historical class associations, [[wikipedia:Colorism|colourism]], and contemporary beauty industries (Khan & Khan, 2022). Across African countries and cultures, ideals also vary, with normal to overweight bodies being associated with beauty, prosperity or fertility in some contexts, while lighter skin and Eurocentric features have been favoured in others (Pradeilles et al., 2022). These ideals are largely based in culture and not necessarily the geographical regions in which they are developed. An example of this is shown through research involving South Asian women in the United Kingdom found that exposure to advertisements including white models reduce participants' satisfaction with their own skin colour, highlighting how culture and representation can change appearance evaluation (Craddock et al., 2025). This suggests that appearance ideals influence body image because individuals may encounter and internalise beauty standards associated with other cultures, making cultural influences and exposure to beauty ideals have significant impact on how individuals perceive and evaluate their bodies, regardless of where they live. The internalisation of such ideals contributes to body dissatisfaction when individuals adopt culturally prompted beauty standards as personal expectations and compare their appearance against them. An example of this is seen through research by Poloskov and Tracey (2013) that found internalisation of U.S beauty standards helped explain the relationship between [[wikipedia:Acculturation|acculturation]] towards dominant U.S culture and body dissatisfaction among Mexican American Women. Similar research by Negi et al. (2022) found that internalisation of the thin ideal accounted for the relationship between acculturation and body dissatisfaction among South and Southeast Asian women living in the United States. Such findings suggest the adoption of culturally valued appearance ideals are associated with greater dissatisfaction when individuals perceive a gap between their own appearance and standards they have internalised. === Cultural perspectives that overlap with body neutrality === Although body neutrality is a relatively recent concept in psychological research, some cultural perspectives share overlapping aspects of its emphasis on valuing the body beyond physical appearance. An example of this is described by Martin and Latner (2025) who state how [[wikipedia:Native_Hawaiians|Kānaka Maoli]] or Indigenous Hawaiian cultural knowledge systems foster appreciation of body functionality through connections to land, community, spirituality and movement. Similarly, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women in Australia found that cultural identity and sense of belonging could help against negative body image experiences (Chalmers et al., 2022). These examples highlight how perspectives that overlap with body neutrality such as valuing body functionality, relationships, community, and connections to land, can be reflected within differing cultural contexts. Although these examples may not explicitly identify as body neutrality, they share very similar emphasis on thought processes. === Social media === [[File:Social media collection 2020s.png|thumb|'''Figure 3.''' Image of examples of social media platforms]] Social media has amplified body dissatisfaction for many individuals because there is now increased exposure to idealised representations of physical appearance and encouragement of comparison with others. This exposure to beauty ideals on social media can negatively affect body image. These comparisons may contribute to dissatisfaction when individuals perceive their own appearance as falling short of standards presented online. Due to the fast-paced nature of social media trends, different body types and physical features quickly become fashionable or desirable, creating changing expectations around appearance. These trends are often reinforced through editing of photographs, beauty filters, and digitally altered images that present unrealistic or difficult-to-achieve beauty standards (Merino et al., 2024). As beauty trends change and edited images continue to circulate, social media users may experience ongoing pressure to modify their appearance to meet these unrealistic standards, potentially reinforcing body dissatisfaction and negatively affection emotional well-being. '''*reference figure 3''' {{RoundBoxTop|theme=5}} '''Reflecting on beauty standards''' * Who or what influences the beauty standards you see? * Why might people experience body dissatisfaction when their appearance does not match the beauty ideals promoted in their soceity? * How might body-neutrality help people respond differently to beauty standards?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Existing research on body-neutrality == === Evidence that body-neutrality improves emotional well-being === Research that has began investigating the potential benefits of body-neutrality to body image concerns and emotional well-being is still relatively new but promising. One of the more direct investigations of body-neutrality is conducted by Smith et al., (2023), who created a study that tested the outcomes of a body neutral perspective by conducting a digital, self-guided, single-session intervention designed to improve body image and mood in adolescents ages 13-17 experiencing body image and mood difficulties. Post intervention, participants reported significant improvements with body dissatisfaction, functionality appreciation, and hopelessness. The testing recieved positive acceptability ratings from participants, indicating that a body neutral perspective is a suitable approach for adolescents. Despite this positive response, the study measured changed within a single group without a control condition, making it difficult to establish if the intervention was what caused the improvements. While positive outcomes were immediate, the study also did not establish if the effects of the intervention lasted. Other promosing evidence is conducted by Smith et al. (2025) who conducted a randomised controlled trial involving 218 adolescence aged 13-17. Participants were randomly assigned to either the body-neutral intervention or a comparison intervention designed to provide supportive therapy. This provides stronger evidence than earlier studies who had an uncontrolled pilot as it allows researcher to compare changes between groups. Immediately after the intervention, participants in the body-neutral group showed significantly greater improvements in body satisfaction, functionality appreciation, and hopelessness than those in the comparison group. These findings strengthen the argument that body-neutral interventions produce short-term benefits for emotional well-being. Despite social media's negative effects of body image, it has been able to provide another context in which the benefits of body-neutrality have been investigated. Analysis of videos taken from this platform using the hashtag #bodyneutrality found that this content commonly challenged appearance-based expectations and promoted acceptance of diverse bodies (Machin et al., 2025) . Although this demonstrates how body-neutral perspectives are percieved online, It does not establish whether this content improves emotional well-being. More direct research indicates that exposure to body-neutral content may have positive effects on body image and emotional well-being. Seekis and Lawrence (2023) found that young women who viewed body-neutral Tiktok videos reported greater body satisfaction and more positive mood than those exposed to thin-ideal content. However, improvements following brief exposure to the content do not necessarily indicate lasting changing in emotional well-being. This suggests that while social media can be used as a tool to promote a body-neutral perspective and emotional well-being, the long-term effects are not promised. === Evidence is still mixed === While these findings are promising, research has not yet established whether body-neutrality consistently improves emotional well-being or whether its benefits extend beyond the short term. A problem with the research is that body-neutrality is still a recent concept, so researchers have not reached a clear agreement about how it should be defined or measured. Some researchers have the approach on reducing the importance of physical appearance, while others emphasis on accepting the body without emotional input or appreciating what the body can do. This makes it difficult to compare findings across studies and determine which aspects of body-neutrality may contribute to improvements in well-being. Evidence for this limitation is provided by Mulgrew and Hinz (2024) through a study involving 229 participants, including researchers, clinicians, people with lived experience of eating disorders, and members of the general community. Participants described body-neutrality in ways that overlapped with existing concepts, particularly body acceptance, body compassion, and functionality appreciation. Researchers were not able to identify unique features that clearly distinguished body-neutrality from positive body image approaches. This suggests that some reported benefits may be a result from already established psychological processes rather than from body-neutrality as a distinct approach. Although body neutral strategies may be beneficial, further clarity is needed about what specifically makes them effective. Another discussed limitation is the evidence for long-term outcomes of body-neutrality for emotional well-being. Pellizzer and Wade (2023) stated that academic literature was limited when they developed a working definition and identified strategies for future interventions. As a result, as of now, there is not enough research to determine whether body-neutrality provides lasting benefits across different age groups and populations. Although evidence suggests that body-neutrality has a positive effect on emotional well-being, its benefits cannot be considered conclusive. Future research is needed in order to establish clear definitions that distinguish body-neutrality from existing body-image concepts, and examine whether improvements persist over longer periods. * === The need for future research === * Long term studies are needed to establish if benefits are sustained - due to concept being fairly new * Future research should clarify what makes body-neutrality distinct from existing approaches (Pellizzer & Wade, 2023) * Researchers should continue testing body-neutral interventions rather than relying primarily on related body-image constructs == Applying a body-neutral perspective == Intro: translating psychological principles of body neutrality into practical ways of changing body perception - how can the reader implement a body neutral perspective? === Changing body-related thinking === * Separating physical appearance from global self-worth may reduce appearance contingent self-evaluation * Notice negative body thoughts without treating them as facts or acting on them * Replace appearance-based judgements with more neutral descriptions of the body * Reduce all-or-nothing thinking, such as viewing your body as "good" or "bad" * Psychological flexivility theory ++++ [[File:People hugging in the beach.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 3.''' Two people hugging showing an important sensory experience]] === From appearance to functionality === * Shifting attention toward health, strength, flexibility, and physical comfort * Recognising sensory experiences - seeing, hearing, moving * Appreciating what the body enables a person to experience and participate in * Valuing functionality without turning physical performance into another standard for evaluating the body (Alleva et al., 2023) * Body functionality appreciation +++++ === Healthier environments === * Developing media literacy helps critically evaluate idealisd body representations * Reducing exposure to appearance-focused content and opportunities for appearance comparison * Curating your environment and content consumed to reduce exposure to unrealistic body ideals (Fioravanti et al., 2022) * Tripartite Influence Model ++++ ==Conclusion== * Arguably the most important section * Provide at least three bullet-points for this section even at the topic development stage, based on preliminary thinking * For the book chapter, develop clear take-home message(s) that address the focus questions based on psychological theory and research * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing this problem * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing the importan *A body-neutral perspective emphasises acceptance, functionality, and psychological flexibility, rather than requiring positivity * Body neutrality may support emotional well-being by reducing importance of appearance in self-worth and decreasing the emotional impact of negative body-related thoughts * Social and cultural influences continue to shape body image, therefore, body neutrality may be most effective alongside healthier approaches to managing appearance-focused environments * Research provides promising but preliminary evidence that body-neutral approaches can improve aspects of body and emotional well-being. However, more research is needed to establish long-term effectiveness as well as distinctiveness from other similar concepts * Overall message: the goal is not necessarily to love or feel positive about the body, but to reduce the extent to which your appearance determines emotional well-being. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Body_neutrality|Body neutrality]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Body neutrality and emotional well-being|Body neutrality and emotional well-being]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[wikipedia:Body_positivity|Body positivity]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Abdoli, M., Scotto Rosato, M., Desousa, A., & Cotrufo, P. (2024). Cultural differences in body image: A systematic review. 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What can my body do vs. how does it look?: A qualitative analysis of young women and men’s descriptions of their body functionality or physical appearance. ''Body Image'', ''31'', 71–80. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2019.08.008 Fioravanti, G., Bocci Benucci, S., Ceragioli, G., & Casale, S. (2022). How the exposure to beauty ideals on social networking sites influences body image: A systematic review of experimental studies. ''Adolescent Research Review'', ''7''(3), 419–458. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40894-022-00179-4 Frederick, D. A., Forbes, M., Gentle, B., Reynolds, T. A., & Walters, T. (2012). Beauty standards. In ''Encyclopedia of human sexuality''. Wiley-Blackwell. Frederick, D. A., Gordon, A. R., Cook-Cottone, C. P., Brady, J. P., Reynolds, T. A., Alley, J., Garcia, J. R., Brown, T. A., Compte, E. J., Convertino, L., Crerand, C. E., Malcarne, V. L., Nagata, J. M., Parent, M. C., Pennesi, J.-L., Perez, M., Pila, E., Rodgers, R. F., Schaefer, L. M., … Murray, S. B. (2022). Demographic and sociocultural predictors of sexuality-related body image and sexual frequency: The U.S. Body Project I. ''Body Image'', ''41'', 109–127. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2022.01.010 Grogan, S. (2016). ''Body image: Understanding body dissatisfaction in men, women and children'' (3rd ed.). Routledge. Leboeuf, C. (2019). What is body positivity? The path from shame to pride. ''Philosophical Topics'', ''47''(2), 113–128. https://doi.org/10.5840/philtopics201947218 Mulgrew, K. E., & Hinz, A. (2024). What is body neutrality and how is it different to existing body image concepts? An analysis of experts and general community responses. ''Body Image'', ''51'', Article 101780. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101780 Paterna, A., Alcaraz‐Ibáñez, M., Fuller‐Tyszkiewicz, M., & Sicilia, Á. (2021). Internalization of body shape ideals and body dissatisfaction: A systematic review and meta‐analysis. ''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''54''(9), 1575–1600. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23568 Pellizzer, M. L., & Wade, T. D. (2023). Developing a definition of body neutrality and strategies for an intervention. ''Body Image'', ''46'', 434–442. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.07.006 Pomichter, E., Cepeda-Benito, A., Ahmadkaraji, S., & DePalma, J. P. (2025). Exploring male body image: A scoping review of measurement approaches and mental health implications. ''International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health'', ''22''(6), 834. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph22060834 Saunders, J. F., Nutter, S., Waugh, R., & Hayden, K. A. (2024). Testing body-related components of objectification theory: A meta-analysis of the relations between body shame, self-objectification, and body dissatisfaction. ''Body Image'', ''50'', Article 101738. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2024.101738 Seekis, V., & Lawrence, R. K. (2023). How exposure to body neutrality content on TikTok affects young women’s body image and mood. ''Body Image'', ''47'', Article 101629. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2023.101629 Shontz, F. C. (1989). Development and structure of the body image, Vols. 1 and 2 [Rev. of ''Development and Structure of the Body Image, Volumes 1 and 2'']. ''Psychoanalytic Psychology'', ''6''(4), 503–507. https://doi.org/10.1037/0736-9735.6.4.503 Smith, A. C., Ahuvia, I., Ito, S., & Schleider, J. L. (2023). Project Body Neutrality: Piloting a digital single‐session intervention for adolescent body image and depression. ''The International Journal of Eating Disorders'', ''56''(8), 1554–1569. https://doi.org/10.1002/eat.23976 Tylka, T. L., & Wood-Barcalow, N. L. (2015). What is and what is not positive body image? Conceptual foundations and construct definition. ''Body Image'', ''14'', 118–129. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2015.04.001 https://www.sciencedirect.com/sdfe/pdf/download/eid/1-s2.0-0022399986900966/first-page-pdf https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9970735/ https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychiatry/articles/10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00635/full https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/15598276261481490?casa_token=CLtVTca5fboAAAAA%3AVZXxdEaZIobOVIUNsqpuvNDYxboj26-mVH0q6wzArhtqivaE-lAE97I6k_favxKjw-E_XHvw-CpTqA https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2025-86318-001 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7908267/ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s40211-025-00544-4 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144518304595?casa_token=hdy0DS5cSAUAAAAA:kC46Z81NQanQQzq_0Muk0WbbEhXW-zrw1xPEe6MJC5UA-NPJn2Ts0k4IwkfiCs1gYaXm8i2UEaQ https://link.springer.com/article/10.1186/s40337-025-01353-4 https://www.mdpi.com/2227-9032/13/1/76 https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11905045/ https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1740144525000099 https://academic.oup.com/bjd/article-abstract/187/S1/191/6700551 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/33593472/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/23809859/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/35923740/ https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11276240/ https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15213269.2016.1257392 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/40513252/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36347166/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/39633454/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/37742535/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/37129116/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/40578276/ https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/39146631/ }} ==External links== *[https://www.healthline.com/health/body-neutrality How to Shift from ‘Body Positivity’ to ‘Body Neutrality’ — and Why You Should] - Healthline *[https://www.nationaleatingdisorders.org/5-steps-body-neutrality/ 5 Steps to Body Neutrality] - NEDA *[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X2nBomd-mpY TedTalk - Existing: Body Neutrality and Beauty Standards | Sophia Vimol Horng] - YouTube [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Body image]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] hoo0ke8gavnxtl1i29ngccv49bvjvsq 0 330080 2840309 2835132 2026-10-14T18:39:20Z U3280825 3110195 2840309 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Cancer screening and emotion:<br>How do emotions such as fear, anxiety, and relief influence cancer screening uptake?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Woman receives mammogram (3).jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. A woman undergoing a standard mammogram procedure.]] ;Scenario Megan, 50, discovers a letter in her mailbox inviting her to attend a routine mammogram. Despite receiving prior invitations, she has deferred screening for four years. Her mother passed away from breast cancer and the thought of undergoing screening assessments elicited a pronounced anxiety response. Despite recognising the significance of early detection, Megan is apprehensive regarding the potential implications of the screening results. The prospect of a potential cancer diagnosis evokes substantive anticipatory anxiety, resulting in Megan engaging in avoidance behaviours, the letter being placed in the drawer. A week later, her friend Stella receives the same letter. In contrast to Megan, Stella promptly schedules her appointment as she views this as a proactive health behaviour that plays a critical role in early detection to improve her health outcomes. Even though they are presented with the same circumstance, they markedly differ regarding their perceptions of the potential benefits and consequences. For Megan, fear promotes avoidance, whereas Stella perceives screening as a measure of mitigating health related ambiguity. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Cancer screening programs for instance mammography, cervical screening, and bowl screening can significantly reduce mortality through early detection. Conversely, engagement remains below established national targets in Australia and internationally (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2026). Key points this chapter develops: * Recognising these emotional dynamics attributes to screening programs to develop communication strategies that improve uptake. * Individuals{{g}} decision to participate in screening are not soley driven by rational evaluation; anxiety, fear, embarrassment, are all determinants as to whether individuals par take (Consedine et al., 2004) {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * How can emotional determinants be addressed to improve screening participation? * What is the role of relief as an emotional driver in the uptake of screening? * What emotions are experienced in relation to cancer screening? * How does anxiety and fear act as barriers to screening uptake? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == What emotions are involved in cancer screening?== * Emotional responses to screening comprise fear, anxiety, worry, stress, broadly conceptualised as anticipatory anxiety (Goodwin et al., 2023) * Concern around the screening procedure and the cancer itself was reported between 10-50% of participants (Goodwin et al., 2023) * A review of 74 studies identified that diagnostic anxiety tended to promote screening, conversely, procedural fear was almost reliably discouraging it (Goodwin et al., 2023). ==How does anxiety and fear motivate cancer screening?== * Evidence from a systematic review illustrated that anxiety of a possible cancer diagnosis was often linked to greater screening uptake. Conversely, the fear of procedure discouraged participation (Goodwin et al., 2023). * In a large Australian sample, screening engagement increased as an anxiety also increased but when anxiety was severe individuals were less likely to engage in screening (Anderson et al., 2023). * Protection Motivation Theory proposes that individuals are highly probable to screen when they feel at harm and believe screening will benefit (Rogers, 1975). ==How does anxiety and fear act as barriers in cancer screening uptake?== * Fear of receiving screening results can undermine participation, with fear of receiving a positive result as one of the biggest discouragers of cervical screening among Australian women (Nagendiram et al., 2020). * Severe anxiety may mitigate screening participation, with Australian literature illustrating lower bowel cancer screening participation across individuals experiencing severe anxiety (Anderson et al., 2023). * Anticipatory anxiety associated around the screening procedure can attribute to avoidance, with never-screened or under screened Australian's noting psychological distress accompanied by invasive and sometimes discomfort-inducing nature of cervical screening (Creagh et al., 2021). ==Conclusion== * The behavioural impacts of emotional responses on screening uptake, anxiety and fear proficient discouraging and motivating screening participation shaped by their focus and intensity * Developing greater insight into the emotional components shaping screening decisions, guiding he development of strategies to mitigate psychological barriers promoting greater engagement * Anxiety and fear influence screening in multifaceted ways, illustrating that emotional processes collectively shape screening behaviour. ==See also== {{expand}} ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, L. E., Ireland, M. J., Myers, L., Avenell, C., Connaughton, T., & Goodwin, B. C. (2023). Psychological distress and bowel cancer screening participation. Psycho-Oncology, 32(2), 229–236. https://doi.org/10.1002/pon.6072 Australian Institute of Health and Welfare. (2026). Cancer screening. Australian Government. https://www.aihw.gov.au/reports/australias-health/cancer-screening-and-treatment Consedine, N. S., Magai, C., Krivoshekova, Y. S., Ryzewicz, L., & Neugut, A. I. (2004). Fear, anxiety, worry, and breast cancer screening behavior: A critical review. Cancer Epidemiology, Biomarkers & Prevention, 13(4), 501–510. https://doi.org/10.1158/1055-9965.501.13.4 Creagh, N. S., Zammit, C., Brotherton, J. M. L., Saville, M., McDermott, T., Nightingale, C., & Kelaher, M. (2021). Self-collection cervical screening in the renewed National Cervical Screening Program: A qualitative study. Medical Journal of Australia, 215(8), 354–358. https://doi.org/10.5694/mja2.51137 Goodwin, B. C., Anderson, L., Collins, K., Sanjida, S., Riba, M., Singh, G. K., Campbell, K. M., Green, H., Ishaque, S., Kwok, A., Opozda, M. J., Pearn, A., Shaw, J., Sansom-Daly, U. M., Tsirgiotis, J. M., Janda, M., & Grech, L. (2023). Anticipatory anxiety and participation in cancer screening: A systematic review. Psycho-Oncology, 32(12), 1773–1786. https://doi.org/10.1002/pon.6238 Nagendiram, A., Bougher, H., Banks, J., Hall, L., & Heal, C. (2020). Australian women's self-perceived barriers to participation in cervical cancer screening: A systematic review. Health Promotion Journal of Australia, 31(3), 343–353. https://doi.org/10.1002/hpja.280 Rogers, R. W. (1975). A protection motivation theory of fear appeals and attitude change. The Journal of Psychology, 91(1), 93–114. https://doi.org/10.1080/00223980.1975.9915803 }} ==External links== {{expand}} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Behaviour]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Health]] ikklf7tqr6hepqbexhswgxsrhd3g1zm 2840310 2840309 2026-10-14T18:44:03Z U3280825 3110195 2840310 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Cancer screening and emotion:<br>How do emotions such as fear, anxiety, and relief influence cancer screening uptake?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Woman receives mammogram (3).jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. A woman undergoing a standard mammogram procedure.]] ;Scenario Megan, 50, discovers a letter in her mailbox inviting her to attend a routine mammogram. Despite receiving prior invitations, she has deferred screening for four years. Her mother passed away from breast cancer and the thought of undergoing screening assessments elicited a pronounced anxiety response. Despite recognising the significance of early detection, Megan is apprehensive regarding the potential implications of the screening results. The prospect of a potential cancer diagnosis evokes substantive anticipatory anxiety, resulting in Megan engaging in avoidance behaviours, the letter being placed in the drawer. A week later, her friend Stella receives the same letter. In contrast to Megan, Stella promptly schedules her appointment as she views this as a proactive health behaviour that plays a critical role in early detection to improve her health outcomes. Even though they are presented with the same circumstance, they markedly differ regarding their perceptions of the potential benefits and consequences. For Megan, fear promotes avoidance, whereas Stella perceives screening as a measure of mitigating health related ambiguity. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Evidence illustrates how anxiety regarding a putative cancer diagnosis may elicit screening participation, whereas anticipatory anxiety about the screening procedure (See Figure 1) may hinder it (Goodwin et al., 2023). The following two psychological frameworks provide insight into these contrasting emotional responses. The Extended Parallel Process Model (Witte, 1992) and Protection Motivation Theory (Rogers, 1975) both exemplify how perceptions of health threats depend not merely on perceived risk, but also on beliefs about the effectiveness of the protective action. This chapter goes on to critically examine how fear, anxiety and relief influence screening decisions and evaluate psychological research to establish mechanisms that can facilitate greater participation within cancer screening. Understanding these contrasting emotional responses is significant as insights into these psychological barriers can help healthcare professionals in developing evidence-based communication strategies that promote and cater to individual requirements. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''''Focus questions''''' * What emotions are experienced in cancer screening? * Which theories explain how emotions influence cancer screening? * How do fear and anxiety motivate cancer screening? * How do fear and anxiety act as barriers to cancer screening? * How can emotional barriers be addressed? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == What emotions are involved in cancer screening?== * Emotional responses to screening comprise fear, anxiety, worry, stress, broadly conceptualised as anticipatory anxiety (Goodwin et al., 2023) * Concern around the screening procedure and the cancer itself was reported between 10-50% of participants (Goodwin et al., 2023) * A review of 74 studies identified that diagnostic anxiety tended to promote screening, conversely, procedural fear was almost reliably discouraging it (Goodwin et al., 2023). ==How does anxiety and fear motivate cancer screening?== * Evidence from a systematic review illustrated that anxiety of a possible cancer diagnosis was often linked to greater screening uptake. Conversely, the fear of procedure discouraged participation (Goodwin et al., 2023). * In a large Australian sample, screening engagement increased as an anxiety also increased but when anxiety was severe individuals were less likely to engage in screening (Anderson et al., 2023). * Protection Motivation Theory proposes that individuals are highly probable to screen when they feel at harm and believe screening will benefit (Rogers, 1975). ==How does anxiety and fear act as barriers in cancer screening uptake?== * Fear of receiving screening results can undermine participation, with fear of receiving a positive result as one of the biggest discouragers of cervical screening among Australian women (Nagendiram et al., 2020). * Severe anxiety may mitigate screening participation, with Australian literature illustrating lower bowel cancer screening participation across individuals experiencing severe anxiety (Anderson et al., 2023). * Anticipatory anxiety associated around the screening procedure can attribute to avoidance, with never-screened or under screened Australian's noting psychological distress accompanied by invasive and sometimes discomfort-inducing nature of cervical screening (Creagh et al., 2021). ==Conclusion== * The behavioural impacts of emotional responses on screening uptake, anxiety and fear proficient discouraging and motivating screening participation shaped by their focus and intensity * Developing greater insight into the emotional components shaping screening decisions, guiding he development of strategies to mitigate psychological barriers promoting greater engagement * Anxiety and fear influence screening in multifaceted ways, illustrating that emotional processes collectively shape screening behaviour. ==See also== {{expand}} ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, L. E., Ireland, M. J., Myers, L., Avenell, C., Connaughton, T., & Goodwin, B. C. (2023). Psychological distress and bowel cancer screening participation. Psycho-Oncology, 32(2), 229–236. https://doi.org/10.1002/pon.6072 Australian Institute of Health and Welfare. (2026). Cancer screening. Australian Government. https://www.aihw.gov.au/reports/australias-health/cancer-screening-and-treatment Consedine, N. S., Magai, C., Krivoshekova, Y. S., Ryzewicz, L., & Neugut, A. I. (2004). Fear, anxiety, worry, and breast cancer screening behavior: A critical review. Cancer Epidemiology, Biomarkers & Prevention, 13(4), 501–510. https://doi.org/10.1158/1055-9965.501.13.4 Creagh, N. S., Zammit, C., Brotherton, J. M. L., Saville, M., McDermott, T., Nightingale, C., & Kelaher, M. (2021). Self-collection cervical screening in the renewed National Cervical Screening Program: A qualitative study. Medical Journal of Australia, 215(8), 354–358. https://doi.org/10.5694/mja2.51137 Goodwin, B. C., Anderson, L., Collins, K., Sanjida, S., Riba, M., Singh, G. K., Campbell, K. M., Green, H., Ishaque, S., Kwok, A., Opozda, M. J., Pearn, A., Shaw, J., Sansom-Daly, U. M., Tsirgiotis, J. M., Janda, M., & Grech, L. (2023). Anticipatory anxiety and participation in cancer screening: A systematic review. Psycho-Oncology, 32(12), 1773–1786. https://doi.org/10.1002/pon.6238 Nagendiram, A., Bougher, H., Banks, J., Hall, L., & Heal, C. (2020). Australian women's self-perceived barriers to participation in cervical cancer screening: A systematic review. Health Promotion Journal of Australia, 31(3), 343–353. https://doi.org/10.1002/hpja.280 Rogers, R. W. (1975). A protection motivation theory of fear appeals and attitude change. The Journal of Psychology, 91(1), 93–114. https://doi.org/10.1080/00223980.1975.9915803 }} ==External links== {{expand}} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Behaviour]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Health]] eevopydl4evxcym1xqkpc1ujttzki8d 2840312 2840310 2026-10-14T18:49:37Z U3280825 3110195 2840312 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Cancer screening and emotion:<br>How do emotions such as fear, anxiety, and relief influence cancer screening uptake?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Woman receives mammogram (3).jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. A woman undergoing a standard mammogram procedure.]] ;Scenario Megan, 50, discovers a letter in her mailbox inviting her to attend a routine mammogram. Despite receiving prior invitations, she has deferred screening for four years. Her mother passed away from breast cancer and the thought of undergoing screening assessments elicited a pronounced anxiety response. Despite recognising the significance of early detection, Megan is apprehensive regarding the potential implications of the screening results. The prospect of a potential cancer diagnosis evokes substantive anticipatory anxiety, resulting in Megan engaging in avoidance behaviours, the letter being placed in the drawer. A week later, her friend Stella receives the same letter. In contrast to Megan, Stella promptly schedules her appointment as she views this as a proactive health behaviour that plays a critical role in early detection to improve her health outcomes. Even though they are presented with the same circumstance, they markedly differ regarding their perceptions of the potential benefits and consequences. For Megan, fear promotes avoidance, whereas Stella perceives screening as a measure of mitigating health related ambiguity. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Evidence illustrates how anxiety regarding a putative cancer diagnosis may elicit screening participation, whereas anticipatory anxiety about the screening procedure (See Figure 1) may hinder it (Goodwin et al., 2023). The following two psychological frameworks provide insight into these contrasting emotional responses. The Extended Parallel Process Model (Witte, 1992) and Protection Motivation Theory (Rogers, 1975) both exemplify how perceptions of health threats depend not merely on perceived risk, but also on beliefs about the effectiveness of the protective action. This chapter goes on to critically examine how fear, anxiety and relief influence screening decisions and evaluate psychological research to establish mechanisms that can facilitate greater participation within cancer screening. Understanding these contrasting emotional responses is significant as insights into these psychological barriers can help healthcare professionals in developing evidence-based communication strategies that promote and cater to individual requirements. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * What emotions are experienced in cancer screening? * Which theories explain how emotions influence cancer screening? * How do fear and anxiety motivate cancer screening? * How do fear and anxiety act as barriers to cancer screening? * How can emotional barriers be addressed? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == What emotions are experienced in cancer screening?== ===Fear and anxiety before screening === The prospect of cancer screening can evoke an array of emotional responses, most notably fear and anxiety. Despite their close association, emotions can arise from variety of different concerns. Anxiety is a critical emotional response correlated to cancer screening. Consedine et al. (2004) recognised several sources of screening related anxiety including concerns about receiving a cancer diagnosis, undergoing diagnostic procedures and experiencing bodily discomfort. Importantly, Consedine et al. (2004) also illustrated that anxiety does not uniformly deter screening participation, as previous research has linked cancer-related worry with both increased and decreased participation. Consedine et al. (2004) proposed three distinct yet interrelated sources of screening-related anxiety: generalised fear of cancer, fear of screening outcomes and fear of screening procedures. The model posits that each type of fear is likely to influence screening uptake differently. Most notably, generalised cancer fear may encourage screening if anxiety remains at a manageable level and individuals feel that screening is accessible and efficacious. While anxiety and fear are inextricably linked, they differ in their underlying psychological characteristics. Anxiety arises in response to the apprehension of uncertain future threats. In contrast to this, fear is frequently associated with an immediate or identifiable threat (Daniel-Watanabe & Fletcher, 2022). In cancer screening, this distinction could underlie why individuals experience anxiety before an appointment and fear when in the presence of a perceived threat. Although Consedine et al’s. (2004) conceptual model offers an explanatory framework for understanding screening related anxiety, remaining preliminary. The model describes relationships between different sources of anxiety and screening engagement as opposed to establishing causal effects. Furthermore, greater empirical research is imperative to establish how reliably these relationships apply across distinct screening conditions. In the absence of established causal relationship, the model has scarce predictive utility in ascertaining how populations will respond behaviourally to screening-related fear. ==How does anxiety and fear act as barriers in cancer screening uptake?== * Fear of receiving screening results can undermine participation, with fear of receiving a positive result as one of the biggest discouragers of cervical screening among Australian women (Nagendiram et al., 2020). * Severe anxiety may mitigate screening participation, with Australian literature illustrating lower bowel cancer screening participation across individuals experiencing severe anxiety (Anderson et al., 2023). * Anticipatory anxiety associated around the screening procedure can attribute to avoidance, with never-screened or under screened Australian's noting psychological distress accompanied by invasive and sometimes discomfort-inducing nature of cervical screening (Creagh et al., 2021). ==Conclusion== * The behavioural impacts of emotional responses on screening uptake, anxiety and fear proficient discouraging and motivating screening participation shaped by their focus and intensity * Developing greater insight into the emotional components shaping screening decisions, guiding he development of strategies to mitigate psychological barriers promoting greater engagement * Anxiety and fear influence screening in multifaceted ways, illustrating that emotional processes collectively shape screening behaviour. ==See also== {{expand}} ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, L. E., Ireland, M. J., Myers, L., Avenell, C., Connaughton, T., & Goodwin, B. C. (2023). Psychological distress and bowel cancer screening participation. Psycho-Oncology, 32(2), 229–236. https://doi.org/10.1002/pon.6072 Australian Institute of Health and Welfare. (2026). Cancer screening. Australian Government. https://www.aihw.gov.au/reports/australias-health/cancer-screening-and-treatment Consedine, N. S., Magai, C., Krivoshekova, Y. S., Ryzewicz, L., & Neugut, A. I. (2004). Fear, anxiety, worry, and breast cancer screening behavior: A critical review. Cancer Epidemiology, Biomarkers & Prevention, 13(4), 501–510. https://doi.org/10.1158/1055-9965.501.13.4 Creagh, N. S., Zammit, C., Brotherton, J. M. L., Saville, M., McDermott, T., Nightingale, C., & Kelaher, M. (2021). Self-collection cervical screening in the renewed National Cervical Screening Program: A qualitative study. Medical Journal of Australia, 215(8), 354–358. https://doi.org/10.5694/mja2.51137 Goodwin, B. C., Anderson, L., Collins, K., Sanjida, S., Riba, M., Singh, G. K., Campbell, K. M., Green, H., Ishaque, S., Kwok, A., Opozda, M. J., Pearn, A., Shaw, J., Sansom-Daly, U. M., Tsirgiotis, J. M., Janda, M., & Grech, L. (2023). Anticipatory anxiety and participation in cancer screening: A systematic review. Psycho-Oncology, 32(12), 1773–1786. https://doi.org/10.1002/pon.6238 Nagendiram, A., Bougher, H., Banks, J., Hall, L., & Heal, C. (2020). Australian women's self-perceived barriers to participation in cervical cancer screening: A systematic review. Health Promotion Journal of Australia, 31(3), 343–353. https://doi.org/10.1002/hpja.280 Rogers, R. W. (1975). A protection motivation theory of fear appeals and attitude change. The Journal of Psychology, 91(1), 93–114. https://doi.org/10.1080/00223980.1975.9915803 }} ==External links== {{expand}} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Behaviour]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Health]] lbh7a3ny4ydk2wnaj5rz6yopaqgfw4v 2840315 2840312 2026-10-14T18:58:01Z U3280825 3110195 2840315 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Cancer screening and emotion:<br>How do emotions such as fear, anxiety, and relief influence cancer screening uptake?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Woman receives mammogram (3).jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. A woman undergoing a standard mammogram procedure.]] ;Scenario Megan, 50, discovers a letter in her mailbox inviting her to attend a routine mammogram. Despite receiving prior invitations, she has deferred screening for four years. Her mother passed away from breast cancer and the thought of undergoing screening assessments elicited a pronounced anxiety response. Despite recognising the significance of early detection, Megan is apprehensive regarding the potential implications of the screening results. The prospect of a potential cancer diagnosis evokes substantive anticipatory anxiety, resulting in Megan engaging in avoidance behaviours, the letter being placed in the drawer. A week later, her friend Stella receives the same letter. In contrast to Megan, Stella promptly schedules her appointment as she views this as a proactive health behaviour that plays a critical role in early detection to improve her health outcomes. Even though they are presented with the same circumstance, they markedly differ regarding their perceptions of the potential benefits and consequences. For Megan, fear promotes avoidance, whereas Stella perceives screening as a measure of mitigating health related ambiguity. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Evidence illustrates how anxiety regarding a putative cancer diagnosis may elicit screening participation, whereas anticipatory anxiety about the screening procedure (See Figure 1) may hinder it (Goodwin et al., 2023). The following two psychological frameworks provide insight into these contrasting emotional responses. The Extended Parallel Process Model (Witte, 1992) and Protection Motivation Theory (Rogers, 1975) both exemplify how perceptions of health threats depend not merely on perceived risk, but also on beliefs about the effectiveness of the protective action. This chapter goes on to critically examine how fear, anxiety and relief influence screening decisions and evaluate psychological research to establish mechanisms that can facilitate greater participation within cancer screening. Understanding these contrasting emotional responses is significant as insights into these psychological barriers can help healthcare professionals in developing evidence-based communication strategies that promote and cater to individual requirements. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * What emotions are experienced in cancer screening? * Which theories explain how emotions influence cancer screening? * How do fear and anxiety motivate cancer screening? * How do fear and anxiety act as barriers to cancer screening? * How can emotional barriers be addressed? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == What emotions are experienced in cancer screening?== ===Fear and anxiety before screening === The prospect of cancer screening can evoke an array of emotional responses, most notably fear and anxiety. Despite their close association, emotions can arise from variety of different concerns. Anxiety is a critical emotional response correlated to cancer screening. Consedine et al. (2004) recognised several sources of screening related anxiety including concerns about receiving a cancer diagnosis, undergoing diagnostic procedures and experiencing bodily discomfort. Importantly, Consedine et al. (2004) also illustrated that anxiety does not uniformly deter screening participation, as previous research has linked cancer-related worry with both increased and decreased participation. Consedine et al. (2004) proposed three distinct yet interrelated sources of screening-related anxiety: generalised fear of cancer, fear of screening outcomes and fear of screening procedures. The model posits that each type of fear is likely to influence screening uptake differently. Most notably, generalised cancer fear may encourage screening if anxiety remains at a manageable level and individuals feel that screening is accessible and efficacious. While anxiety and fear are inextricably linked, they differ in their underlying psychological characteristics. Anxiety arises in response to the apprehension of uncertain future threats. In contrast to this, fear is frequently associated with an immediate or identifiable threat (Daniel-Watanabe & Fletcher, 2022). In cancer screening, this distinction could underlie why individuals experience anxiety before an appointment and fear when in the presence of a perceived threat. Although Consedine et al’s. (2004) conceptual model offers an explanatory framework for understanding screening related anxiety, remaining preliminary. The model describes relationships between different sources of anxiety and screening engagement as opposed to establishing causal effects. Furthermore, greater empirical research is imperative to establish how reliably these relationships apply across distinct screening conditions. In the absence of established causal relationship, the model has scarce predictive utility in ascertaining how populations will respond behaviourally to screening-related fear. ===Relief and reassurance following screening === Before screening, individuals may experience anxiety, individuals may experience anxiety regarding the potential of having cancer. Receiving a normal cancer result can mitigate concerns about an immediate cancer diagnosis. Minimised worry can produce a feeling of relief and reassurance. McFadden et al. (2024) provided evidence that some lung cancer screening participants reported relief and alleviated concern subsequent to a normal screening result. Reassurance may stem from a reduction in perceived threat and uncertainty. This emotional response may occur when an anticipated negative outcome fails to emerge, attenuating perceived susceptibility to a cancer diagnosis. Alternatively, reassurance may be transient, as a normal screening result does not eliminate all future health prognostic uncertainty. Prior to receiving screening results, individuals can experience heightened uncertainty regarding their health status as screening outcomes are inherently uncertain. A healthy result may attenuate uncertainty by providing information regarding one’s current health status. This reduced can contribute to lower anticipatory anxiety and psychological distress, promoting emotional stability and reassurance (McFadden et al., 2024). Conversely, inconclusive or abnormal screening outcomes may exacerbate anxiety and psychological stress, most pronounced when greater testing is required. Kim et al. (2022) discovered that anxiety often increased following positive or indeterminate results, although these psychological effects tended to dissipate over time. Emotional responses to screening results are not linear. Kim et al. (2022) noted that individuals with a family history of cancer or elevated cancer risk exhibited heightened anxiety and distress even following negative screening outcomes. ==Which theories explain how emotions influence cancer screening? == Megan and Stella received the same letter, yet their responses were markedly different. This suggests that fear does not always equate to the same outcome. Rather, this depends on how serious the threat feels and whether the individual believes they can do something about it. Two interrelated theories, Protection Motivation Theory (PMT) and the Extended Parallel Process Model (EPPM), provide a useful framework for understanding why this occurs. ===Protection Motivation Theory=== Protection Motivation Theory (PMT), first proposed by Rogers (1975), suggests that when individuals perceive a serious health threat, they are motivated to protect themselves only if they believe the recommended action will effectively mitigate the risk. Conversely, if the threat feels overwhelming or the protective actions seem difficult or ineffective, the individual may be less likely to engage in such behaviour (Rogers, 1975). PMT posits that individuals first engage in threat appraisal, considering both perceived severity (how serious they interpret the threat) and perceived vulnerability (how likely they believe they are to be affected). (Rogers, 1975) Individuals subsequently engage in coping appraisal, which entails evaluating response efficacy (whether the individual believes the protective action will be effective), self-efficacy (whether they feel capable of performing the behaviour), and response costs (the barriers or downsides of taking action, such as pain, embarrassment or time) (Maddux & Rogers, 1983). According to PMT, protective behaviours such as screening are most likely when both threat and coping appraisals are high. Stella’s response to the screening invitation can be explained through the application of PMT. Her perceived vulnerability and severity are high, as she believes breast cancer is a serious threat that could affect her. Stella exhibits response efficacy as she believes mammography detects cancer early and high self-efficacy, feeling confident to attend. Accordingly, Stella is motivated to engage in the recommended protective behaviour by promptly booking a mammography appointment. Empirical evidence supports PMT’s relevance to breast cancer screening. In a systematic review of 17 studies, Estebsari et al. (2023) found that PMT helped predict women’s knowledge and intentions regarding breast cancer protective behaviours. However, a notable limitation of this review is that it measured screening intentions as opposed to subsequent attendance, and intentions do not always translate into behaviour. Furthermore, PMT is based on the premise that individuals rationally weigh up threats and coping options, which cannot fully account for responses driven by intense fear as Megan’s avoidance. The Extended Parallel Process Model addresses this limitation by accounting for how fear can lead people to manage their emotions by avoidance as opposed to the actual threat. ===Extended Parallel Process Model=== The Extended Parallel Process Model (EPPM) conceptualises that fear motivates protective behaviours when individuals appraise a threat as serious but also believe they can take effective action to control it (Witte, 1992). If an assessed threat is interpreted as high yet individuals feel unable to effectively respond, fear may lead to defensive responses like avoidance. Witte (1992) characterised these as two distinct pathways. Where both perceived efficacy and perceived threat are high, individuals engage in danger control, aiming to reduce the threat itself, for instance attending the screening procedure. Conversely, when a threat is high, yet efficacy is low, individuals adopt fear-control responses by regulating their feelings as opposed to the threat, through responses such as denial or avoidance. The EPPM provides insight into Megan’s avoidance. Her mother passed away from breast cancer, so the threat feels incredibly real and personal. However, her efficacy is low, as she feels she will be unable to cope with the outcome of the screening results. As a result, she engages in fear control by putting the letter back in the drawer. This minimises her anxiety in the moment; however, it does not address the immediate issue as Megan remains unscreened. Drawing on the EPPM, Ivanova and Kvalem (2021) investigated which psychological factors predict women’s intention to attend mammography screening and their defensive avoidance of it. The study was done across 270 women ranging from 18 and over. They found that greater fear of breast cancer predicted greater defensive avoidance, yet mammography is effective predicted greater intention to attend mammograms. However, Ivanova and Kvalem (2021) reported that intention and avoidance were predicted by different factors suggesting that avoiding screening is not merely the opposite of intending to attend. Additionally, the study’s cross-sectional design cannot establish that fear causes avoidance, only that they are linked. Taken together, PMT and the EPPM illustrate the significance of perceived threat and efficacy in altering individuals’ responses to cancer screening. ==How do fear and anxiety motivate cancer screening?== Although fear and anxiety are often viewed as barriers to screening, research suggests they can also motivate participation. A systematic review of 74 studies by Goodwin et al in 2023. Discovered that anxiety regarding a possible outcome of a cancer diagnosis was often associated with greater screening participation. Just over half (51.6%) of the tested relationships were positive. Consistent with PMT, concern regarding may increase the perceived threat. Screening offers a clear way to act, as seen in Stella’s decision. Yet, many studies included studies were cross-sectional and as a result relied on self-report, meaning they cannot prove that anxiety causes screening. In a study involving two Australian samples (N = 479) people and (N = 5,421), Anderson et al. (2023) discovered bowel screening participation increased as the anxiety increased, yet dropped when the anxiety was reported to be severe. This indicates that moderate anxiety motivates but severe anxiety may lead to avoidance, corresponding with the EPPM’s fear control model. In accordance with previous research, Consedine et al. (2004) discovered moderate worry was associated to the highest level of mammography attendance. ==See also== {{expand}} ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, L. E., Ireland, M. J., Myers, L., Avenell, C., Connaughton, T., & Goodwin, B. C. (2023). Psychological distress and bowel cancer screening participation. Psycho-Oncology, 32(2), 229–236. https://doi.org/10.1002/pon.6072 Australian Institute of Health and Welfare. (2026). Cancer screening. Australian Government. https://www.aihw.gov.au/reports/australias-health/cancer-screening-and-treatment Consedine, N. S., Magai, C., Krivoshekova, Y. S., Ryzewicz, L., & Neugut, A. I. (2004). Fear, anxiety, worry, and breast cancer screening behavior: A critical review. Cancer Epidemiology, Biomarkers & Prevention, 13(4), 501–510. https://doi.org/10.1158/1055-9965.501.13.4 Creagh, N. S., Zammit, C., Brotherton, J. M. L., Saville, M., McDermott, T., Nightingale, C., & Kelaher, M. (2021). Self-collection cervical screening in the renewed National Cervical Screening Program: A qualitative study. Medical Journal of Australia, 215(8), 354–358. https://doi.org/10.5694/mja2.51137 Goodwin, B. C., Anderson, L., Collins, K., Sanjida, S., Riba, M., Singh, G. K., Campbell, K. M., Green, H., Ishaque, S., Kwok, A., Opozda, M. J., Pearn, A., Shaw, J., Sansom-Daly, U. M., Tsirgiotis, J. M., Janda, M., & Grech, L. (2023). Anticipatory anxiety and participation in cancer screening: A systematic review. Psycho-Oncology, 32(12), 1773–1786. https://doi.org/10.1002/pon.6238 Nagendiram, A., Bougher, H., Banks, J., Hall, L., & Heal, C. (2020). Australian women's self-perceived barriers to participation in cervical cancer screening: A systematic review. Health Promotion Journal of Australia, 31(3), 343–353. https://doi.org/10.1002/hpja.280 Rogers, R. W. (1975). A protection motivation theory of fear appeals and attitude change. The Journal of Psychology, 91(1), 93–114. https://doi.org/10.1080/00223980.1975.9915803 }} ==External links== {{expand}} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Behaviour]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Health]] 9p6b6y7kdhzamwywc2ebgviau933cv3 2840316 2840315 2026-10-14T19:08:46Z U3280825 3110195 2840316 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Cancer screening and emotion:<br>How do emotions such as fear, anxiety, and relief influence cancer screening uptake?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Woman receives mammogram (3).jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. A woman undergoing a standard mammogram procedure.]] ;Scenario Megan, 50, discovers a letter in her mailbox inviting her to attend a routine mammogram. Despite receiving prior invitations, she has deferred screening for four years. Her mother passed away from breast cancer and the thought of undergoing screening assessments elicited a pronounced anxiety response. Despite recognising the significance of early detection, Megan is apprehensive regarding the potential implications of the screening results. The prospect of a potential cancer diagnosis evokes substantive anticipatory anxiety, resulting in Megan engaging in avoidance behaviours, the letter being placed in the drawer. A week later, her friend Stella receives the same letter. In contrast to Megan, Stella promptly schedules her appointment as she views this as a proactive health behaviour that plays a critical role in early detection to improve her health outcomes. Even though they are presented with the same circumstance, they markedly differ regarding their perceptions of the potential benefits and consequences. For Megan, fear promotes avoidance, whereas Stella perceives screening as a measure of mitigating health related ambiguity. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Evidence illustrates how anxiety regarding a putative cancer diagnosis may elicit screening participation, whereas anticipatory anxiety about the screening procedure (See Figure 1) may hinder it (Goodwin et al., 2023). The following two psychological frameworks provide insight into these contrasting emotional responses. The Extended Parallel Process Model (Witte, 1992) and Protection Motivation Theory (Rogers, 1975) both exemplify how perceptions of health threats depend not merely on perceived risk, but also on beliefs about the effectiveness of the protective action. This chapter goes on to critically examine how fear, anxiety and relief influence screening decisions and evaluate psychological research to establish mechanisms that can facilitate greater participation within cancer screening. Understanding these contrasting emotional responses is significant as insights into these psychological barriers can help healthcare professionals in developing evidence-based communication strategies that promote and cater to individual requirements. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * What emotions are experienced in cancer screening? * Which theories explain how emotions influence cancer screening? * How do fear and anxiety motivate cancer screening? * How do fear and anxiety act as barriers to cancer screening? * How can emotional barriers be addressed? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == What emotions are experienced in cancer screening?== ===Fear and anxiety before screening === The prospect of cancer screening can evoke an array of emotional responses, most notably fear and anxiety. Despite their close association, emotions can arise from variety of different concerns. Anxiety is a critical emotional response correlated to cancer screening. Consedine et al. (2004) recognised several sources of screening related anxiety including concerns about receiving a cancer diagnosis, undergoing diagnostic procedures and experiencing bodily discomfort. Importantly, Consedine et al. (2004) also illustrated that anxiety does not uniformly deter screening participation, as previous research has linked cancer-related worry with both increased and decreased participation. Consedine et al. (2004) proposed three distinct yet interrelated sources of screening-related anxiety: generalised fear of cancer, fear of screening outcomes and fear of screening procedures. The model posits that each type of fear is likely to influence screening uptake differently. Most notably, generalised cancer fear may encourage screening if anxiety remains at a manageable level and individuals feel that screening is accessible and efficacious. While anxiety and fear are inextricably linked, they differ in their underlying psychological characteristics. Anxiety arises in response to the apprehension of uncertain future threats. In contrast to this, fear is frequently associated with an immediate or identifiable threat (Daniel-Watanabe & Fletcher, 2022). In cancer screening, this distinction could underlie why individuals experience anxiety before an appointment and fear when in the presence of a perceived threat. Although Consedine et al’s. (2004) conceptual model offers an explanatory framework for understanding screening related anxiety, remaining preliminary. The model describes relationships between different sources of anxiety and screening engagement as opposed to establishing causal effects. Furthermore, greater empirical research is imperative to establish how reliably these relationships apply across distinct screening conditions. In the absence of established causal relationship, the model has scarce predictive utility in ascertaining how populations will respond behaviourally to screening-related fear. ===Relief and reassurance following screening === Before screening, individuals may experience anxiety, individuals may experience anxiety regarding the potential of having cancer. Receiving a normal cancer result can mitigate concerns about an immediate cancer diagnosis. Minimised worry can produce a feeling of relief and reassurance. McFadden et al. (2024) provided evidence that some lung cancer screening participants reported relief and alleviated concern subsequent to a normal screening result. Reassurance may stem from a reduction in perceived threat and uncertainty. This emotional response may occur when an anticipated negative outcome fails to emerge, attenuating perceived susceptibility to a cancer diagnosis. Alternatively, reassurance may be transient, as a normal screening result does not eliminate all future health prognostic uncertainty. Prior to receiving screening results, individuals can experience heightened uncertainty regarding their health status as screening outcomes are inherently uncertain. A healthy result may attenuate uncertainty by providing information regarding one’s current health status. This reduced can contribute to lower anticipatory anxiety and psychological distress, promoting emotional stability and reassurance (McFadden et al., 2024). Conversely, inconclusive or abnormal screening outcomes may exacerbate anxiety and psychological stress, most pronounced when greater testing is required. Kim et al. (2022) discovered that anxiety often increased following positive or indeterminate results, although these psychological effects tended to dissipate over time. Emotional responses to screening results are not linear. Kim et al. (2022) noted that individuals with a family history of cancer or elevated cancer risk exhibited heightened anxiety and distress even following negative screening outcomes. ==Which theories explain how emotions influence cancer screening? == Megan and Stella received the same letter, yet their responses were markedly different. This suggests that fear does not always equate to the same outcome. Rather, this depends on how serious the threat feels and whether the individual believes they can do something about it. Two interrelated theories, Protection Motivation Theory (PMT) and the Extended Parallel Process Model (EPPM), provide a useful framework for understanding why this occurs. ===Protection Motivation Theory=== Protection Motivation Theory (PMT), first proposed by Rogers (1975), suggests that when individuals perceive a serious health threat, they are motivated to protect themselves only if they believe the recommended action will effectively mitigate the risk. Conversely, if the threat feels overwhelming or the protective actions seem difficult or ineffective, the individual may be less likely to engage in such behaviour (Rogers, 1975). PMT posits that individuals first engage in threat appraisal, considering both perceived severity (how serious they interpret the threat) and perceived vulnerability (how likely they believe they are to be affected). (Rogers, 1975) Individuals subsequently engage in coping appraisal, which entails evaluating response efficacy (whether the individual believes the protective action will be effective), self-efficacy (whether they feel capable of performing the behaviour), and response costs (the barriers or downsides of taking action, such as pain, embarrassment or time) (Maddux & Rogers, 1983). According to PMT, protective behaviours such as screening are most likely when both threat and coping appraisals are high. Stella’s response to the screening invitation can be explained through the application of PMT. Her perceived vulnerability and severity are high, as she believes breast cancer is a serious threat that could affect her. Stella exhibits response efficacy as she believes mammography detects cancer early and high self-efficacy, feeling confident to attend. Accordingly, Stella is motivated to engage in the recommended protective behaviour by promptly booking a mammography appointment. Empirical evidence supports PMT’s relevance to breast cancer screening. In a systematic review of 17 studies, Estebsari et al. (2023) found that PMT helped predict women’s knowledge and intentions regarding breast cancer protective behaviours. However, a notable limitation of this review is that it measured screening intentions as opposed to subsequent attendance, and intentions do not always translate into behaviour. Furthermore, PMT is based on the premise that individuals rationally weigh up threats and coping options, which cannot fully account for responses driven by intense fear as Megan’s avoidance. The Extended Parallel Process Model addresses this limitation by accounting for how fear can lead people to manage their emotions by avoidance as opposed to the actual threat. ===Extended Parallel Process Model=== The Extended Parallel Process Model (EPPM) conceptualises that fear motivates protective behaviours when individuals appraise a threat as serious but also believe they can take effective action to control it (Witte, 1992). If an assessed threat is interpreted as high yet individuals feel unable to effectively respond, fear may lead to defensive responses like avoidance. Witte (1992) characterised these as two distinct pathways. Where both perceived efficacy and perceived threat are high, individuals engage in danger control, aiming to reduce the threat itself, for instance attending the screening procedure. Conversely, when a threat is high, yet efficacy is low, individuals adopt fear-control responses by regulating their feelings as opposed to the threat, through responses such as denial or avoidance. The EPPM provides insight into Megan’s avoidance. Her mother passed away from breast cancer, so the threat feels incredibly real and personal. However, her efficacy is low, as she feels she will be unable to cope with the outcome of the screening results. As a result, she engages in fear control by putting the letter back in the drawer. This minimises her anxiety in the moment; however, it does not address the immediate issue as Megan remains unscreened. Drawing on the EPPM, Ivanova and Kvalem (2021) investigated which psychological factors predict women’s intention to attend mammography screening and their defensive avoidance of it. The study was done across 270 women ranging from 18 and over. They found that greater fear of breast cancer predicted greater defensive avoidance, yet mammography is effective predicted greater intention to attend mammograms. However, Ivanova and Kvalem (2021) reported that intention and avoidance were predicted by different factors suggesting that avoiding screening is not merely the opposite of intending to attend. Additionally, the study’s cross-sectional design cannot establish that fear causes avoidance, only that they are linked. Taken together, PMT and the EPPM illustrate the significance of perceived threat and efficacy in altering individuals’ responses to cancer screening. ==How do fear and anxiety motivate cancer screening?== Although fear and anxiety are often viewed as barriers to screening, research suggests they can also motivate participation. A systematic review of 74 studies by Goodwin et al in 2023. Discovered that anxiety regarding a possible outcome of a cancer diagnosis was often associated with greater screening participation. Just over half (51.6%) of the tested relationships were positive. Consistent with PMT, concern regarding may increase the perceived threat. Screening offers a clear way to act, as seen in Stella’s decision. Yet, many studies included studies were cross-sectional and as a result relied on self-report, meaning they cannot prove that anxiety causes screening. In a study involving two Australian samples (N = 479) people and (N = 5,421), Anderson et al. (2023) discovered bowel screening participation increased as the anxiety increased, yet dropped when the anxiety was reported to be severe. This indicates that moderate anxiety motivates but severe anxiety may lead to avoidance, corresponding with the EPPM’s fear control model. In accordance with previous research, Consedine et al. (2004) discovered moderate worry was associated to the highest level of mammography attendance. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Key points''' * Anxiety regarding cancer can motivate screening. * Majority of evidence is correlational, so causation is unclear. * Moderate anxiety appears more motivating as opposed to severe anxiety. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ===How do fear and anxiety act as barriers to cancer screening?=== In contrast, Goodwin et al. (2023) discovered that anxiety regarding the screening procedure itself predominantly discouraged participation, 80% of tested relationships being negative (see Table 1). Reynolds et al. (2018) found that, among 306 adults aged 45 and over, had greater levels of disgust associated with invasive bowel screening, with a predicted lower prevalence of screening participation. After reviewing 13 studies conducted in Australia, Nagendiram et al. (2020) established that fear of an aberrant outcome, discomfort and embarrassment were common denominators in deterrents to cervical screening. From the perspective of EPPM, fear of the results or the procedure itself may lower self-efficacy, increasing the probability of an individual to adopt fear-control responses as opposed to protective health behaviours. Nevertheless, each of the 13 research in Nagendiram et al. (2020) focused on specific subgroups from rural women or migrants, limiting the ability of how generalised it can be and was furthermore cross-sectional. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Key points''' * Low self-efficacy may encourage people towards avoidance characteristics. * Fear regarding the procedure tends to discourage participants. * Disgust, fear of the outcome or results and embarrassment are commenting factor for barriers {{RoundBoxBottom}} ===How can emotional barriers be addressed? === Addressing factors that make screening feel invasive my mitigate procedural-related fear. In an Australian qualitative study, Creagh et al. (2021) discovered that self-collection for cervical screening was largely acceptable to under-screened individuals and never screened, with 87% of participants describing it as positive or pleasant experience to undergo. Some participants reported they would not have undergone the screening procedure if this wasn’t an existing alternative for them. In accordance with PMT, self-collection may reduce response costs such as embarrassment and discomfort, while increasing self-efficacy and a sense of control. Consequently, a limitation to this study was the limited number of participants (45), limited to Victoria and only included people who had already used self-collection prior. Ultimately, it does not capture those who continue to avoid screening. Targeted health communication strategies may contribute to a significant role in helping to minimise health related anxiety. Ivanova and Kvalem (2021) discovered that response efficacy was the only psychological factor related to both increased intentions to attend and lower avoidance. Campaigns that emphasise on how effective mammography and how smooth the process is. This is consistent with EPPM, grouping information regarding the threat with strong efficacy messaging may facilitate the shift from people similarly to Megan from fear control to danger control. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Key points''' *Greater research is required around people who still largely avoid screening. *Less invasive procedures; self-collection. *Emphasis that screening work may mitigate avoidance. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ===Conclusion=== Cancer screening can evoke a spectrum of emotional responses, including fear, anxiety, relief, disgust, and embarrassment. PMT and the EPPM illustrate how fear alone does not determine screening behaviours; what is central is whether individuals believe they can take effective behavioural responses. Anxiety regarding cancer, notably in moderate levels, can motivate screening. Yet fear of the procedure and severe anxiety are more likely to lead to avoidance. A healthy screening result may provide reassurance, although its role in motivating initial screening remains uncertain. Less invasive procedures like self-collection alongside messages that build confidence in screening, may help minimise the emotional barrier endured as a result of screening and improve participation rates. Megan and Stella illustrate how the same invitation can result in very different decisions, contingent on whether fear is associated with a sense of efficacy. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Take-home message''' Fear can either drive or block screening. Helping individuals feel they are able to overcome such blocks by enabling screening to be less overwhelming and daunting. May lead into protective action. {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Quiz == <quiz display=simple> Question 1: Goodwin et al. (2023) revealed that anxiety about which of the following was most often associated with lower screening engagement? a) General anxiety b) Anxiety regarding a possible cancer diagnosis c) Anxiety regarding the screening procedure itself Question 2: According to the EPPM, what occurs when perceived threat is high, yet perceived efficacy is low a) The individual feels no sense of fear b) The individual attends screening c) The individual avoids screening to regulate their fear </quiz> [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Behaviour]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Health]] 7uco9f6t5llqtnzebkrmfq9kywvc8tm 2840318 2840316 2026-10-14T19:10:17Z U3280825 3110195 2840318 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Cancer screening and emotion:<br>How do emotions such as fear, anxiety, and relief influence cancer screening uptake?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Woman receives mammogram (3).jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. A woman undergoing a standard mammogram procedure.]] ;Scenario Megan, 50, discovers a letter in her mailbox inviting her to attend a routine mammogram. Despite receiving prior invitations, she has deferred screening for four years. Her mother passed away from breast cancer and the thought of undergoing screening assessments elicited a pronounced anxiety response. Despite recognising the significance of early detection, Megan is apprehensive regarding the potential implications of the screening results. The prospect of a potential cancer diagnosis evokes substantive anticipatory anxiety, resulting in Megan engaging in avoidance behaviours, the letter being placed in the drawer. A week later, her friend Stella receives the same letter. In contrast to Megan, Stella promptly schedules her appointment as she views this as a proactive health behaviour that plays a critical role in early detection to improve her health outcomes. Even though they are presented with the same circumstance, they markedly differ regarding their perceptions of the potential benefits and consequences. For Megan, fear promotes avoidance, whereas Stella perceives screening as a measure of mitigating health related ambiguity. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Evidence illustrates how anxiety regarding a putative cancer diagnosis may elicit screening participation, whereas anticipatory anxiety about the screening procedure (See Figure 1) may hinder it (Goodwin et al., 2023). The following two psychological frameworks provide insight into these contrasting emotional responses. The Extended Parallel Process Model (Witte, 1992) and Protection Motivation Theory (Rogers, 1975) both exemplify how perceptions of health threats depend not merely on perceived risk, but also on beliefs about the effectiveness of the protective action. This chapter goes on to critically examine how fear, anxiety and relief influence screening decisions and evaluate psychological research to establish mechanisms that can facilitate greater participation within cancer screening. Understanding these contrasting emotional responses is significant as insights into these psychological barriers can help healthcare professionals in developing evidence-based communication strategies that promote and cater to individual requirements. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * What emotions are experienced in cancer screening? * Which theories explain how emotions influence cancer screening? * How do fear and anxiety motivate cancer screening? * How do fear and anxiety act as barriers to cancer screening? * How can emotional barriers be addressed? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == What emotions are experienced in cancer screening?== ===Fear and anxiety before screening === The prospect of cancer screening can evoke an array of emotional responses, most notably fear and anxiety. Despite their close association, emotions can arise from variety of different concerns. Anxiety is a critical emotional response correlated to cancer screening. Consedine et al. (2004) recognised several sources of screening related anxiety including concerns about receiving a cancer diagnosis, undergoing diagnostic procedures and experiencing bodily discomfort. Importantly, Consedine et al. (2004) also illustrated that anxiety does not uniformly deter screening participation, as previous research has linked cancer-related worry with both increased and decreased participation. Consedine et al. (2004) proposed three distinct yet interrelated sources of screening-related anxiety: generalised fear of cancer, fear of screening outcomes and fear of screening procedures. The model posits that each type of fear is likely to influence screening uptake differently. Most notably, generalised cancer fear may encourage screening if anxiety remains at a manageable level and individuals feel that screening is accessible and efficacious. While anxiety and fear are inextricably linked, they differ in their underlying psychological characteristics. Anxiety arises in response to the apprehension of uncertain future threats. In contrast to this, fear is frequently associated with an immediate or identifiable threat (Daniel-Watanabe & Fletcher, 2022). In cancer screening, this distinction could underlie why individuals experience anxiety before an appointment and fear when in the presence of a perceived threat. Although Consedine et al’s. (2004) conceptual model offers an explanatory framework for understanding screening related anxiety, remaining preliminary. The model describes relationships between different sources of anxiety and screening engagement as opposed to establishing causal effects. Furthermore, greater empirical research is imperative to establish how reliably these relationships apply across distinct screening conditions. In the absence of established causal relationship, the model has scarce predictive utility in ascertaining how populations will respond behaviourally to screening-related fear. ===Relief and reassurance following screening === Before screening, individuals may experience anxiety, individuals may experience anxiety regarding the potential of having cancer. Receiving a normal cancer result can mitigate concerns about an immediate cancer diagnosis. Minimised worry can produce a feeling of relief and reassurance. McFadden et al. (2024) provided evidence that some lung cancer screening participants reported relief and alleviated concern subsequent to a normal screening result. Reassurance may stem from a reduction in perceived threat and uncertainty. This emotional response may occur when an anticipated negative outcome fails to emerge, attenuating perceived susceptibility to a cancer diagnosis. Alternatively, reassurance may be transient, as a normal screening result does not eliminate all future health prognostic uncertainty. Prior to receiving screening results, individuals can experience heightened uncertainty regarding their health status as screening outcomes are inherently uncertain. A healthy result may attenuate uncertainty by providing information regarding one’s current health status. This reduced can contribute to lower anticipatory anxiety and psychological distress, promoting emotional stability and reassurance (McFadden et al., 2024). Conversely, inconclusive or abnormal screening outcomes may exacerbate anxiety and psychological stress, most pronounced when greater testing is required. Kim et al. (2022) discovered that anxiety often increased following positive or indeterminate results, although these psychological effects tended to dissipate over time. Emotional responses to screening results are not linear. Kim et al. (2022) noted that individuals with a family history of cancer or elevated cancer risk exhibited heightened anxiety and distress even following negative screening outcomes. ==Which theories explain how emotions influence cancer screening? == Megan and Stella received the same letter, yet their responses were markedly different. This suggests that fear does not always equate to the same outcome. Rather, this depends on how serious the threat feels and whether the individual believes they can do something about it. Two interrelated theories, Protection Motivation Theory (PMT) and the Extended Parallel Process Model (EPPM), provide a useful framework for understanding why this occurs. ===Protection Motivation Theory=== Protection Motivation Theory (PMT), first proposed by Rogers (1975), suggests that when individuals perceive a serious health threat, they are motivated to protect themselves only if they believe the recommended action will effectively mitigate the risk. Conversely, if the threat feels overwhelming or the protective actions seem difficult or ineffective, the individual may be less likely to engage in such behaviour (Rogers, 1975). PMT posits that individuals first engage in threat appraisal, considering both perceived severity (how serious they interpret the threat) and perceived vulnerability (how likely they believe they are to be affected). (Rogers, 1975) Individuals subsequently engage in coping appraisal, which entails evaluating response efficacy (whether the individual believes the protective action will be effective), self-efficacy (whether they feel capable of performing the behaviour), and response costs (the barriers or downsides of taking action, such as pain, embarrassment or time) (Maddux & Rogers, 1983). According to PMT, protective behaviours such as screening are most likely when both threat and coping appraisals are high. Stella’s response to the screening invitation can be explained through the application of PMT. Her perceived vulnerability and severity are high, as she believes breast cancer is a serious threat that could affect her. Stella exhibits response efficacy as she believes mammography detects cancer early and high self-efficacy, feeling confident to attend. Accordingly, Stella is motivated to engage in the recommended protective behaviour by promptly booking a mammography appointment. Empirical evidence supports PMT’s relevance to breast cancer screening. In a systematic review of 17 studies, Estebsari et al. (2023) found that PMT helped predict women’s knowledge and intentions regarding breast cancer protective behaviours. However, a notable limitation of this review is that it measured screening intentions as opposed to subsequent attendance, and intentions do not always translate into behaviour. Furthermore, PMT is based on the premise that individuals rationally weigh up threats and coping options, which cannot fully account for responses driven by intense fear as Megan’s avoidance. The Extended Parallel Process Model addresses this limitation by accounting for how fear can lead people to manage their emotions by avoidance as opposed to the actual threat. ===Extended Parallel Process Model=== The Extended Parallel Process Model (EPPM) conceptualises that fear motivates protective behaviours when individuals appraise a threat as serious but also believe they can take effective action to control it (Witte, 1992). If an assessed threat is interpreted as high yet individuals feel unable to effectively respond, fear may lead to defensive responses like avoidance. Witte (1992) characterised these as two distinct pathways. Where both perceived efficacy and perceived threat are high, individuals engage in danger control, aiming to reduce the threat itself, for instance attending the screening procedure. Conversely, when a threat is high, yet efficacy is low, individuals adopt fear-control responses by regulating their feelings as opposed to the threat, through responses such as denial or avoidance. The EPPM provides insight into Megan’s avoidance. Her mother passed away from breast cancer, so the threat feels incredibly real and personal. However, her efficacy is low, as she feels she will be unable to cope with the outcome of the screening results. As a result, she engages in fear control by putting the letter back in the drawer. This minimises her anxiety in the moment; however, it does not address the immediate issue as Megan remains unscreened. Drawing on the EPPM, Ivanova and Kvalem (2021) investigated which psychological factors predict women’s intention to attend mammography screening and their defensive avoidance of it. The study was done across 270 women ranging from 18 and over. They found that greater fear of breast cancer predicted greater defensive avoidance, yet mammography is effective predicted greater intention to attend mammograms. However, Ivanova and Kvalem (2021) reported that intention and avoidance were predicted by different factors suggesting that avoiding screening is not merely the opposite of intending to attend. Additionally, the study’s cross-sectional design cannot establish that fear causes avoidance, only that they are linked. Taken together, PMT and the EPPM illustrate the significance of perceived threat and efficacy in altering individuals’ responses to cancer screening. ==How do fear and anxiety motivate cancer screening?== Although fear and anxiety are often viewed as barriers to screening, research suggests they can also motivate participation. A systematic review of 74 studies by Goodwin et al in 2023. Discovered that anxiety regarding a possible outcome of a cancer diagnosis was often associated with greater screening participation. Just over half (51.6%) of the tested relationships were positive. Consistent with PMT, concern regarding may increase the perceived threat. Screening offers a clear way to act, as seen in Stella’s decision. Yet, many studies included studies were cross-sectional and as a result relied on self-report, meaning they cannot prove that anxiety causes screening. In a study involving two Australian samples (N = 479) people and (N = 5,421), Anderson et al. (2023) discovered bowel screening participation increased as the anxiety increased, yet dropped when the anxiety was reported to be severe. This indicates that moderate anxiety motivates but severe anxiety may lead to avoidance, corresponding with the EPPM’s fear control model. In accordance with previous research, Consedine et al. (2004) discovered moderate worry was associated to the highest level of mammography attendance. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Key points''' * Anxiety regarding cancer can motivate screening. * Majority of evidence is correlational, so causation is unclear. * Moderate anxiety appears more motivating as opposed to severe anxiety. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ===How do fear and anxiety act as barriers to cancer screening?=== In contrast, Goodwin et al. (2023) discovered that anxiety regarding the screening procedure itself predominantly discouraged participation, 80% of tested relationships being negative (see Table 1). Reynolds et al. (2018) found that, among 306 adults aged 45 and over, had greater levels of disgust associated with invasive bowel screening, with a predicted lower prevalence of screening participation. After reviewing 13 studies conducted in Australia, Nagendiram et al. (2020) established that fear of an aberrant outcome, discomfort and embarrassment were common denominators in deterrents to cervical screening. From the perspective of EPPM, fear of the results or the procedure itself may lower self-efficacy, increasing the probability of an individual to adopt fear-control responses as opposed to protective health behaviours. Nevertheless, each of the 13 research in Nagendiram et al. (2020) focused on specific subgroups from rural women or migrants, limiting the ability of how generalised it can be and was furthermore cross-sectional. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Key points''' * Low self-efficacy may encourage people towards avoidance characteristics. * Fear regarding the procedure tends to discourage participants. * Disgust, fear of the outcome or results and embarrassment are commenting factor for barriers {{RoundBoxBottom}} ===How can emotional barriers be addressed? === Addressing factors that make screening feel invasive my mitigate procedural-related fear. In an Australian qualitative study, Creagh et al. (2021) discovered that self-collection for cervical screening was largely acceptable to under-screened individuals and never screened, with 87% of participants describing it as positive or pleasant experience to undergo. Some participants reported they would not have undergone the screening procedure if this wasn’t an existing alternative for them. In accordance with PMT, self-collection may reduce response costs such as embarrassment and discomfort, while increasing self-efficacy and a sense of control. Consequently, a limitation to this study was the limited number of participants (45), limited to Victoria and only included people who had already used self-collection prior. Ultimately, it does not capture those who continue to avoid screening. Targeted health communication strategies may contribute to a significant role in helping to minimise health related anxiety. Ivanova and Kvalem (2021) discovered that response efficacy was the only psychological factor related to both increased intentions to attend and lower avoidance. Campaigns that emphasise on how effective mammography and how smooth the process is. This is consistent with EPPM, grouping information regarding the threat with strong efficacy messaging may facilitate the shift from people similarly to Megan from fear control to danger control. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Key points''' *Greater research is required around people who still largely avoid screening. *Less invasive procedures; self-collection. *Emphasis that screening work may mitigate avoidance. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ===Conclusion=== Cancer screening can evoke a spectrum of emotional responses, including fear, anxiety, relief, disgust, and embarrassment. PMT and the EPPM illustrate how fear alone does not determine screening behaviours; what is central is whether individuals believe they can take effective behavioural responses. Anxiety regarding cancer, notably in moderate levels, can motivate screening. Yet fear of the procedure and severe anxiety are more likely to lead to avoidance. A healthy screening result may provide reassurance, although its role in motivating initial screening remains uncertain. Less invasive procedures like self-collection alongside messages that build confidence in screening, may help minimise the emotional barrier endured as a result of screening and improve participation rates. Megan and Stella illustrate how the same invitation can result in very different decisions, contingent on whether fear is associated with a sense of efficacy. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Take-home message''' Fear can either drive or block screening. Helping individuals feel they are able to overcome such blocks by enabling screening to be less overwhelming and daunting. May lead into protective action. {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Quiz == <quiz display=simple> {Goodwin et al. (2023) found that anxiety about which of the following was most often associated with lower screening engagement? |type="()"} - General anxiety - Anxiety regarding a possible cancer diagnosis + Anxiety regarding the screening procedure itself {According to the EPPM, what occurs when perceived threat is high, yet perceived efficacy is low? |type="()"} - The individual feels no sense of fear - The individual attends screening + The individual avoids screening to regulate their fear </quiz> [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Behaviour]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Health]] q8i3b0h2rlr6bns0y086bnaucczz6c4 2840319 2840318 2026-10-14T19:15:10Z U3280825 3110195 2840319 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Cancer screening and emotion:<br>How do emotions such as fear, anxiety, and relief influence cancer screening uptake?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Woman receives mammogram (3).jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. A woman undergoing a standard mammogram procedure.]] ;Scenario Megan, 50, discovers a letter in her mailbox inviting her to attend a routine mammogram. Despite receiving prior invitations, she has deferred screening for four years. Her mother passed away from breast cancer and the thought of undergoing screening assessments elicited a pronounced anxiety response. Despite recognising the significance of early detection, Megan is apprehensive regarding the potential implications of the screening results. The prospect of a potential cancer diagnosis evokes substantive anticipatory anxiety, resulting in Megan engaging in avoidance behaviours, the letter being placed in the drawer. A week later, her friend Stella receives the same letter. In contrast to Megan, Stella promptly schedules her appointment as she views this as a proactive health behaviour that plays a critical role in early detection to improve her health outcomes. Even though they are presented with the same circumstance, they markedly differ regarding their perceptions of the potential benefits and consequences. For Megan, fear promotes avoidance, whereas Stella perceives screening as a measure of mitigating health related ambiguity. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Evidence illustrates how anxiety regarding a putative cancer diagnosis may elicit screening participation, whereas anticipatory anxiety about the screening procedure (See Figure 1) may hinder it (Goodwin et al., 2023). The following two psychological frameworks provide insight into these contrasting emotional responses. The Extended Parallel Process Model (Witte, 1992) and Protection Motivation Theory (Rogers, 1975) both exemplify how perceptions of health threats depend not merely on perceived risk, but also on beliefs about the effectiveness of the protective action. This chapter goes on to critically examine how fear, anxiety and relief influence screening decisions and evaluate psychological research to establish mechanisms that can facilitate greater participation within cancer screening. Understanding these contrasting emotional responses is significant as insights into these psychological barriers can help healthcare professionals in developing evidence-based communication strategies that promote and cater to individual requirements. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * What emotions are experienced in cancer screening? * Which theories explain how emotions influence cancer screening? * How do fear and anxiety motivate cancer screening? * How do fear and anxiety act as barriers to cancer screening? * How can emotional barriers be addressed? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == What emotions are experienced in cancer screening?== ===Fear and anxiety before screening === The prospect of cancer screening can evoke an array of emotional responses, most notably fear and anxiety. Despite their close association, emotions can arise from variety of different concerns. Anxiety is a critical emotional response correlated to cancer screening. Consedine et al. (2004) recognised several sources of screening related anxiety including concerns about receiving a cancer diagnosis, undergoing diagnostic procedures and experiencing bodily discomfort. Importantly, Consedine et al. (2004) also illustrated that anxiety does not uniformly deter screening participation, as previous research has linked cancer-related worry with both increased and decreased participation. Consedine et al. (2004) proposed three distinct yet interrelated sources of screening-related anxiety: generalised fear of cancer, fear of screening outcomes and fear of screening procedures. The model posits that each type of fear is likely to influence screening uptake differently. Most notably, generalised cancer fear may encourage screening if anxiety remains at a manageable level and individuals feel that screening is accessible and efficacious. While anxiety and fear are inextricably linked, they differ in their underlying psychological characteristics. Anxiety arises in response to the apprehension of uncertain future threats. In contrast to this, fear is frequently associated with an immediate or identifiable threat (Daniel-Watanabe & Fletcher, 2022). In cancer screening, this distinction could underlie why individuals experience anxiety before an appointment and fear when in the presence of a perceived threat. Although Consedine et al’s. (2004) conceptual model offers an explanatory framework for understanding screening related anxiety, remaining preliminary. The model describes relationships between different sources of anxiety and screening engagement as opposed to establishing causal effects. Furthermore, greater empirical research is imperative to establish how reliably these relationships apply across distinct screening conditions. In the absence of established causal relationship, the model has scarce predictive utility in ascertaining how populations will respond behaviourally to screening-related fear. ===Relief and reassurance following screening === Before screening, individuals may experience anxiety, individuals may experience anxiety regarding the potential of having cancer. Receiving a normal cancer result can mitigate concerns about an immediate cancer diagnosis. Minimised worry can produce a feeling of relief and reassurance. McFadden et al. (2024) provided evidence that some lung cancer screening participants reported relief and alleviated concern subsequent to a normal screening result. Reassurance may stem from a reduction in perceived threat and uncertainty. This emotional response may occur when an anticipated negative outcome fails to emerge, attenuating perceived susceptibility to a cancer diagnosis. Alternatively, reassurance may be transient, as a normal screening result does not eliminate all future health prognostic uncertainty. Prior to receiving screening results, individuals can experience heightened uncertainty regarding their health status as screening outcomes are inherently uncertain. A healthy result may attenuate uncertainty by providing information regarding one’s current health status. This reduced can contribute to lower anticipatory anxiety and psychological distress, promoting emotional stability and reassurance (McFadden et al., 2024). Conversely, inconclusive or abnormal screening outcomes may exacerbate anxiety and psychological stress, most pronounced when greater testing is required. Kim et al. (2022) discovered that anxiety often increased following positive or indeterminate results, although these psychological effects tended to dissipate over time. Emotional responses to screening results are not linear. Kim et al. (2022) noted that individuals with a family history of cancer or elevated cancer risk exhibited heightened anxiety and distress even following negative screening outcomes. ==Which theories explain how emotions influence cancer screening? == Megan and Stella received the same letter, yet their responses were markedly different. This suggests that fear does not always equate to the same outcome. Rather, this depends on how serious the threat feels and whether the individual believes they can do something about it. Two interrelated theories, Protection Motivation Theory (PMT) and the Extended Parallel Process Model (EPPM), provide a useful framework for understanding why this occurs. ===Protection Motivation Theory=== Protection Motivation Theory (PMT), first proposed by Rogers (1975), suggests that when individuals perceive a serious health threat, they are motivated to protect themselves only if they believe the recommended action will effectively mitigate the risk. Conversely, if the threat feels overwhelming or the protective actions seem difficult or ineffective, the individual may be less likely to engage in such behaviour (Rogers, 1975). PMT posits that individuals first engage in threat appraisal, considering both perceived severity (how serious they interpret the threat) and perceived vulnerability (how likely they believe they are to be affected). (Rogers, 1975) Individuals subsequently engage in coping appraisal, which entails evaluating response efficacy (whether the individual believes the protective action will be effective), self-efficacy (whether they feel capable of performing the behaviour), and response costs (the barriers or downsides of taking action, such as pain, embarrassment or time) (Maddux & Rogers, 1983). According to PMT, protective behaviours such as screening are most likely when both threat and coping appraisals are high. Stella’s response to the screening invitation can be explained through the application of PMT. Her perceived vulnerability and severity are high, as she believes breast cancer is a serious threat that could affect her. Stella exhibits response efficacy as she believes mammography detects cancer early and high self-efficacy, feeling confident to attend. Accordingly, Stella is motivated to engage in the recommended protective behaviour by promptly booking a mammography appointment. Empirical evidence supports PMT’s relevance to breast cancer screening. In a systematic review of 17 studies, Estebsari et al. (2023) found that PMT helped predict women’s knowledge and intentions regarding breast cancer protective behaviours. However, a notable limitation of this review is that it measured screening intentions as opposed to subsequent attendance, and intentions do not always translate into behaviour. Furthermore, PMT is based on the premise that individuals rationally weigh up threats and coping options, which cannot fully account for responses driven by intense fear as Megan’s avoidance. The Extended Parallel Process Model addresses this limitation by accounting for how fear can lead people to manage their emotions by avoidance as opposed to the actual threat. ===Extended Parallel Process Model=== The Extended Parallel Process Model (EPPM) conceptualises that fear motivates protective behaviours when individuals appraise a threat as serious but also believe they can take effective action to control it (Witte, 1992). If an assessed threat is interpreted as high yet individuals feel unable to effectively respond, fear may lead to defensive responses like avoidance. Witte (1992) characterised these as two distinct pathways. Where both perceived efficacy and perceived threat are high, individuals engage in danger control, aiming to reduce the threat itself, for instance attending the screening procedure. Conversely, when a threat is high, yet efficacy is low, individuals adopt fear-control responses by regulating their feelings as opposed to the threat, through responses such as denial or avoidance. The EPPM provides insight into Megan’s avoidance. Her mother passed away from breast cancer, so the threat feels incredibly real and personal. However, her efficacy is low, as she feels she will be unable to cope with the outcome of the screening results. As a result, she engages in fear control by putting the letter back in the drawer. This minimises her anxiety in the moment; however, it does not address the immediate issue as Megan remains unscreened. Drawing on the EPPM, Ivanova and Kvalem (2021) investigated which psychological factors predict women’s intention to attend mammography screening and their defensive avoidance of it. The study was done across 270 women ranging from 18 and over. They found that greater fear of breast cancer predicted greater defensive avoidance, yet mammography is effective predicted greater intention to attend mammograms. However, Ivanova and Kvalem (2021) reported that intention and avoidance were predicted by different factors suggesting that avoiding screening is not merely the opposite of intending to attend. Additionally, the study’s cross-sectional design cannot establish that fear causes avoidance, only that they are linked. Taken together, PMT and the EPPM illustrate the significance of perceived threat and efficacy in altering individuals’ responses to cancer screening. ==How do fear and anxiety motivate cancer screening?== Although fear and anxiety are often viewed as barriers to screening, research suggests they can also motivate participation. A systematic review of 74 studies by Goodwin et al in 2023. Discovered that anxiety regarding a possible outcome of a cancer diagnosis was often associated with greater screening participation. Just over half (51.6%) of the tested relationships were positive. Consistent with PMT, concern regarding may increase the perceived threat. Screening offers a clear way to act, as seen in Stella’s decision. Yet, many studies included studies were cross-sectional and as a result relied on self-report, meaning they cannot prove that anxiety causes screening. In a study involving two Australian samples (N = 479) people and (N = 5,421), Anderson et al. (2023) discovered bowel screening participation increased as the anxiety increased, yet dropped when the anxiety was reported to be severe. This indicates that moderate anxiety motivates but severe anxiety may lead to avoidance, corresponding with the EPPM’s fear control model. In accordance with previous research, Consedine et al. (2004) discovered moderate worry was associated to the highest level of mammography attendance. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Key points''' * Anxiety regarding cancer can motivate screening. * Majority of evidence is correlational, so causation is unclear. * Moderate anxiety appears more motivating as opposed to severe anxiety. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ===How do fear and anxiety act as barriers to cancer screening?=== In contrast, Goodwin et al. (2023) discovered that anxiety regarding the screening procedure itself predominantly discouraged participation, 80% of tested relationships being negative (see Table 1). Reynolds et al. (2018) found that, among 306 adults aged 45 and over, had greater levels of disgust associated with invasive bowel screening, with a predicted lower prevalence of screening participation. After reviewing 13 studies conducted in Australia, Nagendiram et al. (2020) established that fear of an aberrant outcome, discomfort and embarrassment were common denominators in deterrents to cervical screening. From the perspective of EPPM, fear of the results or the procedure itself may lower self-efficacy, increasing the probability of an individual to adopt fear-control responses as opposed to protective health behaviours. Nevertheless, each of the 13 research in Nagendiram et al. (2020) focused on specific subgroups from rural women or migrants, limiting the ability of how generalised it can be and was furthermore cross-sectional. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Key points''' * Low self-efficacy may encourage people towards avoidance characteristics. * Fear regarding the procedure tends to discourage participants. * Disgust, fear of the outcome or results and embarrassment are commenting factor for barriers {{RoundBoxBottom}} ===How can emotional barriers be addressed? === Addressing factors that make screening feel invasive my mitigate procedural-related fear. In an Australian qualitative study, Creagh et al. (2021) discovered that self-collection for cervical screening was largely acceptable to under-screened individuals and never screened, with 87% of participants describing it as positive or pleasant experience to undergo. Some participants reported they would not have undergone the screening procedure if this wasn’t an existing alternative for them. In accordance with PMT, self-collection may reduce response costs such as embarrassment and discomfort, while increasing self-efficacy and a sense of control. Consequently, a limitation to this study was the limited number of participants (45), limited to Victoria and only included people who had already used self-collection prior. Ultimately, it does not capture those who continue to avoid screening. Targeted health communication strategies may contribute to a significant role in helping to minimise health related anxiety. Ivanova and Kvalem (2021) discovered that response efficacy was the only psychological factor related to both increased intentions to attend and lower avoidance. Campaigns that emphasise on how effective mammography and how smooth the process is. This is consistent with EPPM, grouping information regarding the threat with strong efficacy messaging may facilitate the shift from people similarly to Megan from fear control to danger control. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Key points''' *Greater research is required around people who still largely avoid screening. *Less invasive procedures; self-collection. *Emphasis that screening work may mitigate avoidance. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ===Conclusion=== Cancer screening can evoke a spectrum of emotional responses, including fear, anxiety, relief, disgust, and embarrassment. PMT and the EPPM illustrate how fear alone does not determine screening behaviours; what is central is whether individuals believe they can take effective behavioural responses. Anxiety regarding cancer, notably in moderate levels, can motivate screening. Yet fear of the procedure and severe anxiety are more likely to lead to avoidance. A healthy screening result may provide reassurance, although its role in motivating initial screening remains uncertain. Less invasive procedures like self-collection alongside messages that build confidence in screening, may help minimise the emotional barrier endured as a result of screening and improve participation rates. Megan and Stella illustrate how the same invitation can result in very different decisions, contingent on whether fear is associated with a sense of efficacy. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Take-home message''' Fear can either drive or block screening. Helping individuals feel they are able to overcome such blocks by enabling screening to be less overwhelming and daunting. May lead into protective action. {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Quiz == <quiz display=simple> {Goodwin et al. (2023) found that anxiety about which of the following was most often associated with lower screening engagement? |type="()"} - General anxiety - Anxiety regarding a possible cancer diagnosis + Anxiety regarding the screening procedure itself {According to the EPPM, what occurs when perceived threat is high, yet perceived efficacy is low? |type="()"} - The individual feels no sense of fear - The individual attends screening + The individual avoids screening to regulate their fear </quiz> == External links == * [https://www.canceraustralia.gov.au/awareness/screening Cancer screening] (Cancer Australia) * [https://www.aihw.gov.au/reports-data/health-welfare-services/cancer-screening/overview Cancer screening overview] (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare) == References == {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, L. E., Ireland, M. J., Myers, L., Avenell, C., Connaughton, T., & Goodwin, B. C. (2023). Psychological distress and bowel cancer screening participation. ''Psycho-Oncology, 32''(2), 229–236. https://doi.org/10.1002/pon.6072 Consedine, N. S., Magai, C., Krivoshekova, Y. S., Ryzewicz, L., & Neugut, A. I. (2004). Fear, anxiety, worry, and breast cancer screening behavior: A critical review. ''Cancer Epidemiology, Biomarkers & Prevention, 13''(4), 501–510. https://doi.org/10.1158/1055-9965.501.13.4 Creagh, N. S., Zammit, C., Brotherton, J. M. L., Saville, M., McDermott, T., Nightingale, C., & Kelaher, M. (2021). Self-collection cervical screening in the renewed National Cervical Screening Program: A qualitative study. ''Medical Journal of Australia, 215''(8), 354–358. https://doi.org/10.5694/mja2.51137 Daniel-Watanabe, L., & Fletcher, P. C. (2022). Are fear and anxiety truly distinct? ''Biological Psychiatry: Global Open Science, 2''(4), 341–349. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bpsgos.2021.09.006 Estebsari, F., Rahimi Khalifehkandi, Z., Latifi, M., Farhadinasab, A., Vasli, P., & Mostafaie, D. (2023). Protection motivation theory and prevention of breast cancer: A systematic review. ''Clinical Breast Cancer, 23''(4), e239–e246. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.clbc.2023.02.013 Goodwin, B. C., Anderson, L., Collins, K., Sanjida, S., Riba, M., Singh, G. K., Campbell, K. M., Green, H., Ishaque, S., Kwok, A., Opozda, M. J., Pearn, A., Shaw, J., Sansom-Daly, U. M., Tsirgiotis, J. M., Janda, M., & Grech, L. (2023). Anticipatory anxiety and participation in cancer screening: A systematic review. ''Psycho-Oncology, 32''(12), 1773–1786. https://doi.org/10.1002/pon.6238 Ivanova, A., & Kvalem, I. L. (2021). Psychological predictors of intention and avoidance of attending organized mammography screening in Norway: Applying the Extended Parallel Process Model. ''BMC Women's Health, 21'', Article 67. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12905-021-01201-y Kim, A., Chung, K. C., Keir, C., & Patrick, D. L. (2022). Patient-reported outcomes associated with cancer screening: A systematic review. ''BMC Cancer, 22'', Article 223. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12885-022-09261-5 Maddux, J. E., & Rogers, R. W. (1983). Protection motivation and self-efficacy: A revised theory of fear appeals and attitude change. ''Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 19''(5), 469–479. https://doi.org/10.1016/0022-1031(83)90023-9 McFadden, K., Nickel, B., Rankin, N. M., Li, T., Jennett, C. J., Sharman, A., Quaife, S. L., Houssami, N., & Dodd, R. H. (2024). Participant factors associated with psychosocial impacts of lung cancer screening: A systematic review. ''Cancer Medicine, 13''(15), Article e70054. https://doi.org/10.1002/cam4.70054 Nagendiram, A., Bougher, H., Banks, J., Hall, L., & Heal, C. (2020). Australian women's self-perceived barriers to participation in cervical cancer screening: A systematic review. ''Health Promotion Journal of Australia, 31''(3), 343–353. https://doi.org/10.1002/hpja.280 Reynolds, L. M., Bissett, I. P., & Consedine, N. S. (2018). Emotional predictors of bowel screening: The avoidance-promoting role of fear, embarrassment, and disgust. ''BMC Cancer, 18'', Article 518. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12885-018-4423-5 Rogers, R. W. (1975). A protection motivation theory of fear appeals and attitude change. ''The Journal of Psychology, 91''(1), 93–114. https://doi.org/10.1080/00223980.1975.9915803 Witte, K. (1992). Putting the fear back into fear appeals: The extended parallel process model. ''Communication Monographs, 59''(4), 329–349. https://doi.org/10.1080/03637759209376276 }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Behaviour]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Health]] mqa4a0etrjucmvuhqf1etl1qe9uozal 2840321 2840319 2026-10-14T19:26:42Z U3280825 3110195 2840321 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Cancer screening and emotion:<br>How do emotions such as fear, anxiety, and relief influence cancer screening uptake?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Woman receives mammogram (3).jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. A woman undergoing a standard mammogram procedure.]] ;Scenario Megan, 50, discovers a letter in her mailbox inviting her to attend a routine mammogram. Despite receiving prior invitations, she has deferred screening for four years. Her mother passed away from breast cancer and the thought of undergoing screening assessments elicited a pronounced anxiety response. Despite recognising the significance of early detection, Megan is apprehensive regarding the potential implications of the screening results. The prospect of a potential cancer diagnosis evokes substantive anticipatory anxiety, resulting in Megan engaging in avoidance behaviours, the letter being placed in the drawer. A week later, her friend Stella receives the same letter. In contrast to Megan, Stella promptly schedules her appointment as she views this as a proactive health behaviour that plays a critical role in early detection to improve her health outcomes. Even though they are presented with the same circumstance, they markedly differ regarding their perceptions of the potential benefits and consequences. For Megan, fear promotes avoidance, whereas Stella perceives screening as a measure of mitigating health related ambiguity. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Evidence illustrates how anxiety regarding a putative cancer diagnosis may elicit screening participation, whereas anticipatory anxiety about the screening procedure (See Figure 1) may hinder it (Goodwin et al., 2023). The following two psychological frameworks provide insight into these contrasting emotional responses. The Extended Parallel Process Model (Witte, 1992) and Protection Motivation Theory (Rogers, 1975) both exemplify how perceptions of health threats depend not merely on perceived risk, but also on beliefs about the effectiveness of the protective action. This chapter goes on to critically examine how fear, anxiety and relief influence screening decisions and evaluate psychological research to establish mechanisms that can facilitate greater participation within cancer screening. Understanding these contrasting emotional responses is significant as insights into these psychological barriers can help healthcare professionals in developing evidence-based communication strategies that promote and cater to individual requirements. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * What emotions are experienced in cancer screening? * Which theories explain how emotions influence cancer screening? * How do fear and anxiety motivate cancer screening? * How do fear and anxiety act as barriers to cancer screening? * How can emotional barriers be addressed? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == What emotions are experienced in cancer screening?== ===Fear and anxiety before screening === The prospect of cancer screening can evoke an array of emotional responses, most notably fear and anxiety. Despite their close association, emotions can arise from variety of different concerns. Anxiety is a critical emotional response correlated to cancer screening. Consedine et al. (2004) recognised several sources of screening related anxiety including concerns about receiving a cancer diagnosis, undergoing diagnostic procedures and experiencing bodily discomfort. Importantly, Consedine et al. (2004) also illustrated that anxiety does not uniformly deter screening participation, as previous research has linked cancer-related worry with both increased and decreased participation. Consedine et al. (2004) proposed three distinct yet interrelated sources of screening-related anxiety: generalised fear of cancer, fear of screening outcomes and fear of screening procedures. The model posits that each type of fear is likely to influence screening uptake differently. Most notably, generalised cancer fear may encourage screening if anxiety remains at a manageable level and individuals feel that screening is accessible and efficacious. While anxiety and fear are inextricably linked, they differ in their underlying psychological characteristics. Anxiety arises in response to the apprehension of uncertain future threats. In contrast to this, fear is frequently associated with an immediate or identifiable threat (Daniel-Watanabe & Fletcher, 2022). In cancer screening, this distinction could underlie why individuals experience anxiety before an appointment and fear when in the presence of a perceived threat. Although Consedine et al’s. (2004) conceptual model offers an explanatory framework for understanding screening related anxiety, remaining preliminary. The model describes relationships between different sources of anxiety and screening engagement as opposed to establishing causal effects. Furthermore, greater empirical research is imperative to establish how reliably these relationships apply across distinct screening conditions. In the absence of established causal relationship, the model has scarce predictive utility in ascertaining how populations will respond behaviourally to screening-related fear. ===Relief and reassurance following screening === Before screening, individuals may experience anxiety, individuals may experience anxiety regarding the potential of having cancer. Receiving a normal cancer result can mitigate concerns about an immediate cancer diagnosis. Minimised worry can produce a feeling of relief and reassurance. McFadden et al. (2024) provided evidence that some lung cancer screening participants reported relief and alleviated concern subsequent to a normal screening result. Reassurance may stem from a reduction in perceived threat and uncertainty. This emotional response may occur when an anticipated negative outcome fails to emerge, attenuating perceived susceptibility to a cancer diagnosis. Alternatively, reassurance may be transient, as a normal screening result does not eliminate all future health prognostic uncertainty. Prior to receiving screening results, individuals can experience heightened uncertainty regarding their health status as screening outcomes are inherently uncertain. A healthy result may attenuate uncertainty by providing information regarding one’s current health status. This reduced can contribute to lower anticipatory anxiety and psychological distress, promoting emotional stability and reassurance (McFadden et al., 2024). Conversely, inconclusive or abnormal screening outcomes may exacerbate anxiety and psychological stress, most pronounced when greater testing is required. Kim et al. (2022) discovered that anxiety often increased following positive or indeterminate results, although these psychological effects tended to dissipate over time. Emotional responses to screening results are not linear. Kim et al. (2022) noted that individuals with a family history of cancer or elevated cancer risk exhibited heightened anxiety and distress even following negative screening outcomes. ==Which theories explain how emotions influence cancer screening? == Megan and Stella received the same letter, yet their responses were markedly different. This suggests that fear does not always equate to the same outcome. Rather, this depends on how serious the threat feels and whether the individual believes they can do something about it. Two interrelated theories, Protection Motivation Theory (PMT) and the Extended Parallel Process Model (EPPM), provide a useful framework for understanding why this occurs. ===Protection Motivation Theory=== Protection Motivation Theory (PMT), first proposed by Rogers (1975), suggests that when individuals perceive a serious health threat, they are motivated to protect themselves only if they believe the recommended action will effectively mitigate the risk. Conversely, if the threat feels overwhelming or the protective actions seem difficult or ineffective, the individual may be less likely to engage in such behaviour (Rogers, 1975). PMT posits that individuals first engage in threat appraisal, considering both perceived severity (how serious they interpret the threat) and perceived vulnerability (how likely they believe they are to be affected). (Rogers, 1975) Individuals subsequently engage in coping appraisal, which entails evaluating response efficacy (whether the individual believes the protective action will be effective), self-efficacy (whether they feel capable of performing the behaviour), and response costs (the barriers or downsides of taking action, such as pain, embarrassment or time) (Maddux & Rogers, 1983). According to PMT, protective behaviours such as screening are most likely when both threat and coping appraisals are high. Stella’s response to the screening invitation can be explained through the application of PMT. Her perceived vulnerability and severity are high, as she believes breast cancer is a serious threat that could affect her. Stella exhibits response efficacy as she believes mammography detects cancer early and high self-efficacy, feeling confident to attend. Accordingly, Stella is motivated to engage in the recommended protective behaviour by promptly booking a mammography appointment. Empirical evidence supports PMT’s relevance to breast cancer screening. In a systematic review of 17 studies, Estebsari et al. (2023) found that PMT helped predict women’s knowledge and intentions regarding breast cancer protective behaviours. However, a notable limitation of this review is that it measured screening intentions as opposed to subsequent attendance, and intentions do not always translate into behaviour. Furthermore, PMT is based on the premise that individuals rationally weigh up threats and coping options, which cannot fully account for responses driven by intense fear as Megan’s avoidance. The Extended Parallel Process Model addresses this limitation by accounting for how fear can lead people to manage their emotions by avoidance as opposed to the actual threat. ===Extended Parallel Process Model=== The Extended Parallel Process Model (EPPM) conceptualises that fear motivates protective behaviours when individuals appraise a threat as serious but also believe they can take effective action to control it (Witte, 1992). If an assessed threat is interpreted as high yet individuals feel unable to effectively respond, fear may lead to defensive responses like avoidance. Witte (1992) characterised these as two distinct pathways. Where both perceived efficacy and perceived threat are high, individuals engage in danger control, aiming to reduce the threat itself, for instance attending the screening procedure. Conversely, when a threat is high, yet efficacy is low, individuals adopt fear-control responses by regulating their feelings as opposed to the threat, through responses such as denial or avoidance. The EPPM provides insight into Megan’s avoidance. Her mother passed away from breast cancer, so the threat feels incredibly real and personal. However, her efficacy is low, as she feels she will be unable to cope with the outcome of the screening results. As a result, she engages in fear control by putting the letter back in the drawer. This minimises her anxiety in the moment; however, it does not address the immediate issue as Megan remains unscreened. Drawing on the EPPM, Ivanova and Kvalem (2021) investigated which psychological factors predict women’s intention to attend mammography screening and their defensive avoidance of it. The study was done across 270 women ranging from 18 and over. They found that greater fear of breast cancer predicted greater defensive avoidance, yet mammography is effective predicted greater intention to attend mammograms. However, Ivanova and Kvalem (2021) reported that intention and avoidance were predicted by different factors suggesting that avoiding screening is not merely the opposite of intending to attend. Additionally, the study’s cross-sectional design cannot establish that fear causes avoidance, only that they are linked. Taken together, PMT and the EPPM illustrate the significance of perceived threat and efficacy in altering individuals’ responses to cancer screening. ==How do fear and anxiety motivate cancer screening?== Although fear and anxiety are often viewed as barriers to screening, research suggests they can also motivate participation. A systematic review of 74 studies by Goodwin et al in 2023. Discovered that anxiety regarding a possible outcome of a cancer diagnosis was often associated with greater screening participation. Just over half (51.6%) of the tested relationships were positive. Consistent with PMT, concern regarding may increase the perceived threat. Screening offers a clear way to act, as seen in Stella’s decision. Yet, many studies included studies were cross-sectional and as a result relied on self-report, meaning they cannot prove that anxiety causes screening. In a study involving two Australian samples (N = 479) people and (N = 5,421), Anderson et al. (2023) discovered bowel screening participation increased as the anxiety increased, yet dropped when the anxiety was reported to be severe. This indicates that moderate anxiety motivates but severe anxiety may lead to avoidance, corresponding with the EPPM’s fear control model. In accordance with previous research, Consedine et al. (2004) discovered moderate worry was associated to the highest level of mammography attendance. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Key points''' * Anxiety regarding cancer can motivate screening. * Majority of evidence is correlational, so causation is unclear. * Moderate anxiety appears more motivating as opposed to severe anxiety. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ===How do fear and anxiety act as barriers to cancer screening?=== In contrast, Goodwin et al. (2023) found that anxiety regarding the screening procedure itself predominantly discouraged participation, 80% of tested relationships being negative (see Table 1). Reynolds et al. (2018) found that, among 306 adults aged 45 and over, had greater levels of disgust associated with invasive bowel screening, with a predicted lower prevalence of screening participation. After reviewing 13 studies conducted in Australia, Nagendiram et al. (2020) established that fear of an aberrant outcome, discomfort and embarrassment were common denominators in deterrents to cervical screening. From the perspective of EPPM, fear of the results or the procedure itself may lower self-efficacy, increasing the probability of an individual to adopt fear-control responses as opposed to protective health behaviours. Nevertheless, many of the 13 research in Nagendiram et al. (2020) focused on specific subgroups as rural women or migrants, and all were cross-sectional, limiting how far the findings can be generalised. {| class="wikitable" |+ Table 1. ''Types of anxiety and their relationship to cancer screening participation (Goodwin et al., 2023)'' ! style="background:#E8DAF7;" | Types of anxiety !! style="background:#E8DAF7;" | Relationship to screening |- | General anxiety || No consistent link |- | Anxiety regarding the possibility of a cancer diagnosis || Often linked to greater screening uptake (51.6% of tested relationships positive) |- | Anxiety regarding the screening procedure || Mostly linked to less screening (80% of tested relationships negative) |} {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Key points''' * Low self-efficacy may encourage people towards avoidance characteristics. * Fear regarding the procedure tends to discourage participants. * Disgust, fear of the outcome or results and embarrassment are commenting factor for barriers {{RoundBoxBottom}} ===How can emotional barriers be addressed? === Addressing factors that make screening feel invasive my mitigate procedural-related fear. In an Australian qualitative study, Creagh et al. (2021) discovered that self-collection for cervical screening was largely acceptable to under-screened individuals and never screened, with 87% of participants describing it as positive or pleasant experience to undergo. Some participants reported they would not have undergone the screening procedure if this wasn’t an existing alternative for them. In accordance with PMT, self-collection may reduce response costs such as embarrassment and discomfort, while increasing self-efficacy and a sense of control. Consequently, a limitation to this study was the limited number of participants (45), limited to Victoria and only included people who had already used self-collection prior. Ultimately, it does not capture those who continue to avoid screening. Targeted health communication strategies may contribute to a significant role in helping to minimise health related anxiety. Ivanova and Kvalem (2021) discovered that response efficacy was the only psychological factor related to both increased intentions to attend and lower avoidance. Campaigns that emphasise on how effective mammography and how smooth the process is. This is consistent with EPPM, grouping information regarding the threat with strong efficacy messaging may facilitate the shift from people similarly to Megan from fear control to danger control. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Key points''' *Greater research is required around people who still largely avoid screening. *Less invasive procedures; self-collection. *Emphasis that screening work may mitigate avoidance. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ===Conclusion=== Cancer screening can evoke a spectrum of emotional responses, including fear, anxiety, relief, disgust, and embarrassment. PMT and the EPPM illustrate how fear alone does not determine screening behaviours; what is central is whether individuals believe they can take effective behavioural responses. Anxiety regarding cancer, notably in moderate levels, can motivate screening. Yet fear of the procedure and severe anxiety are more likely to lead to avoidance. A healthy screening result may provide reassurance, although its role in motivating initial screening remains uncertain. Less invasive procedures like self-collection alongside messages that build confidence in screening, may help minimise the emotional barrier endured as a result of screening and improve participation rates. Megan and Stella illustrate how the same invitation can result in very different decisions, contingent on whether fear is associated with a sense of efficacy. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Take-home message''' Fear can either drive or block screening. Helping individuals feel they are able to overcome such blocks by enabling screening to be less overwhelming and daunting. May lead into protective action. {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Quiz == <quiz display=simple> {Goodwin et al. (2023) found that anxiety about which of the following was most often associated with lower screening engagement? |type="()"} - General anxiety - Anxiety regarding a possible cancer diagnosis + Anxiety regarding the screening procedure itself {According to the EPPM, what occurs when perceived threat is high, yet perceived efficacy is low? |type="()"} - The individual feels no sense of fear - The individual attends screening + The individual avoids screening to regulate their fear </quiz> == External links == * [https://www.canceraustralia.gov.au/awareness/screening Cancer screening] (Cancer Australia) * [https://www.aihw.gov.au/reports-data/health-welfare-services/cancer-screening/overview Cancer screening overview] (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare) == References == {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, L. E., Ireland, M. J., Myers, L., Avenell, C., Connaughton, T., & Goodwin, B. C. (2023). Psychological distress and bowel cancer screening participation. ''Psycho-Oncology, 32''(2), 229–236. https://doi.org/10.1002/pon.6072 Consedine, N. S., Magai, C., Krivoshekova, Y. S., Ryzewicz, L., & Neugut, A. I. (2004). Fear, anxiety, worry, and breast cancer screening behavior: A critical review. ''Cancer Epidemiology, Biomarkers & Prevention, 13''(4), 501–510. https://doi.org/10.1158/1055-9965.501.13.4 Creagh, N. S., Zammit, C., Brotherton, J. M. L., Saville, M., McDermott, T., Nightingale, C., & Kelaher, M. (2021). Self-collection cervical screening in the renewed National Cervical Screening Program: A qualitative study. ''Medical Journal of Australia, 215''(8), 354–358. https://doi.org/10.5694/mja2.51137 Daniel-Watanabe, L., & Fletcher, P. C. (2022). Are fear and anxiety truly distinct? ''Biological Psychiatry: Global Open Science, 2''(4), 341–349. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bpsgos.2021.09.006 Estebsari, F., Rahimi Khalifehkandi, Z., Latifi, M., Farhadinasab, A., Vasli, P., & Mostafaie, D. (2023). Protection motivation theory and prevention of breast cancer: A systematic review. ''Clinical Breast Cancer, 23''(4), e239–e246. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.clbc.2023.02.013 Goodwin, B. C., Anderson, L., Collins, K., Sanjida, S., Riba, M., Singh, G. K., Campbell, K. M., Green, H., Ishaque, S., Kwok, A., Opozda, M. J., Pearn, A., Shaw, J., Sansom-Daly, U. M., Tsirgiotis, J. M., Janda, M., & Grech, L. (2023). Anticipatory anxiety and participation in cancer screening: A systematic review. ''Psycho-Oncology, 32''(12), 1773–1786. https://doi.org/10.1002/pon.6238 Ivanova, A., & Kvalem, I. L. (2021). Psychological predictors of intention and avoidance of attending organized mammography screening in Norway: Applying the Extended Parallel Process Model. ''BMC Women's Health, 21'', Article 67. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12905-021-01201-y Kim, A., Chung, K. C., Keir, C., & Patrick, D. L. (2022). Patient-reported outcomes associated with cancer screening: A systematic review. ''BMC Cancer, 22'', Article 223. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12885-022-09261-5 Maddux, J. E., & Rogers, R. W. (1983). Protection motivation and self-efficacy: A revised theory of fear appeals and attitude change. ''Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 19''(5), 469–479. https://doi.org/10.1016/0022-1031(83)90023-9 McFadden, K., Nickel, B., Rankin, N. M., Li, T., Jennett, C. J., Sharman, A., Quaife, S. L., Houssami, N., & Dodd, R. H. (2024). Participant factors associated with psychosocial impacts of lung cancer screening: A systematic review. ''Cancer Medicine, 13''(15), Article e70054. https://doi.org/10.1002/cam4.70054 Nagendiram, A., Bougher, H., Banks, J., Hall, L., & Heal, C. (2020). Australian women's self-perceived barriers to participation in cervical cancer screening: A systematic review. ''Health Promotion Journal of Australia, 31''(3), 343–353. https://doi.org/10.1002/hpja.280 Reynolds, L. M., Bissett, I. P., & Consedine, N. S. (2018). Emotional predictors of bowel screening: The avoidance-promoting role of fear, embarrassment, and disgust. ''BMC Cancer, 18'', Article 518. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12885-018-4423-5 Rogers, R. W. (1975). A protection motivation theory of fear appeals and attitude change. ''The Journal of Psychology, 91''(1), 93–114. https://doi.org/10.1080/00223980.1975.9915803 Witte, K. (1992). Putting the fear back into fear appeals: The extended parallel process model. ''Communication Monographs, 59''(4), 329–349. https://doi.org/10.1080/03637759209376276 }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Behaviour]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Health]] 64o6lhpcko6zwnjp1wwt5q34q1p94w8 2840323 2840321 2026-10-14T19:42:24Z U3280825 3110195 2840323 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Cancer screening and emotion:<br>How do emotions such as fear, anxiety, and relief influence cancer screening uptake?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Woman receives mammogram (3).jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. A woman undergoing a standard mammogram procedure.]] ;Scenario Megan, 50, discovers a letter in her mailbox inviting her to attend a routine mammogram. Despite receiving prior invitations, she has deferred screening for four years. Her mother passed away from breast cancer and the thought of undergoing screening assessments elicited a pronounced anxiety response. Despite recognising the significance of early detection, Megan is apprehensive regarding the potential implications of the screening results. The prospect of a potential cancer diagnosis evokes substantive anticipatory anxiety, resulting in Megan engaging in avoidance behaviours, the letter being placed in the drawer. A week later, her friend Stella receives the same letter. In contrast to Megan, Stella promptly schedules her appointment as she views this as a proactive health behaviour that plays a critical role in early detection to improve her health outcomes. Even though they are presented with the same circumstance, they markedly differ regarding their perceptions of the potential benefits and consequences. For Megan, fear promotes avoidance, whereas Stella perceives screening as a measure of mitigating health related ambiguity. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Evidence illustrates how anxiety regarding a putative cancer diagnosis may elicit screening participation, whereas anticipatory anxiety about the screening procedure (See Figure 1) may hinder it (Goodwin et al., 2023). The following two psychological frameworks provide insight into these contrasting emotional responses. The Extended Parallel Process Model (Witte, 1992) and Protection Motivation Theory (Rogers, 1975) both exemplify how perceptions of health threats depend not merely on perceived risk, but also on beliefs about the effectiveness of the protective action. This chapter goes on to critically examine how fear, anxiety and relief influence screening decisions and evaluate psychological research to establish mechanisms that can facilitate greater participation within cancer screening. Understanding these contrasting emotional responses is significant as insights into these psychological barriers can help healthcare professionals in developing evidence-based communication strategies that promote and cater to individual requirements. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * What emotions are experienced in cancer screening? * Which theories explain how emotions influence cancer screening? * How do fear and anxiety motivate cancer screening? * How do fear and anxiety act as barriers to cancer screening? * How can emotional barriers be addressed? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == What emotions are experienced in cancer screening?== ===Fear and anxiety before screening === The prospect of cancer screening can evoke an array of emotional responses, most notably fear and anxiety. Despite their close association, emotions can arise from variety of different concerns. Anxiety is a critical emotional response correlated to cancer screening. Consedine et al. (2004) recognised several sources of screening related anxiety including concerns about receiving a cancer diagnosis, undergoing diagnostic procedures and experiencing bodily discomfort. Importantly, Consedine et al. (2004) also illustrated that anxiety does not uniformly deter screening participation, as previous research has linked cancer-related worry with both increased and decreased participation. Consedine et al. (2004) proposed three distinct yet interrelated sources of screening-related anxiety: generalised fear of cancer, fear of screening outcomes and fear of screening procedures. The model posits that each type of fear is likely to influence screening uptake differently. Most notably, generalised cancer fear may encourage screening if anxiety remains at a manageable level and individuals feel that screening is accessible and efficacious. While anxiety and fear are inextricably linked, they differ in their underlying psychological characteristics. Anxiety arises in response to the apprehension of uncertain future threats. In contrast to this, fear is frequently associated with an immediate or identifiable threat (Daniel-Watanabe & Fletcher, 2022). In cancer screening, this distinction could underlie why individuals experience anxiety before an appointment and fear when in the presence of a perceived threat. Although Consedine et al’s. (2004) conceptual model offers an explanatory framework for understanding screening related anxiety, remaining preliminary. The model describes relationships between different sources of anxiety and screening engagement as opposed to establishing causal effects. Furthermore, greater empirical research is imperative to establish how reliably these relationships apply across distinct screening conditions. In the absence of established causal relationship, the model has scarce predictive utility in ascertaining how populations will respond behaviourally to screening-related fear. ===Relief and reassurance following screening === Before screening, individuals may experience anxiety, individuals may experience anxiety regarding the potential of having cancer. Receiving a normal cancer result can mitigate concerns about an immediate cancer diagnosis. Minimised worry can produce a feeling of relief and reassurance. McFadden et al. (2024) provided evidence that some lung cancer screening participants reported relief and alleviated concern subsequent to a normal screening result. Reassurance may stem from a reduction in perceived threat and uncertainty. This emotional response may occur when an anticipated negative outcome fails to emerge, attenuating perceived susceptibility to a cancer diagnosis. Alternatively, reassurance may be transient, as a normal screening result does not eliminate all future health prognostic uncertainty. Prior to receiving screening results, individuals can experience heightened uncertainty regarding their health status as screening outcomes are inherently uncertain. A healthy result may attenuate uncertainty by providing information regarding one’s current health status. This reduced can contribute to lower anticipatory anxiety and psychological distress, promoting emotional stability and reassurance (McFadden et al., 2024). Conversely, inconclusive or abnormal screening outcomes may exacerbate anxiety and psychological stress, most pronounced when greater testing is required. Kim et al. (2022) discovered that anxiety often increased following positive or indeterminate results, although these psychological effects tended to dissipate over time. Emotional responses to screening results are not linear. Kim et al. (2022) noted that individuals with a family history of cancer or elevated cancer risk exhibited heightened anxiety and distress even following negative screening outcomes. ==Which theories explain how emotions influence cancer screening? == Megan and Stella received the same letter, yet their responses were markedly different. This suggests that fear does not always equate to the same outcome. Rather, this depends on how serious the threat feels and whether the individual believes they can do something about it. Two interrelated theories, Protection Motivation Theory (PMT) and the Extended Parallel Process Model (EPPM), provide a useful framework for understanding why this occurs. ===Protection Motivation Theory=== Protection Motivation Theory (PMT), first proposed by Rogers (1975), suggests that when individuals perceive a serious health threat, they are motivated to protect themselves only if they believe the recommended action will effectively mitigate the risk. Conversely, if the threat feels overwhelming or the protective actions seem difficult or ineffective, the individual may be less likely to engage in such behaviour (Rogers, 1975). PMT posits that individuals first engage in threat appraisal, considering both perceived severity (how serious they interpret the threat) and perceived vulnerability (how likely they believe they are to be affected). (Rogers, 1975) Individuals subsequently engage in coping appraisal, which entails evaluating response efficacy (whether the individual believes the protective action will be effective), self-efficacy (whether they feel capable of performing the behaviour), and response costs (the barriers or downsides of taking action, such as pain, embarrassment or time) (Maddux & Rogers, 1983). According to PMT, protective behaviours such as screening are most likely when both threat and coping appraisals are high. Stella’s response to the screening invitation can be explained through the application of PMT. Her perceived vulnerability and severity are high, as she believes breast cancer is a serious threat that could affect her. Stella exhibits response efficacy as she believes mammography detects cancer early and high self-efficacy, feeling confident to attend. Accordingly, Stella is motivated to engage in the recommended protective behaviour by promptly booking a mammography appointment. Empirical evidence supports PMT’s relevance to breast cancer screening. In a systematic review of 17 studies, Estebsari et al. (2023) found that PMT helped predict women’s knowledge and intentions regarding breast cancer protective behaviours. However, a notable limitation of this review is that it measured screening intentions as opposed to subsequent attendance, and intentions do not always translate into behaviour. Furthermore, PMT is based on the premise that individuals rationally weigh up threats and coping options, which cannot fully account for responses driven by intense fear as Megan’s avoidance. The Extended Parallel Process Model addresses this limitation by accounting for how fear can lead people to manage their emotions by avoidance as opposed to the actual threat. ===Extended Parallel Process Model=== The Extended Parallel Process Model (EPPM) conceptualises that fear motivates protective behaviours when individuals appraise a threat as serious but also believe they can take effective action to control it (Witte, 1992). If an assessed threat is interpreted as high yet individuals feel unable to effectively respond, fear may lead to defensive responses like avoidance. Witte (1992) characterised these as two distinct pathways. Where both perceived efficacy and perceived threat are high, individuals engage in danger control, aiming to reduce the threat itself, for instance attending the screening procedure. Conversely, when a threat is high, yet efficacy is low, individuals adopt fear-control responses by regulating their feelings as opposed to the threat, through responses such as denial or avoidance. The EPPM provides insight into Megan’s avoidance. Her mother passed away from breast cancer, so the threat feels incredibly real and personal. However, her efficacy is low, as she feels she will be unable to cope with the outcome of the screening results. As a result, she engages in fear control by putting the letter back in the drawer. This minimises her anxiety in the moment; however, it does not address the immediate issue as Megan remains unscreened. Drawing on the EPPM, Ivanova and Kvalem (2021) investigated which psychological factors predict women’s intention to attend mammography screening and their defensive avoidance of it. The study was done across 270 women ranging from 18 and over. They found that greater fear of breast cancer predicted greater defensive avoidance, yet mammography is effective predicted greater intention to attend mammograms. However, Ivanova and Kvalem (2021) reported that intention and avoidance were predicted by different factors suggesting that avoiding screening is not merely the opposite of intending to attend. Additionally, the study’s cross-sectional design cannot establish that fear causes avoidance, only that they are linked. Taken together, PMT and the EPPM illustrate the significance of perceived threat and efficacy in altering individuals’ responses to cancer screening. ==How do fear and anxiety motivate cancer screening?== Although fear and anxiety are often viewed as barriers to screening, research suggests they can also motivate participation. A systematic review of 74 studies by Goodwin et al in 2023. Discovered that anxiety regarding a possible outcome of a cancer diagnosis was often associated with greater screening participation. Just over half (51.6%) of the tested relationships were positive. Consistent with PMT, concern regarding may increase the perceived threat. Screening offers a clear way to act, as seen in Stella’s decision. Yet, many studies included studies were cross-sectional and as a result relied on self-report, meaning they cannot prove that anxiety causes screening. In a study involving two Australian samples (N = 479) people and (N = 5,421), Anderson et al. (2023) discovered bowel screening participation increased as the anxiety increased, yet dropped when the anxiety was reported to be severe. This indicates that moderate anxiety motivates but severe anxiety may lead to avoidance, corresponding with the EPPM’s fear control model. In accordance with previous research, Consedine et al. (2004) discovered moderate worry was associated to the highest level of mammography attendance. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Key points''' * Anxiety regarding cancer can motivate screening. * Majority of evidence is correlational, so causation is unclear. * Moderate anxiety appears more motivating as opposed to severe anxiety. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ===How do fear and anxiety act as barriers to cancer screening?=== In contrast, Goodwin et al. (2023) found that anxiety regarding the screening procedure itself predominantly discouraged participation, 80% of tested relationships being negative (see Table 1). Reynolds et al. (2018) found that, among 306 adults aged 45 and over, had greater levels of disgust associated with invasive bowel screening, with a predicted lower prevalence of screening participation. After reviewing 13 studies conducted in Australia, Nagendiram et al. (2020) established that fear of an aberrant outcome, discomfort and embarrassment were common denominators in deterrents to cervical screening. From the perspective of EPPM, fear of the results or the procedure itself may lower self-efficacy, increasing the probability of an individual to adopt fear-control responses as opposed to protective health behaviours. Nevertheless, many of the 13 research in Nagendiram et al. (2020) focused on specific subgroups as rural women or migrants, and all were cross-sectional, limiting how far the findings can be generalised. {| class="wikitable" |+ Table 1. ''Types of anxiety and their relationship to cancer screening participation (Goodwin et al., 2023)'' ! style="background:#E8DAF7;" | Types of anxiety !! style="background:#E8DAF7;" | Relationship to screening |- | General anxiety || No consistent link |- | Anxiety regarding the possibility of a cancer diagnosis || Often linked to greater screening uptake (51.6% of tested relationships positive) |- | Anxiety regarding the screening procedure || Mostly linked to less screening (80% of tested relationships negative) |} {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Key points''' * Low self-efficacy may encourage people towards avoidance characteristics. * Fear regarding the procedure tends to discourage participants. * Disgust, fear of the outcome or results and embarrassment are commenting factor for barriers {{RoundBoxBottom}} ===How can emotional barriers be addressed? === Addressing factors that make screening feel invasive my mitigate procedural-related fear. In an Australian qualitative study, Creagh et al. (2021) discovered that self-collection for cervical screening was largely acceptable to under-screened individuals and never screened, with 87% of participants describing it as positive or pleasant experience to undergo. Some participants reported they would not have undergone the screening procedure if this wasn’t an existing alternative for them. In accordance with PMT, self-collection may reduce response costs such as embarrassment and discomfort, while increasing self-efficacy and a sense of control. Consequently, a limitation to this study was the limited number of participants (45), limited to Victoria and only included people who had already used self-collection prior. Ultimately, it does not capture those who continue to avoid screening. Targeted health communication strategies may contribute to a significant role in helping to minimise health related anxiety. Ivanova and Kvalem (2021) discovered that response efficacy was the only psychological factor related to both increased intentions to attend and lower avoidance. Campaigns that emphasise on how effective mammography and how smooth the process is. This is consistent with EPPM, grouping information regarding the threat with strong efficacy messaging may facilitate the shift from people similarly to Megan from fear control to danger control. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Key points''' *Greater research is required around people who still largely avoid screening. *Less invasive procedures; self-collection. *Emphasis that screening work may mitigate avoidance. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ===Conclusion=== Cancer screening can evoke a spectrum of emotional responses, including fear, anxiety, relief, disgust, and embarrassment. PMT and the EPPM illustrate how fear alone does not determine screening behaviours; what is central is whether individuals believe they can take effective behavioural responses. Anxiety regarding cancer, notably in moderate levels, can motivate screening. Yet fear of the procedure and severe anxiety are more likely to lead to avoidance. A healthy screening result may provide reassurance, although its role in motivating initial screening remains uncertain. Less invasive procedures like self-collection alongside messages that build confidence in screening, may help minimise the emotional barrier endured as a result of screening and improve participation rates. Megan and Stella illustrate how the same invitation can result in very different decisions, contingent on whether fear is associated with a sense of efficacy. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Take-home message''' Fear can either drive or block screening. Helping individuals feel they are able to overcome such blocks by enabling screening to be less overwhelming and daunting. May lead into protective action. {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Quiz == <quiz display=simple> {Goodwin et al. (2023) found that anxiety about which of the following was most often associated with lower screening engagement? |type="()"} - General anxiety - Anxiety regarding a possible cancer diagnosis + Anxiety regarding the screening procedure itself {According to the EPPM, what occurs when perceived threat is high, yet perceived efficacy is low? |type="()"} - The individual feels no sense of fear - The individual attends screening + The individual avoids screening to regulate their fear </quiz> == See also == * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Cancer screening and emotion|Cancer screening and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Fear appeals|Fear appeals]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2013/Fear|Fear]] (Book chapter, 2013) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2013/Anticipation|Anticipation]] (Book chapter, 2013) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/Phobias|Phobias]] (Book chapter, 2019) * [[w:Fear appeal|Fear appeal]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Protection motivation theory|Protection motivation theory]] (Wikipedia) == External links == * [https://www.canceraustralia.gov.au/awareness/screening Cancer screening] (Cancer Australia) * [https://www.aihw.gov.au/reports-data/health-welfare-services/cancer-screening/overview Cancer screening overview] (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare) == References == {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, L. E., Ireland, M. J., Myers, L., Avenell, C., Connaughton, T., & Goodwin, B. C. (2023). Psychological distress and bowel cancer screening participation. ''Psycho-Oncology, 32''(2), 229–236. https://doi.org/10.1002/pon.6072 Consedine, N. S., Magai, C., Krivoshekova, Y. S., Ryzewicz, L., & Neugut, A. I. (2004). Fear, anxiety, worry, and breast cancer screening behavior: A critical review. ''Cancer Epidemiology, Biomarkers & Prevention, 13''(4), 501–510. https://doi.org/10.1158/1055-9965.501.13.4 Creagh, N. S., Zammit, C., Brotherton, J. M. L., Saville, M., McDermott, T., Nightingale, C., & Kelaher, M. (2021). Self-collection cervical screening in the renewed National Cervical Screening Program: A qualitative study. ''Medical Journal of Australia, 215''(8), 354–358. https://doi.org/10.5694/mja2.51137 Daniel-Watanabe, L., & Fletcher, P. C. (2022). Are fear and anxiety truly distinct? ''Biological Psychiatry: Global Open Science, 2''(4), 341–349. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bpsgos.2021.09.006 Estebsari, F., Rahimi Khalifehkandi, Z., Latifi, M., Farhadinasab, A., Vasli, P., & Mostafaie, D. (2023). Protection motivation theory and prevention of breast cancer: A systematic review. ''Clinical Breast Cancer, 23''(4), e239–e246. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.clbc.2023.02.013 Goodwin, B. C., Anderson, L., Collins, K., Sanjida, S., Riba, M., Singh, G. K., Campbell, K. M., Green, H., Ishaque, S., Kwok, A., Opozda, M. J., Pearn, A., Shaw, J., Sansom-Daly, U. M., Tsirgiotis, J. M., Janda, M., & Grech, L. (2023). Anticipatory anxiety and participation in cancer screening: A systematic review. ''Psycho-Oncology, 32''(12), 1773–1786. https://doi.org/10.1002/pon.6238 Ivanova, A., & Kvalem, I. L. (2021). Psychological predictors of intention and avoidance of attending organized mammography screening in Norway: Applying the Extended Parallel Process Model. ''BMC Women's Health, 21'', Article 67. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12905-021-01201-y Kim, A., Chung, K. C., Keir, C., & Patrick, D. L. (2022). Patient-reported outcomes associated with cancer screening: A systematic review. ''BMC Cancer, 22'', Article 223. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12885-022-09261-5 Maddux, J. E., & Rogers, R. W. (1983). Protection motivation and self-efficacy: A revised theory of fear appeals and attitude change. ''Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 19''(5), 469–479. https://doi.org/10.1016/0022-1031(83)90023-9 McFadden, K., Nickel, B., Rankin, N. M., Li, T., Jennett, C. J., Sharman, A., Quaife, S. L., Houssami, N., & Dodd, R. H. (2024). Participant factors associated with psychosocial impacts of lung cancer screening: A systematic review. ''Cancer Medicine, 13''(15), Article e70054. https://doi.org/10.1002/cam4.70054 Nagendiram, A., Bougher, H., Banks, J., Hall, L., & Heal, C. (2020). Australian women's self-perceived barriers to participation in cervical cancer screening: A systematic review. ''Health Promotion Journal of Australia, 31''(3), 343–353. https://doi.org/10.1002/hpja.280 Reynolds, L. M., Bissett, I. P., & Consedine, N. S. (2018). Emotional predictors of bowel screening: The avoidance-promoting role of fear, embarrassment, and disgust. ''BMC Cancer, 18'', Article 518. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12885-018-4423-5 Rogers, R. W. (1975). A protection motivation theory of fear appeals and attitude change. ''The Journal of Psychology, 91''(1), 93–114. https://doi.org/10.1080/00223980.1975.9915803 Witte, K. (1992). Putting the fear back into fear appeals: The extended parallel process model. ''Communication Monographs, 59''(4), 329–349. https://doi.org/10.1080/03637759209376276 }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Behaviour]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Emotion]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Health]] nt5q60qko4bazldgw8jqgcabs2kvht1 10 330232 2840331 2816071 2026-10-14T20:55:10Z Jtneill 10242 <!-- Feedback responsiveness ---> ## No evidence of responsiveness to feedback on talk page 2840331 wikitext text/x-wiki <noinclude>Feedback [[wikiversity:FAQ/Template|template]] for the [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter|book chapter]] exercise for the [[motivation and emotion]] unit. 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Instead, summarise and link to related resources (i.e., other book chapters and/or Wikipedia articles). Increase emphasis on [[wikt:substantive|substantive]] aspects of theory that relate directly to the specific topic (i.e., the sub-title question). <!-- Theory – Builds on --> # Builds exceptionally well on [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms # Builds effectively on [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and/or/but not related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms # Builds reasonably well on [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and/or/but not related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms # Builds somewhat on other [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and/or/but not related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms # Builds in a basic way on [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and/or/but not related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms # Builds on one previous [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and/or/but not related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms # Build more strongly on [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and/or/but not related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms # Doesn't build on [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and/or/but not related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms <!-- Theory – Depth --> # Insightful/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic/Insufficient depth is provided about key theory(ies) <!-- Theory – Tables/Figures/Lists --> # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic/Insufficient/No use of tables, figures, and/or lists to clearly convey key theoretical information <!-- Theory – Citations --> # Key citations are well used # In some/many places, there is insufficient use of academic, peer-reviewed citations (e.g., see the {{f}} tags) # Insufficient use of academic, peer-reviewed citations (e.g., see the {{f}} tags) # If you didn't consult an original source (e.g., ?), cite it as a [https://apastyle.apa.org/style-grammar-guidelines/citations/secondary-sources secondary source] # If you didn't consult an original source, don't cite it <!-- Theory – Examples --> # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic use of examples to illustrate theoretical concepts # Consider using more examples to illustrate theoretical concepts # Use more examples to illustrate theoretical concepts # Insufficient use of examples to illustrate theoretical concepts |4= <!-- Research comments... --> <!-- Research – Key findings --> # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic/Insufficient review of relevant research # Excellent emphasis on systematic reviews and/or meta-analyses # Greater emphasis on systematic reviews and/or meta-analyses would be ideal # More detail about key studies would be ideal # Claims are well referenced # In some/many places, there is insufficient use of academic, peer-reviewed citations (e.g., see the {{f}} tags) # Insufficient use of academic, peer-reviewed citations (e.g., see the {{f}} tags) <!-- Research – Critical thinking --> # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic/Insufficient [[w:Critical thinking|critical thinking]] about relevant research is evident # [[w:Critical thinking|Critical thinking]] about research could be further evidenced by: ## describing the methodology (e.g., sample, measures) in important studies ## considering the strength of relationships ## acknowledging limitations ## pointing out critiques/counterarguments ## suggesting ''specific'' directions for future research |5= <!-- Integration comments... --> # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic/Insufficient integration between the most relevant theory(ies) and the best research # The chapter places more emphasis on theory than on research; strive for an integrated balance # Insufficient integration with related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] |6= <!-- Conclusion comments... --> # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic summary and conclusion # Insufficient as a cohesive summary of the best psychological theory and research about the topic # Reads like generic [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|genAI output]]; write more compellingly in your own words # Is this section based on [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|genAI output]]? If so, this was not acknowledged in the edit summary. # Reminds the reader about the importance of the problem or phenomenon of interest # Remind the reader about the importance of the problem or phenomenon of interest <!-- Conclusion – Key points --> # Key points are well summarised # Key points are summarised in a basic way # Summarise key points <!-- Conclusion – Focus questions --> # The focus questions are addressed # The take-away messages for each focus question could be spelt out more clearly # Address the focus questions <!-- Conclusion – Take-home messages --> # Clear take-home message(s) # Add practical, take-home message(s) <!-- Conclusion – Word count --> # Not counted for marking purposes due to being over the maximum word count |7= <!-- Written expression – Style comments... --> <!-- Written expression – Written expression --> # Written expression ## The quality of written expression is excellent/very good/good/reasonably good/basic ## The quality of written expression is OK but there are several aspects which are below professional standard ## The quality of written expression is below professional standard. [https://www.canberra.edu.au/current-students/study-skills UC Study Skills] assistance is recommended to help improve writing skills. ## Use active (e.g., "this chapter explores" or "this chapter explored") rather than passive voice (e.g., "this chapter will explore" or "this chapter has explored") [https://apastyle.apa.org/style-grammar-guidelines/grammar/active-passive-voice][https://www.grammarly.com/blog/active-vs-passive-voice/] ## The target audience is international, not domestic. [http://www.worldometers.info/world-population/australia-population/ Only 0.3% of the world human population lives in Australia]. ## Remove excessive use of bold font <!-- Written expression – Sentences --> ## Some/many sentences could be explained more clearly (e.g., see the {{explain}} and {{rewrite}} tags) ## Some/many sentences are overly long. Strive for the simplest expression. Consider splitting longer sentences into two shorter sentences. Shorter words and sentences are more [[w:Readability|readable]]. Try conducting a readability analysis such as via https://www.webfx.com/tools/read-able/. This chapter gets a score of . Aim for 50+. ## Avoid starting sentences with a citation unless the author is particularly pertinent. Instead, it is more interesting for the the content/key point to be communicated, with the citation included along the way or, more typically, in [[w:Bracket#Parentheses|parentheses]] at the end of the sentence. <!-- Written expression – Paragraphs --> ## Some paragraphs are overly long. Communicate one key idea per paragraph in three to five sentences. ## Avoid one sentence paragraphs. Communicate one idea per paragraph using three to five sentences. ## Bullet points are overused. Develop more of the bullet point statements into full sentences and paragraphs. <!-- Written expression – Language --> ## Use [https://www.grammarly.com/blog/first-second-and-third-person/ 3rd person perspective] (e.g., "it") instead of 1st (e.g., "we") or 2nd person (e.g., "you") in the main text. 1st or 2nd person can work well for case studies or feature boxes. ## Avoid phrases such as “as previously mentioned” or “as noted above,” as these add little value and can disrupt flow. If referencing another part of the chapter is necessary, use [[w:Help#Section linking|section linking]]. ## Embed direct quotes within sentences and paragraphs, rather than presenting them [[wikt:holus-bolus|holus-bolus]] ## "Individuals" is overused. "People" is usually a clearer term than "individuals". Use ''individuals'' to highlight each person separately (e.g., “individual test scores”) and ''people'' when referring to humans more generally. ## Remove [[w:weasel words|weasel words]]—they add bulk without improving meaning ## Use permanent, rather than relative, time references. For example, instead of "20 years ago", refer to something like "at the beginning of the 21st century". In this way, the text will survive better into the future, without needing to be rewritten. ## Avoid overly emotive language (e.g,. *) in science-based communication <!-- Written expression – Layout --> # Layout ## The chapter is well structured, with major sections using sub-sections ## The headings could be more clearly aligned with the focus questions ## The structure is overly complicated; simplify and integrate ## The structure is overly complicated; aim for 3 to 6 top-level headings between the Introduction and Conclusion ## The chapter structure is underdeveloped; expand by using subheadings ## Avoid having sections with 1 sub-heading – use 0 or 2+ sub-headings ## Use the default heading style (e.g., remove additional numbers, italics, bold, and/or change in font size) ## See earlier comment about [[#Heading casing|heading casing]] ## Provide more descriptive headings ## Move links from headings into their first mention in text ## Remove abbreviations/citations from headings ## Include an introductory paragraph before branching into the sub-sections (see {{expand}} tags) ## Integrate learning features rather than having it as a stand-alone section ## The Overview and Conclusion should not have subheadings (fixed) ## Remove colons (:) from the ends of headings <!-- Written expression – Grammar --> # Grammar and spelling are excellent # Grammar ## The grammar for some/many sentences could be improved (e.g., see {{g}} tags); consider using a grammar checking tool, Studiosity, and/or peer feedback ## Check and make [https://www.grammarly.com/blog/comma/ correct use of commas] ## Check and make correct use of [https://www.merriam-webster.com/grammar/em-dash-en-dash-how-to-use em dashes (instead of hyphens)] to set off an amplifying or explanatory element ## [https://www.grammarly.com/blog/punctuation-capitalization/possessive-apostrophe/ Possessive apostrophes] are not used correctly (e.g., cats vs cat's vs cats') ## Check and correct use of [https://www.google.com.au/search?q=grammar+that+vs+who that vs. who] ## Check and correct use of [https://www.google.com.au/search?q=affect+vs.+effect+grammar affect vs. effect] ## Check and correct use of [http://www.colonsemicolon.com/ semicolons (;) and colons (:)] ## Use past tense when describing research studies, although implications of findings could be in the present tense <!-- Written expression – Abbreviations --> ## Abbreviations ### Only use abbreviations such as e.g., i.e., et al., etc. inside [[w:Bracket#Parentheses|parentheses]], otherwise spell them out ### Check and correct formatting of abbreviations (such as e.g., i.e., etc.) ### Use abbreviations sparingly. Do not use abbreviations for minor/infrequently used terms. ### Spell out abbreviations on their first use, to explain them to the reader ### Once an abbreviation has been established (e.g., PTSD), use it consistently afterwards ### Only introduce abbreviations which are subsequently used <!-- Written expression – Spelling --> # Spelling ## Use [https://www.abc.net.au/education/learn-english/australian-vs-american-spelling/11244196 Australian spelling] (e.g., hypothesize vs. hypothesise; behavior vs. behaviour) ## Some words are misspelt (e.g., see the {{sp}} tags). Spell-checking tools are available in most internet browsers and word processing software packages. <!-- Written expression – Proofreading --> # Proofreading ## More proofreading is needed (e.g., fix punctuation and typographical errors) to bring the quality of written expression closer to a professional standard ## Remove unnecessary capitalisation – [https://polishedpaper.com/blog/capitalization-apa-style more info] <!-- Written expression – APA style --> # APA style ## Use [[w:Serial comma|serial comma]]s[https://www.buzzfeed.com/adamdavis/the-oxford-comma-is-extremely-important-and-everyone-should][https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gBx8ooDupXY] ## Use [https://apastyle.apa.org/style-grammar-guidelines/capitalization/diseases-disorders-therapies sentence casing for disorders, therapies, theories, etc.] ## [https://apastyle.apa.org/style-grammar-guidelines/numbers Express numbers under 10 using words (e.g., two) and 10 and over using numerals (e.g., 99)] <!-- Written expression – APA style - Quotes --> ## Use double (not single) quotation marks "to introduce a word or phrase used ... as slang, or as an invented or coined expression" ([https://apastyle.apa.org/products/publication-manual-7th-edition APA Style 7th ed.], 2020, p. 159) ## "Use quotation marks only for the first occurrence of the word or phrase, not for subsequent occurrences" ([https://apastyle.apa.org/products/publication-manual-7th-edition APA Style 7th ed.], 2020, p. 159) ## Direct quotes need page numbers—even better, communicate about concepts in your own words ## Direct quotes are overused—it is better to communicate about concepts in your own words <!-- Written expression – Figures --> ## Figures ### Very well/Well/Reasonably well captioned ### Brief captions; provide more detail to help connect the figure to the text ### Use this format for captions: '''Figure X'''. Descriptive caption goes here in sentence casing. [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter/Figures|See example]]. ### Add captions <!-- Written expression – Figures - Citations --> ### Each Figure is referred to at least once within the main text using APA style ### Each Figure is referred to at least once within the main text. Refer to each Figure using APA style (e.g., "(see Figure 1)"; do not use bold, italics, check and correct capitalisation). ### Refer to each Figure at least once within the main text (e.g., "(see Figure 1)") <!-- Written expression – Figures - Other --> ### Some image uploads were removed because of a lack of sufficient/appropriate copyright information ### Numbering needs correcting ### Adjust some image sizes to make them easier to read (increase size) and/or less dominant (decrease size) <!-- Written expression – Tables --> ## Tables ### Very well/Well/Reasonably well captioned ### Brief caption(s); provide more explanatory detail about the table ### Add an APA style caption to each table ([[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter/Tables|see example]]) <!-- Written expression – Tables - Citations --> ### Each Table is referred to at least once within the main text using APA style ### Each Table is referred to at least once within the main text ### Refer to each Table using APA style (e.g., do not use bold, italics, check and correct capitalisation) ### Refer to each Table at least once within the main text (e.g., see Table 1) <!-- Written expression – Citations --> # In some/many places, better use could be made of academic, peer-reviewed citations (e.g., see the {{f}} tags) # Secondary citations are overused; strive to consult primary sources ## Citations use excellent [https://apastyle.apa.org/products/publication-manual-7th-edition APA Style (7th ed.)] ## Citations use very good/good/reasonably good/basic/poor [https://apastyle.apa.org/products/publication-manual-7th-edition APA Style (7th ed.)] ### If there are three or more authors, cite the first author followed by et al., then year. For example, either: #### in-text, Smith et al. (2020), or #### in [[w:Bracket#Parentheses|parentheses]] (Smith et al., 2020) ### Do not include author first name or initials ### Use ampersand (&) inside [[w:Bracket#Parentheses|parentheses]] and "and" outside parentheses ### List multiple citations in alphabetical order by first author surname (e.g., Giraffe, 2024; Zebra & Aardvark, 2020) ### A full stop is needed after "et al" (i.e., "et al.") because it is an abbreviation of [[wikt:et alii|et alii]] ### Use a comma between the author(s) and year for citations in [[w:Bracket#Parentheses|parentheses]] ### Select up to a maximum of three citations per point (i.e., avoid citing four or more citations to support a single point) ### Check and correct placement of full-stops ### Move embedded links to academic peer-reviewed sources into the [[{{PAGENAME}}#References|References]] as APA style citations with hyperlinked dois ### Move embedded links to non-peer reviewed sources into the [[{{PAGENAME}}#External links|External links]] section; only cite peer-reviewed sources ## For citations, use APA style or wiki style, but not both <!-- Written expression – References --> ## References use excellent/very good/good/reasonably good/basic/poor APA style: ### Check and correct use of italicisation ### Check and correct use of capitalisation[https://apastyle.apa.org/style-grammar-guidelines/capitalization] ### Separate page numbers using an [[w:Dash#En dash|en dash]] (–) rather than a hyphen (-) ### Include hyperlinked dois (for 1-click access) ### Provide the full titles of journals ### Remove "Retrieved from " ### Use alphabetical order ### Move Wikipedia links into the [[{{PAGENAME}}#See also|See also]] section ### Move non-peer reviewed sources into the [[{{PAGENAME}}#External links|External links]] section ### Remove bullet-points; add hanging indent <!-- Feedback responsiveness ---> ## No evidence of responsiveness to feedback on talk page |8= <!-- Learning features comments... --> # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic/Insufficient use of learning features <!-- Learning features – Wikipedia embedded links --> # Excellent use of embedded in-text [[m:Help:Interwiki linking|interwiki links]] to Wikipedia articles # Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic/One use of embedded in-text [[m:Help:Interwiki linking|interwiki links]] to Wikipedia articles. Adding more interwiki links for the first mention of key words and technical concepts would make the text even more interactive. See [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Nutrition and anxiety|example]]. # Use [[m:Help:Interwiki linking|interwiki links]] (rather than external links) to Wikipedia articles, per [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 02]] # Add embedded in-text [[m:Help:Interwiki linking|interwiki links]] to Wikipedia articles. Adding interwiki links for the first mention of key words and technical concepts would make the text more interactive. See [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Nutrition and anxiety|example]]. <!-- Learning features – Wikiversity embedded links --> # Excellent use of embedded in-text links to related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|book chapters]] # Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic/One use of embedded in-text links to related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|book chapters]]. Embedding in-text links to related book chapters helps to integrate this chapter into the broader book project. # Use in-text [[m:Help:Interwiki linking|interwiki links]], rather than external links to Wikiversity chapters, per [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 02]] # Move embedded links to non-peer-reviewed sources to the [[{{PAGENAME}}#External links|External links]] section # Add embedded in-text links to related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|book chapters]]. Embedding in-text links to related book chapters helps to integrate this chapter into the broader book project. <!-- Learning features – Figures, tables, feature boxes, scenarios --> # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic/Insufficient/No use of figure(s) # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic/No use of table(s) # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic/No use of feature box(es) # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic/Insufficient/No use of scenarios, case studies, or examples <!-- Learning features – Quizzes --> # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic use of quiz(zes) and/or reflection question(s) # The quiz questions could be improved by being more focused on the key points and/or take-home messages # The quiz questions could be more effective as learning prompts by being embedded as single questions within each corresponding section rather than as a set of questions at the end # No use of quiz(zes) and/or reflection question(s) <!-- Learning features – See also --> # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic/Insufficient/No use of the [[{{PAGENAME}}#See also|See also]] section ## Use bullet points per [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 02]] ## Rename links per [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 02]] ## Use internal linking style per [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 02]] ## Also include links to related book chapters ## Also include links to related Wikipedia articles ## Use [https://www.masterclass.com/articles/sentence-case-explained sentence casing] ## Use alphabetical order ## Include sources in [[w:Bracket#Parentheses|parentheses]] after the link ## Move peer-reviewed articles into the [[{{PAGENAME}}#References|References]] section and cite ## Move external links into the [[{{PAGENAME}}#References|External links]] section ## Add more links # [[{{PAGENAME}}#See also|See also]] section not counted for marking purposes due to being over the maximum word count <!-- Learning features – External links --> # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic/Insufficient/No use of the [[{{PAGENAME}}#External links|External links]] section ## Use bullet points per [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 02]] ## Rename links per [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 02]] ## Use [https://www.masterclass.com/articles/sentence-case-explained sentence casing] ## Use alphabetical order ## Include sources in [[w:Bracket#Parentheses|parentheses]] after the link ## Move Wikipedia/Wikiversity links to the [[{{PAGENAME}}#See also|See also]] section ## Move peer-reviewed articles to the [[{{PAGENAME}}#References|References]] section and cite ## Target an international audience ## Add more links ## Link to the top 3-6 external resources about this topic # [[{{PAGENAME}}#External links|External links]] section not counted for marking purposes due to being over the maximum word count |9= <!-- Social contribution comments... --> # ~ logged, useful, mostly minor/moderate/major contributions with [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter/Summarising social contributions#How to add direct links to contributions|direct links to evidence]] # ~ logged contributions without [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter/Summarising social contributions#How to add direct links to contributions|direct links to evidence]], so unable to easily verify and assess. See [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials|tutorials]] for guidance about how to get direct links to evidence. # Thanks for the Wiki Commons uploads # Thanks very much for your extensive contributions # Use a numbered list per [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 02]] # No logged contributions }} ~~~~ </pre> gives <!-- Official book chapter feedback --> {{MEBF/2026 |1= <!-- Overall comments... --> # This is an outstanding chapter that successfully integrates psychological theory and research in a highly readable way to address a practical, real-world phenomenon or problem # This is an excellent chapter that successfully uses psychological theory and research to address a practical, real-world phenomenon or problem # This is a very good chapter that makes very good use of psychological theory and research to address a real-world phenomenon or problem # This is a reasonably good chapter that makes good use of psychological theory and research to address a real-world phenomenon or problem # This is a basic, sufficient chapter # This is an insufficient chapter # The main area(s) for potential improvement: #* use the best psychological theory about the topic #* more detailed review of the best psychological research about the topic #* quality of written expression #* tackle the target topic more directly; this chapter [[wikt:beat around the bush|beats around the bush]] #* overuse of genAI—express more in your own words; watch out for [[w:AI slop|AI slop]] #* I suspect that the [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment#Assessment items|recommended 75 hours]] were not invested in preparing this chapter <!-- Overall - GenAI --> #* [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|genAI use]] is appropriately acknowledged #* In some places, there is overreliance on genAI #* [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|GenAI use]] has not been appropriately acknowledged in edit summaries with links to the conversation sources; it appears that the feedback about the topic development in this respect has gone unheeded; if so, it violates academic integrity principles. #* I suspect there may be unacknowledged use of [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|genAI output]]; if so, it violates academic integrity principles <!-- Overall – Citations --> # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic/Insufficient use of academic, peer-reviewed citations to support claims # Only cite sources that you consult # All citations need to be in the References <!-- Overall – Word count --> # Under the [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter#Wordcount|maximum word count]], so there is room to expand # Over the [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter#Wordcount|maximum word count]]. Content beyond 4,000 words has been ignored for marking purposes. <!-- Overall – Copyedits --> # For additional feedback, see the following comments and [ these copyedits] |2= <!-- Overview – Comments... --> # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic/Underdeveloped <!-- Overview – Scenario --> <!-- Overview – Scenario - Description --> # Engaging scenario or case study # Reasonably engaging scenario or case study # Basic scenario or case study # Use a more practical, real-life scenario; move review of research into a subsequent section # Add an engaging case study or scenario <!-- Overview – Scenario - Feature --> # Figure 1 is relevant to the scenario # Figure 1 could be more relevant to the scenario # Include a relevant image <!-- Overview – Scenario - Feature --> # Scenario uses an appropriate feature box # Put the scenario in a feature box <!-- Overview – Explains problem --> # Clearly explains the psychological problem or phenomenon # Explains the psychological problem or phenomenon reasonably well/in a basic way # Briefly explains the psychological problem or phenomenon; provide more detail # Description of problem is too long/overly complicated—explain the psychological problem or phenomenon in a simpler way. Move detail into subsequent sections. # Clarity of written expression can be improved <!-- Overview – Focus questions --> # The focus questions are excellent (clear and relevant)/very good/good/reasonably good/basic/promising/insufficient # The focus questions could be improved by: ## being more specific to the topic (i.e., the sub-title) ## matching the top-level headings more closely ## being [[w:Open-ended question|open-ended]] rather than [[w:Closed-ended question|closed-ended]] ## splitting double-barrelled questions into separate questions ## using bullet points as taught in [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 02]] ## being presented in a feature box to help guide the reader (fixed) # Add focus questions in a feature box # See copyedits for examples of possible improvements |3= <!-- Theory comments... --> <!-- Theory – Breadth --> # Excellent—key theories are very well explained and applied # Very good—key theories are well explained and applied; minor areas for improvements # Reasonably good—relevant theories are selected, described, and explained, with some room for improvement # Basic—a basic range of relevant theories are selected, described, and explained; there is considerable room for improvement # A promising range of ideas are presented but it is far from clear how this material is derived from a first person reading of the best peer-reviewed psychological theory and research about this topic # Insufficient use of relevant psychological theory about this topic # Reduce general theoretical background (e.g., definitions). Instead, summarise and link to related resources (i.e., other book chapters and/or Wikipedia articles). Increase emphasis on [[wikt:substantive|substantive]] aspects of theory that relate directly to the specific topic (i.e., the sub-title question). <!-- Theory – Builds on --> # Builds exceptionally well on [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms # Builds effectively on [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and/or/but not related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms # Builds reasonably well on [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and/or/but not related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms # Builds somewhat on other [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and/or/but not related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms # Builds in a basic way on [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and/or/but not related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms # Builds on one previous [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and/or/but not related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms # Build more strongly on [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and/or/but not related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms # Doesn't build on [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and/or/but not related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms <!-- Theory – Depth --> # Insightful/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic/Insufficient depth is provided about key theory(ies) <!-- Theory – Tables/Figures/Lists --> # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic/Insufficient/No use of tables, figures, and/or lists to clearly convey key theoretical information <!-- Theory – Citations --> # Key citations are well used # In some/many places, there is insufficient use of academic, peer-reviewed citations (e.g., see the {{f}} tags) # Insufficient use of academic, peer-reviewed citations (e.g., see the {{f}} tags) # If you didn't consult an original source (e.g., ?), cite it as a [https://apastyle.apa.org/style-grammar-guidelines/citations/secondary-sources secondary source] # If you didn't consult an original source, don't cite it <!-- Theory – Examples --> # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic use of examples to illustrate theoretical concepts # Consider using more examples to illustrate theoretical concepts # Use more examples to illustrate theoretical concepts # Insufficient use of examples to illustrate theoretical concepts |4= <!-- Research comments... --> <!-- Research – Key findings --> # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic/Insufficient review of relevant research # Excellent emphasis on systematic reviews and/or meta-analyses # Greater emphasis on systematic reviews and/or meta-analyses would be ideal # More detail about key studies would be ideal # Claims are well referenced # In some/many places, there is insufficient use of academic, peer-reviewed citations (e.g., see the {{f}} tags) # Insufficient use of academic, peer-reviewed citations (e.g., see the {{f}} tags) <!-- Research – Critical thinking --> # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic/Insufficient [[w:Critical thinking|critical thinking]] about relevant research is evident # [[w:Critical thinking|Critical thinking]] about research could be further evidenced by: ## describing the methodology (e.g., sample, measures) in important studies ## considering the strength of relationships ## acknowledging limitations ## pointing out critiques/counterarguments ## suggesting ''specific'' directions for future research |5= <!-- Integration comments... --> # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic/Insufficient integration between the most relevant theory(ies) and the best research # The chapter places more emphasis on theory than on research; strive for an integrated balance # Insufficient integration with related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] |6= <!-- Conclusion comments... --> # Excellent/Very good/Good/Reasonably good/Basic summary and conclusion # Insufficient as a cohesive summary of the best psychological theory and research about the topic # Reads like generic [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|genAI output]]; write more compellingly in your own words # Is this section based on [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|genAI output]]? If so, this was not acknowledged in the edit summary. # Reminds the reader about the importance of the problem or phenomenon of interest # Remind the reader about the importance of the problem or phenomenon of interest <!-- Conclusion – Key points --> # Key points are well summarised # Key points are summarised in a basic way # Summarise key points <!-- Conclusion – Focus questions --> # The focus questions are addressed # The take-away messages for each focus question could be spelt out more clearly # Address the focus questions <!-- Conclusion – Take-home messages --> # Clear take-home message(s) # Add practical, take-home message(s) <!-- Conclusion – Word count --> # Not counted for marking purposes due to being over the maximum word count |7= <!-- Written expression – Style comments... --> <!-- Written expression – Written expression --> # Written expression ## The quality of written expression is excellent/very good/good/reasonably good/basic ## The quality of written expression is OK but there are several aspects which are below professional standard ## The quality of written expression is below professional standard. [https://www.canberra.edu.au/current-students/study-skills UC Study Skills] assistance is recommended to help improve writing skills. ## Use active (e.g., "this chapter explores" or "this chapter explored") rather than passive voice (e.g., "this chapter will explore" or "this chapter has explored") [https://apastyle.apa.org/style-grammar-guidelines/grammar/active-passive-voice][https://www.grammarly.com/blog/active-vs-passive-voice/] ## The target audience is international, not domestic. [http://www.worldometers.info/world-population/australia-population/ Only 0.3% of the world human population lives in Australia]. ## Remove excessive use of bold font <!-- Written expression – Sentences --> ## Some/many sentences could be explained more clearly (e.g., see the {{explain}} and {{rewrite}} tags) ## Some/many sentences are overly long. Strive for the simplest expression. Consider splitting longer sentences into two shorter sentences. 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See [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials|tutorials]] for guidance about how to get direct links to evidence. # Thanks for the Wiki Commons uploads # Thanks very much for your extensive contributions # Use a numbered list per [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 02]] # No logged contributions }} -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 09:47, 10 October 2025 (UTC) ==See also== * [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter|Book chapter guidelines]] * [[Template:METF]] * [[Template:MEMF]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Admin/2026]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter]] </noinclude> s31ki41lbpducs7inzmi04crfdrp5i3 0 331004 2840332 2838776 2026-10-14T21:38:26Z Jtneill 10242 Copyediting 2840332 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Impulsivity versus sensation-seeking:<br>What is the distinction between impulsivity and sensation-seeking and how does this affect behaviour?}} __TOC__ {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} [[File: Beer Cantus.jpg|right|thumb|250px|'''Figure 1.''' Social drinking can involve similar observable behaviours despite differences in the psychological processes underlying an individual's decision to participate.]] '''Imagine this...''' At a university party, two students are offered an unfamiliar alcoholic beverage. The first accepts immediately, without hesitation and without considering the possible consequences. The second pauses but deliberately chooses to try it because the experience is new and exciting. From the outside, their behaviour looks almost identical: both accept the drink. Psychologically, however, the processes motivating their decisions may be quite different. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Impulsivity and sensation seeking are related but distinct psychological constructs that can help explain why people engage in seemingly similar behaviours for different reasons. Impulsivity is multidimensional and includes tendencies such as acting without sufficient forethought, whereas sensation seeking reflects the pursuit of novel, exciting, or stimulating experiences (Goh et al., 2020; Ravert & Donnellan, 2021). Consequently, risk-taking behaviour does not necessarily indicate that an individual is "impulsive". Understanding the motivation and psychological processes behind the behaviour can better explain why it occurs. Distinguishing impulsivity from sensation seeking is particularly important when considering risk-taking behaviour. Different dimensions of impulsivity and sensation seeking are associated with different patterns of health risk behaviour, suggesting that similar actions may arise through varied psychological pathways (Rogers et al., 2021). In the opening scenario, for instance, immediately accepting the drink without considering its consequences may reflect a lack of premeditation, whereas deliberately accepting it for novelty and excitement may more closely reflect sensation seeking. The behavioural outcome is similar, but the motivation is not. Alcohol use provides a useful real-world example of why this distinction matters. Research with university students suggests that sensation seeking and impulsivity can relate to alcohol involvement through different pathways, with sensation seeking more strongly associated with alcohol consumption and impulsivity more closely associated with alcohol related problems (Magid et al., 2007). Identifying these differences can therefore improve understanding not only of whether someone engages in risky behaviour but also of the psychological processes that may contribute to that behaviour and its consequences. This chapter examines the theoretical and empirical distinction between impulsivity and sensation seeking and evaluates how each may influence behaviour. By examining their conceptual overlap, underlying psychological processes, links to risk-taking, and associations with alcohol use, the chapter shows that understanding ''why'' a person behaves a certain way can be as important as observing ''what'' they do. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is impulsivity and what are its key characteristics? * What is sensation seeking and how does it differ from impulsivity? * What psychological processes distinguish impulsivity from sensation seeking? * How do impulsivity and sensation seeking differentially influence risk-taking behaviour? * How can these differences help explain alcohol use and related consequences? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding impulsivity == Impulsivity is commonly understood as acting without thinking, but psychological research suggests that it is not a single characteristic. Behaviours described as impulsive can result from varied psychological processes, such as acting impetuously during intense emotions, failing to consider future consequences, or struggling to persist with difficult tasks. Research supports this multidimensional understanding, finding that measures labelled as impulsivity assess several related but distinguishable characteristics rather than one unified trait (Berg et al., 2015; Sharma et al., 2014). Thus, understanding why an individual acts impulsively may provide more information than simply labelling the behaviour as impulsive. === The UPPS-P model === One influential framework for understanding these differences is the UPPS-P model of impulsive personality. The original UPPS model proposed four dimensions: * negative urgency, or acting rashly during negative emotion; * lack of premeditation, or acting without adequately considering consequences; * lack of perseverance, involving difficulty remaining focused on demanding or boring tasks; and * sensation seeking, involving a preference for exciting and novel experiences (see Table 1; Whiteside & Lynam, 2001). The framework was later expanded to distinguish positive urgency, referring to hasty actions during intense positive emotion, from negative urgency (Cyders & Smith, 2008). Consequently, two apparently impulsive decisions may originate from quite different combinations of emotion, planning, persistence and reward seeking. '''Table 1''' ''UPPS{{ic|Spell out abbreviation}} Dimensions'' {| class="wikitable" |+ !Model name acronym !Dimension !Explanation |- |U |Negative urgency |Acting rashly during negative emotion |- |P |Lack of premeditation |Acting without adequately considering consequences |- |P |Lack of perseverance |Difficulty remaining focused on demanding or boring tasks |- |S |Sensation seeking |A preference for exciting and novel experiences |- | - P |Positive urgency |Hasty actions during intense positive emotion |} Experts agree that these components should be measured individually. Network analysis of the UPPS-P found meaningful relationships among its components and indicated that the dimensions are not interchangeable (Goh et al., 2020). Other research has continued to examine and refine multidimensional measures of impulsivity, demonstrating both the usefulness and continuing complexity of defining the construct (Samiefard et al., 2023; Türkmen et al., 2023). This is an important limitation of the broad term impulsivity: although multidimensional models provide greater precision, disagreement remains about how impulsivity should be organised and measured. === Emotion and urgency === [[File:Positive & Negative Urgency.png|right|thumb|500px|'''Figure 2'''. Positive and negative urgency describe tendencies towards rash action during intense positive and negative emotional states. Although the emotional states differ, both illustrate how intense emotion may contribute to impulsive action (Cyders & Smith, 2008).]] The distinction between positive and negative urgency further demonstrates why motivation matters. Urgency theory proposes that intense emotional states can increase the likelihood of reckless action, with positive urgency occurring during strongly positive emotion and negative urgency during strongly negative emotion (Cyders & Smith, 2008). This differs from lack of premeditation because a person may ordinarily consider consequences effectively but behave differently when experiencing intense emotion. The opening party scenario illustrates this distinction. Immediately accepting the unfamiliar drink without adequately considering its consequences may indicate lack of premeditation. If the decision instead occurred during intense excitement at the party, positive urgency might provide another explanation. The observable action alone, therefore, cannot identify which dimension was responsible. <quiz display=simple> {According to the UPPS-P model, impulsivity is best understood as a single characteristic that affects behaviour in the same way across different situations.} - True + False {Positive urgency refers to rash action during intense positive emotion, whereas negative urgency refers to rash action during intense negative emotion.} + True - False </quiz> == Understanding sensation seeking == Sensation seeking is strongly correlated with impulsivity but emphasises the motivation to experience novelty, intensity, and stimulation. The construct has traditionally been understood as an individual difference in preference for varied, novel, complex, and intense experiences, sometimes accompanied by a willingness to accept risk to obtain them (Roberti, 2004; Zuckerman & Kuhlman, 2000). This ultimately indicates that risk itself does not always have to be the person's goal. Instead, people may accept risk because it accompanies an experience they find sufficiently interesting or rewarding. === A motivational perspective === This distinguishes it from other dimensions of impulsivity. Someone displaying a lack of premeditation may act before adequately considering the consequences, whereas a sensation seeker may recognise the consequences and deliberately decide that the potential stimulation is worthwhile. In the opening scenario, the second student hesitates before accepting the unfamiliar drink but chooses it because the experience is new and exciting. The decision may therefore involve forethought while still carrying risk. Sensation seeking should consequently not be treated as inherently dysfunctional. Ravert and Donnellan (2021) found different associations between impulsivity, sensation seeking, and psychological well-being, supporting the idea that the constructs should not simply be combined into a general tendency toward problematic behaviour. Sensation seeking may encourage exploration and engagement as well as potentially hazardous behaviour, meaning that its consequences depend partly on how and where the need for stimulation is expressed. === A theoretical complication === A key theoretical complication is that sensation seeking is treated as both a distinct construct and a dimension within the UPPS-P model of impulsivity (Whiteside & Lynam, 2001). Including sensation seeking within the UPPS-P model does not mean it is the same as other forms of impulsivity; rather, it is considered a distinct pathway that may contribute to impulsive behaviour. In contrast, it shows that the boundaries around the broader concept of impulsivity remain debated and depend partly on how researchers define and measure it. If all sensation seeking were simply impulsivity, there would be little reason to expect the two to show different relationships with behaviour. Evidence that they predict different outcomes can therefore help determine whether distinguishing them is psychologically meaningful. <quiz display=simple> {Which statement best distinguishes sensation seeking from lack of premeditation?} - Sensation seeking always involves acting without considering the consequences. + Sensation seeking may involve recognising potential consequences but deciding that the novelty or stimulation is worthwhile. - Lack of premeditation involves deliberately pursuing novel and exciting experiences. - Sensation seeking and lack of premeditation describe the same psychological process. {Why is sensation seeking theoretically complicated within models of impulsivity?} - Sensation seeking has no relationship with impulsive behaviour. - Sensation seeking has been removed from multidimensional models of impulsivity. + Sensation seeking can be treated as a distinct construct while also being included as a dimension within the UPPS-P model. - Sensation seeking only occurs when an individual does not recognise the risks of their behaviour. </quiz> == Distinguishing impulsivity from sensation seeking == [[File:Sensation seeking Vs Impulsivity.png|right|thumb|387px|'''Figure 3'''. Comparison of the UPPS-P dimensions of impulsive behaviour and Zuckerman’s dimensions of sensation seeking, highlighting areas of conceptual overlap and distinction (Goh et al., 2020; Magid et al., 2007; Samiefard et al., 2023).]] Impulsivity and sensation seeking overlap because both can contribute to behaviours involving uncertainty or risk. The key distinction concerns the process motivating the action. Dimensions such as urgency and lack of premeditation emphasise rash action or poor regulation, whereas sensation seeking emphasises an approach to novelty, excitement, and stimulation (Cyders & Smith, 2008; Zuckerman & Kuhlman, 2000). Similar behaviour can therefore emerge through different psychological pathways. Research comparing these constructs supports this distinction. Magid et al. (2007) found that sensation seeking and impulsivity showed different relationships with alcohol involvement, suggesting that combining them could overlook meaningful differences. Similarly, a meta-analysis found that sensation seeking and impulsivity were both associated with greater risk-taking, but sensation seeking showed a somewhat stronger relationship with risky behaviour than impulsivity (Lauriola et al., 2014){{ic|How strong were these relationships?}}. These findings support distinguishing the constructs while also showing that neither fully explains risky behaviour. Table 1 summarises the major conceptual differences and similarities between impulsivity and sensation seeking, including their defining characteristics, underlying processes, and relationships with risk taking behaviour. '''Table 1''' '''Comparing impulsivity and sensation seeking''' {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! Feature !! Impulsivity !! Sensation seeking |- | '''Core characteristic''' || Tendency toward rash or insufficiently considered action across multiple dimensions || Tendency to seek novel, varied, exciting or stimulating experiences |- | '''Key process''' || Can involve reduced forethought, urgency or behavioural regulation || Motivation toward novelty, excitement and stimulation |- |'''Risk-taking''' |Risk may result from insufficient consideration of consequences or other impulsive tendencies |Risk may be accepted in pursuit of rewarding or stimulating experiences |- |'''UPPS-P''' |Multidimensional model including positive urgency, negative urgency, lack of premeditation, lack of perseverance and sensation seeking |Sensation seeking is one distinct dimension within the UPPS-P model |- |'''Example''' |Immediately accepting an unfamiliar drink without considering consequences |Deliberately trying the drink because the experience is novel and exciting |- |'''Behavioural outcome''' |Can contribute to health risk, gambling and substance related behaviours |Can contribute to risk taking, alcohol use and novelty oriented behaviour |} Whilst impulsivity and sensation seeking can contribute to similar observable behaviours, their underlying characteristics and psychological processes differ (see Table 1; Goh et al., 2020; Magid et al., 2007). === Development and the dual systems model === The dual systems model offers another theoretical perspective on this distinction. The model proposes that heightened reward sensitivity develops differently from capacities associated with cognitive control, potentially contributing to increased risk-taking during adolescence (Steinberg, 2010). From this perspective, attraction towards rewarding or stimulating experiences and the ability to regulate behaviour are related but separable processes. Conversely, the model has also been critically reconsidered. Shulman et al. (2016) concluded that evidence broadly supports different developmental trajectories for reward-related and cognitive control systems, while also highlighting complexities that a simple imbalance between the two systems cannot capture. Risk-taking varies substantially across people and situations, so developmental models should not be interpreted as suggesting that risky behaviour is inevitable or caused by one neural mechanism. The theory helps explain why reward seeking and behavioural control can be distinguished, but it should complement rather than replace personality and contextual explanations. == Impulsivity, sensation seeking, and risk taking behaviour == [[File:Boxing in Uruguay - Palacio Peñarol.jpg|right|thumb|350px|'''Figure 4'''. Activities involving risk and stimulation, such as boxing, illustrate that engagement in risky behaviour does not necessarily indicate impulsivity. The psychological motivation underlying the behaviour may be important for distinguishing impulsivity from sensation seeking.]] The theoretical distinction is particularly useful when considering risk-taking behaviour. If impulsivity and sensation seeking represented the same underlying characteristic, they would be expected to show broadly equivalent relationships with risky outcomes. Instead, evidence indicates that different dimensions can be associated with different behaviours and consequences. Research examining risk-taking has found that both sensation seeking and impulsivity are associated with a greater tendency to engage in risky behaviour, although these relationships are relatively modest (Lauriola et al., 2014). This pattern extends across behaviour types, with sensation seeking and impulsivity-related traits associated with health risk behaviours (Rogers et al., 2021), adolescent risk-taking (Siraj et al., 2021), and speeding behaviour (Sârbescu & Rusu, 2021). More recently, Grubbs et al. (2024) demonstrated that the specific psychological trait involved may also relate to different aspects of risky behaviour. Sensation seeking was associated with whether individuals had engaged in sports wagering, while urgency-related dimensions were associated with different patterns of wagering involvement and gambling-related problems. These findings support the theoretical distinction but require cautious interpretation. Personality traits generally explain only part of the variation in complex behaviours, and correlations cannot establish that a trait directly causes an individual to take a particular risk. Social influences, opportunity, emotional state, perceived rewards, and the specific type of risk may interact with personality characteristics. Therefore, describing someone simply as a "risk taker" may obscure both the psychological pathway and the context contributing to their behaviour. == Alcohol use and related consequences == Alcohol use provides an especially useful real-world example because drinking and experiencing alcohol-related problems are not the same outcome. Sensation seeking may motivate approach towards stimulating social or drinking experiences, whereas other impulsivity dimensions may be more relevant to rash decisions and harmful consequences. This distinction directly reflects the opening scenario: both students accept the same drink; however, their reasons for doing so differ. Magid et al. (2007) found that sensation seeking and impulsivity related differently to alcohol use and alcohol related problems among university students. Broader research evidence supports this outcome-specific approach; for instance, across 96 studies, Coskunpinar et al. (2013) found that different UPPS dimensions showed different relationships with alcohol outcomes, with urgency dimensions particularly relevant to alcohol related problems. Evidence from individuals entering residential alcohol detoxification also demonstrates clinically relevant relationships between UPPS-P dimensions and substance-related characteristics (Kempeneers et al., 2023). These findings illustrate why psychological explanations should expand beyond asking whether someone is "impulsive". Identifying whether behaviour is motivated primarily by stimulation, emotional urgency, insufficient forethought, or another process may provide a more precise understanding of the behaviour. At the same time, much of this evidence is correlational. It relies on self-report measures, so personality should not be interpreted as determining whether an individual will drink or experience alcohol related harm. === From explanation to application === Understanding different pathways may also have practical implications. Individuals motivated primarily by sensation seeking may benefit from finding safer ways to obtain novelty and stimulation. In contrast, behaviour associated with urgency may require greater attention to managing intense emotional states before acting. Lack of premeditation is particularly relevant; strategies that build in time to consider consequences may be more appropriate. These possibilities illustrate why distinguishing psychological processes can improve everyday behaviour rather than merely attaching personality labels to people. However, individualised strategies should not be inferred solely from personality scores, and the available evidence does not demonstrate that matching interventions to UPPS-P dimensions will necessarily produce better outcomes. Instead, the distinction provides a framework for understanding why the same behaviour may require different explanations and potentially different approaches to change. '''Summary Quiz: Impulsivity or sensation seeking?'''<quiz display="simple"> {A student is offered an unfamiliar alcoholic drink at a party and immediately accepts without considering the possible consequences. Which characteristic best explains this behaviour? |type="()"} + Lack of premeditation - Thrill and adventure seeking - Experience seeking - Boredom susceptibility {A student deliberately chooses to try an unfamiliar activity because they enjoy novelty, excitement, and stimulation. Which construct best explains this motivation? |type="()"} - Lack of perseverance + Sensation seeking - Negative urgency - Lack of premeditation {Which statement best describes the distinction between impulsivity and sensation seeking? |type="()"} - Impulsivity and sensation seeking are interchangeable terms for the same psychological construct. - Sensation seeking always involves acting without considering consequences. + Similar observable behaviours can arise from different underlying motivations and psychological processes. - Only impulsivity is associated with risk taking behaviour. </quiz> == Conclusion == Impulsivity and sensation seeking are related psychological constructs; however, they should not automatically be treated as interchangeable. Multidimensional models such as the UPPS-P show that behaviour commonly labelled "impulsive" can arise through different pathways involving emotion, forethought, persistence, and attraction to stimulation. Sensation seeking is particularly important because it overlaps conceptually with impulsivity while emphasising the motivation to pursue novel and exciting experiences. Research supports the practical value of distinguishing these processes. Sensation seeking and different dimensions of impulsivity show different patterns of association with risk-taking, alcohol involvement and other potentially harmful behaviours. However, these relationships are generally probabilistic rather than deterministic. Consequently, observable behaviour alone cannot reveal why an individual acted as they did. The opening scenario illustrates the practical significance of distinguishing between these psychological processes. Accepting an unfamiliar drink may result from acting without considering consequences, seeking an exciting new experience, responding rashly to intense emotion, or a combination of these processes. Understanding why behaviour occurs, rather than simply labelling what occurred, can provide a more useful foundation for understanding and potentially improving everyday decision-making. == See also == * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2011/Sensation seeking|Sensation seeking]] (Book chapter, 2011) * [[w:Sensation Seeking Scale|Sensation Seeking Scale]] (Wikipedia) == References == {{Hanging indent|1= Berg, J. M., Latzman, R. D., Bliwise, N. G., & Lilienfeld, S. O. (2015). Parsing the heterogeneity of impulsivity: A meta-analytic review of the behavioral implications of the UPPS for psychopathology. ''Psychological Assessment, 27''(4), 1129–1146. https://doi.org/10.1037/pas0000111 Coskunpinar, A., Dir, A. L., & Cyders, M. A. (2013). Multidimensionality in impulsivity and alcohol use: A meta-analysis using the UPPS model of impulsivity. ''Alcoholism: Clinical and Experimental Research, 37''(9), 1441–1450. https://doi.org/10.1111/acer.12131 Cyders, M. A., & Smith, G. T. (2008). Emotion-based dispositions to rash action: Positive and negative urgency. ''Psychological Bulletin, 134''(6), 807–828. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0013341 Goh, P. K., Lee, C. A., Martel, M. M., Fillmore, M. T., Derefinko, K. J., & Lynam, D. R. (2020). Conceptualizing the UPPS-P model of impulsive personality through network analysis: Key dimensions and general robustness across young adulthood. ''Journal of Personality, 88''(6), 1302–1314. https://doi.org/10.1111/jopy.12572 Grubbs, J. B., Connolly, A. J., Floyd, C. G., Kim, H. S., & Kraus, S. W. (2024). Impulsivity and diverse forms of sports wagering in the U.S.: An examination of the UPPS-P model. ''Addictive Behaviors, 156'', 108058. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.addbeh.2024.108058 Kempeneers, P., Mreyen, K., Pallincourt, R., Remacle, F., Wildemeersch, G., & Simon, J. (2023). Validation of the UPPS-P Impulsive Behavior Scale and clinical correlates of its scores in French-speaking patients starting a residential detoxification program. ''Indian Journal of Psychological Medicine, 45''(5), 503–510. https://doi.org/10.1177/02537176231157411 Lauriola, M., Panno, A., Levin, I. P., & Lejuez, C. W. (2014). Individual differences in risky decision making: A meta-analysis of sensation seeking and impulsivity with the Balloon Analogue Risk Task. ''Journal of Behavioral Decision Making, 27''(1), 20–36. https://doi.org/10.1002/bdm.1784 Magid, V., MacLean, M. G., & Colder, C. R. (2007). Differentiating between sensation seeking and impulsivity through their mediated relations with alcohol use and problems. ''Addictive Behaviors, 32''(10), 2046–2061. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.addbeh.2007.01.015 Ravert, R. D., & Donnellan, M. B. (2021). Impulsivity and sensation seeking: Differing associations with psychological well-being. ''Applied Research in Quality of Life, 16''(4), 1503–1515. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11482-020-09829-y Roberti, J. W. (2004). A review of behavioral and biological correlates of sensation seeking. ''Journal of Research in Personality, 38''(3), 256–279. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0092-6566(03)00067-9 Rogers, M. M., Kelley, K., & McKinney, C. (2021). Trait impulsivity and health risk behaviors: A latent profile analysis. ''Personality and Individual Differences, 171'', 110511. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2020.110511 Samiefard, M., Salehi Fadardi, J., Kareshki, H., & Stacy, A. W. (2023). Validity and reliability of a revised S-UPPS-P Impulsive Behavior Scale: The interplay between impulsivity and working memory. ''Journal of Personality Assessment, 105''(2), 174–186. https://doi.org/10.1080/00223891.2022.2081922 Sârbescu, P., & Rusu, A. (2021). Personality predictors of speeding: Anger-aggression and impulsive-sensation seeking. A systematic review and meta-analysis. ''Journal of Safety Research, 77'', 86–98. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jsr.2021.02.004 Sharma, L., Markon, K. E., & Clark, L. A. (2014). Toward a theory of distinct types of “impulsive” behaviors: A meta-analysis of self-report and behavioral measures. ''Psychological Bulletin, 140''(2), 374–408. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0034418 Shulman, E. P., Smith, A. R., Silva, K., Icenogle, G., Duell, N., Chein, J., & Steinberg, L. (2016). The dual systems model: Review, reappraisal, and reaffirmation. ''Developmental Cognitive Neuroscience, 17'', 103–117. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.dcn.2015.12.010 Siraj, R., Najam, B., & Ghazal, S. (2021). Sensation seeking, peer influence, and risk-taking behavior in adolescents. ''Education Research International, 2021'', 8403024. https://doi.org/10.1155/2021/8403024 Steinberg, L. (2010). A dual systems model of adolescent risk-taking. ''Developmental Psychobiology, 52''(3), 216–224. https://doi.org/10.1002/dev.20445 Türkmen, İ., Rodoplu, N., Üner, B. S., Esmer, Ş. C., Altan-Atalay, A., & Ece, B. (2023). When the UPPS-P model of impulsivity meets a revised approach: The development and validation of the TRUE Multidimensional Impulsivity Scale. ''Journal of Personality Assessment, 105''(3), 355–370. https://doi.org/10.1080/00223891.2022.2093730 Whiteside, S. P., & Lynam, D. R. (2001). The five factor model and impulsivity: Using a structural model of personality to understand impulsivity. ''Personality and Individual Differences, 30''(4), 669–689. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0191-8869(00)00064-7 Zuckerman, M., & Kuhlman, D. M. (2000). Personality and risk-taking: Common biosocial factors. ''Journal of Personality, 68''(6), 999–1029. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-6494.00124 }} ==External links== * [https://dictionary.apa.org/sensation-seeking-scale Sensation-Seeking Scale] (APA Dictionary of Psychology) * [https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1002/9781405186407.wbiecs029 Sensation Seeking – Zuckerman] {{ic|Move academic sources to citations/references}} * [https://www.impulsivity.org/measurement/upps_p/ UPPS-P Impulsive Behavior Scale] (impulsivity.org) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Impulsivity]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Sensation seeking]] oxayask73ew5b6j7h6athoyq3ri7rty 0 331067 2840270 2839475 2026-10-14T13:19:13Z U3275873 3110137 /* External links */ reordered external links and see also in alphabetical order. formatted table headings in accordance with apa7 guidelines (see https://apastyle.apa.org/style-grammar-guidelines/tables-figures/figures) 2840270 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Sensation-seeking and dopamine:<br>What is the neurobiological relationship between sensation-seeking and dopamine?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== [[wikipedia:Dopamine|Dopamine]] and [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2011/Sensation seeking|sensation-seeking]] have a special relationship, especially in very different parts of the brain. As confusing as these two are together, they are essential to many decisions we make as people. From disorders such as [[wikipedia:Attention_deficit_hyperactivity_disorder|ADHD]] and [[wikipedia:Substance_use_disorder|substance use disorder]] attempting to search for something more, to individuals who may speed faster to feel the wind and a rush in their body. Both dopamine and sensation-seeking connect together neurologically to make these moments happen.{{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Botellón at San Giovanni.jpg|right|thumb|210px|'''Figure 1'''. High sensation-seekers drinking alcohol and socially partying ]] ;Scenario Jaemin often feels dull and struggles to maintain contentment by doing boring daily activities such as working and chores at home. On the weekend Jaemin tends to feel the happiest when going out partying, doing social smoking and getting laid. He feels alive but soon after the weekend is over falls back into his dull life just getting by till the next weekend to do it over again. {{RoundBoxBottom}} In these chapters we will discuss dopamine and sensation-seeking and how they are both defined using research. They will also cover a description and basic understanding of the neurological components which contribute to how dopamine can interact with the traits of sensation-seeking, this is done by looking into the dopamine receptors ([[wikipedia:Dopamine_receptor_D1|D1]], [[wikipedia:Dopamine_receptor_D2|D2]], [[wikipedia:Dopamine_receptor_D3|D3]] and additionally [[wikipedia:Dopamine_receptor_D4|D4]]), the ventral striatum, ventral tegmental, and the nucleus accumbens. An in depth research and discussion of dopamine and sensation-seeking’s relationship which covers Zuckerman's [[wikipedia:Sensation_Seeking_Scale|sensation-seeking scale]] (SSS), rabbit nonhuman experiments and theories which include reward deficiency hypothesis, and finally the research and theories measuring dopamine receptors and [[wikipedia:Dopaminergic|dopaminergic neurotransmissions]].. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * How does the relationship between sensation-seeking and dopamine occur neurologically? * How does the dopamine receptors, nucleus accumbens, ventral striatum and tegmental create dopamine which influences sensation-seeking behaviour? * How does past and present research connect dopamine and sensation-seeking's relationship? * How does low dopamine in ADHD and substance use disorder link with sensation-seeking? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Dopamine And Sensation-Seeking?== Sensation-seeking and dopamine are both entwined with many factors in place when it comes to traits and personality it's hard to pinpoint how they are related. Many people experience the impulse to feel but don't know why and some don't feel it at all. Let’s break down what dopamine is and sensation-seeking are before we talk about how they work and why they are connected. === What is dopamine? === [[File:Dopamine structure.svg|thumb|140x140px|'''Figure 2'''. The chemical compound of dopamine.]]Dopamine was first discovered by [[wikipedia:George_Barger|George Barger]], James Ewens, and [[wikipedia:Henry_Hallett_Dale|Henry Dale]] in 1910. Originally dopamine was thought to be an [[wikipedia:Epinephrine_(medication)|epinephrine]]-like [[wikipedia:Monoamine_neurotransmitter|monoamine]] compound (Kauê Machado Costa & Geoffrey Schoenbaum, 2022). Before much research was done there was limited study on dopamine and was mostly ignored for four decades. In early stages, dopamine was tested through the use of rabbits, the studies explored how movement and dopamine correlated. This was done by abolishing the release of dopamine in the rabbits with reserpine which is a [[wikipedia:Vesicular_monoamine_transporter_2|VMAT2]] blocker, this led to the rabbits being paralyzed and the study concluded that you need dopamine as it is an important function to movement (Kauê Machado Costa & Geoffrey Schoenbaum, 2022). In 1950 [[wikipedia:Katharine_Montagu|Kathleen Montagu]] studied dopamine and realised dopamine occurred inside the brain and after many other studies on dopamine, was it then reintroduced as a bona fide neurotransmitter (Kauê Machado Costa & Geoffrey Schoenbaum, 2022). How dopamine changes and influences behaviour is the [[wikipedia:Dopamine_transporter|dopamine transporter]] known for short as (DAT) regulates the time and amplitude, and when DAT binds to its receptors in the brain it influences behaviour (Kauê Machado Costa & Geoffrey Schoenbaum, 2022). Dopamine doesn't just affect movement it is also to be known to affect seeking and impulsiveness, this can be drug seeking which is typically found in substance use disorders and impulsiveness as well as sensation-seeking especially in ADHD but has been linked to other disorders.   === What is sensation-seeking? === Sensation-seeking is described as a [[wikipedia:Trait_theory|personality trait]] which tends to engage behaviour with risk-taking actions. Sensation-seeking theory was first introduced by [[wikipedia:Marvin_Zuckerman|Marvin Zuckerman]] (1979), he defined the term as “the seeking of varied, novel, complex, and intense sensations and experiences, and the willingness to take physical, social, legal, and financial risks for the sake of such experience” (Zuckerman, 1994, p. 27). Zuckerman created the Sensation Seeking Scale (SSS) which was made to measure sensation-seeking into four categories being, thrill and adventure seeking, experience seeking, disinhibition and boredom susceptibility. More recently he created a new scale measuring impulsive sensation seeking (ImpSS). The ImpSS measures the range of impulsiveness an individual has. When sensation-seeking is measured there are low sensation-seekers and high sensation-seekers, low seekers tend to be less risky when it comes to dangerous activity. High sensation-seekers often engage in life risking decisions which could lead to harm. It is discussed that sensation-seeking may promote functional behaviours and is also linked to deleterious outcomes such as severe substance abuse (Ball et al., 1994, as cited in Hawes et al., 2017). '''Table 1''' ''The Core Subscales of the Sensation-Seeking Scale'' {| class="wikitable" |Core Subscales |Description |- |Thrill and Adventure Seeking |Individuals tend to participate in high stimulus activities such as skydiving, mountain climbing, bungee jumping, etc. |- |Disinhibition |Participating in drug use, alcohol use, vandalism, and/or unsafe sex. Seen more in adolescence compared to adulthood, and more in males than in females. |- |Experience Seeking | Individuals who participate in travel, psychedelic drugs, art, music, and other less risky sensations. |- |Boredom Susceptibility |Individual who is prone to boredom and has a need for a constant, new external stimuli, such as social interaction or activities. |} <quiz display="simple"> {Sensation-seeking can occur without releasing dopamine: |type="()"} - True + False {Who created the sensation-seeking scale: |type="()"} + Zuckerman - Barger - Dale {Which is not a core subscale of the sensation-seeking scale: |type="()"} - Disinhibition + Impulsiveness - Thrill - Boredom </quiz> == How Dopamine and Sensation-Seeking Connect Neurologically == The section of the brain which is known as the reward centre neurologically communicates with the brain which makes the connection of dopamine and sensation-seeking. The process of how the physiological internal receptors work can be broken down into sections of how some of the brain functions work together to create the dopamine and sensation-seeking behaviour. [[File:Dopamine Receptor Flowchart.png|thumb|'''Figure 3'''. Dopamine receptors in a flowchart.]] === Dopamine (D1, D2, D3, D4) receptors === The brain houses many subtypes of dopamine being D1, D2, D3, D4 and D5 (Costa & Schoenbaum, 2022), but the main dopamine receptors which affect the [[wikipedia:Reward_system|reward system]] and the sensation-seeking personality construct are the D2, D3, and D4 receptors (Norbury & Husain, 2015). D1 and D2 receptors connect to the nucleus accumbens and are responsible for happiness and processing dopamine when it comes to reward (Ikemoto, 2010). '''Table 2''' ''The Dopamine Receptors Roles'' ''in Sensation-Seeking'' {| class="wikitable" |Dopamine Receptors |Role/Description |- |D1 |D1 plays a key role in the brain's reward, motivation, and reinforcement learning pathways. It also has a part in addiction. |- |D2 |D2 receptor regulates sensation-seeking behaviour mainly through striatal and midbrain receptor availability and reward-processing sensitivity. It is also known in high sensation-seekers D2 is lower in availability. |- |D3 |D3 receptor activates regulates dopamine release and modulates neuronal excitability. Its linked to parkinson's disease, neuropsychiatric disorders, and addiction. |- |D4 |D4 receptor is activated by the neurotransmitter dopamine. It is linked to many neurological and psychiatric conditions some being schizophrenia and bipolar disorder, attention-deficient-hyperactive-disorder, and addictive behaviours. |} Sensation-seeking trait has also been linked to variation in function in the D2 class of dopamine receptors (D2, D3, and D4 receptors). Recent arguments on the basis of the above findings and [[wikipedia:Positron_emission_tomography|positron emission tomography]] (PET) evidence show higher sensation-seekers have both lower D2/D3 receptor density and higher endogenous DA levels than their high sensation-seeking counterparts (Albert et al., 2010). This means that D2 dopamine in the striatum could be related to sensation-seeking scores and is why individuals with high sensation-seeking have a higher reactivity to dopamine than individuals with low sensation-seeking. === Ventral striatum === The Ventral Striatum is located in the lower part of the basal forebrain protected by the ventral tegmental and other surrounding brain functions (Ikemoto et al., 2015). It is responsible for increased extracellular dopamine in the brain which can influence drug abuse traits in an individual (Di Chiara & Imperato, 1988). Ikemoto (2010) suggests that increased neural responsiveness to the reward system within the ventral striatum (e.g., nucleus accumbens) may drive sensation-seeking behaviours. The ventral striatum correlates with sensation-seeking because many seek drugs to help the decreased stimulation of daily life and fulfil the dopamine and reward centre through the intense feeling that drugs can give to the brain. This is also where the ventral tegmental comes into the picture which supports the ventral striatum. === Ventral tegmental === The [[wikipedia:Ventral_tegmental_area|ventral tegmental's]] main job is to make and produce dopamine. The tegmental is very important for the operation of drug self-administration such as carbachol, neostigmine, nicotine and many more. This was learnt with the experimenting of rats (Ikemoto, 2010). The ventral tegmental is important to note as it is a crucial section when it comes to making dopamine and how individuals with high sensation-seeking could influence this part of their brain when high in disinhibition and boredom susceptibility. When it comes to seeking for drugs the ventral tegmental is the main section which can influence the brain to become dependent on drug seeking and sensation-seeking. === Nucleus accumbens === The [[wikipedia:Nucleus_accumbens|nucleus accumbens]] (NAcc) is located within the ventral striatum and some aspects that it holds is the reward functions when related to dopamine and dopaminergic drugs such as cocaine, [[wikipedia:Nomifensine|nomifensine]] and D1/D2 receptors (Ikemoto, 2010). Reeves (2024) when discussing NAcc functions states that the NAcc holds the core reward centre, process of pleasure within the brain and reinforcement (Reeves, 2024).The nucleus research studies on neural sensitivity to rewards of sensation-seeking in the regions of [[wikipedia:Mesolimbic_pathway|mesolimbic pathway]] and dopamine DA system, is located in the NAcc. Nora et al. (2016) concluded that the DA system undergoes major alterations being the onset of puberty. This research provides the reason why teenagers and adolescents between 11 and 15 take many sensation seeking risks more so than younger children and older adults at the start of their 20s and onwards (Nora et al., 2016). == Dopamine And Sensation-Seeking's Relationship == "The dopamine system has been hypothesised to contribute to variations in sensation seeking between different individuals" (Derringer et al., 2010, p. 1). New and risky events such as speeding, doing substances trigger sudden bursts of dopamine. This is why having sensation-seeking traits can bring a rush to individuals through negative events like using illicit drugs or extreme sports events such as parachuting and skydiving. People who are high sensation-seekers tend to have a lower baseline when it comes to dopamine meaning D2/D3 receptors are lacking in the brain. This means that normal activities seem often boring and don't bring much to any dopamine resulting in the urge of seeking drugs, risky sexual experiences and extreme sports. It is also discussed that having a high dopaminergic tone and a lower density of D2 receptors in the ventral striatum are important aspects to consider when they contribute to high sensation-seeking personality construct (Norbury & Husain, 2015). Colin (2013) when studying dopamine and personality stated “the extent of available evidence is not yet conducive to compelling theory at that level of detail, and I will only occasionally speculate about such effects" (p. 8). While this article was published over a decade ago, Colin (2013) didn't have much evidence when connecting the dopamine in personality since sensation-seeking is a personality that leads researchers to investigate when future research is conducted. This concludes that throughout the decade it is still hard to pinpoint whether dopamine and sensation-seeking have a relationship as both have two very separate parts to play within an individual. Even though there is empirical evidence in 2026 that there is a connection, it's still important to look back on the lack of evidence and research on the topic from past studies. Further, one aspect which is needed to be also considered is that sensation-seeking is multiple subcategories. This could mean that adventure and thrill seeking has no correlation with dopamine but disinhibition as discussed further on has been scientifically proven to have a relationship with dopamine after many studies debating the theory. This is where dopamine and sensation-seeking become difficult and further along this chapter it will be debated. == ADHD Correlation, Substance Use Disorder And Reward Deficiency Syndrome == Many individuals who are diagnosed with ADHD, Disorders such as substance disorder and reward deficiency syndrome have a higher risk of having the trait or traits of sensation-seeking. This is because these disorders and syndrome and many others rely on the reward centre and dopamine receptors which contribute to the sensation-seeking personality construct. === Attention deficient hyperactive disorder === In an individual which suffers from attention-deficient-hyperactive-disorder (ADHD) their brains lack dopamine and needs support from pharmaceutical stimulants such as vyvanse ([[wikipedia:Lisdexamfetamine|lisdexamfetamine]]) or ritalin ([[wikipedia:Methylphenidate|methylphenidate]]) to function with movement, emotional regulation and impulsiveness, this is because the dopamine transporter DAT can be blocked by DAT blockers this includes [[wikipedia:Amphetamine|amphetamines]] which are used in clinical practice (Costa & Schoenbaum, 2022).The main reason why this is important is that ADHD is a baseline to how sensation-seeking can affect categories of people. Not only is it a trait for others but can come with disorders which lack dopamine within their system. With ADHD there is a 21.5% prevalence that an individual with ADHD can develop a substance disorder (Henrik et al., 2023). Individuals higher in sensation-seeking traits also show increased physiological and subjective responses to dopaminergic stimulants such as amphetamines (Norbury & Husain, 2015).Thus this disorder and its correlations with sensation-seeking are important to note when discussing the relationship with dopamine and sensation-seeking. === Substance use disorder === Substance use disorder can be diagnosed when someone cannot quit an addictive drug in a 12 month period and can also be developed by anyone, but mostly in the puberty period in children 13 to young adults of 18 years old as they are most susceptible to risk and sensation-seeking (Nora et al., 2016). This can be because of adolescence having higher impulsive tendencies. Substance disorder also can develop when an individual has addiction traits and is exposed to illicit drugs in their environment such as family history of addiction (Nora et al., 2016). Sensation-seeking could be a contributor to drug addiction when an individual is vulnerable to substance, when continued with constant need to seek experience there is a high chance of chronic drug exposure (Belin & Deroche-Gamonet, 2012). Data from multiple sources and studies support high-sensation in substance abusers which could be correlated to the development of abuse (Ballon et al., 2014). This is because of pleasurable arousal and taking illegal risks, and is the reason why substance use disorder is discussed in relation to dopamine and sensation-seeking. === Reward deficiency syndrome === Reward deficiency syndrome (RDS) is described by Blum et al (2022) as “abnormal behaviour caused by a breakdown of the cascade of reward in neurotransmission due to genetic and epigenetic influences" (p. 2). It is where reward neurotransmission deficiencies obstruct the pleasure from satisfying human drives. The reward deficiency hypothesis discusses that individuals with RDS have less sense of reward and positive motives internally, this leads to them seeking external sources from their environment to obtain reward (Blum et al., 1996; Comings & Blum, 2000). Substance use disorders share comorbidity with RDS, this is because RDS reduces dopamine signalling in the reward pathway. RDS bridges the gap in sensation-seeking and low dopamine correlation. ADHD is classified as a behavioural subtype of RDS meaning that RDS could be a contribution to high sensation-seeking when the individual's brain has a dopamine deficiency. == Research == Theory and research throughout the years back to when sensation-seeking and dopamine was first introduced to present time can be used to back up the connection between dopamine and sensation-seeking when co-existing in the brain. The dopamine system has been hypothesised to contribute to variations in sensation seeking between different individuals, and both experimental and observational studies in humans and nonhuman animals. This section discusses literature and reviews of said studies, furthermore the section also investigates the correlation between ADHD and substance use disorder when it comes to the disorders lacking dopamine and their correlation to sensation-seeking. A study on highly sensation-seeking men and low dopamine receptors was conducted to measure whether low dopamine contributed to high sensation-seeking in men. This was achieved by measuring dopamine receptors D2 and D3 in 18 men who undertook the Zuckerman sensation seeking quiz. The results gathered using [[wikipedia:One-way_analysis_of_variance|one-way ANOVA]] show significance in results of the subgroups being low and normal ranged individuals. This study also included a correlation of the normal and high sensation-seeking group (Linnet et al., 2008). The conclusion was made that people that have the sensation-seeking personality construct may be associated with an increase in dopaminergic neurotransmission. The only downside to this study in particular is it is a smaller group sample and does not include different genders in the research. A similar conclusion that another study found when researching higher sensation-seeking traits was that high novelty seekers have increased dopamine (Suhara et al., 2006). This could explain why high sensation seekers are needing a greater release of dopamine as their receptors are lacking it to achieve the same effects as novelty sensation-seeking ranged individuals.  Referring to another study, they found that higher sensation-seeking traits showed an increase in physiological and subjective responses to dopaminergic stimulants such as amphetamine (Norbury & Husain, 2015). This is important to include when above it was discussed with drug disorders and ADHD as this research introduces us to ideas of how sensation-seeking can be an aspect in people with these disorders, and how it could affect them psychologically and physically in decision making especially when their bodies lack the standard dopamine receptors that average individuals have, thus more extreme risks such as drugs can release higher amounts of dopamine which can sustain the dopamine levels. Norbury and Husain (2015) conducted a cross literature review, and in their approach removed the core subcategories of sensation-seeking. This led to exploring high sensation-seeking as a whole, they did this by using many human and non-human studies and reviewed literature. One study consisted of rodents choosing exploratory tendency or novelty-seeking, using two operant levers one showing a stimuli (example, a light) and the other which was inactive with no consequences. The results showed high sensation-seeking rodents preferred the stimuli and the novelty rodents kept to their safe environmental surrounding. In conclusion Norbury and Husain (2015) found that the experiment proved that a brain which has a highly active dopamine system sees stimuli like addiction and risks as a reward. This study aligns with why low dopamine but a highly active dopamine system individual seeks experiences and drugs because of the needs to have a higher baseline of dopamine. Garland (1999) found when testing ADHD and sensation-seeking on both male and female participants, the ADHD groups scored significantly higher on the ImpSS scale. This result is expected as ADHD tends to come with impulsivity. The results conclude a possible correlation and relationship between the two. Indicating that low dopamine can contribute to potentially high sensation-seeking risks, especially in ADHD which is known to make individuals with the disorder lack in the normal range of dopamine receptors. '''Table 3''' ''Key Findings in Sensation-Seeking and Dopamine's Relationship'' {| class="wikitable" |Citation |Findings |- |(Linnet et al., 2008). |People that have the sensation-seeking personality construct may be associated with an increase in dopaminergic neurotransmission. |- |(Suhara et al., 2006) |High novelty seekers have increased dopamine, compared to high sensation-seekers with a lower baseline of dopamine. |- |(Norbury & Husain, 2015) |Higher sensation-seeking traits showed an increase in physiological and subjective responses to dopaminergic stimulants such as amphetamine. |- |(Norbury & Husain, 2015) |Proved that a brain which has a highly active dopamine system sees stimuli like addiction and risks as a reward. |- |(Garland, 1999) |Testing ADHD and sensation-seeking on both male and female participants, the ADHD groups scored significantly higher on the ImpSS scale compared to the SS scale. |} ==Conclusion== The relationship between dopamine and sensation-seeking is scientificantly proven to be connected neurologically through research and multiple studies. The sections of the brain which were discussed give a clear understanding of their role in processing reward, dopamine and how they contribute to sensation-seeking neurologically. By connecting dopamine and traits associated with drugs, addiction and sensation-seeking they play a significant role in sensation-seeking and dopamine's relationship. Past and present findings in studies have indicated a correlation between sensation-seeking and dopamine, though some limitations are presented. Even though many researchers stated a connection it is still uncertain that there is a definite link to dopamine and sensation-seeking, as most studies agree when it comes to the SS scale there are many variables, when not looking at the core subcategories Zuckerman (1994) created there is a significant correlation. Even in recent studies testing dopamine and sensation this proves to be difficult to measure, this doesn't mean that some aspects are not connected such as disinhibition sensation-seekers and lower dopamine which can impact individuals when risk-taking in dangerous activities. In addition, further research in this chapter confirmed ADHD, substance use disorder and reward deficiency syndrome have a relation to sensation-seeking because of the lower baseline of dopamine these disorders are presented with in an individual. With research by Suhara et al. (2006), Norbury and Husain (2015) it is recognised that sensation-seeking and dopamine's relationship depends on low dopamine for seeking risk to meet the same satisfaction as high dopamine individuals who can get satisfaction from basic rewarding tasks. Overall, sensation-seeking a dopamine do have a neurological relation in many aspects, even though they are separate one being a neurotransmitter and the other a personality trait, There is still much to research and further investigate with future study to fully understand their proven neurological relationship with each other. In light, there is hope for future research in helping individuals understand and improve their motivations and emotional lives using psychological science. ==See also == * [[wikipedia:Dopamine_receptor|Dopamine receptors]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2024/Dopamine and decision making|Dopamine and decision making]] (Book chapter, 2024) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Dopamine and motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2011/Sensation seeking]] (Book chapter, 2011) * [[wikipedia:Sensation_Seeking_Scale|Sensation seeking]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Ballon, N., Brunault, P., & Cortese, S. (2014). Sensation seeking and cocaine dependence in adults with reported childhood ADHD. ''Journal of Attention Disorders'', ''19''(4), 335–342. https://doi.org/10.1177/1087054714543651 Blum, K., Bowirrat, A., Braverman, E. R., Baron, D., Cadet, J. L., Kazmi, S., Elman, I., Thanos, P. K., Badgaiyan, R. D., Downs, W. B., Bagchi, D., Llanos-Gomez, L., & Gold, M. S. (2021). Reward deficiency syndrome (RDS): A cytoarchitectural common neurobiological trait of all addictions. ''International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health'', ''18''(21), 11529. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph182111529 Blum, K., McLaughlin, T., Bowirrat, A., Modestino, E. J., Baron, D., Gomez, L. L., Ceccanti, M., Braverman, E. R., Thanos, P. K., Cadet, J. L., Elman, I., Badgaiyan, R. D., Jalali, R., Green, R., Simpatico, T. A., Gupta, A., & Gold, M. S. (2022). Reward deficiency syndrome (RDS) surprisingly is evolutionary and found everywhere: Is it “blowin’ in the wind”? ''Journal of Personalized Medicine'', ''12''(2), 321. https://doi.org/10.3390/jpm12020321 Charles, N. E., Ryan, S. R., Bray, B. C., Mathias, C. W., Acheson, A., & Dougherty, D. M. (2016). Altered developmental trajectories for impulsivity and sensation seeking among adolescent substance users. ''Addictive Behaviors'', ''60'', 235–241. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.addbeh.2016.04.016 Costa, K. M., & Schoenbaum, G. (2022). Dopamine. ''Current Biology'', ''32''(15), R817–R824. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cub.2022.06.060 DeYoung, C. G. (2013). The neuromodulator of exploration: A unifying theory of the role of dopamine in personality. ''Frontiers in Human Neuroscience'', ''7''(762). https://doi.org/10.3389/fnhum.2013.00762 Derringer, J., Krueger, R. F., Dick, D. M., Saccone, S., Grucza, R. A., Agrawal, A., Lin, P., Almasy, L., Edenberg, H. J., Foroud, T., Nurnberger, J. I., Hesselbrock, V. M., Kramer, J. R., Kuperman, S., Porjesz, B., Schuckit, M. A., & Bierut, L. J. (2010). Predicting sensation seeking from dopamine genes. ''Psychological Science'', ''21''(9), 1282–1290. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797610380699 Garland, T. A. (1999). ''The relationship between the diagnosis of ADHD in adults, gender and sensation seeking'' (p. 84). Wisconsin School of Professional Psychology. Geemooi, N. L. (2016). Investigating the relationship between adult attention deficit and hyperactivity disorder (aadhd) and personality correlates related to sensation seeking. ''New Voices in Psychology'', ''11''(1), 80–111. https://doi.org/10.25159/1812-6371/1805 Gjedde, A., Kumakura, Y., Cumming, P., Linnet, J., & Møller, A. (2010). Inverted-u-shaped correlation between dopamine receptor availability in striatum and sensation seeking. ''Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences'', ''107''(8), 3870–3875. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0912319107 Hawes, S. W., Chahal, R., Hallquist, M. N., Paulsen, D. J., Geier, C. F., & Luna, B. (2017). Modulation of reward-related neural activation on sensation seeking across development. ''NeuroImage (Orlando, Fla.)'', ''147'', 763–771. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2016.12.020 Ikemoto, S. (2010). Brain reward circuitry beyond the mesolimbic dopamine system: A neurobiological theory. ''Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews'', ''35''(2), 129–150. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2010.02.001 Ikemoto, S., Yang, C., & Tan, A. (2015). Basal ganglia circuit loops, dopamine and motivation: A review and enquiry. ''Behavioural Brain Research'', ''290'', 17–31. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bbr.2015.04.018 Linnet, J., Møller, A., Kumakura, Y., Cumming, P., & Gjedde, A. (2008). Low dopamine receptor availability in brain of highly sensation-seeking men. ''NeuroImage'', ''41'', T131. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2008.04.099 Norbury, A., & Husain, M. (2015). Sensation-seeking: Dopaminergic modulation and risk for psychopathology. ''Behavioural Brain Research'', ''288'', 79–93. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.bbr.2015.04.015 Rohner, H., Gaspar, N., Philipsen, A., & Schulze, M. (2023). Prevalence of attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) among substance use disorder (SUD) populations: Meta-analysis. ''International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health'', ''20''(2), 1275. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph20021275 Tournier, B. B., Steimer, T., Millet, P., Moulin-Sallanon, M., Vallet, P., Ibañez, V., & Ginovart, N. (2013). Innately low D2 receptor availability is associated with high novelty-seeking and enhanced behavioural sensitization to amphetamine. ''International Journal of Neuropsychopharmacology'', ''16''(8), 1819–1834. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1461145713000205 Zuckerman, M. (1994). ''Behavioral expressions and biosocial bases of sensation seeking'' ''(p. 27)''. Cambridge University Press. }} ==External links== * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Wa8_nLwQIpg 2-Minute Neuroscience: Dopamine] (Youtube) * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2po3w5oFygY Dopamine System, Craving & Pursuit Explained] (Youtube) * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EJbbMasBSGY&t=192s Just For The Thrill Of It: An Inside Look At Sensation Seeking] (Youtube) * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O-G9MN4tyAk Sensation Seeking Theory] (Youtube) * [https://www.drkencarter.com/blog-archive/2015/10/2/what-is-sensation-seeking What is sensation seeking?] (Blog) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Neurotransmitters/Dopamine]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Sensation seeking]] ltszuemv5ru0kayc291k7vbdyhsk1gw 0 331109 2840367 2840170 2026-10-15T02:58:54Z U3211150 3106672 focus q 1 paragraph form/writing 2840367 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Adaptive versus maladaptive self-reflection:<br>When does self-reflection promote wellbeing and when does it contribute to psychological distress?}} __TOC__ ==Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Le Penseur in the Jardin du Musée Rodin, Paris 14 June 2015.jpg|Le_Penseur_in_the_Jardin_du_Musée_Rodin,_Paris_14_June_2015]|right|thumb|150px|'''Figure 1'''. Reflection may produce insight, but repeated self-focused thought may contribute to distress.]] '''Scenario: An embarrassing encounter''' Trevor's day at university was fairly ordinary. While walking to get his second coffee, he exchanged a brief smile with another student. Distracted, he failed to notice the uneven ground and tripped in front of her. He quickly walked away, flushed and deeply embarrassed. Trevor repeatedly replayed the incident in his mind, becoming absorbed in self-focused thought (see Figure 1). He decided that if he saw her again, he would avoid her to prevent further embarrassment. When Trevor told his friend Alucard what had happened, Alucard suggested that she might not have noticed. This prompted Trevor to consider whether his prediction of rejection was supported by what had actually occurred. Soon afterwards, Trevor saw the same student approaching. Although he still felt embarrassed, he reconsidered his interpretation and introduced himself. He discovered that she was happy to speak with him. Trevor's response illustrates how reflecting on the same experience may be associated with different emotional and behavioural outcomes. Why might repeatedly replaying the event have prolonged his embarrassment, while reconsidering his interpretation helped him respond more constructively? {{RoundBoxBottom}} [[w:Self-reflection|Self-reflection]] involves examining one’s thoughts, emotions and behaviour, but this process does not necessarily produce insight or psychological wellbeing. Self-reflection and insight are related but distinguishable: reflection describes the process of self-examination, whereas insight involves developing clearer self-understanding (Grant et al., 2002). This distinction is practically important because deliberate self-analysis may appear constructive even when it maintains embarrassment, avoidance or distress. The effects of self-focused thought may depend on how it is performed. Trapnell and Campbell (1999) distinguished curiosity-driven reflection from recurrent [[w:Rumination (psychology)|rumination]] prompted by perceived threats, losses or injustices involving the self. More broadly, repetitive thought may be relatively constructive or unconstructive depending on its content, context and level of processing (Watkins, 2008). Psychological perspective may also matter, as analysing a negative experience from a self-distanced perspective may reduce immediate emotional reactivity compared with self-immersed analysis (Ayduk & Kross, 2008). Understanding these processes may help explain why reflection sometimes supports insight and constructive action but, in other circumstances, contributes to continuing distress.{{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What distinguishes adaptive self-reflection from maladaptive self-focused thought? * Under what conditions may self-reflection support psychological wellbeing? * Under what conditions may self-focused thought contribute to psychological distress? * What psychological processes influence the outcomes of self-reflection? * How might people engage in more adaptive self-reflection? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding adaptive and maladaptive self-reflection == Self-focused thought is not explicitly helpful or harmful. It may involve distinguishable processes which influence the overall wellbeing outcomes. Whether adaptive or maladaptive behaviours are executed may rely on motivation, processing style, capacity to generate insight and the relationship with repetitive negative thinking. Self-reflection can be defined as the inspection and evaluation of one's thoughts, emotions and behaviour, along with the act of directed attention towards internal experiences and processes. However, engaging in the act of self-reflection is not the same as gaining clarity and understanding of what these internal experiences mean (Grant et al., 2002). Adaptive and maladaptive describe the likely outcomes of self-focused thought compared to specific fixed good/bad distinctions. Adaptive self-reflection may involve the flexible, purposeful processing that supports insight, problem-solving or movement towards personally relevant goals (Watkins, 2008). On the other hand, maladaptive self-reflection involves a more self-focused thought process that refers to repetitive attention to distress and its causes or consequences. Rumination is a central example of maladaptive processes, but not every emotionally difficult reflective episode is necessarily maladaptive. Therefore, engaging in these behaviour may potentially interfere with problem-solving and supportive behaviours that can lead to positive outcomes and reaching insight. (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 2008). {{cmbox | type = style | image = [[File:Emblem-question-yellow.svg|40px]] | style = width: 400px; | textstyle = color: black; font-weight: bold; font-style: italic; | text = Does self-reflection differ from insight? }} Grant et al. (2002) recognised self-reflection and insight as distinguishable factors. While self-reflection and insight are related, reflection involves the process of self-examination, whereas insight describes the possible outcome. Suggesting that higher levels of self-examination do not with certainty produce clear self-understanding. Moreover, insight is defined as the clarity to understanding of one's thoughts, emotions and behaviours compared to the evaluative process of self-reflection (Grant et al,. 2002). When these theories are applied to Trevor's scenario, He replays the incident with self-focused attention, but it does not initially provide him with easing distress or more accurate understanding. Results found that self-reflection associated positively with anxiety and stress. Whereas, insight was negatively associated with depression, anxiety and stress, while positively associated with cognitive flexibility and self-regulation. These findings were primarily correlational and participants included a sample of undergraduate psychology students which may limit the generalisability. Therefore, these findings demonstrate association among self-reflection insight and psychological outcomes, but they do not establish causal relationships. Trapnell and Campbell (1999) identified two motivationally distinct forms of private self-attention. They distinguish between curiosity-driven reflection or intellectual interest in the self compared to recurrent self-rumination likely to be prompted by threats, losses or injustices regarding the self. The "self-absorption paradox" highlights how self-focused attention can be associated with both self-understanding and psychological distress. Suggesting that the motivation and quality of self-focused attention may be more informative than the amount of reflection alone. In relation to the Trevor scenario, the act of repeated replaying the embarrassment and anticipated rejection resembles the threat-focused rumination, whereas questioning his initial assumptions illustrates curiosity-driven reflection. Trapnell and Campbell's (1999) model provides a key theoretical differentiation for dispositional reflection and rumination. While their research support the distinction between the different processes of reflection. However, it does not establish causation between reflection supporting adaptive outcomes and repetitive thought causing harmful outcomes. '''Rumination is not one uniform process''' * According to Treynor et al. (2003), rumination may contain at least two distinguishable components: brooding and reflective pondering. * Brooding can be defined as the passive comparison between one's current circumstance and an unattained standard. (Treynor et al., 2003). * Reflective pondering can be defined as purposeful attention intended to understand or address distress. (Treynor et al., 2003). * It important to highlight these as differing constructs as they both associate differently when measured alongside depressive symptoms. (Treynor et al., 2003). * Reflective pondering showed a different and less consistently maladaptive pattern than brooding. Moreover, it is also measured alongside depressive rumination and should not automatically be equated to adaptive self-reflection. This highlighted how different processes of rumination have different relationships with depressive symptoms. (Treynor et al., 2003). * Important distinction - reflection and reflective pondering are from two different measures and should not be treated as identical constructs '''Reflection and rumination overlap''' * Takano and Tanno (2009), proposed that self-reflection and self-rumination are distinguishable but may not be entirely independent. * A two wave longitudinal study over three weeks reported (Takano and Tanno (2009)): ** Self-reflection was associated with lower depression, whereas self-rumination was associated with higher depression ** Important to note that the estimated total effect of reflection on depression was close to zero, as reflection and rumination occurred together. ** This suggests that adaptive reflection processes may coexist with maladaptive processes that counteract positive outcomes ** The small, predominantly male undergraduate sample and brief follow-up period limit generalisability, while the observational design prevents firm causal conclusions. '''Concluding sentence''' - research suggests that adaptive self-reflection is more likely to involve curiosity-driven and flexible examination that may facilitate insight. In contrast, maladaptive self-focused thought may involve threat-focused repetitions, passive brooding and difficulty disengaging. However, these processes may interact and fluctuate, so reflection should not be assumed to be beneficial merely because it is deliberate. its outcomes may depend on whether it generates clearer understanding or becomes incorporated into repetitive rumination. == Adaptive self-reflection and wellbeing == '''Focus question -''' Under what conditions may self reflection support psychological wellbeing? '''Topic sentence/introductory message -''' Self reflection is more likely to support wellbeing when insight is gained to facilitate constructive meaning, '''Key points''' * Insight was positively associated with happiness and life satisfaction, whereas self-reflection alone did not show the same relationship with subjective wellbeing (Lyke, 2009). * Adaptive self-reflection was indirectly associated with greater resilience and wellbeing through insight when rumination was low. When rumination was high, the pattern was less favourable (Bucknell et al., 2022). * A randomised control trial, found that self reflective writing was more effective than descriptive writing in reinforced perceived resilience. Additionally, reflection on successful coping demonstrates better maintenance of benefits than reflecting on unsuccessful coping (Bucknell et al., 2024). * An app-based journal that targeted positive processes was associated with increased psychological wellbeing among participants with average or higher baseline dispositional self-reflection, after statistically controlling for rumination (MacIsaac et al., 2023) '''Concluding sentence''' - the evidence highlighted that the possible benefits of reflection depend on whether the action produces greater insight, constructing meaning and recognising effective coping. Find research potential locus of control x self-reflection as a point '''Limitations''' * Lyke (2009) is correlational and does not prove insight causes wellbeing * Bucknell et al. (2022) is a cross-sectional moderated mediation analysis, proposed indirect statistical pathway does not infer causation * Bucknell et al. (2024) experimental outcomes were targeted to perceived resilience rather than self reflection. Participants also consisted of Australian ministry workers limiting generalisability * MacIsaac et al. (2023), study was longitudinal but lacked experimental assignment and a control group. Participants chose how much they used the journal, and the app contained other features. Additionally, the nature of the quasi-experiment makes it difficult to confirm whether outcomes are influenced by individuals pre existing reflection intentions and behaviours. == Maladaptive self-reflection and psychological distress == [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Example of an image with a descriptive caption.]]'''Focus questions -''' Under what conditions may self-focused thought contribute to psychological distress? '''Topic sentence/introductory message -''' Self-focused thought may contribute to psychological distress when it becomes repetitive, negative and difficult to detach from, especially when interfering with constructive behaviour and problem solving. '''Key points''' *Response style theory proposes that repetitive focus on distress and its causes and consequences may reinforce negative thinking, impair problem solving and interfere with constructive understanding and behaviours (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 2008) *A meta-analysis of effect sizes highlighted an association between self-focused attention and negative affect. The strength of this association differed by the form of self-focus, distress and samples (Mor & Winquist, 2002) *Cross-sectional mediation models indicated that brooding statistically accounted for part of the relationship between lower self-compassion and depressive symptoms, while brooding and worry correlated with anxiety (Raes, 2010). *Dunn & Luchner (2022) researched reflection on personal mistakes and how rumination conditions effected negative affect. Results found that no significant improvement in negative emotion, which indicates that rumination may maintain psychological distress. '''Concluding sentence''' - self-focused thought may involve distress when it maintains attention toward negative content without facilitating insight or effective problem-solving. '''Limitations''' * Identifies overall association, not the causality of self-focus and distress. Additionally this meta-analysis is quite dated , social norms and stressors have changed so a more recent meta-analysis may be more useful. (Mor & Winquist, 2002) * Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) concluded that rumination predicted the onset of depression more consistently than the duration of the depressive episode, findings concerning duration were mixed. * Raes (2010) cross-sectional design may limit generalisability and causality. * Dunn and Luchner (2022) did not find a strong implication that rumination significantly caused a decreased mood. Additionally, the study focuses on reflection of personal mistakes and not self-reflection in general. == Factors influencing the outcomes of self-reflection == '''Focus question -''' What psychological processes influence the outcomes of self-reflection? '''Topic sentence -''' The outcomes of self-reflection may be influenced by the interaction of cognitive, emotional, personal and cultural factors rather than on the amount of maladaptive process alone. '''Key points''' *A theoretical review proposed that repetitive thought may be constructive or unconstructive depending on its emotional content, situational context and level of construal, including whether processing is relatively abstract or concrete (Watkins, 2008). *Experimental evidence suggests that analysing a negative experience from a psychologically distanced perspective may support faster cardiovascular recovery than analysing it from a self-immersed perspective (Ayduk & Kross, 2008). *Cross-cultural studies found that Russian participants reported greater spontaneous self-distancing and less distress while reflecting on negative experiences than American participants, indicating that cultural context may influence how reflection is performed and experienced (Grossmann & Kross, 2010). *The relationship between adaptive reflection, insight and wellbeing differed according to participants’ levels of rumination, suggesting that rumination may interfere with otherwise constructive reflective processing (Bucknell et al., 2022). *An experiment involving reflection on a significant mistake suggested that self-criticism may also influence outcomes, as reflection was associated with reduced negative emotion among participants high in the “hated self” form of self-criticism (Dunn & Luchner, 2022). '''Concluding sentence''' - important influences may include processing style, psychological distance, emotional content, rumination, self-criticism, culture and the extent to which reflection generates insight or action. '''Limitations''' == Developing more adaptive self-reflection == '''Focus question''' - How might people engage in more adaptive self-reflection? *Adaptive self-reflection may be encouraged by giving reflection a clear structure, directing attention towards specific experiences and supporting perspective, insight and constructive action. *Analysing a negative experience from a self-distanced perspective may reduce immediate physiological reactivity compared with analysing the experience from a self-immersed perspective (Ayduk & Kross, 2008). *In a one-month randomised trial with distressed students, both [[w:Mindfulness|mindfulness meditation]] and relaxation training reduced distress and increased positive states of mind relative to a control condition; mindfulness meditation also reduced rumination relative to the control condition (Jain et al., 2007). *Positively focused journalling prompts concerning growth, mastery, goals and the future were associated with improved psychological wellbeing among participants with average or higher dispositional self-reflection (MacIsaac et al., 2023). *Structured reflection on successful coping experiences may be particularly useful, as its effects on perceived resilience were maintained more effectively than reflection focused on unsuccessful coping experiences (Bucknell et al., 2024). *in relation to recalling a significant personal mistake, reflection was associated with reduced negative emotion among participants high in hated-self criticism, whereas rumination produced no significant emotional change. (Dunn & Luchner, 2022). '''Concluding sentence''' - promising strategies include psychological distancing, mindfulness, positively focused journalling and structured reflection on successful coping; however, these approaches should not be presented as universally effective. '''Limitations''' *Ayduk and Kross (2008), dated source and supports immediate self-distancing over a more universal and long term intervention. *Jain et al. (2007), Sample included 83 distressed students limiting generalisability. Additionally, mindfulness was not significantly stronger for relaxation for distress or positive states of mind. *Bucknell et al. (2024), study targeted perceived resilience and was a specific occupational sample. ;Quiz Time to quiz your knowledge! Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Self-reflection involves examining one's thoughts, emotions and behaviour: |type="()"} + True - False {Self-reflection is always adaptive when it is deliberate and purposeful: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== *Self-reflection does not appear to be definitively adaptive or maladaptive; its outcomes may depend on how reflection is processed and the context. *Adaptive self-reflection may involve curiosity, flexible thinking and movement towards insight, problem-solving or constructive action. *Maladaptive self-focused thought may involve threat-focused repetition, passive brooding and difficulty disengaging from distress. *Reflection alone does not necessarily produce insight or psychological wellbeing. *Factors such as psychological distance, rumination, emotional content, self-criticism and cultural context may influence reflective outcomes. *Strategies such as mindfulness, self-distancing, positively focused journalling and structured reflection on successful coping may encourage more adaptive reflection. '''Concluding sentence''' - outcomes do not rely on whether an individual reflects or not, but whether their reflection generates clearer understanding and constructive action or maintains repetitive negative attention. ==See also== * [[w:Emotion regulation|Emotion regulation]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Rumination (psychology)|Rumination]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2013/Rumination|Rumination]] (Book chapter, 2013) * [[w:Self-awareness|Self-awareness]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Ayduk, Ö., & Kross, E. (2008). Enhancing the pace of recovery: Self-distanced analysis of negative experiences reduces blood pressure reactivity. ''Psychological Science, 19''(3), 229–231. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2008.02073.x Bucknell, K. J., Kangas, M., & Crane, M. F. (2022). Adaptive self-reflection and resilience: The moderating effects of rumination on insight as a mediator. 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Self-focused attention and negative affect: A meta-analysis. ''Psychological Bulletin, 128''(4), 638–662. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.128.4.638 Nolen-Hoeksema, S., Wisco, B. E., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2008). Rethinking rumination. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science, 3''(5), 400–424. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-6924.2008.00088.x Raes, F. (2010). Rumination and worry as mediators of the relationship between self-compassion and depression and anxiety. ''Personality and Individual Differences, 48''(6), 757–761. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2010.01.023 Takano, K., & Tanno, Y. (2009). Self-rumination, self-reflection, and depression: Self-rumination counteracts the adaptive effect of self-reflection. ''Behaviour Research and Therapy, 47''(3), 260–264. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2008.12.008 Trapnell, P. D., & Campbell, J. D. (1999). Private self-consciousness and the five-factor model of personality: Distinguishing rumination from reflection. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76''(2), 284–304. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.76.2.284 Treynor, W., Gonzalez, R., & Nolen-Hoeksema, S. (2003). Rumination reconsidered: A psychometric analysis. ''Cognitive Therapy and Research, 27''(3), 247–259. https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1023910315561 Watkins, E. (2004). Adaptive and maladaptive ruminative self-focus during emotional processing. ''Behaviour Research and Therapy, 42''(9), 1037–1052. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2004.01.009 Watkins, E. R. (2008). Constructive and unconstructive repetitive thought. ''Psychological Bulletin, 134''(2), 163–206. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.134.2.163 }} ==External links== * [https://www.health.harvard.edu/mind-and-mood/break-the-cycle Breaking the cycle of rumination] (Harvard Health Publishing) * [https://www.smilingmind.com.au/ Smiling Mind] (Smiling Mind) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Cognition]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self]] 89z6xjbuiu7yvz02mbexlgmmboljdnn 2840368 2840367 2026-10-15T03:22:57Z U3211150 3106672 form paragraphs for first heading and editing 2840368 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Adaptive versus maladaptive self-reflection:<br>When does self-reflection promote wellbeing and when does it contribute to psychological distress?}} __TOC__ ==Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Le Penseur in the Jardin du Musée Rodin, Paris 14 June 2015.jpg|Le_Penseur_in_the_Jardin_du_Musée_Rodin,_Paris_14_June_2015]|right|thumb|150px|'''Figure 1'''. Reflection may produce insight, but repeated self-focused thought may contribute to distress.]] '''Scenario: An embarrassing encounter''' Trevor's day at university was fairly ordinary. While walking to get his second coffee, he exchanged a brief smile with another student. Distracted, he failed to notice the uneven ground and tripped in front of her. He quickly walked away, flushed and deeply embarrassed. Trevor repeatedly replayed the incident in his mind, becoming absorbed in self-focused thought (see Figure 1). He decided that if he saw her again, he would avoid her to prevent further embarrassment. When Trevor told his friend Alucard what had happened, Alucard suggested that she might not have noticed. This prompted Trevor to consider whether his prediction of rejection was supported by what had actually occurred. Soon afterwards, Trevor saw the same student approaching. Although he still felt embarrassed, he reconsidered his interpretation and introduced himself. He discovered that she was happy to speak with him. Trevor's response illustrates how reflecting on the same experience may be associated with different emotional and behavioural outcomes. Why might repeatedly replaying the event have prolonged his embarrassment, while reconsidering his interpretation helped him respond more constructively? {{RoundBoxBottom}} [[w:Self-reflection|Self-reflection]] involves examining one’s thoughts, emotions and behaviour, but this process does not necessarily produce insight or psychological wellbeing. Self-reflection and insight are related but distinguishable: reflection describes the process of self-examination, whereas insight involves developing clearer self-understanding (Grant et al., 2002). This distinction is practically important because deliberate self-analysis may appear constructive even when it maintains embarrassment, avoidance or distress. The effects of self-focused thought may depend on how it is performed. Trapnell and Campbell (1999) distinguished curiosity-driven reflection from recurrent [[w:Rumination (psychology)|rumination]] prompted by perceived threats, losses or injustices involving the self. More broadly, repetitive thought may be relatively constructive or unconstructive depending on its content, context and level of processing (Watkins, 2008). Psychological perspective may also matter, as analysing a negative experience from a self-distanced perspective may reduce immediate emotional reactivity compared with self-immersed analysis (Ayduk & Kross, 2008). Understanding these processes may help explain why reflection sometimes supports insight and constructive action but, in other circumstances, contributes to continuing distress.{{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What distinguishes adaptive self-reflection from maladaptive self-focused thought? * Under what conditions may self-reflection support psychological wellbeing? * Under what conditions may self-focused thought contribute to psychological distress? * What psychological processes influence the outcomes of self-reflection? * How might people engage in more adaptive self-reflection? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding adaptive and maladaptive self-reflection == Self-focused thought is not explicitly helpful or harmful. It may involve distinguishable processes which influence the overall wellbeing outcomes. Whether adaptive or maladaptive behaviours are executed may rely on motivation, processing style, capacity to generate insight and the relationship with repetitive negative thinking. Self-reflection can be defined as the inspection and evaluation of one's thoughts, emotions and behaviour, along with the act of directed attention towards internal experiences and processes. However, engaging in the act of self-reflection is not the same as gaining clarity and understanding of what these internal experiences mean (Grant et al., 2002). Adaptive and maladaptive describe the likely outcomes of self-focused thought compared to specific fixed good/bad distinctions. Adaptive self-reflection may involve the flexible, purposeful processing that supports insight, problem-solving or movement towards personally relevant goals (Watkins, 2008). On the other hand, maladaptive self-reflection involves a more self-focused thought process that refers to repetitive attention to distress and its causes or consequences. Rumination is a central example of maladaptive processes, but not every emotionally difficult reflective episode is necessarily maladaptive. Therefore, engaging in these behaviour may potentially interfere with problem-solving and supportive behaviours that can lead to positive outcomes and reaching insight. (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 2008). {{cmbox | type = style | image = [[File:Emblem-question-yellow.svg|40px]] | style = width: 400px; | textstyle = color: black; font-weight: bold; font-style: italic; | text = Does self-reflection differ from insight? }} While self-reflection and insight are related, they are both distinguishable factors. Reflection involves the process of self-examination, whereas insight describes the possible outcome. Suggesting that higher levels of self-examination do not with certainty produce clear self-understanding. Moreover, insight is defined as the clarity to understanding of one's thoughts, emotions and behaviours compared to the evaluative process of self-reflection (Grant et al,. 2002). Grant et al.'s (2002) results found that self-reflection associated positively with anxiety and stress. Whereas, insight was negatively associated with depression, anxiety and stress, while positively associated with cognitive flexibility and self-regulation. These findings were primarily correlational and participants included a sample of undergraduate psychology students which may limit the generalisability. Therefore, these findings demonstrate association among self-reflection insight and psychological outcomes, but they do not establish causal relationships. When these theories are applied to Trevor's scenario, He replays the incident with self-focused attention, but it does not initially provide him with easing distress or more accurate understanding. Trapnell and Campbell (1999) identified two motivationally distinct forms of private self-attention. They distinguish between curiosity-driven reflection or intellectual interest in the self compared to recurrent self-rumination likely to be prompted by threats, losses or injustices regarding the self. Additionally they introduced the "self-absorption paradox", which highlights how self-focused attention can be associated with both self-understanding and psychological distress. This suggests that the motivation and quality of self-focused attention may be more informative than the amount of reflection alone. Trapnell and Campbell's (1999) model provides a key theoretical differentiation for dispositional reflection and rumination. While their research support the distinction between the different processes of reflection. However, it does not establish causation between reflection supporting adaptive outcomes and repetitive thought causing harmful outcomes. In relation to the Trevor scenario, the act of repeated replaying the embarrassment and anticipated rejection resembles the threat-focused rumination, whereas questioning his initial assumptions illustrates curiosity-driven reflection. According to Treynor et al. (2003), rumination may contain at least two distinguishable components: brooding and reflective pondering. Brooding can be defined as the passive comparison between one's current circumstance and an unattained standard, while reflective pondering can be defined as purposeful attention intended to understand or address distress. however, reflection and reflective pondering are from two different measures and should not be treated as identical constructs,It important to highlight these as differing constructs as they both associate differently when measured alongside depressive symptoms. Reflective pondering showed a different and less consistently maladaptive pattern than brooding, although, it is also measured alongside depressive rumination and should not automatically be equated to adaptive self-reflection. This highlighted how different processes of rumination have different relationships with depressive symptoms. (Treynor et al., 2003). '''Reflection and rumination overlap''' * Takano and Tanno (2009), proposed that self-reflection and self-rumination are distinguishable but may not be entirely independent. * A two wave longitudinal study over three weeks reported (Takano and Tanno (2009)): ** Self-reflection was associated with lower depression, whereas self-rumination was associated with higher depression ** Important to note that the estimated total effect of reflection on depression was close to zero, as reflection and rumination occurred together. ** This suggests that adaptive reflection processes may coexist with maladaptive processes that counteract positive outcomes ** The small, predominantly male undergraduate sample and brief follow-up period limit generalisability, while the observational design prevents firm causal conclusions. '''Concluding sentence''' - research suggests that adaptive self-reflection is more likely to involve curiosity-driven and flexible examination that may facilitate insight. In contrast, maladaptive self-focused thought may involve threat-focused repetitions, passive brooding and difficulty disengaging. However, these processes may interact and fluctuate, so reflection should not be assumed to be beneficial merely because it is deliberate. its outcomes may depend on whether it generates clearer understanding or becomes incorporated into repetitive rumination. == Adaptive self-reflection and wellbeing == '''Focus question -''' Under what conditions may self reflection support psychological wellbeing? '''Topic sentence/introductory message -''' Self reflection is more likely to support wellbeing when insight is gained to facilitate constructive meaning, '''Key points''' * Insight was positively associated with happiness and life satisfaction, whereas self-reflection alone did not show the same relationship with subjective wellbeing (Lyke, 2009). * Adaptive self-reflection was indirectly associated with greater resilience and wellbeing through insight when rumination was low. When rumination was high, the pattern was less favourable (Bucknell et al., 2022). * A randomised control trial, found that self reflective writing was more effective than descriptive writing in reinforced perceived resilience. Additionally, reflection on successful coping demonstrates better maintenance of benefits than reflecting on unsuccessful coping (Bucknell et al., 2024). * An app-based journal that targeted positive processes was associated with increased psychological wellbeing among participants with average or higher baseline dispositional self-reflection, after statistically controlling for rumination (MacIsaac et al., 2023) '''Concluding sentence''' - the evidence highlighted that the possible benefits of reflection depend on whether the action produces greater insight, constructing meaning and recognising effective coping. Find research potential locus of control x self-reflection as a point '''Limitations''' * Lyke (2009) is correlational and does not prove insight causes wellbeing * Bucknell et al. (2022) is a cross-sectional moderated mediation analysis, proposed indirect statistical pathway does not infer causation * Bucknell et al. (2024) experimental outcomes were targeted to perceived resilience rather than self reflection. Participants also consisted of Australian ministry workers limiting generalisability * MacIsaac et al. (2023), study was longitudinal but lacked experimental assignment and a control group. Participants chose how much they used the journal, and the app contained other features. Additionally, the nature of the quasi-experiment makes it difficult to confirm whether outcomes are influenced by individuals pre existing reflection intentions and behaviours. == Maladaptive self-reflection and psychological distress == [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Example of an image with a descriptive caption.]]'''Focus questions -''' Under what conditions may self-focused thought contribute to psychological distress? '''Topic sentence/introductory message -''' Self-focused thought may contribute to psychological distress when it becomes repetitive, negative and difficult to detach from, especially when interfering with constructive behaviour and problem solving. '''Key points''' *Response style theory proposes that repetitive focus on distress and its causes and consequences may reinforce negative thinking, impair problem solving and interfere with constructive understanding and behaviours (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 2008) *A meta-analysis of effect sizes highlighted an association between self-focused attention and negative affect. The strength of this association differed by the form of self-focus, distress and samples (Mor & Winquist, 2002) *Cross-sectional mediation models indicated that brooding statistically accounted for part of the relationship between lower self-compassion and depressive symptoms, while brooding and worry correlated with anxiety (Raes, 2010). *Dunn & Luchner (2022) researched reflection on personal mistakes and how rumination conditions effected negative affect. Results found that no significant improvement in negative emotion, which indicates that rumination may maintain psychological distress. '''Concluding sentence''' - self-focused thought may involve distress when it maintains attention toward negative content without facilitating insight or effective problem-solving. '''Limitations''' * Identifies overall association, not the causality of self-focus and distress. Additionally this meta-analysis is quite dated , social norms and stressors have changed so a more recent meta-analysis may be more useful. (Mor & Winquist, 2002) * Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) concluded that rumination predicted the onset of depression more consistently than the duration of the depressive episode, findings concerning duration were mixed. * Raes (2010) cross-sectional design may limit generalisability and causality. * Dunn and Luchner (2022) did not find a strong implication that rumination significantly caused a decreased mood. Additionally, the study focuses on reflection of personal mistakes and not self-reflection in general. == Factors influencing the outcomes of self-reflection == '''Focus question -''' What psychological processes influence the outcomes of self-reflection? '''Topic sentence -''' The outcomes of self-reflection may be influenced by the interaction of cognitive, emotional, personal and cultural factors rather than on the amount of maladaptive process alone. '''Key points''' *A theoretical review proposed that repetitive thought may be constructive or unconstructive depending on its emotional content, situational context and level of construal, including whether processing is relatively abstract or concrete (Watkins, 2008). *Experimental evidence suggests that analysing a negative experience from a psychologically distanced perspective may support faster cardiovascular recovery than analysing it from a self-immersed perspective (Ayduk & Kross, 2008). *Cross-cultural studies found that Russian participants reported greater spontaneous self-distancing and less distress while reflecting on negative experiences than American participants, indicating that cultural context may influence how reflection is performed and experienced (Grossmann & Kross, 2010). *The relationship between adaptive reflection, insight and wellbeing differed according to participants’ levels of rumination, suggesting that rumination may interfere with otherwise constructive reflective processing (Bucknell et al., 2022). *An experiment involving reflection on a significant mistake suggested that self-criticism may also influence outcomes, as reflection was associated with reduced negative emotion among participants high in the “hated self” form of self-criticism (Dunn & Luchner, 2022). '''Concluding sentence''' - important influences may include processing style, psychological distance, emotional content, rumination, self-criticism, culture and the extent to which reflection generates insight or action. '''Limitations''' == Developing more adaptive self-reflection == '''Focus question''' - How might people engage in more adaptive self-reflection? *Adaptive self-reflection may be encouraged by giving reflection a clear structure, directing attention towards specific experiences and supporting perspective, insight and constructive action. *Analysing a negative experience from a self-distanced perspective may reduce immediate physiological reactivity compared with analysing the experience from a self-immersed perspective (Ayduk & Kross, 2008). *In a one-month randomised trial with distressed students, both [[w:Mindfulness|mindfulness meditation]] and relaxation training reduced distress and increased positive states of mind relative to a control condition; mindfulness meditation also reduced rumination relative to the control condition (Jain et al., 2007). *Positively focused journalling prompts concerning growth, mastery, goals and the future were associated with improved psychological wellbeing among participants with average or higher dispositional self-reflection (MacIsaac et al., 2023). *Structured reflection on successful coping experiences may be particularly useful, as its effects on perceived resilience were maintained more effectively than reflection focused on unsuccessful coping experiences (Bucknell et al., 2024). *in relation to recalling a significant personal mistake, reflection was associated with reduced negative emotion among participants high in hated-self criticism, whereas rumination produced no significant emotional change. (Dunn & Luchner, 2022). '''Concluding sentence''' - promising strategies include psychological distancing, mindfulness, positively focused journalling and structured reflection on successful coping; however, these approaches should not be presented as universally effective. '''Limitations''' *Ayduk and Kross (2008), dated source and supports immediate self-distancing over a more universal and long term intervention. *Jain et al. (2007), Sample included 83 distressed students limiting generalisability. Additionally, mindfulness was not significantly stronger for relaxation for distress or positive states of mind. *Bucknell et al. (2024), study targeted perceived resilience and was a specific occupational sample. ;Quiz Time to quiz your knowledge! Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Self-reflection involves examining one's thoughts, emotions and behaviour: |type="()"} + True - False {Self-reflection is always adaptive when it is deliberate and purposeful: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== *Self-reflection does not appear to be definitively adaptive or maladaptive; its outcomes may depend on how reflection is processed and the context. *Adaptive self-reflection may involve curiosity, flexible thinking and movement towards insight, problem-solving or constructive action. *Maladaptive self-focused thought may involve threat-focused repetition, passive brooding and difficulty disengaging from distress. *Reflection alone does not necessarily produce insight or psychological wellbeing. *Factors such as psychological distance, rumination, emotional content, self-criticism and cultural context may influence reflective outcomes. *Strategies such as mindfulness, self-distancing, positively focused journalling and structured reflection on successful coping may encourage more adaptive reflection. '''Concluding sentence''' - outcomes do not rely on whether an individual reflects or not, but whether their reflection generates clearer understanding and constructive action or maintains repetitive negative attention. ==See also== * [[w:Emotion regulation|Emotion regulation]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Rumination (psychology)|Rumination]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2013/Rumination|Rumination]] (Book chapter, 2013) * [[w:Self-awareness|Self-awareness]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Ayduk, Ö., & Kross, E. (2008). Enhancing the pace of recovery: Self-distanced analysis of negative experiences reduces blood pressure reactivity. ''Psychological Science, 19''(3), 229–231. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2008.02073.x Bucknell, K. J., Kangas, M., & Crane, M. F. (2022). Adaptive self-reflection and resilience: The moderating effects of rumination on insight as a mediator. ''Personality and Individual Differences, 185'', 111234. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2021.111234 Bucknell, K. J., Kangas, M., Karin, E., & Crane, M. F. (2024). A randomized controlled trial comparing the effects of self‐reflective writing focused on successful and unsuccessful coping experiences on resilience. ''Stress and Health, 40''(2), e3311. https://doi.org/10.1002/smi.3311 Dunn, N. A., & Luchner, A. F. (2022). The emotional impact of self‐criticism on self‐reflection and rumination. ''Psychology and Psychotherapy: Theory, Research and Practice, 95''(4), 1126–1139. https://doi.org/10.1111/papt.12422 Grant, A. M., Franklin, J., & Langford, P. (2002). The self-reflection and insight scale: A new measure of private self-consciousness. ''Social Behavior and Personality: An International Journal, 30''(8), 821–836. https://doi.org/10.2224/sbp.2002.30.8.821 Grossmann, I., & Kross, E. (2010). The impact of culture on adaptive versus maladaptive self-reflection. ''Psychological Science, 21''(8), 1150–1157. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797610376655 Jain, S., Shapiro, S. L., Swanick, S., Roesch, S. C., Mills, P. J., Bell, I., & Schwartz, G. E. (2007). A randomized controlled trial of mindfulness meditation versus relaxation training: Effects on distress, positive states of mind, rumination, and distraction. ''Annals of Behavioral Medicine, 33''(1), 11–21. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15324796abm3301_2 Lyke, J. A. (2009). Insight, but not self-reflection, is related to subjective well-being. ''Personality and Individual Differences, 46''(1), 66–70. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2008.09.010 MacIsaac, A., Mushquash, A. R., & Wekerle, C. (2023). Writing yourself well: Dispositional self-reflection moderates the effect of a smartphone app-based journaling intervention on psychological wellbeing across time. ''Behaviour Change, 40''(4), 297–313. https://doi.org/10.1017/bec.2022.24 Mor, N., & Winquist, J. (2002). Self-focused attention and negative affect: A meta-analysis. ''Psychological Bulletin, 128''(4), 638–662. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.128.4.638 Nolen-Hoeksema, S., Wisco, B. E., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2008). Rethinking rumination. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science, 3''(5), 400–424. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-6924.2008.00088.x Raes, F. (2010). Rumination and worry as mediators of the relationship between self-compassion and depression and anxiety. ''Personality and Individual Differences, 48''(6), 757–761. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2010.01.023 Takano, K., & Tanno, Y. (2009). Self-rumination, self-reflection, and depression: Self-rumination counteracts the adaptive effect of self-reflection. ''Behaviour Research and Therapy, 47''(3), 260–264. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2008.12.008 Trapnell, P. D., & Campbell, J. D. (1999). Private self-consciousness and the five-factor model of personality: Distinguishing rumination from reflection. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76''(2), 284–304. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.76.2.284 Treynor, W., Gonzalez, R., & Nolen-Hoeksema, S. (2003). Rumination reconsidered: A psychometric analysis. ''Cognitive Therapy and Research, 27''(3), 247–259. https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1023910315561 Watkins, E. (2004). Adaptive and maladaptive ruminative self-focus during emotional processing. ''Behaviour Research and Therapy, 42''(9), 1037–1052. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2004.01.009 Watkins, E. R. (2008). Constructive and unconstructive repetitive thought. ''Psychological Bulletin, 134''(2), 163–206. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.134.2.163 }} ==External links== * [https://www.health.harvard.edu/mind-and-mood/break-the-cycle Breaking the cycle of rumination] (Harvard Health Publishing) * [https://www.smilingmind.com.au/ Smiling Mind] (Smiling Mind) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Cognition]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self]] b40j8w48il96zk107jtw4uax3pm826q 2840371 2840368 2026-10-15T03:32:48Z U3211150 3106672 issue w formatting - easier to edit iin source 2840371 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Adaptive versus maladaptive self-reflection:<br>When does self-reflection promote wellbeing and when does it contribute to psychological distress?}} __TOC__ ==Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Le Penseur in the Jardin du Musée Rodin, Paris 14 June 2015.jpg|Le_Penseur_in_the_Jardin_du_Musée_Rodin,_Paris_14_June_2015]|right|thumb|150px|'''Figure 1'''. Reflection may produce insight, but repeated self-focused thought may contribute to distress.]] '''Scenario: An embarrassing encounter''' Trevor's day at university was fairly ordinary. While walking to get his second coffee, he exchanged a brief smile with another student. Distracted, he failed to notice the uneven ground and tripped in front of her. He quickly walked away, flushed and deeply embarrassed. Trevor repeatedly replayed the incident in his mind, becoming absorbed in self-focused thought (see Figure 1). He decided that if he saw her again, he would avoid her to prevent further embarrassment. When Trevor told his friend Alucard what had happened, Alucard suggested that she might not have noticed. This prompted Trevor to consider whether his prediction of rejection was supported by what had actually occurred. Soon afterwards, Trevor saw the same student approaching. Although he still felt embarrassed, he reconsidered his interpretation and introduced himself. He discovered that she was happy to speak with him. Trevor's response illustrates how reflecting on the same experience may be associated with different emotional and behavioural outcomes. Why might repeatedly replaying the event have prolonged his embarrassment, while reconsidering his interpretation helped him respond more constructively? {{RoundBoxBottom}} [[w:Self-reflection|Self-reflection]] involves examining one’s thoughts, emotions and behaviour, but this process does not necessarily produce insight or psychological wellbeing. Self-reflection and insight are related but distinguishable: reflection describes the process of self-examination, whereas insight involves developing clearer self-understanding (Grant et al., 2002). This distinction is practically important because deliberate self-analysis may appear constructive even when it maintains embarrassment, avoidance or distress. The effects of self-focused thought may depend on how it is performed. Trapnell and Campbell (1999) distinguished curiosity-driven reflection from recurrent [[w:Rumination (psychology)|rumination]] prompted by perceived threats, losses or injustices involving the self. More broadly, repetitive thought may be relatively constructive or unconstructive depending on its content, context and level of processing (Watkins, 2008). Psychological perspective may also matter, as analysing a negative experience from a self-distanced perspective may reduce immediate emotional reactivity compared with self-immersed analysis (Ayduk & Kross, 2008). Understanding these processes may help explain why reflection sometimes supports insight and constructive action but, in other circumstances, contributes to continuing distress.{{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What distinguishes adaptive self-reflection from maladaptive self-focused thought? * Under what conditions may self-reflection support psychological wellbeing? * Under what conditions may self-focused thought contribute to psychological distress? * What psychological processes influence the outcomes of self-reflection? * How might people engage in more adaptive self-reflection? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding adaptive and maladaptive self-reflection == Self-focused thought is not explicitly helpful or harmful. It may involve distinguishable processes which influence the overall wellbeing outcomes. Whether adaptive or maladaptive behaviours are executed may rely on motivation, processing style, capacity to generate insight and the relationship with repetitive negative thinking. Self-reflection can be defined as the inspection and evaluation of one's thoughts, emotions and behaviour, along with the act of directed attention towards internal experiences and processes. However, engaging in the act of self-reflection is not the same as gaining clarity and understanding of what these internal experiences mean (Grant et al., 2002). Adaptive and maladaptive describe the likely outcomes of self-focused thought compared to specific fixed good/bad distinctions. Adaptive self-reflection may involve the flexible, purposeful processing that supports insight, problem-solving or movement towards personally relevant goals (Watkins, 2008). On the other hand, maladaptive self-reflection involves a more self-focused thought process that refers to repetitive attention to distress and its causes or consequences. Rumination is a central example of maladaptive processes, but not every emotionally difficult reflective episode is necessarily maladaptive. Therefore, engaging in these behaviour may potentially interfere with problem-solving and supportive behaviours that can lead to positive outcomes and reaching insight. (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 2008). {{cmbox | type = style | image = [[File:Emblem-question-yellow.svg|40px]] | style = width: 400px; | textstyle = color: black; font-weight: bold; font-style: italic; | text = Does self-reflection differ from insight? }} While self-reflection and insight are related, they are both distinguishable factors. Reflection involves the process of self-examination, whereas insight describes the possible outcome. Suggesting that higher levels of self-examination do not with certainty produce clear self-understanding. Moreover, insight is defined as the clarity to understanding of one's thoughts, emotions and behaviours compared to the evaluative process of self-reflection (Grant et al,. 2002). Grant et al.'s (2002) results found that self-reflection associated positively with anxiety and stress. Whereas, insight was negatively associated with depression, anxiety and stress, while positively associated with cognitive flexibility and self-regulation. These findings were primarily correlational and participants included a sample of undergraduate psychology students which may limit the generalisability. Therefore, these findings demonstrate association among self-reflection insight and psychological outcomes, but they do not establish causal relationships. When these theories are applied to Trevor's scenario, He replays the incident with self-focused attention, but it does not initially provide him with easing distress or more accurate understanding. Trapnell and Campbell (1999) identified two motivationally distinct forms of private self-attention. They distinguish between curiosity-driven reflection or intellectual interest in the self compared to recurrent self-rumination likely to be prompted by threats, losses or injustices regarding the self. Additionally they introduced the "self-absorption paradox", which highlights how self-focused attention can be associated with both self-understanding and psychological distress. This suggests that the motivation and quality of self-focused attention may be more informative than the amount of reflection alone. Trapnell and Campbell's (1999) model provides a key theoretical differentiation for dispositional reflection and rumination. While their research support the distinction between the different processes of reflection. However, it does not establish causation between reflection supporting adaptive outcomes and repetitive thought causing harmful outcomes. In relation to the Trevor scenario, the act of repeated replaying the embarrassment and anticipated rejection resembles the threat-focused rumination, whereas questioning his initial assumptions illustrates curiosity-driven reflection. According to Treynor et al. (2003), rumination may contain at least two distinguishable components: brooding and reflective pondering. Brooding can be defined as the passive comparison between one's current circumstance and an unattained standard, while reflective pondering can be defined as purposeful attention intended to understand or address distress. however, reflection and reflective pondering are from two different measures and should not be treated as identical constructs,It important to highlight these as differing constructs as they both associate differently when measured alongside depressive symptoms. Reflective pondering showed a different and less consistently maladaptive pattern than brooding, although, it is also measured alongside depressive rumination and should not automatically be equated to adaptive self-reflection. This highlighted how different processes of rumination have different relationships with depressive symptoms. (Treynor et al., 2003). Takano and Tanno (2009), proposed that self-reflection and self-rumination are distinguishable but may not be entirely independent. A two wave longitudinal study over three weeks reported (Takano and Tanno (2009)): Self-reflection was associated with lower depression, whereas self-rumination was associated with higher depression Important to note that the estimated total effect of reflection on depression was close to zero, as reflection and rumination occurred together. This suggests that adaptive reflection processes may coexist with maladaptive processes that counteract positive outcomes. The small, predominantly male undergraduate sample and brief follow-up period limit generalisability, while the observational design prevents firm causal conclusions. '''Concluding sentence''' - research suggests that adaptive self-reflection is more likely to involve curiosity-driven and flexible examination that may facilitate insight. In contrast, maladaptive self-focused thought may involve threat-focused repetitions, passive brooding and difficulty disengaging. However, these processes may interact and fluctuate, so reflection should not be assumed to be beneficial merely because it is deliberate. its outcomes may depend on whether it generates clearer understanding or becomes incorporated into repetitive rumination. == Adaptive self-reflection and wellbeing == '''Focus question -''' Under what conditions may self reflection support psychological wellbeing? '''Topic sentence/introductory message -''' Self reflection is more likely to support wellbeing when insight is gained to facilitate constructive meaning, '''Key points''' * Insight was positively associated with happiness and life satisfaction, whereas self-reflection alone did not show the same relationship with subjective wellbeing (Lyke, 2009). * Adaptive self-reflection was indirectly associated with greater resilience and wellbeing through insight when rumination was low. When rumination was high, the pattern was less favourable (Bucknell et al., 2022). * A randomised control trial, found that self reflective writing was more effective than descriptive writing in reinforced perceived resilience. Additionally, reflection on successful coping demonstrates better maintenance of benefits than reflecting on unsuccessful coping (Bucknell et al., 2024). * An app-based journal that targeted positive processes was associated with increased psychological wellbeing among participants with average or higher baseline dispositional self-reflection, after statistically controlling for rumination (MacIsaac et al., 2023) '''Concluding sentence''' - the evidence highlighted that the possible benefits of reflection depend on whether the action produces greater insight, constructing meaning and recognising effective coping. Find research potential locus of control x self-reflection as a point '''Limitations''' * Lyke (2009) is correlational and does not prove insight causes wellbeing * Bucknell et al. (2022) is a cross-sectional moderated mediation analysis, proposed indirect statistical pathway does not infer causation * Bucknell et al. (2024) experimental outcomes were targeted to perceived resilience rather than self reflection. Participants also consisted of Australian ministry workers limiting generalisability * MacIsaac et al. (2023), study was longitudinal but lacked experimental assignment and a control group. Participants chose how much they used the journal, and the app contained other features. Additionally, the nature of the quasi-experiment makes it difficult to confirm whether outcomes are influenced by individuals pre existing reflection intentions and behaviours. == Maladaptive self-reflection and psychological distress == [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Example of an image with a descriptive caption.]]'''Focus questions -''' Under what conditions may self-focused thought contribute to psychological distress? '''Topic sentence/introductory message -''' Self-focused thought may contribute to psychological distress when it becomes repetitive, negative and difficult to detach from, especially when interfering with constructive behaviour and problem solving. '''Key points''' *Response style theory proposes that repetitive focus on distress and its causes and consequences may reinforce negative thinking, impair problem solving and interfere with constructive understanding and behaviours (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 2008) *A meta-analysis of effect sizes highlighted an association between self-focused attention and negative affect. The strength of this association differed by the form of self-focus, distress and samples (Mor & Winquist, 2002) *Cross-sectional mediation models indicated that brooding statistically accounted for part of the relationship between lower self-compassion and depressive symptoms, while brooding and worry correlated with anxiety (Raes, 2010). *Dunn & Luchner (2022) researched reflection on personal mistakes and how rumination conditions effected negative affect. Results found that no significant improvement in negative emotion, which indicates that rumination may maintain psychological distress. '''Concluding sentence''' - self-focused thought may involve distress when it maintains attention toward negative content without facilitating insight or effective problem-solving. '''Limitations''' * Identifies overall association, not the causality of self-focus and distress. Additionally this meta-analysis is quite dated , social norms and stressors have changed so a more recent meta-analysis may be more useful. (Mor & Winquist, 2002) * Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) concluded that rumination predicted the onset of depression more consistently than the duration of the depressive episode, findings concerning duration were mixed. * Raes (2010) cross-sectional design may limit generalisability and causality. * Dunn and Luchner (2022) did not find a strong implication that rumination significantly caused a decreased mood. Additionally, the study focuses on reflection of personal mistakes and not self-reflection in general. == Factors influencing the outcomes of self-reflection == '''Focus question -''' What psychological processes influence the outcomes of self-reflection? '''Topic sentence -''' The outcomes of self-reflection may be influenced by the interaction of cognitive, emotional, personal and cultural factors rather than on the amount of maladaptive process alone. '''Key points''' *A theoretical review proposed that repetitive thought may be constructive or unconstructive depending on its emotional content, situational context and level of construal, including whether processing is relatively abstract or concrete (Watkins, 2008). *Experimental evidence suggests that analysing a negative experience from a psychologically distanced perspective may support faster cardiovascular recovery than analysing it from a self-immersed perspective (Ayduk & Kross, 2008). *Cross-cultural studies found that Russian participants reported greater spontaneous self-distancing and less distress while reflecting on negative experiences than American participants, indicating that cultural context may influence how reflection is performed and experienced (Grossmann & Kross, 2010). *The relationship between adaptive reflection, insight and wellbeing differed according to participants’ levels of rumination, suggesting that rumination may interfere with otherwise constructive reflective processing (Bucknell et al., 2022). *An experiment involving reflection on a significant mistake suggested that self-criticism may also influence outcomes, as reflection was associated with reduced negative emotion among participants high in the “hated self” form of self-criticism (Dunn & Luchner, 2022). '''Concluding sentence''' - important influences may include processing style, psychological distance, emotional content, rumination, self-criticism, culture and the extent to which reflection generates insight or action. '''Limitations''' == Developing more adaptive self-reflection == '''Focus question''' - How might people engage in more adaptive self-reflection? *Adaptive self-reflection may be encouraged by giving reflection a clear structure, directing attention towards specific experiences and supporting perspective, insight and constructive action. *Analysing a negative experience from a self-distanced perspective may reduce immediate physiological reactivity compared with analysing the experience from a self-immersed perspective (Ayduk & Kross, 2008). *In a one-month randomised trial with distressed students, both [[w:Mindfulness|mindfulness meditation]] and relaxation training reduced distress and increased positive states of mind relative to a control condition; mindfulness meditation also reduced rumination relative to the control condition (Jain et al., 2007). *Positively focused journalling prompts concerning growth, mastery, goals and the future were associated with improved psychological wellbeing among participants with average or higher dispositional self-reflection (MacIsaac et al., 2023). *Structured reflection on successful coping experiences may be particularly useful, as its effects on perceived resilience were maintained more effectively than reflection focused on unsuccessful coping experiences (Bucknell et al., 2024). *in relation to recalling a significant personal mistake, reflection was associated with reduced negative emotion among participants high in hated-self criticism, whereas rumination produced no significant emotional change. (Dunn & Luchner, 2022). '''Concluding sentence''' - promising strategies include psychological distancing, mindfulness, positively focused journalling and structured reflection on successful coping; however, these approaches should not be presented as universally effective. '''Limitations''' *Ayduk and Kross (2008), dated source and supports immediate self-distancing over a more universal and long term intervention. *Jain et al. (2007), Sample included 83 distressed students limiting generalisability. Additionally, mindfulness was not significantly stronger for relaxation for distress or positive states of mind. *Bucknell et al. (2024), study targeted perceived resilience and was a specific occupational sample. ;Quiz Time to quiz your knowledge! Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Self-reflection involves examining one's thoughts, emotions and behaviour: |type="()"} + True - False {Self-reflection is always adaptive when it is deliberate and purposeful: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== *Self-reflection does not appear to be definitively adaptive or maladaptive; its outcomes may depend on how reflection is processed and the context. *Adaptive self-reflection may involve curiosity, flexible thinking and movement towards insight, problem-solving or constructive action. *Maladaptive self-focused thought may involve threat-focused repetition, passive brooding and difficulty disengaging from distress. *Reflection alone does not necessarily produce insight or psychological wellbeing. *Factors such as psychological distance, rumination, emotional content, self-criticism and cultural context may influence reflective outcomes. *Strategies such as mindfulness, self-distancing, positively focused journalling and structured reflection on successful coping may encourage more adaptive reflection. '''Concluding sentence''' - outcomes do not rely on whether an individual reflects or not, but whether their reflection generates clearer understanding and constructive action or maintains repetitive negative attention. ==See also== * [[w:Emotion regulation|Emotion regulation]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Rumination (psychology)|Rumination]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2013/Rumination|Rumination]] (Book chapter, 2013) * [[w:Self-awareness|Self-awareness]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Ayduk, Ö., & Kross, E. (2008). Enhancing the pace of recovery: Self-distanced analysis of negative experiences reduces blood pressure reactivity. ''Psychological Science, 19''(3), 229–231. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2008.02073.x Bucknell, K. J., Kangas, M., & Crane, M. F. (2022). Adaptive self-reflection and resilience: The moderating effects of rumination on insight as a mediator. ''Personality and Individual Differences, 185'', 111234. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2021.111234 Bucknell, K. J., Kangas, M., Karin, E., & Crane, M. F. (2024). A randomized controlled trial comparing the effects of self‐reflective writing focused on successful and unsuccessful coping experiences on resilience. ''Stress and Health, 40''(2), e3311. https://doi.org/10.1002/smi.3311 Dunn, N. A., & Luchner, A. F. (2022). The emotional impact of self‐criticism on self‐reflection and rumination. ''Psychology and Psychotherapy: Theory, Research and Practice, 95''(4), 1126–1139. https://doi.org/10.1111/papt.12422 Grant, A. M., Franklin, J., & Langford, P. (2002). The self-reflection and insight scale: A new measure of private self-consciousness. ''Social Behavior and Personality: An International Journal, 30''(8), 821–836. https://doi.org/10.2224/sbp.2002.30.8.821 Grossmann, I., & Kross, E. (2010). The impact of culture on adaptive versus maladaptive self-reflection. ''Psychological Science, 21''(8), 1150–1157. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797610376655 Jain, S., Shapiro, S. L., Swanick, S., Roesch, S. C., Mills, P. J., Bell, I., & Schwartz, G. E. (2007). A randomized controlled trial of mindfulness meditation versus relaxation training: Effects on distress, positive states of mind, rumination, and distraction. ''Annals of Behavioral Medicine, 33''(1), 11–21. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15324796abm3301_2 Lyke, J. A. (2009). Insight, but not self-reflection, is related to subjective well-being. ''Personality and Individual Differences, 46''(1), 66–70. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2008.09.010 MacIsaac, A., Mushquash, A. R., & Wekerle, C. (2023). Writing yourself well: Dispositional self-reflection moderates the effect of a smartphone app-based journaling intervention on psychological wellbeing across time. ''Behaviour Change, 40''(4), 297–313. https://doi.org/10.1017/bec.2022.24 Mor, N., & Winquist, J. (2002). Self-focused attention and negative affect: A meta-analysis. ''Psychological Bulletin, 128''(4), 638–662. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.128.4.638 Nolen-Hoeksema, S., Wisco, B. E., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2008). Rethinking rumination. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science, 3''(5), 400–424. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-6924.2008.00088.x Raes, F. (2010). Rumination and worry as mediators of the relationship between self-compassion and depression and anxiety. ''Personality and Individual Differences, 48''(6), 757–761. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2010.01.023 Takano, K., & Tanno, Y. (2009). Self-rumination, self-reflection, and depression: Self-rumination counteracts the adaptive effect of self-reflection. ''Behaviour Research and Therapy, 47''(3), 260–264. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2008.12.008 Trapnell, P. D., & Campbell, J. D. (1999). Private self-consciousness and the five-factor model of personality: Distinguishing rumination from reflection. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76''(2), 284–304. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.76.2.284 Treynor, W., Gonzalez, R., & Nolen-Hoeksema, S. (2003). Rumination reconsidered: A psychometric analysis. ''Cognitive Therapy and Research, 27''(3), 247–259. https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1023910315561 Watkins, E. (2004). Adaptive and maladaptive ruminative self-focus during emotional processing. ''Behaviour Research and Therapy, 42''(9), 1037–1052. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2004.01.009 Watkins, E. R. (2008). Constructive and unconstructive repetitive thought. ''Psychological Bulletin, 134''(2), 163–206. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.134.2.163 }} ==External links== * [https://www.health.harvard.edu/mind-and-mood/break-the-cycle Breaking the cycle of rumination] (Harvard Health Publishing) * [https://www.smilingmind.com.au/ Smiling Mind] (Smiling Mind) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Cognition]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self]] nw9hymak1945h6dwu5y2grqjd5p0rx8 2840375 2840371 2026-10-15T04:10:27Z U3211150 3106672 /* Understanding adaptive and maladaptive self-reflection */ finalise topic dev info into paragraphs for heading 1 2840375 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Adaptive versus maladaptive self-reflection:<br>When does self-reflection promote wellbeing and when does it contribute to psychological distress?}} __TOC__ ==Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Le Penseur in the Jardin du Musée Rodin, Paris 14 June 2015.jpg|Le_Penseur_in_the_Jardin_du_Musée_Rodin,_Paris_14_June_2015]|right|thumb|150px|'''Figure 1'''. Reflection may produce insight, but repeated self-focused thought may contribute to distress.]] '''Scenario: An embarrassing encounter''' Trevor's day at university was fairly ordinary. While walking to get his second coffee, he exchanged a brief smile with another student. Distracted, he failed to notice the uneven ground and tripped in front of her. He quickly walked away, flushed and deeply embarrassed. Trevor repeatedly replayed the incident in his mind, becoming absorbed in self-focused thought (see Figure 1). He decided that if he saw her again, he would avoid her to prevent further embarrassment. When Trevor told his friend Alucard what had happened, Alucard suggested that she might not have noticed. This prompted Trevor to consider whether his prediction of rejection was supported by what had actually occurred. Soon afterwards, Trevor saw the same student approaching. Although he still felt embarrassed, he reconsidered his interpretation and introduced himself. He discovered that she was happy to speak with him. Trevor's response illustrates how reflecting on the same experience may be associated with different emotional and behavioural outcomes. Why might repeatedly replaying the event have prolonged his embarrassment, while reconsidering his interpretation helped him respond more constructively? {{RoundBoxBottom}} [[w:Self-reflection|Self-reflection]] involves examining one’s thoughts, emotions and behaviour, but this process does not necessarily produce insight or psychological wellbeing. Self-reflection and insight are related but distinguishable: reflection describes the process of self-examination, whereas insight involves developing clearer self-understanding (Grant et al., 2002). This distinction is practically important because deliberate self-analysis may appear constructive even when it maintains embarrassment, avoidance or distress. The effects of self-focused thought may depend on how it is performed. Trapnell and Campbell (1999) distinguished curiosity-driven reflection from recurrent [[w:Rumination (psychology)|rumination]] prompted by perceived threats, losses or injustices involving the self. More broadly, repetitive thought may be relatively constructive or unconstructive depending on its content, context and level of processing (Watkins, 2008). Psychological perspective may also matter, as analysing a negative experience from a self-distanced perspective may reduce immediate emotional reactivity compared with self-immersed analysis (Ayduk & Kross, 2008). Understanding these processes may help explain why reflection sometimes supports insight and constructive action but, in other circumstances, contributes to continuing distress.{{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What distinguishes adaptive self-reflection from maladaptive self-focused thought? * Under what conditions may self-reflection support psychological wellbeing? * Under what conditions may self-focused thought contribute to psychological distress? * What psychological processes influence the outcomes of self-reflection? * How might people engage in more adaptive self-reflection? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding adaptive and maladaptive self-reflection == Self-focused thought is not explicitly helpful or harmful. It may involve distinguishable processes which influence the overall wellbeing outcomes. Whether adaptive or maladaptive behaviours are executed may rely on motivation, processing style, capacity to generate insight and the relationship with repetitive negative thinking. Self-reflection can be defined as the inspection and evaluation of one's thoughts, emotions and behaviour, along with the act of directed attention towards internal experiences and processes. However, engaging in the act of self-reflection is not the same as gaining clarity and understanding of what these internal experiences mean (Grant et al., 2002). Adaptive and maladaptive describe the likely outcomes of self-focused thought compared to specific fixed good/bad distinctions. Adaptive self-reflection may involve the flexible, purposeful processing that supports insight, problem-solving or movement towards personally relevant goals (Watkins, 2008). On the other hand, maladaptive self-reflection involves a more self-focused thought process that refers to repetitive attention to distress and its causes or consequences. Rumination is a central example of maladaptive processes, but not every emotionally difficult reflective episode is necessarily maladaptive. Therefore, engaging in these behaviour may potentially interfere with problem-solving and supportive behaviours that can lead to positive outcomes and reaching insight. (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 2008). {{cmbox | type = style | image = [[File:Emblem-question-yellow.svg|40px]] | style = width: 400px; | textstyle = color: black; font-weight: bold; font-style: italic; | text = Does self-reflection differ from insight? }} While self-reflection and insight are related, they are both distinguishable factors. Reflection involves the process of self-examination, whereas insight describes the possible outcome. Suggesting that higher levels of self-examination do not with certainty produce clear self-understanding. Moreover, insight is defined as the clarity to understanding of one's thoughts, emotions and behaviours compared to the evaluative process of self-reflection (Grant et al,. 2002). Grant et al.'s (2002) results found that self-reflection associated positively with anxiety and stress. Whereas, insight was negatively associated with depression, anxiety and stress, while positively associated with cognitive flexibility and self-regulation. These findings were primarily correlational and participants included a sample of undergraduate psychology students which may limit the generalisability. Therefore, these findings demonstrate association among self-reflection insight and psychological outcomes, but they do not establish causal relationships. When these theories are applied to Trevor's scenario, He replays the incident with self-focused attention, but it does not initially provide him with easing distress or more accurate understanding. Trapnell and Campbell (1999) identified two motivationally distinct forms of private self-attention. They distinguish between curiosity-driven reflection or intellectual interest in the self compared to recurrent self-rumination likely to be prompted by threats, losses or injustices regarding the self. Additionally they introduced the "self-absorption paradox", which highlights how self-focused attention can be associated with both self-understanding and psychological distress. This suggests that the motivation and quality of self-focused attention may be more informative than the amount of reflection alone. Trapnell and Campbell's (1999) model provides a key theoretical differentiation for dispositional reflection and rumination. While their research support the distinction between the different processes of reflection. However, it does not establish causation between reflection supporting adaptive outcomes and repetitive thought causing harmful outcomes. In relation to the Trevor scenario, the act of repeated replaying the embarrassment and anticipated rejection resembles the threat-focused rumination, whereas questioning his initial assumptions illustrates curiosity-driven reflection. According to Treynor et al. (2003), rumination may contain at least two distinguishable components: brooding and reflective pondering. Brooding can be defined as the passive comparison between one's current circumstance and an unattained standard, while reflective pondering can be defined as purposeful attention intended to understand or address distress. however, reflection and reflective pondering are from two different measures and should not be treated as identical constructs,It important to highlight these as differing constructs as they both associate differently when measured alongside depressive symptoms. Reflective pondering showed a different and less consistently maladaptive pattern than brooding, although, it is also measured alongside depressive rumination and should not automatically be equated to adaptive self-reflection. This highlighted how different processes of rumination have different relationships with depressive symptoms. (Treynor et al., 2003). Takano and Tanno (2009), proposed that self-reflection and self-rumination are distinguishable but may not be entirely independent in response to findings from a two wave longitudinal study over three weeks. They found that self-reflection was associated with lower depression, whereas self-rumination was associated with higher depression Important to note that the estimated total effect of reflection on depression was close to zero, as reflection and rumination occurred together. This suggests that adaptive reflection processes may coexist with maladaptive processes that counteract positive outcomes. The small, predominantly male undergraduate sample and brief follow-up period limit generalisability, while the observational design prevents firm causal conclusions. Ultimately research suggests that adaptive self-reflection is more likely to involve curiosity-driven and flexible examination that may facilitate insight. In contrast, maladaptive self-focused thought may involve threat-focused repetitions, passive brooding and difficulty disengaging. However, these processes may interact and fluctuate, so reflection should not be assumed to be beneficial merely because it is deliberate. its outcomes may depend on whether it generates clearer understanding or becomes incorporated into repetitive rumination. == Adaptive self-reflection and wellbeing == '''Focus question -''' Under what conditions may self reflection support psychological wellbeing? '''Topic sentence/introductory message -''' Self reflection is more likely to support wellbeing when insight is gained to facilitate constructive meaning, '''Key points''' * Insight was positively associated with happiness and life satisfaction, whereas self-reflection alone did not show the same relationship with subjective wellbeing (Lyke, 2009). * Adaptive self-reflection was indirectly associated with greater resilience and wellbeing through insight when rumination was low. When rumination was high, the pattern was less favourable (Bucknell et al., 2022). * A randomised control trial, found that self reflective writing was more effective than descriptive writing in reinforced perceived resilience. Additionally, reflection on successful coping demonstrates better maintenance of benefits than reflecting on unsuccessful coping (Bucknell et al., 2024). * An app-based journal that targeted positive processes was associated with increased psychological wellbeing among participants with average or higher baseline dispositional self-reflection, after statistically controlling for rumination (MacIsaac et al., 2023) '''Concluding sentence''' - the evidence highlighted that the possible benefits of reflection depend on whether the action produces greater insight, constructing meaning and recognising effective coping. Find research potential locus of control x self-reflection as a point '''Limitations''' * Lyke (2009) is correlational and does not prove insight causes wellbeing * Bucknell et al. (2022) is a cross-sectional moderated mediation analysis, proposed indirect statistical pathway does not infer causation * Bucknell et al. (2024) experimental outcomes were targeted to perceived resilience rather than self reflection. Participants also consisted of Australian ministry workers limiting generalisability * MacIsaac et al. (2023), study was longitudinal but lacked experimental assignment and a control group. Participants chose how much they used the journal, and the app contained other features. Additionally, the nature of the quasi-experiment makes it difficult to confirm whether outcomes are influenced by individuals pre existing reflection intentions and behaviours. == Maladaptive self-reflection and psychological distress == [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Example of an image with a descriptive caption.]]'''Focus questions -''' Under what conditions may self-focused thought contribute to psychological distress? '''Topic sentence/introductory message -''' Self-focused thought may contribute to psychological distress when it becomes repetitive, negative and difficult to detach from, especially when interfering with constructive behaviour and problem solving. '''Key points''' *Response style theory proposes that repetitive focus on distress and its causes and consequences may reinforce negative thinking, impair problem solving and interfere with constructive understanding and behaviours (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 2008) *A meta-analysis of effect sizes highlighted an association between self-focused attention and negative affect. The strength of this association differed by the form of self-focus, distress and samples (Mor & Winquist, 2002) *Cross-sectional mediation models indicated that brooding statistically accounted for part of the relationship between lower self-compassion and depressive symptoms, while brooding and worry correlated with anxiety (Raes, 2010). *Dunn & Luchner (2022) researched reflection on personal mistakes and how rumination conditions effected negative affect. Results found that no significant improvement in negative emotion, which indicates that rumination may maintain psychological distress. '''Concluding sentence''' - self-focused thought may involve distress when it maintains attention toward negative content without facilitating insight or effective problem-solving. '''Limitations''' * Identifies overall association, not the causality of self-focus and distress. Additionally this meta-analysis is quite dated , social norms and stressors have changed so a more recent meta-analysis may be more useful. (Mor & Winquist, 2002) * Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) concluded that rumination predicted the onset of depression more consistently than the duration of the depressive episode, findings concerning duration were mixed. * Raes (2010) cross-sectional design may limit generalisability and causality. * Dunn and Luchner (2022) did not find a strong implication that rumination significantly caused a decreased mood. Additionally, the study focuses on reflection of personal mistakes and not self-reflection in general. == Factors influencing the outcomes of self-reflection == '''Focus question -''' What psychological processes influence the outcomes of self-reflection? '''Topic sentence -''' The outcomes of self-reflection may be influenced by the interaction of cognitive, emotional, personal and cultural factors rather than on the amount of maladaptive process alone. '''Key points''' *A theoretical review proposed that repetitive thought may be constructive or unconstructive depending on its emotional content, situational context and level of construal, including whether processing is relatively abstract or concrete (Watkins, 2008). *Experimental evidence suggests that analysing a negative experience from a psychologically distanced perspective may support faster cardiovascular recovery than analysing it from a self-immersed perspective (Ayduk & Kross, 2008). *Cross-cultural studies found that Russian participants reported greater spontaneous self-distancing and less distress while reflecting on negative experiences than American participants, indicating that cultural context may influence how reflection is performed and experienced (Grossmann & Kross, 2010). *The relationship between adaptive reflection, insight and wellbeing differed according to participants’ levels of rumination, suggesting that rumination may interfere with otherwise constructive reflective processing (Bucknell et al., 2022). *An experiment involving reflection on a significant mistake suggested that self-criticism may also influence outcomes, as reflection was associated with reduced negative emotion among participants high in the “hated self” form of self-criticism (Dunn & Luchner, 2022). '''Concluding sentence''' - important influences may include processing style, psychological distance, emotional content, rumination, self-criticism, culture and the extent to which reflection generates insight or action. '''Limitations''' == Developing more adaptive self-reflection == '''Focus question''' - How might people engage in more adaptive self-reflection? *Adaptive self-reflection may be encouraged by giving reflection a clear structure, directing attention towards specific experiences and supporting perspective, insight and constructive action. *Analysing a negative experience from a self-distanced perspective may reduce immediate physiological reactivity compared with analysing the experience from a self-immersed perspective (Ayduk & Kross, 2008). *In a one-month randomised trial with distressed students, both [[w:Mindfulness|mindfulness meditation]] and relaxation training reduced distress and increased positive states of mind relative to a control condition; mindfulness meditation also reduced rumination relative to the control condition (Jain et al., 2007). *Positively focused journalling prompts concerning growth, mastery, goals and the future were associated with improved psychological wellbeing among participants with average or higher dispositional self-reflection (MacIsaac et al., 2023). *Structured reflection on successful coping experiences may be particularly useful, as its effects on perceived resilience were maintained more effectively than reflection focused on unsuccessful coping experiences (Bucknell et al., 2024). *in relation to recalling a significant personal mistake, reflection was associated with reduced negative emotion among participants high in hated-self criticism, whereas rumination produced no significant emotional change. (Dunn & Luchner, 2022). '''Concluding sentence''' - promising strategies include psychological distancing, mindfulness, positively focused journalling and structured reflection on successful coping; however, these approaches should not be presented as universally effective. '''Limitations''' *Ayduk and Kross (2008), dated source and supports immediate self-distancing over a more universal and long term intervention. *Jain et al. (2007), Sample included 83 distressed students limiting generalisability. Additionally, mindfulness was not significantly stronger for relaxation for distress or positive states of mind. *Bucknell et al. (2024), study targeted perceived resilience and was a specific occupational sample. ;Quiz Time to quiz your knowledge! Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Self-reflection involves examining one's thoughts, emotions and behaviour: |type="()"} + True - False {Self-reflection is always adaptive when it is deliberate and purposeful: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== *Self-reflection does not appear to be definitively adaptive or maladaptive; its outcomes may depend on how reflection is processed and the context. *Adaptive self-reflection may involve curiosity, flexible thinking and movement towards insight, problem-solving or constructive action. *Maladaptive self-focused thought may involve threat-focused repetition, passive brooding and difficulty disengaging from distress. *Reflection alone does not necessarily produce insight or psychological wellbeing. *Factors such as psychological distance, rumination, emotional content, self-criticism and cultural context may influence reflective outcomes. *Strategies such as mindfulness, self-distancing, positively focused journalling and structured reflection on successful coping may encourage more adaptive reflection. '''Concluding sentence''' - outcomes do not rely on whether an individual reflects or not, but whether their reflection generates clearer understanding and constructive action or maintains repetitive negative attention. ==See also== * [[w:Emotion regulation|Emotion regulation]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Rumination (psychology)|Rumination]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2013/Rumination|Rumination]] (Book chapter, 2013) * [[w:Self-awareness|Self-awareness]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Ayduk, Ö., & Kross, E. (2008). Enhancing the pace of recovery: Self-distanced analysis of negative experiences reduces blood pressure reactivity. ''Psychological Science, 19''(3), 229–231. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2008.02073.x Bucknell, K. J., Kangas, M., & Crane, M. F. (2022). Adaptive self-reflection and resilience: The moderating effects of rumination on insight as a mediator. ''Personality and Individual Differences, 185'', 111234. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2021.111234 Bucknell, K. J., Kangas, M., Karin, E., & Crane, M. F. (2024). A randomized controlled trial comparing the effects of self‐reflective writing focused on successful and unsuccessful coping experiences on resilience. ''Stress and Health, 40''(2), e3311. https://doi.org/10.1002/smi.3311 Dunn, N. A., & Luchner, A. F. (2022). The emotional impact of self‐criticism on self‐reflection and rumination. ''Psychology and Psychotherapy: Theory, Research and Practice, 95''(4), 1126–1139. https://doi.org/10.1111/papt.12422 Grant, A. M., Franklin, J., & Langford, P. (2002). The self-reflection and insight scale: A new measure of private self-consciousness. ''Social Behavior and Personality: An International Journal, 30''(8), 821–836. https://doi.org/10.2224/sbp.2002.30.8.821 Grossmann, I., & Kross, E. (2010). The impact of culture on adaptive versus maladaptive self-reflection. ''Psychological Science, 21''(8), 1150–1157. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797610376655 Jain, S., Shapiro, S. L., Swanick, S., Roesch, S. C., Mills, P. J., Bell, I., & Schwartz, G. E. (2007). A randomized controlled trial of mindfulness meditation versus relaxation training: Effects on distress, positive states of mind, rumination, and distraction. ''Annals of Behavioral Medicine, 33''(1), 11–21. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15324796abm3301_2 Lyke, J. A. (2009). Insight, but not self-reflection, is related to subjective well-being. ''Personality and Individual Differences, 46''(1), 66–70. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2008.09.010 MacIsaac, A., Mushquash, A. R., & Wekerle, C. (2023). Writing yourself well: Dispositional self-reflection moderates the effect of a smartphone app-based journaling intervention on psychological wellbeing across time. ''Behaviour Change, 40''(4), 297–313. https://doi.org/10.1017/bec.2022.24 Mor, N., & Winquist, J. (2002). Self-focused attention and negative affect: A meta-analysis. ''Psychological Bulletin, 128''(4), 638–662. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.128.4.638 Nolen-Hoeksema, S., Wisco, B. E., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2008). Rethinking rumination. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science, 3''(5), 400–424. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-6924.2008.00088.x Raes, F. (2010). Rumination and worry as mediators of the relationship between self-compassion and depression and anxiety. ''Personality and Individual Differences, 48''(6), 757–761. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2010.01.023 Takano, K., & Tanno, Y. (2009). Self-rumination, self-reflection, and depression: Self-rumination counteracts the adaptive effect of self-reflection. ''Behaviour Research and Therapy, 47''(3), 260–264. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2008.12.008 Trapnell, P. D., & Campbell, J. D. (1999). Private self-consciousness and the five-factor model of personality: Distinguishing rumination from reflection. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76''(2), 284–304. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.76.2.284 Treynor, W., Gonzalez, R., & Nolen-Hoeksema, S. (2003). Rumination reconsidered: A psychometric analysis. ''Cognitive Therapy and Research, 27''(3), 247–259. https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1023910315561 Watkins, E. (2004). Adaptive and maladaptive ruminative self-focus during emotional processing. ''Behaviour Research and Therapy, 42''(9), 1037–1052. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2004.01.009 Watkins, E. R. (2008). Constructive and unconstructive repetitive thought. ''Psychological Bulletin, 134''(2), 163–206. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.134.2.163 }} ==External links== * [https://www.health.harvard.edu/mind-and-mood/break-the-cycle Breaking the cycle of rumination] (Harvard Health Publishing) * [https://www.smilingmind.com.au/ Smiling Mind] (Smiling Mind) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Cognition]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self]] nb1quk4z7x3x9l600xfgtz2zxhomf1p 2840376 2840375 2026-10-15T04:23:56Z U3211150 3106672 edits to heading 1 concluding section and other minor edits 2840376 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Adaptive versus maladaptive self-reflection:<br>When does self-reflection promote wellbeing and when does it contribute to psychological distress?}} __TOC__ ==Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Le Penseur in the Jardin du Musée Rodin, Paris 14 June 2015.jpg|Le_Penseur_in_the_Jardin_du_Musée_Rodin,_Paris_14_June_2015]|right|thumb|150px|'''Figure 1'''. Reflection may produce insight, but repeated self-focused thought may contribute to distress.]] '''Scenario: An embarrassing encounter''' Trevor's day at university was fairly ordinary. While walking to get his second coffee, he exchanged a brief smile with another student. Distracted, he failed to notice the uneven ground and tripped in front of her. He quickly walked away, flushed and deeply embarrassed. Trevor repeatedly replayed the incident in his mind, becoming absorbed in self-focused thought (see Figure 1). He decided that if he saw her again, he would avoid her to prevent further embarrassment. When Trevor told his friend Alucard what had happened, Alucard suggested that she might not have noticed. This prompted Trevor to consider whether his prediction of rejection was supported by what had actually occurred. Soon afterwards, Trevor saw the same student approaching. Although he still felt embarrassed, he reconsidered his interpretation and introduced himself. He discovered that she was happy to speak with him. Trevor's response illustrates how reflecting on the same experience may be associated with different emotional and behavioural outcomes. Why might repeatedly replaying the event have prolonged his embarrassment, while reconsidering his interpretation helped him respond more constructively? {{RoundBoxBottom}} [[w:Self-reflection|Self-reflection]] involves examining one’s thoughts, emotions and behaviour, but this process does not necessarily produce insight or psychological wellbeing. Self-reflection and insight are related but distinguishable: reflection describes the process of self-examination, whereas insight involves developing clearer self-understanding (Grant et al., 2002). This distinction is practically important because deliberate self-analysis may appear constructive even when it maintains embarrassment, avoidance or distress. The effects of self-focused thought may depend on how it is performed. Trapnell and Campbell (1999) distinguished curiosity-driven reflection from recurrent [[w:Rumination (psychology)|rumination]] prompted by perceived threats, losses or injustices involving the self. More broadly, repetitive thought may be relatively constructive or unconstructive depending on its content, context and level of processing (Watkins, 2008). Psychological perspective may also matter, as analysing a negative experience from a self-distanced perspective may reduce immediate emotional reactivity compared with self-immersed analysis (Ayduk & Kross, 2008). Understanding these processes may help explain why reflection sometimes supports insight and constructive action but, in other circumstances, contributes to continuing distress.{{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What distinguishes adaptive self-reflection from maladaptive self-focused thought? * Under what conditions may self-reflection support psychological wellbeing? * Under what conditions may self-focused thought contribute to psychological distress? * What psychological processes influence the outcomes of self-reflection? * How might people engage in more adaptive self-reflection? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding adaptive and maladaptive self-reflection == Self-focused thought is not explicitly helpful or harmful. It may involve distinguishable processes which influence the overall wellbeing outcomes. Whether adaptive or maladaptive behaviours are executed may rely on motivation, processing style, capacity to generate insight and the relationship with repetitive negative thinking. Self-reflection can be defined as the inspection and evaluation of one's thoughts, emotions and behaviour, along with the act of directed attention towards internal experiences and processes. However, engaging in the act of self-reflection is not the same as gaining clarity and understanding of what these internal experiences mean (Grant et al., 2002). Adaptive and maladaptive describe the likely outcomes of self-focused thought compared to specific fixed good/bad distinctions. Adaptive self-reflection may involve the flexible, purposeful processing that supports insight, problem-solving or movement towards personally relevant goals (Watkins, 2008). On the other hand, maladaptive self-reflection involves a more self-focused thought process that refers to repetitive attention to distress and its causes or consequences. Rumination is a central example of maladaptive processes, but not every emotionally difficult reflective episode is necessarily maladaptive. Therefore, engaging in these behaviour may potentially interfere with problem-solving and supportive behaviours that can lead to positive outcomes and reaching insight. (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 2008). {{cmbox | type = style | image = [[File:Emblem-question-yellow.svg|40px]] | style = width: 400px; | textstyle = color: black; font-weight: bold; font-style: italic; | text = Does self-reflection differ from insight? }} While self-reflection and insight are related, they are both distinguishable factors. Reflection involves the process of self-examination, whereas insight describes the possible outcome. Suggesting that higher levels of self-examination do not with certainty produce clear self-understanding. Moreover, insight is defined as the clarity to understanding of one's thoughts, emotions and behaviours compared to the evaluative process of self-reflection (Grant et al,. 2002). Grant et al.'s (2002) results found that self-reflection associated positively with anxiety and stress. Whereas, insight was negatively associated with depression, anxiety and stress, while positively associated with cognitive flexibility and self-regulation. These findings were primarily correlational and participants included a sample of undergraduate psychology students which may limit the generalisability. Therefore, these findings demonstrate association among self-reflection insight and psychological outcomes, but they do not establish causal relationships. When these theories are applied to Trevor's scenario, He replays the incident with self-focused attention, but it does not initially provide him with easing distress or more accurate understanding. Trapnell and Campbell (1999) identified two motivationally distinct forms of private self-attention. They distinguish between curiosity-driven reflection or intellectual interest in the self compared to recurrent self-rumination likely to be prompted by threats, losses or injustices regarding the self. Additionally they introduced the "self-absorption paradox", which highlights how self-focused attention can be associated with both self-understanding and psychological distress. This suggests that the motivation and quality of self-focused attention may be more informative than the amount of reflection alone. Trapnell and Campbell's (1999) model provides a key theoretical differentiation for dispositional reflection and rumination. While their research support the distinction between the different processes of reflection. However, it does not establish causation between reflection supporting adaptive outcomes and repetitive thought causing harmful outcomes. In relation to the Trevor scenario, the act of repeated replaying the embarrassment and anticipated rejection resembles the threat-focused rumination, whereas questioning his initial assumptions illustrates curiosity-driven reflection. According to Treynor et al. (2003), rumination may contain at least two distinguishable components: brooding and reflective pondering. Brooding can be defined as the passive comparison between one's current circumstance and an unattained standard, while reflective pondering can be defined as purposeful attention intended to understand or address distress. however, reflection and reflective pondering are from two different measures and should not be treated as identical constructs,It important to highlight these as differing constructs as they both associate differently when measured alongside depressive symptoms. Reflective pondering showed a different and less consistently maladaptive pattern than brooding, although, it is also measured alongside depressive rumination and should not automatically be equated to adaptive self-reflection. This highlighted how different processes of rumination have different relationships with depressive symptoms. (Treynor et al., 2003). Takano and Tanno (2009), proposed that self-reflection and self-rumination are distinguishable but may not be entirely independent. In a two-wave study, self-reflection predicted subsequent self-rumination within the authors' statistical model, suggesting that the two processes may co exist. Self-reflection was associated with lower depression, whereas self-rumination was associated with higher depression Important to note that the estimated total effect of reflection on depression was close to zero, as reflection and rumination occurred together. This suggests that adaptive reflection processes may coexist with maladaptive processes that counteract positive outcomes. The small, predominantly male undergraduate sample and brief follow-up period limit generalisability, while the observational design prevents firm causal conclusions. Ultimately research suggests that adaptive self-reflection appears more likely to involve curiosity, flexibility and movement towards insight or constructive action, whereas maladaptive self-focused thought more commonly involves threat-focused repetitions, passive brooding and difficulty disengaging. However, these processes may overlap, and deliberate reflection should be assumed to be beneficial. (now lets apply this to trevor scen? extra bubble/box seperate or keep integrated to paragraph ) == Adaptive self-reflection and wellbeing == Self reflection is more likely to support wellbeing when insight is gained to facilitate constructive meaningInsight was positively associated with happiness and life satisfaction, whereas self-reflection alone did not show the same relationship with subjective wellbeing (Lyke, 2009). * Adaptive self-reflection was indirectly associated with greater resilience and wellbeing through insight when rumination was low. When rumination was high, the pattern was less favourable (Bucknell et al., 2022). * A randomised control trial, found that self reflective writing was more effective than descriptive writing in reinforced perceived resilience. Additionally, reflection on successful coping demonstrates better maintenance of benefits than reflecting on unsuccessful coping (Bucknell et al., 2024). * An app-based journal that targeted positive processes was associated with increased psychological wellbeing among participants with average or higher baseline dispositional self-reflection, after statistically controlling for rumination (MacIsaac et al., 2023) '''Concluding sentence''' - the evidence highlighted that the possible benefits of reflection depend on whether the action produces greater insight, constructing meaning and recognising effective coping. Find research potential locus of control x self-reflection as a point '''Limitations''' * Lyke (2009) is correlational and does not prove insight causes wellbeing * Bucknell et al. (2022) is a cross-sectional moderated mediation analysis, proposed indirect statistical pathway does not infer causation * Bucknell et al. (2024) experimental outcomes were targeted to perceived resilience rather than self reflection. Participants also consisted of Australian ministry workers limiting generalisability * MacIsaac et al. (2023), study was longitudinal but lacked experimental assignment and a control group. Participants chose how much they used the journal, and the app contained other features. Additionally, the nature of the quasi-experiment makes it difficult to confirm whether outcomes are influenced by individuals pre existing reflection intentions and behaviours. == Maladaptive self-reflection and psychological distress == [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Example of an image with a descriptive caption.]]'''Focus questions -''' Under what conditions may self-focused thought contribute to psychological distress? '''Topic sentence/introductory message -''' Self-focused thought may contribute to psychological distress when it becomes repetitive, negative and difficult to detach from, especially when interfering with constructive behaviour and problem solving. '''Key points''' *Response style theory proposes that repetitive focus on distress and its causes and consequences may reinforce negative thinking, impair problem solving and interfere with constructive understanding and behaviours (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 2008) *A meta-analysis of effect sizes highlighted an association between self-focused attention and negative affect. The strength of this association differed by the form of self-focus, distress and samples (Mor & Winquist, 2002) *Cross-sectional mediation models indicated that brooding statistically accounted for part of the relationship between lower self-compassion and depressive symptoms, while brooding and worry correlated with anxiety (Raes, 2010). *Dunn & Luchner (2022) researched reflection on personal mistakes and how rumination conditions effected negative affect. Results found that no significant improvement in negative emotion, which indicates that rumination may maintain psychological distress. '''Concluding sentence''' - self-focused thought may involve distress when it maintains attention toward negative content without facilitating insight or effective problem-solving. '''Limitations''' * Identifies overall association, not the causality of self-focus and distress. Additionally this meta-analysis is quite dated , social norms and stressors have changed so a more recent meta-analysis may be more useful. (Mor & Winquist, 2002) * Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) concluded that rumination predicted the onset of depression more consistently than the duration of the depressive episode, findings concerning duration were mixed. * Raes (2010) cross-sectional design may limit generalisability and causality. * Dunn and Luchner (2022) did not find a strong implication that rumination significantly caused a decreased mood. Additionally, the study focuses on reflection of personal mistakes and not self-reflection in general. == Factors influencing the outcomes of self-reflection == '''Focus question -''' What psychological processes influence the outcomes of self-reflection? '''Topic sentence -''' The outcomes of self-reflection may be influenced by the interaction of cognitive, emotional, personal and cultural factors rather than on the amount of maladaptive process alone. '''Key points''' *A theoretical review proposed that repetitive thought may be constructive or unconstructive depending on its emotional content, situational context and level of construal, including whether processing is relatively abstract or concrete (Watkins, 2008). *Experimental evidence suggests that analysing a negative experience from a psychologically distanced perspective may support faster cardiovascular recovery than analysing it from a self-immersed perspective (Ayduk & Kross, 2008). *Cross-cultural studies found that Russian participants reported greater spontaneous self-distancing and less distress while reflecting on negative experiences than American participants, indicating that cultural context may influence how reflection is performed and experienced (Grossmann & Kross, 2010). *The relationship between adaptive reflection, insight and wellbeing differed according to participants’ levels of rumination, suggesting that rumination may interfere with otherwise constructive reflective processing (Bucknell et al., 2022). *An experiment involving reflection on a significant mistake suggested that self-criticism may also influence outcomes, as reflection was associated with reduced negative emotion among participants high in the “hated self” form of self-criticism (Dunn & Luchner, 2022). '''Concluding sentence''' - important influences may include processing style, psychological distance, emotional content, rumination, self-criticism, culture and the extent to which reflection generates insight or action. '''Limitations''' == Developing more adaptive self-reflection == '''Focus question''' - How might people engage in more adaptive self-reflection? *Adaptive self-reflection may be encouraged by giving reflection a clear structure, directing attention towards specific experiences and supporting perspective, insight and constructive action. *Analysing a negative experience from a self-distanced perspective may reduce immediate physiological reactivity compared with analysing the experience from a self-immersed perspective (Ayduk & Kross, 2008). *In a one-month randomised trial with distressed students, both [[w:Mindfulness|mindfulness meditation]] and relaxation training reduced distress and increased positive states of mind relative to a control condition; mindfulness meditation also reduced rumination relative to the control condition (Jain et al., 2007). *Positively focused journalling prompts concerning growth, mastery, goals and the future were associated with improved psychological wellbeing among participants with average or higher dispositional self-reflection (MacIsaac et al., 2023). *Structured reflection on successful coping experiences may be particularly useful, as its effects on perceived resilience were maintained more effectively than reflection focused on unsuccessful coping experiences (Bucknell et al., 2024). *in relation to recalling a significant personal mistake, reflection was associated with reduced negative emotion among participants high in hated-self criticism, whereas rumination produced no significant emotional change. (Dunn & Luchner, 2022). '''Concluding sentence''' - promising strategies include psychological distancing, mindfulness, positively focused journalling and structured reflection on successful coping; however, these approaches should not be presented as universally effective. '''Limitations''' *Ayduk and Kross (2008), dated source and supports immediate self-distancing over a more universal and long term intervention. *Jain et al. (2007), Sample included 83 distressed students limiting generalisability. Additionally, mindfulness was not significantly stronger for relaxation for distress or positive states of mind. *Bucknell et al. (2024), study targeted perceived resilience and was a specific occupational sample. ;Quiz Time to quiz your knowledge! Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Self-reflection involves examining one's thoughts, emotions and behaviour: |type="()"} + True - False {Self-reflection is always adaptive when it is deliberate and purposeful: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== *Self-reflection does not appear to be definitively adaptive or maladaptive; its outcomes may depend on how reflection is processed and the context. *Adaptive self-reflection may involve curiosity, flexible thinking and movement towards insight, problem-solving or constructive action. *Maladaptive self-focused thought may involve threat-focused repetition, passive brooding and difficulty disengaging from distress. *Reflection alone does not necessarily produce insight or psychological wellbeing. *Factors such as psychological distance, rumination, emotional content, self-criticism and cultural context may influence reflective outcomes. *Strategies such as mindfulness, self-distancing, positively focused journalling and structured reflection on successful coping may encourage more adaptive reflection. '''Concluding sentence''' - outcomes do not rely on whether an individual reflects or not, but whether their reflection generates clearer understanding and constructive action or maintains repetitive negative attention. ==See also== * [[w:Emotion regulation|Emotion regulation]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Rumination (psychology)|Rumination]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2013/Rumination|Rumination]] (Book chapter, 2013) * [[w:Self-awareness|Self-awareness]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Ayduk, Ö., & Kross, E. (2008). Enhancing the pace of recovery: Self-distanced analysis of negative experiences reduces blood pressure reactivity. ''Psychological Science, 19''(3), 229–231. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2008.02073.x Bucknell, K. J., Kangas, M., & Crane, M. F. (2022). Adaptive self-reflection and resilience: The moderating effects of rumination on insight as a mediator. ''Personality and Individual Differences, 185'', 111234. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2021.111234 Bucknell, K. J., Kangas, M., Karin, E., & Crane, M. F. (2024). A randomized controlled trial comparing the effects of self‐reflective writing focused on successful and unsuccessful coping experiences on resilience. ''Stress and Health, 40''(2), e3311. https://doi.org/10.1002/smi.3311 Dunn, N. A., & Luchner, A. F. (2022). The emotional impact of self‐criticism on self‐reflection and rumination. ''Psychology and Psychotherapy: Theory, Research and Practice, 95''(4), 1126–1139. https://doi.org/10.1111/papt.12422 Grant, A. M., Franklin, J., & Langford, P. (2002). The self-reflection and insight scale: A new measure of private self-consciousness. ''Social Behavior and Personality: An International Journal, 30''(8), 821–836. https://doi.org/10.2224/sbp.2002.30.8.821 Grossmann, I., & Kross, E. (2010). The impact of culture on adaptive versus maladaptive self-reflection. ''Psychological Science, 21''(8), 1150–1157. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797610376655 Jain, S., Shapiro, S. L., Swanick, S., Roesch, S. C., Mills, P. J., Bell, I., & Schwartz, G. E. (2007). A randomized controlled trial of mindfulness meditation versus relaxation training: Effects on distress, positive states of mind, rumination, and distraction. ''Annals of Behavioral Medicine, 33''(1), 11–21. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15324796abm3301_2 Lyke, J. A. (2009). Insight, but not self-reflection, is related to subjective well-being. ''Personality and Individual Differences, 46''(1), 66–70. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2008.09.010 MacIsaac, A., Mushquash, A. R., & Wekerle, C. (2023). Writing yourself well: Dispositional self-reflection moderates the effect of a smartphone app-based journaling intervention on psychological wellbeing across time. ''Behaviour Change, 40''(4), 297–313. https://doi.org/10.1017/bec.2022.24 Mor, N., & Winquist, J. (2002). Self-focused attention and negative affect: A meta-analysis. ''Psychological Bulletin, 128''(4), 638–662. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.128.4.638 Nolen-Hoeksema, S., Wisco, B. E., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2008). Rethinking rumination. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science, 3''(5), 400–424. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-6924.2008.00088.x Raes, F. (2010). Rumination and worry as mediators of the relationship between self-compassion and depression and anxiety. ''Personality and Individual Differences, 48''(6), 757–761. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2010.01.023 Takano, K., & Tanno, Y. (2009). Self-rumination, self-reflection, and depression: Self-rumination counteracts the adaptive effect of self-reflection. ''Behaviour Research and Therapy, 47''(3), 260–264. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2008.12.008 Trapnell, P. D., & Campbell, J. D. (1999). Private self-consciousness and the five-factor model of personality: Distinguishing rumination from reflection. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76''(2), 284–304. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.76.2.284 Treynor, W., Gonzalez, R., & Nolen-Hoeksema, S. (2003). Rumination reconsidered: A psychometric analysis. ''Cognitive Therapy and Research, 27''(3), 247–259. https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1023910315561 Watkins, E. (2004). Adaptive and maladaptive ruminative self-focus during emotional processing. ''Behaviour Research and Therapy, 42''(9), 1037–1052. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2004.01.009 Watkins, E. R. (2008). Constructive and unconstructive repetitive thought. ''Psychological Bulletin, 134''(2), 163–206. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.134.2.163 }} ==External links== * [https://www.health.harvard.edu/mind-and-mood/break-the-cycle Breaking the cycle of rumination] (Harvard Health Publishing) * [https://www.smilingmind.com.au/ Smiling Mind] (Smiling Mind) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Cognition]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self]] qyt153rv0st1laks6adxluxhln2craf 0 331110 2840336 2840212 2026-10-14T22:12:59Z Yellowvines 3106353 /* Blame */ table inserted etc 2840336 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Moral disgust and jury decision-making: How does moral disgust impact jurors' judgements of guilt, blame, and punishment?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Trial by Jury - Chaos in the Courtroom.png | thumb | right | 250px |'''Figure 1'''. A jury is a group of sworn individuals who determine a defendant's guilt. ]] Consider sitting on a jury. The defendant appears composed, well-dressed, and speaks clearly. Someone like this couldn't have done anything bad — that's your instinct. Then you hear the charge: embezzlement. Over three years, they quietly transferred company funds to a personal account. Thousands of dollars were spent, and real people were harmed. You are angry. It's wrong. However, it does not make you feel sick. Consider the same composed defendant in the same courtroom, but this time the charge is posing as a charity volunteer to gain the trust of dying hospice patients before stealing the donations intended for their care. The financial loss is the same as the embezzlement case. Same amount, same number of victims. But something else arises in you. Not just anger, but more of a revulsion, as if something was contaminated. This doesn't simply feel like a crime. It has an unclean feeling to it. The same defendant. Same harm. So, why does one case make you feel cold and angry, while the other makes your skin crawl? And, aside from the actual harm done, could that visceral reaction be influencing how harshly you believe they should be punished? {{RoundBoxBottom}} It is the law that [https://www.monash.edu/law/news-and-events/news/2020/juries-why-do-we-actually-need-them-and-can-they-get-it-wrong jurors] {{ic|The law varies by jurisdiction; write for an international audience; Australians represent ~.3% of the world human population}} {{ic|Move external links to the External links section}} must base their verdicts on the facts of a case {{citation needed}}. But moral disgust, an emotional gut reaction, seems to influence how jurors assess guilt, blame and punishment, regardless of the strength of the evidence presented {{citation needed}}. A disgusted juror might unconsciously become more certain of guilt, assign more blame and suggest harsher punishment, regardless of what the facts actually establish. If disgust always biases judgements and sentences in one direction or the other, no matter how strong a case is, the implications are profound: wrongful convictions, disproportionate sentencing, and differences in the punishment of similar crimes depending on how “disgusting” the evidence seems, rather than the true seriousness of the crime {{long}}. It also raises questions for current legal practices: courts commonly admit gruesome evidence under the assumption that its evidentiary value outweighs its emotional impact, an assumption this body of research directly undermines {{citation needed}}. Psychological science provides the legal system with something it cannot produce itself: controlled empirical evidence about the nature and causes of this bias {{citation needed}}. It shows not only that jurors appear to be affected by emotion but also the processes (appraisal patterns, purity vs. harm, violations, and individual differences such as private body consciousness) that determine when and for whom the effect is strongest {{citation needed}}. This template provides key headings, examples, and tips for each section. Gradually remove this generic information as the chapter develops. It is OK to retain some of the template material for the topic development, but it should all be removed for the final book chapter. Key resources: * [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 02]] explains about how to edit * [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Topic|Topic development guidelines]] * [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter|Book chapter guidelines]] {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' *If disgust can make moral judgements more severe, even when it’s incidental to the act being judged, what does that say about the reliability of human moral reasoning? *Can moral disgust be used by the legal system? {{ic|Use open-ended questions}} *How might a juror's own sensitivity to physiological sensations of disgust impact how vulnerable they are to disgust-driven bias? *How can psychological theories be used to mitigate risks of bias in the legal system? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == What is moral disgust? == {{ic|Include at least an introductory paragraph before branching into sub-headings}} === Disgust === [[w:Disgust|Disgust]] is one of the six universal emotions that humans experience and can be visually recognised on a person's face {{citation needed}}. The emotion of disgust is theorised to have originated from a biological protective mechanism to protect an organism from harm that may be brought on by food or poison {{citation needed}}. Disgust has evolved to become an emotion/behaviour directed at anything that may potentially cause harm or disease. For example, * body products * animals * hygiene * body violations, death or disease {{citation needed}} Paul Ekman proposed six basic emotions in his literature based on the theories that these emotions, across research all over the world, concluded in agreement on six emotions: happiness, surprise, fear, anger, sadness and disgust. Therefore, he proposed that the universality of these findings and the facial expression alone could conclude that there are 6 basic emotions (Ekman, 1992). === Moral disgust === Moral disgust refers to the emotional response a person feels when their social or cultural norms are transgressed, therefore resulting in a reaction {{citation needed}}. Moral disgust is complex, and there is varying evidence for and against its genuine purpose as an emotion. Researchers argue that moral disgust is a metaphorical extension of physical disgust; shared facial expression, language, etc {{citation needed}}. Other researchers argue that it's functionally unique to traditional, physical disgust {{citation needed}}. It does not reliably trigger the same physiological processes: facial muscle activation, nausea, etc. (Chapman et al., 2012). Moral disgust is triggered by acts that are supposedly a violation of an individual's perceived purity or dignity {{citation needed}}. For example, betraying someone's trust (cheating on a partner) or exploiting a vulnerable person (as mentioned in the scenario at the start). Rozin et al. (1999) proposed a theory that moral disgust specifically clusters around violations of a person's divinity or purity. This is different from anger, which generally clusters around autonomy violations, also opposed to contempt, which clusters around community violations. This distinction is vital when discussing emotion for jurors. If moral disgust behaves differently from physical disgust, it may influence judgement in the courtroom through a different pathway than a simple reaction to physically disgusting evidence. Russell & {{ic|Use APA style for citations}} Giner-Sorolla (2013) discuss four competing arguments of disgust's role in moral condemnation. Firstly, the most flexible view of moral disgust that can be applied widely for many crimes is the general morality position. It claims that disgust is an all-purpose emotion which is seen through different kinds of moral disapproval, not just a narrow category. Secondly, disgust as a violation of bodily and spiritual purity is more specific. As mentioned prior, this claim is supported by Rozin's CAD (contempt, anger, disgust) triad. The third argument proposes that moral disgust is only a metaphor. The true emotion being experienced is anger, and individuals just use language as a metaphor (e.g., "that's disgusting") for how condemning they feel. Finally, Russell & Ginger-Sorolla's own claim for moral disgust is a middle ground for all the arguments in their research. Regardless of whether harm or justice is involved, they contend that disgust specifically tracks violations pertaining to the body and its products. Anger tends to co-occur with violations that are specifically related to justice, harm, or rights. This disgust behaves more like anger wearing the vocabulary of disgust than it does like bodily moral disgust. One study involved 148 participants ranking their emotions on a scale {{citation needed}}. It was found that moral disgust elicited as much as physical disgust did, which supports a claim that moral disgust is not a watered-down, metaphorical use of the feeling but a genuine, physical feeling of disgust. It was also revealed that moral disgust uniquely triggered a significantly higher feeling of mental contamination (feeling immoral) than core disgust did. This reveals an internalised feeling about your own moral state just from witnessing an immoral act, which ties back to Russell & Giner-Sorolla's bodily-violation pattern and strengthens Rozin et al.'s (1999) definition of moral disgust. This empirical study is evidence that core disgust attaches to bodily violations, not non-bodily violations. If people respond to contact with an immoral person in a psychologically contaminating way — wanting distance, feeling “dirtied” by proximity — then a question arises about whether jurors exposed to a defendant’s morally disgusting conduct might respond in a similar contamination mode, thus influencing their desire to symbolically “cleanse” the situation via a harsher verdict or sentence. <quiz display="simple"> {According to Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013), which of the following is NOT one of the arguments presented regarding the role of disgust in moral condemnation? : |type="()"} - General Morality Position - Bodily and Spirituality Position - Metaphorical Position +Universal Justice Position </quiz> == Psychological science in the legal system == Several psychological theories can help explain why a visceral reaction like moral disgust might influence jurors' decisions. Social identity theory explains how jurors categorise defendants, dual process theory explains how fast intuitive responses to emotions and slower deliberate reasoning interact, and attribution theory and the culpable control model explain how people assign blame. The emotional reaction often comes first, and the reasoning that follows may support it. This section describes each theory and discusses how it explains moral disgust for jurors. === Social identity theory === Classic [[w:Social_identity_theory|social identity theory]] posits that groups and whole organisations that possess the same cultural and social norms will perceive themselves as sharing something in common (Tajfel & Turner, 2000). This adds to their own personal self-concept as an individual and as a member of a society/societies. Bronewasser & Bober (1987) critique that this theory describes a class or collective of people (people who may share traits but have no real interdependence) but not a genuine societal group. Groups depend on structure, roles, positions and relationships that require dependence from people. Through this theory, a jury is considered to be a genuine structured group. There are roles, a task and an interdependence through deliberation. This theory may offer a further point on why moral disgust can bias jurors. Moral disgust may be a function of a social categorisation cue, marking defendants as the out-group rather than in the jury's moral in-group. Bronewasser & Bober claim that even arbitary group labels are enough to produce an in-group favouritism and out-group favouritism. If a defendants act triggers moral disgust, this may mark them as being in the moral "outgroup" in a jurors' mind. Independent of the actual evidence being presented, this compounds moral disgust biases. === Attribution theory and culpable control model === Disgust influences juror processing through distinct mechanisms. Altered evidentiary standards is the impact of disgust lowering the threshold of proof required for conviction. Thus leading to a biased information search. Jurors will selectively focus on specific details that support their emotion. Finally, dehumanisation occurs. The disgust that a juror is feeling triggers the evolutionary avoidance. Disgust in the form of a social pathogen means that a juror will be unsympathtic towards a defendant, regardless of arguments that explain their actions. == Moral disgust and juror judgements == A jury is a group of 12 individuals that are carefully chosen to determine the guilt of an offender{{fact}} {{ic|Don't juries vary in size, depending on the juridstiction?}}. They are picked to be impartial, unbiased opinions that can aid in the determining of a person's guilt. Jurors are asked to make judgements based on the evidence presented to them in court. However, emotions play a large, unsuspecting role in determining the guilt of a person. Such is the reason why, in high-stakes cases, jurors are not allowed contact with the outside world or media during trials. Moral disgust in particular seems to have a large impact on the way that jurors perceive and shape jurors' judgements. Different emotions elicit different reactions based on the emotion and a person's appraisal patterns.{{fact}} === Juror Judgements === ADD INTRO SECTION ==== Emotional response patterns ==== Fishbein & Ajzen's (1975) [[w:Expectancy-value_theory|expectancy-value model]] states that a person's given attitude towards an object is a direct function of the value that a person attaches to that object's attributes or outcomes. In explicit terms, a person's value on an object will be a direct function of the value that they place on said item and the positive or negative emotions they associate with it. Furthermore, the positive or negative characteristics that they associate with the object will be a weighted decision on the direct outcome that may occur due to the object. In a review of the role of emotion-induced expectancies, Desteno et al. (2004) argue that positive and negative emotions have been grouped together and oversimplified, which makes distinguishing them difficult. The studies found that specificity operates through an emotion-matching process. Whilst the study did not touch on disgust specifically, it found that persuasion about a situation increased when a person's current emotional state matched the emotional framing of a message. The broader emotion-specificity principle suggests a comparable mechanism that may apply to disgust. Older discourse has allowed for all emotions to be pushed into one category, but not all emotions push judgement in the same direction. Emotional appraisal patterns are the specific mental evaluations that an individual's brain makes about an event to determine how they feel about a situation. INSERT TABLE HERE W/ EVIDENCE ==== Integral versus incidental emotion distinction ==== Research by Feigenson (2016) discusses the overall idea that juror emotions can affect judge responsibility, blame, guilt, punishment and damages. INSERT SOURCE ON WHY THIS IS A FOCUS. The core idea of the article follows the influence of integral and incidental emotions. Integral emotions are supposed to be caused by features of a particular case. Incidental emotions are emotions that arise, unrelated to the case. This foundational research posists that emotions may influence legal judgements through multiple different pathways. Rather than claiming that the research should be generalised to consider disgust, it should be considered that further research needs to be conducted to understand the role of moral disgust in a courtroom. This leaves open whether moral disgust causes jurors to be more certain or uncertain about information in the courtroom. === Guilt === The [[w:Dual_process_theory_(moral_psychology)|dual-process theory]] argues that the main types of thinking can be separated into two distinct types (Evans & Stanovich, 2013). Type 1 processing involves autonomous processing that is often responsible for producing intuitive responses without the need for working memory. Type 2 is often more reflective and involves more explicit cognitive processes alongside working memory. A key feature of Type 2 processing is cognitive decoupling and mental simulation. Cognitive decoupling is an ability to separate what you are assuming from what you believe to be true, and mental simulation involves creating hypothetical scenarios and outcomes within your mind (Evans & Stanovich, 2013).Supporting evidence suggests that disgust is a Type 1 output, automatic and arriving before deliberate reasoning can take place. Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013) describe moral disgust as an unreasoned emotion that involves a process of quickly cleansing oneself of the impurity they associate with that emotion. Within the research Feigenson (2016) theorises the emotional effects on information processing. It reveals that different emotions can effect how deeply a juror processes emotions. Anger is generally associated with more certainity about the evidence which leads to individuals being less likely to process information as they are confident they already know enough to address the task (Feigenson, 2016). Other emotions, for example anxiety, are generally associated with more uncertaintity which leads to more systematic information processing (Feigenson, 2016). Saddened by emotional testimony, mock jurors in a criminal reckless driving case were able to identify inconsistencies more precisely, which is a sign of systematic information processing (Semmler & Brewer, 2002). The emotion-congruency effect is a process that triggers a person to judge based in the direction of the emotion they are feeling. Although Feigenson (2016) does not explicitly research how disgust is influenced by emotion there is other empirical research that researches the impact of disgust on these emotional information processing pathways. Additionally, Bright & Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research discusses a person's use of their inner emotional states as a way to reason with information they are being given. This aligns with the effect that is being theorised. Emotional pathways generally interact simultaneously and their distinct mechanisms will be vital in understanding the relationship between cognition and judgement. Feigenson (2016) also notes that jurors may have the ability to override their initial reactions through discussion and reasoning. === Blame === According to Heider's (1958) [[w:Attribution_(psychology)|attribution theory]], individuals naturally evaluate behaviour by balancing personal casuality against situational causality to determine intentionality.In a legal setting, jurors have the expectation that they will objectively weight these factors, fairly and decide a defendants guilt and blame. However, cases that evoke intense disgust can interrput the rational assessment that jurors are expected to undertake. Instead of evaluating control before assigning blame, the process that Heider's (1958) theory outlines, jurors often invert this sequence through a phenomena introduced by Alicke (2000). The core idea for the Culpable Control Model (CCM) is an explanation ofr how people make judgements about blame and responsibility. Alicke (2000) argues that judgement is not always subjective as blame does not solely rely on evidence about a persons actions and control over the action, but also on individuals emotions, values and assumptions. The assumption of the CCM is that people form a blame judgement first, based on actions and then interpret the evidence on how it is supported second (Alicke, 2000). The main mechanism of this theory is that evidence isn't evaluated and blame placed. Emotional reactions, values, assumptions and expectations of people as humans can heavily shape how evidence is interpreted in the first place (Alicke, 2000). According to CCM, processing for a juror operates firstly with spontaneous evaluation, then blame motive then retroactive rationalisation. If people search for evidence to support an assumption based on their emotions, based on Alicke's (2000) claim, disgust would act in the same way. === Punishment === Type 1 processes of thinking can be assumed to rely heavily on predetermined values and morals which a juror will rarely think over before making a decision. It is thus assumed that Type 2 processing allows for a more deliberate consideration system when accounting for consequences and outcomes. This does not, however, guarantee better judgement to use when making heavily implicating decisions. This is due to Type 2, allowing people to consider consequences and situations before making a decision (Evans and Stanovich, 2013). Additionally, Feigenson's (2016) findings show that different emotions elicit different processing capabilities (anger is different from anxiety). This is supporting evidence for how much Type 2 information processing is engaged for jurors. Hypothetically, if the presence of disgust within courts were to be removed, people would be less inclined to make cognitive shortcuts (by relying on their Type 1 system) and thoroughly process emotions before making decisions, utilising their Type 2 system. * * these effects may over or under estimate the influence on cases * this article does not beleif that moral intuitionism provides strong evidence that emotions have a greater influence on real legal decisions. * the effects on information processing ** different emotions can affect how deeply people process information. ** this ties back to Rozin and Giner and Sorella (double check this) ** anger is generally associated with more certainty which means that people are less likely to carefully process information *** they rely on more heuristic cues and consider fewer factors ** anxiety is generally considered with more uncertainty ** leads to more systematic information processing ** mock jurors who became sad from emotional testimony were better at identfying inconsistencies in testimonies that neutral participants * directional processing * emotions can cause a person to interpret information in the direction similar to the emotion ** called the emotion-congruency effect (look into this because the source only gave anger, need disgust related information) * informational effects: people can treat their emotions as information about a thing they are judging (called the affect-as-information model) ** people can often mistakenly attribute their current emotional state to the target of their judgement ** in legal judgements research has examined how integral emotions can act as information when judging responsiblity and blame ** severity of harm: more serious injuries caused participants to feel more sympathy for the victim and blame the defendant more ** hypocritical offenders:a hypocritical offender produced greater anger * different emotional effects can happen at the same time: one emotion can influence how information is processed while also influencing the direction of the judgement * multiple emotions can occur: jurors may experience different emotions toward different people in the same case. multiple emotions such as anger and disgust can interact * it is important to identify the different emotional pathways because: ** different pathways can produce different outcomes ** it helps understand the relationships between emotion, cognition and judgement * how strong are emotional effects ** meta analysis have found an effect of emottions on legal responsibility judgements ** this means that emotions do matter but other factors also play a role in explaining legal judgements ** lab studies may produce weaker emotions than real trials * moral intuitionism: this argues that peoples immediate emotional reactions to morally relevant situations play a very important role in their judgements ** jurors have the opportunity to override or reconsider their intial reactions through conscious reasoning, reframing a situation or talking to other people. this means that emotions don't necessarily dominate legal judgements. === Empirical evidence === Early research intially found a powerful link between physical taste and moral judgement. The original study that was conducted was with a small sample of 57 participants. It found that consuming a bitter beverage before reading scenarios caused signficantly harsher judgement on the morality of the scenarios (Eskine, 2011). Research by Ghelfi et al, (2020) suggests that physical and moral disgust may have overlapping processes but the research failed to replicate Eskine's (2011) study. It was replicated across 11 different laboratories with 1,137 participants to test whether bitter beverages led to harsher moral judgements than sweet beverages or water. Ghelfi's (2020) research discusses to impacts of different sensory systems on the impact of moral judgements. However the replication study failed to produce any signifcant effects. {| class="wikitable" |+Summary of empirical evidence !Study !Disgust trigger !Core finding |- |Eskine et al. (2011) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |physical bitterness increased moral judgement * Bitter vs neutral: ''d''=1.09 * Bitter vs sweet: ''d''=1.22 |- |Ghelfi et al. (2020) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |Average moral wrongness scores did not find impactful effect. * Bitter: 70.65 * Neutral: 68.94 * Sweet: 71.29 |- |Jylkkä et al. (2021) |Visual images and videos (neutral and disgust related) |Moralisation and amplification hypotheses were not supported. |- |Bright & Goodman-Delahunty (2006) |Case-specific crime scene photographs |Disgust and anger increased punitiveness. * Conviction rate with gruesome crime scene photographs: 41.2% * Conviction rate with neutral crime scene photographs: 38.2% * Conviction rate without gruesome crime scene photographs: 8.8% |} === Moralisation and amplification hypotheses === A focus shift occured within some research frames in aideing to understand the process of emotions for moral judgements. Jylkkä et al (2021) aimed to investigate whether visual media had a larger impact on disgust than gustatory stimuli. Researchers exposed participants to visually disgusting or neutral pictures to know if participants could experience the intended emotion. Despite a clear activation of disgust, the results failed to support the theoretical predictions (Jylkkä et al, 2021). The moralisation hypothesis theorised that experiencing disgust will cause a person to find something generally neutral, to be morally wrong. This hypothesis was not supported. The amplification hypothesis in the study aimed to evaluate if experiencing disgusting and neutral videos made immoral actions seem to be significantly worse. It was also unsupported by the data (Jylkkä et al, 2021). Overall, within Jylkkä et al's (2021) research, visual disgust does not translate into harsher moral judgement. Bright and Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research stands as a contrast to the impacts of disgust on moral judgement. Their research demonstrated that visceral disgust and anger motivated by gruesome crime scene photos significantly surged conviction rates. Images used in court that focus on victim harm may trigger socio-moral disgust (Bright and Goodman-Delahunty, 2006). Jylkkä, J., Härkönen, J., & Hyönä, J. (2021). Incidental disgust does not cause moral condemnation of neutral actions. ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''35''(1), 96–109. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699931.2020.1810639: * moralisation hypothesis ** disgust makes something that is normally morally neutral seem morally wrong ** the manipulation worked in the experiment ** participants were either shown disgusting or neutral pictures ** disgust group: M=3.01 ** control group: M= 0.25 ** significant results (p<.001) ** the researchers successfully made people feel more disgust with pictures ** but this did not turn morally neutral actions into morally wrong actions ** the moralisation hypothesis was not true * amplification hypothesis ** disgust only makes things that already morally wrong seem even worse ** experiment used disgusting videos and neutral videos ** the amplification hypothesis was also not supported For the table: Eskine et al (2011): bitter vs neutral: ''d''=1.09 AND bitter vs sweet: ''d''=1.22 Ghelfi E, Christopherson CD, Urry HL, et al. Reexamining the Effect of Gustatory Disgust on Moral Judgment: A Multilab Direct Replication of Eskine, Kacinik, and Prinz (2011). ''Advances in Methods and Practices in Psychological Science''. 2020;3(1):3-23. doi:10.1177/2515245919881152: 2nd column: average moral wrongness {| class="wikitable" |- |Bitter | align="right" |'''70.65''' |- |Neutral/control | align="right" |'''68.94''' |- |Sweet | align="right" |'''71.29''' |} Jylkkä, J., Härkönen, J., & Hyönä, J. (2021). Incidental disgust does not cause moral condemnation of neutral actions. ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''35''(1), 96–109. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1080/02699931.2020.1810639</nowiki> jurors emotions and legal judgements: Feigenson, N. (2016). Jurors’ Emotions and Judgments of Legal Responsibility and Blame: What Does the Experimental Research Tell Us? ''Emotion Review'', ''8''(1), 26–31. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/1754073915601223</nowiki> ** == Moderating Factors == * private body consciousness ** people who are more prone to experience their private bodily sensations show stronger disgust-driven bias *** An experiment conducted by Schnall et al. (2008) revealed that people who were more aware of their Private Body Consciousness (PBC) were more prone to feelings of disgust and expressing these feelings outwards to the situation at hand. * type of violation ** purity vs harm == Practical Implications == * evidentiary admissibility ** courts allow for the admission of gruesome photographic evidence but findings suggest this may be wrong *** research shows that people view crimes harsher if exposed to gruesome photos *** *** In their affective influences model, affect is a judgement-simplifying heuristic device. People generally consult their affective state, meaning they consult their inner emotion to infer a judgement before looking at the facts. * jury selection * how evidence is presented ==Figures== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Example of an image with a descriptive caption.]] * Use figures to illustrate concepts, add interest, and to serve as examples * Figures can show photos, diagrams, graphs, video, audio, etc. * Embed figures throughout the chapter, starting with the scenario in the Overview section * Caption figures (use '''Figure #'''. and explain the relevance of the image to the text) * Images must be embedded from [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] * Images can be uploaded to [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] if they are openly licensed * Cite each figure at least once in the main text (e.g., see Figure 2) ==Learning features== Interactive learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples describe concepts in action * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citations * Can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]] {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use to tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Which Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing Knowing x Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * Using one or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": ==Conclusion== * What does this mean going further {{vague}} * What would future research benefit from in this specific section? *Moral disgust does not come with jurors' judgements, but rather it can measurably shift guilt, certainty, blame attribution and punishment severity. *This may be stronger for certain people; it cannot just be a blanket claim for all jurors. *The idea that jurors decide on the basis of facts alone is not psychologically sustainable. The practice of law {{ic|The practice of law goes beyond the target topic}} needs to consider this, rather than seeing emotions as a bias. * The Conclusion is arguably the most important section * Draft clear take-home message(s), even at the topic development stage * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing it * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== Provide [[Help:Contents/Links#Interwiki_links|internal (wiki) links]] to the most relevant Wikiversity pages (esp. related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|motivation and emotion book chapters]]) and [[w:|Wikipedia articles]]. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/About/Collaborative authoring using wiki|Collaborative authoring using wiki]] (Wikiversity) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Light triad|Light triad]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[w:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Only select links to major internal resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses }} ==References== <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1=</nowiki> Alicke, M. D. (2000). Culpable Control and the Psychology of Blame. ''Psychological Bulletin'', ''126''(4), 556–574. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.126.4.556</nowiki> Alicke, M. D., & Weigel, S. H. (2021). The reasonable person standard: Psychological and legal perspectives. Annual Review of Law and Social Science, 17(1), 123–138. Bornewasser, M., & Bober, J. (1987). Individual, social group and intergroup behaviour. Some conceptual remarks on the social identity theory. European Journal of Social Psychology, 17(3), 267–276. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1002/ejsp.2420170303 Bright, D. A., & Goodman-Delahunty, J. (2006). Gruesome evidence and emotion: Anger, blame, and jury decision-making. Law and Human Behavior, 30(2), 183–202. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10979-006-9027-y Chapman, H. A., & Anderson, A. K. (2012). Understanding disgust. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 1251(1), 62–76. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.2011.06369.x  DeSteno, D., Petty, R. E., Rucker, D. D., Wegener, D. T., & Braverman, J. (2004). Discrete emotions and persuasion: The role of emotion-induced expectancies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 86(1), 43–56. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.86.1.43 Ekman, P. (1992). Are there basic emotions? Psychological Review, 99(3), 550–553. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.99.3.550 Evans, J. St. B. T., & Stanovich, K. E. (2013). Dual-Process Theories of Higher Cognition: Advancing the Debate. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''8''(3), 223–241. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612460685</nowiki> Fishbein, M., & Ajzen, I. (1975). Belief, attitude, intention, and behavior: an introduction to theory and research. Addison-Wesley Pub. Co. Heider, F. (2020). ''The Psychology of Interpersonal Relations'' (F. Heider, Ed.). Barakaldo Books. Lacey, N. (2023). Patrick Devlin, The enforcement of morals (1965). In [Book title] (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003193982-5 Russell, P. S., & Giner-Sorolla, R. (2013). Bodily moral disgust: What it is, how it is different from anger, and why it is an unreasoned emotion. Psychological Bulletin, 139(2), 328–351. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1037/a0029319 Schnall, S., Haidt, J., Clore, G. L., & Jordan, A. H. (2008). Disgust as embodied moral judgment. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 34(8), 1096–1109. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167208317771 Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. (2000). An Integrative Theory of Intergroup Conflict. In M. J. Hatch & M. Schultz (Eds.), ''Organizational Identity'' (pp. 56–65). Oxford University Press. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199269464.003.0005</nowiki> {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Wrap the set of references in the [[Template:Hanging indent|hanging indent template]]: ** Use "Edit source" ** <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1= the full list of references}}</nowiki> * Important aspects of APA referencing style ** Author surname, followed by a comma, then the author initials separated by full stops and spaces ** Year of publication in parentheses ** Title of work in lower case (except first letter and proper names), ending in a full-stop ** Journal title in italics, volume number in italics, issue number in parentheses, first and last page numbers separated by an en-dash(–), followed by a full-stop ** doi as a URL which is a working hyperlink (i.e., clickable) * The most common mistakes include: ** Incorrect capitalisation ** Incorrect italicisation ** dois which aren't clickable as working hyperlinks ** Citing sources that haven't been consulted }} ==External links== Provide [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|external links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u-TmKo75gJI How Disgust Shapes our Thoughts on Moral Wrong & the Political Right] (David Pizzaro) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Only select links to major external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Disgust]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Morality]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Legal]] gev1gczfoaundrp1hb7zvcrsgooj49w 2840338 2840336 2026-10-14T22:35:25Z Yellowvines 3106353 /* Moralisation and amplification hypotheses */ 2840338 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Moral disgust and jury decision-making: How does moral disgust impact jurors' judgements of guilt, blame, and punishment?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Trial by Jury - Chaos in the Courtroom.png | thumb | right | 250px |'''Figure 1'''. A jury is a group of sworn individuals who determine a defendant's guilt. ]] Consider sitting on a jury. The defendant appears composed, well-dressed, and speaks clearly. Someone like this couldn't have done anything bad — that's your instinct. Then you hear the charge: embezzlement. Over three years, they quietly transferred company funds to a personal account. Thousands of dollars were spent, and real people were harmed. You are angry. It's wrong. However, it does not make you feel sick. Consider the same composed defendant in the same courtroom, but this time the charge is posing as a charity volunteer to gain the trust of dying hospice patients before stealing the donations intended for their care. The financial loss is the same as the embezzlement case. Same amount, same number of victims. But something else arises in you. Not just anger, but more of a revulsion, as if something was contaminated. This doesn't simply feel like a crime. It has an unclean feeling to it. The same defendant. Same harm. So, why does one case make you feel cold and angry, while the other makes your skin crawl? And, aside from the actual harm done, could that visceral reaction be influencing how harshly you believe they should be punished? {{RoundBoxBottom}} It is the law that [https://www.monash.edu/law/news-and-events/news/2020/juries-why-do-we-actually-need-them-and-can-they-get-it-wrong jurors] {{ic|The law varies by jurisdiction; write for an international audience; Australians represent ~.3% of the world human population}} {{ic|Move external links to the External links section}} must base their verdicts on the facts of a case {{citation needed}}. But moral disgust, an emotional gut reaction, seems to influence how jurors assess guilt, blame and punishment, regardless of the strength of the evidence presented {{citation needed}}. A disgusted juror might unconsciously become more certain of guilt, assign more blame and suggest harsher punishment, regardless of what the facts actually establish. If disgust always biases judgements and sentences in one direction or the other, no matter how strong a case is, the implications are profound: wrongful convictions, disproportionate sentencing, and differences in the punishment of similar crimes depending on how “disgusting” the evidence seems, rather than the true seriousness of the crime {{long}}. It also raises questions for current legal practices: courts commonly admit gruesome evidence under the assumption that its evidentiary value outweighs its emotional impact, an assumption this body of research directly undermines {{citation needed}}. Psychological science provides the legal system with something it cannot produce itself: controlled empirical evidence about the nature and causes of this bias {{citation needed}}. It shows not only that jurors appear to be affected by emotion but also the processes (appraisal patterns, purity vs. harm, violations, and individual differences such as private body consciousness) that determine when and for whom the effect is strongest {{citation needed}}. This template provides key headings, examples, and tips for each section. Gradually remove this generic information as the chapter develops. It is OK to retain some of the template material for the topic development, but it should all be removed for the final book chapter. Key resources: * [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 02]] explains about how to edit * [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Topic|Topic development guidelines]] * [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter|Book chapter guidelines]] {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' *If disgust can make moral judgements more severe, even when it’s incidental to the act being judged, what does that say about the reliability of human moral reasoning? *Can moral disgust be used by the legal system? {{ic|Use open-ended questions}} *How might a juror's own sensitivity to physiological sensations of disgust impact how vulnerable they are to disgust-driven bias? *How can psychological theories be used to mitigate risks of bias in the legal system? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == What is moral disgust? == {{ic|Include at least an introductory paragraph before branching into sub-headings}} === Disgust === [[w:Disgust|Disgust]] is one of the six universal emotions that humans experience and can be visually recognised on a person's face {{citation needed}}. The emotion of disgust is theorised to have originated from a biological protective mechanism to protect an organism from harm that may be brought on by food or poison {{citation needed}}. Disgust has evolved to become an emotion/behaviour directed at anything that may potentially cause harm or disease. For example, * body products * animals * hygiene * body violations, death or disease {{citation needed}} Paul Ekman proposed six basic emotions in his literature based on the theories that these emotions, across research all over the world, concluded in agreement on six emotions: happiness, surprise, fear, anger, sadness and disgust. Therefore, he proposed that the universality of these findings and the facial expression alone could conclude that there are 6 basic emotions (Ekman, 1992). === Moral disgust === Moral disgust refers to the emotional response a person feels when their social or cultural norms are transgressed, therefore resulting in a reaction {{citation needed}}. Moral disgust is complex, and there is varying evidence for and against its genuine purpose as an emotion. Researchers argue that moral disgust is a metaphorical extension of physical disgust; shared facial expression, language, etc {{citation needed}}. Other researchers argue that it's functionally unique to traditional, physical disgust {{citation needed}}. It does not reliably trigger the same physiological processes: facial muscle activation, nausea, etc. (Chapman et al., 2012). Moral disgust is triggered by acts that are supposedly a violation of an individual's perceived purity or dignity {{citation needed}}. For example, betraying someone's trust (cheating on a partner) or exploiting a vulnerable person (as mentioned in the scenario at the start). Rozin et al. (1999) proposed a theory that moral disgust specifically clusters around violations of a person's divinity or purity. This is different from anger, which generally clusters around autonomy violations, also opposed to contempt, which clusters around community violations. This distinction is vital when discussing emotion for jurors. If moral disgust behaves differently from physical disgust, it may influence judgement in the courtroom through a different pathway than a simple reaction to physically disgusting evidence. Russell & {{ic|Use APA style for citations}} Giner-Sorolla (2013) discuss four competing arguments of disgust's role in moral condemnation. Firstly, the most flexible view of moral disgust that can be applied widely for many crimes is the general morality position. It claims that disgust is an all-purpose emotion which is seen through different kinds of moral disapproval, not just a narrow category. Secondly, disgust as a violation of bodily and spiritual purity is more specific. As mentioned prior, this claim is supported by Rozin's CAD (contempt, anger, disgust) triad. The third argument proposes that moral disgust is only a metaphor. The true emotion being experienced is anger, and individuals just use language as a metaphor (e.g., "that's disgusting") for how condemning they feel. Finally, Russell & Ginger-Sorolla's own claim for moral disgust is a middle ground for all the arguments in their research. Regardless of whether harm or justice is involved, they contend that disgust specifically tracks violations pertaining to the body and its products. Anger tends to co-occur with violations that are specifically related to justice, harm, or rights. This disgust behaves more like anger wearing the vocabulary of disgust than it does like bodily moral disgust. One study involved 148 participants ranking their emotions on a scale {{citation needed}}. It was found that moral disgust elicited as much as physical disgust did, which supports a claim that moral disgust is not a watered-down, metaphorical use of the feeling but a genuine, physical feeling of disgust. It was also revealed that moral disgust uniquely triggered a significantly higher feeling of mental contamination (feeling immoral) than core disgust did. This reveals an internalised feeling about your own moral state just from witnessing an immoral act, which ties back to Russell & Giner-Sorolla's bodily-violation pattern and strengthens Rozin et al.'s (1999) definition of moral disgust. This empirical study is evidence that core disgust attaches to bodily violations, not non-bodily violations. If people respond to contact with an immoral person in a psychologically contaminating way — wanting distance, feeling “dirtied” by proximity — then a question arises about whether jurors exposed to a defendant’s morally disgusting conduct might respond in a similar contamination mode, thus influencing their desire to symbolically “cleanse” the situation via a harsher verdict or sentence. <quiz display="simple"> {According to Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013), which of the following is NOT one of the arguments presented regarding the role of disgust in moral condemnation? : |type="()"} - General Morality Position - Bodily and Spirituality Position - Metaphorical Position +Universal Justice Position </quiz> == Psychological science in the legal system == Several psychological theories can help explain why a visceral reaction like moral disgust might influence jurors' decisions. Social identity theory explains how jurors categorise defendants, dual process theory explains how fast intuitive responses to emotions and slower deliberate reasoning interact, and attribution theory and the culpable control model explain how people assign blame. The emotional reaction often comes first, and the reasoning that follows may support it. This section describes each theory and discusses how it explains moral disgust for jurors. === Social identity theory === Classic [[w:Social_identity_theory|social identity theory]] posits that groups and whole organisations that possess the same cultural and social norms will perceive themselves as sharing something in common (Tajfel & Turner, 2000). This adds to their own personal self-concept as an individual and as a member of a society/societies. Bronewasser & Bober (1987) critique that this theory describes a class or collective of people (people who may share traits but have no real interdependence) but not a genuine societal group. Groups depend on structure, roles, positions and relationships that require dependence from people. Through this theory, a jury is considered to be a genuine structured group. There are roles, a task and an interdependence through deliberation. This theory may offer a further point on why moral disgust can bias jurors. Moral disgust may be a function of a social categorisation cue, marking defendants as the out-group rather than in the jury's moral in-group. Bronewasser & Bober claim that even arbitary group labels are enough to produce an in-group favouritism and out-group favouritism. If a defendants act triggers moral disgust, this may mark them as being in the moral "outgroup" in a jurors' mind. Independent of the actual evidence being presented, this compounds moral disgust biases. === Attribution theory and culpable control model === Disgust influences juror processing through distinct mechanisms. Altered evidentiary standards is the impact of disgust lowering the threshold of proof required for conviction. Thus leading to a biased information search. Jurors will selectively focus on specific details that support their emotion. Finally, dehumanisation occurs. The disgust that a juror is feeling triggers the evolutionary avoidance. Disgust in the form of a social pathogen means that a juror will be unsympathtic towards a defendant, regardless of arguments that explain their actions. == Moral disgust and juror judgements == A jury is a group of 12 individuals that are carefully chosen to determine the guilt of an offender{{fact}} {{ic|Don't juries vary in size, depending on the juridstiction?}}. They are picked to be impartial, unbiased opinions that can aid in the determining of a person's guilt. Jurors are asked to make judgements based on the evidence presented to them in court. However, emotions play a large, unsuspecting role in determining the guilt of a person. Such is the reason why, in high-stakes cases, jurors are not allowed contact with the outside world or media during trials. Moral disgust in particular seems to have a large impact on the way that jurors perceive and shape jurors' judgements. Different emotions elicit different reactions based on the emotion and a person's appraisal patterns.{{fact}} === Juror Judgements === ADD INTRO SECTION ==== Emotional response patterns ==== Fishbein & Ajzen's (1975) [[w:Expectancy-value_theory|expectancy-value model]] states that a person's given attitude towards an object is a direct function of the value that a person attaches to that object's attributes or outcomes. In explicit terms, a person's value on an object will be a direct function of the value that they place on said item and the positive or negative emotions they associate with it. Furthermore, the positive or negative characteristics that they associate with the object will be a weighted decision on the direct outcome that may occur due to the object. In a review of the role of emotion-induced expectancies, Desteno et al. (2004) argue that positive and negative emotions have been grouped together and oversimplified, which makes distinguishing them difficult. The studies found that specificity operates through an emotion-matching process. Whilst the study did not touch on disgust specifically, it found that persuasion about a situation increased when a person's current emotional state matched the emotional framing of a message. The broader emotion-specificity principle suggests a comparable mechanism that may apply to disgust. Older discourse has allowed for all emotions to be pushed into one category, but not all emotions push judgement in the same direction. Emotional appraisal patterns are the specific mental evaluations that an individual's brain makes about an event to determine how they feel about a situation. INSERT TABLE HERE W/ EVIDENCE ==== Integral versus incidental emotion distinction ==== Research by Feigenson (2016) discusses the overall idea that juror emotions can affect judge responsibility, blame, guilt, punishment and damages. INSERT SOURCE ON WHY THIS IS A FOCUS. The core idea of the article follows the influence of integral and incidental emotions. Integral emotions are supposed to be caused by features of a particular case. Incidental emotions are emotions that arise, unrelated to the case. This foundational research posists that emotions may influence legal judgements through multiple different pathways. Rather than claiming that the research should be generalised to consider disgust, it should be considered that further research needs to be conducted to understand the role of moral disgust in a courtroom. This leaves open whether moral disgust causes jurors to be more certain or uncertain about information in the courtroom. === Guilt === The [[w:Dual_process_theory_(moral_psychology)|dual-process theory]] argues that the main types of thinking can be separated into two distinct types (Evans & Stanovich, 2013). Type 1 processing involves autonomous processing that is often responsible for producing intuitive responses without the need for working memory. Type 2 is often more reflective and involves more explicit cognitive processes alongside working memory. A key feature of Type 2 processing is cognitive decoupling and mental simulation. Cognitive decoupling is an ability to separate what you are assuming from what you believe to be true, and mental simulation involves creating hypothetical scenarios and outcomes within your mind (Evans & Stanovich, 2013).Supporting evidence suggests that disgust is a Type 1 output, automatic and arriving before deliberate reasoning can take place. Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013) describe moral disgust as an unreasoned emotion that involves a process of quickly cleansing oneself of the impurity they associate with that emotion. Within the research Feigenson (2016) theorises the emotional effects on information processing. It reveals that different emotions can effect how deeply a juror processes emotions. Anger is generally associated with more certainity about the evidence which leads to individuals being less likely to process information as they are confident they already know enough to address the task (Feigenson, 2016). Other emotions, for example anxiety, are generally associated with more uncertaintity which leads to more systematic information processing (Feigenson, 2016). Saddened by emotional testimony, mock jurors in a criminal reckless driving case were able to identify inconsistencies more precisely, which is a sign of systematic information processing (Semmler & Brewer, 2002). The emotion-congruency effect is a process that triggers a person to judge based in the direction of the emotion they are feeling. Although Feigenson (2016) does not explicitly research how disgust is influenced by emotion there is other empirical research that researches the impact of disgust on these emotional information processing pathways. Additionally, Bright & Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research discusses a person's use of their inner emotional states as a way to reason with information they are being given. This aligns with the effect that is being theorised. Emotional pathways generally interact simultaneously and their distinct mechanisms will be vital in understanding the relationship between cognition and judgement. Feigenson (2016) also notes that jurors may have the ability to override their initial reactions through discussion and reasoning. === Blame === According to Heider's (1958) [[w:Attribution_(psychology)|attribution theory]], individuals naturally evaluate behaviour by balancing personal casuality against situational causality to determine intentionality.In a legal setting, jurors have the expectation that they will objectively weight these factors, fairly and decide a defendants guilt and blame. However, cases that evoke intense disgust can interrput the rational assessment that jurors are expected to undertake. Instead of evaluating control before assigning blame, the process that Heider's (1958) theory outlines, jurors often invert this sequence through a phenomena introduced by Alicke (2000). The core idea for the Culpable Control Model (CCM) is an explanation ofr how people make judgements about blame and responsibility. Alicke (2000) argues that judgement is not always subjective as blame does not solely rely on evidence about a persons actions and control over the action, but also on individuals emotions, values and assumptions. The assumption of the CCM is that people form a blame judgement first, based on actions and then interpret the evidence on how it is supported second (Alicke, 2000). The main mechanism of this theory is that evidence isn't evaluated and blame placed. Emotional reactions, values, assumptions and expectations of people as humans can heavily shape how evidence is interpreted in the first place (Alicke, 2000). According to CCM, processing for a juror operates firstly with spontaneous evaluation, then blame motive then retroactive rationalisation. If people search for evidence to support an assumption based on their emotions, based on Alicke's (2000) claim, disgust would act in the same way. === Punishment === Type 1 processes of thinking can be assumed to rely heavily on predetermined values and morals which a juror will rarely think over before making a decision. It is thus assumed that Type 2 processing allows for a more deliberate consideration system when accounting for consequences and outcomes. This does not, however, guarantee better judgement to use when making heavily implicating decisions. This is due to Type 2, allowing people to consider consequences and situations before making a decision (Evans and Stanovich, 2013). Additionally, Feigenson's (2016) findings show that different emotions elicit different processing capabilities (anger is different from anxiety). This is supporting evidence for how much Type 2 information processing is engaged for jurors. Hypothetically, if the presence of disgust within courts were to be removed, people would be less inclined to make cognitive shortcuts (by relying on their Type 1 system) and thoroughly process emotions before making decisions, utilising their Type 2 system. * * these effects may over or under estimate the influence on cases * this article does not beleif that moral intuitionism provides strong evidence that emotions have a greater influence on real legal decisions. * the effects on information processing ** different emotions can affect how deeply people process information. ** this ties back to Rozin and Giner and Sorella (double check this) ** anger is generally associated with more certainty which means that people are less likely to carefully process information *** they rely on more heuristic cues and consider fewer factors ** anxiety is generally considered with more uncertainty ** leads to more systematic information processing ** mock jurors who became sad from emotional testimony were better at identfying inconsistencies in testimonies that neutral participants * directional processing * emotions can cause a person to interpret information in the direction similar to the emotion ** called the emotion-congruency effect (look into this because the source only gave anger, need disgust related information) * informational effects: people can treat their emotions as information about a thing they are judging (called the affect-as-information model) ** people can often mistakenly attribute their current emotional state to the target of their judgement ** in legal judgements research has examined how integral emotions can act as information when judging responsiblity and blame ** severity of harm: more serious injuries caused participants to feel more sympathy for the victim and blame the defendant more ** hypocritical offenders:a hypocritical offender produced greater anger * different emotional effects can happen at the same time: one emotion can influence how information is processed while also influencing the direction of the judgement * multiple emotions can occur: jurors may experience different emotions toward different people in the same case. multiple emotions such as anger and disgust can interact * it is important to identify the different emotional pathways because: ** different pathways can produce different outcomes ** it helps understand the relationships between emotion, cognition and judgement * how strong are emotional effects ** meta analysis have found an effect of emottions on legal responsibility judgements ** this means that emotions do matter but other factors also play a role in explaining legal judgements ** lab studies may produce weaker emotions than real trials * moral intuitionism: this argues that peoples immediate emotional reactions to morally relevant situations play a very important role in their judgements ** jurors have the opportunity to override or reconsider their intial reactions through conscious reasoning, reframing a situation or talking to other people. this means that emotions don't necessarily dominate legal judgements. === Empirical evidence === Early research intially found a powerful link between physical taste and moral judgement. The original study that was conducted was with a small sample of 57 participants. It found that consuming a bitter beverage before reading scenarios caused signficantly harsher judgement on the morality of the scenarios (Eskine, 2011). Research by Ghelfi et al, (2020) suggests that physical and moral disgust may have overlapping processes but the research failed to replicate Eskine's (2011) study. It was replicated across 11 different laboratories with 1,137 participants to test whether bitter beverages led to harsher moral judgements than sweet beverages or water. Ghelfi's (2020) research discusses to impacts of different sensory systems on the impact of moral judgements. However the replication study failed to produce any signifcant effects. {| class="wikitable" |+Summary of empirical evidence !Study !Disgust trigger !Core finding |- |Eskine et al. (2011) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |physical bitterness increased moral judgement * Bitter vs neutral: ''d''=1.09 * Bitter vs sweet: ''d''=1.22 |- |Ghelfi et al. (2020) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |Average moral wrongness scores did not find impactful effect. * Bitter: 70.65 * Neutral: 68.94 * Sweet: 71.29 |- |Jylkkä et al. (2021) |Visual images and videos (neutral and disgust related) |Moralisation and amplification hypotheses were not supported. |- |Bright & Goodman-Delahunty (2006) |Case-specific crime scene photographs |Disgust and anger increased punitiveness. * Conviction rate with gruesome crime scene photographs: 41.2% * Conviction rate with neutral crime scene photographs: 38.2% * Conviction rate without gruesome crime scene photographs: 8.8% |} === Moralisation and amplification hypotheses === A focus shift occured within some research frames in aideing to understand the process of emotions for moral judgements. Jylkkä et al (2021) aimed to investigate whether visual media had a larger impact on disgust than gustatory stimuli. Researchers exposed participants to visually disgusting or neutral pictures to know if participants could experience the intended emotion. Despite a clear activation of disgust, the results failed to support the theoretical predictions (Jylkkä et al, 2021). The moralisation hypothesis theorised that experiencing disgust will cause a person to find something generally neutral, to be morally wrong. This hypothesis was not supported. The amplification hypothesis in the study aimed to evaluate if experiencing disgusting and neutral videos made immoral actions seem to be significantly worse. It was also unsupported by the data (Jylkkä et al, 2021). Overall, within Jylkkä et al's (2021) research, visual disgust does not translate into harsher moral judgement. Bright and Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research stands as a contrast to the impacts of disgust on moral judgement. Their research demonstrated that visceral disgust and anger motivated by gruesome crime scene photos significantly surged conviction rates. Images used in court that focus on victim harm may trigger socio-moral disgust (Bright and Goodman-Delahunty, 2006). == Moderating Factors == * private body consciousness ** people who are more prone to experience their private bodily sensations show stronger disgust-driven bias *** An experiment conducted by Schnall et al. (2008) revealed that people who were more aware of their Private Body Consciousness (PBC) were more prone to feelings of disgust and expressing these feelings outwards to the situation at hand. * type of violation ** purity vs harm == Practical Implications == * evidentiary admissibility ** courts allow for the admission of gruesome photographic evidence but findings suggest this may be wrong *** research shows that people view crimes harsher if exposed to gruesome photos *** *** In their affective influences model, affect is a judgement-simplifying heuristic device. People generally consult their affective state, meaning they consult their inner emotion to infer a judgement before looking at the facts. * jury selection * how evidence is presented ==Figures== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Example of an image with a descriptive caption.]] * Use figures to illustrate concepts, add interest, and to serve as examples * Figures can show photos, diagrams, graphs, video, audio, etc. * Embed figures throughout the chapter, starting with the scenario in the Overview section * Caption figures (use '''Figure #'''. and explain the relevance of the image to the text) * Images must be embedded from [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] * Images can be uploaded to [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] if they are openly licensed * Cite each figure at least once in the main text (e.g., see Figure 2) ==Learning features== Interactive learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples describe concepts in action * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citations * Can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]] {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use to tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Which Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing Knowing x Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * Using one or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": ==Conclusion== * What does this mean going further {{vague}} * What would future research benefit from in this specific section? *Moral disgust does not come with jurors' judgements, but rather it can measurably shift guilt, certainty, blame attribution and punishment severity. *This may be stronger for certain people; it cannot just be a blanket claim for all jurors. *The idea that jurors decide on the basis of facts alone is not psychologically sustainable. The practice of law {{ic|The practice of law goes beyond the target topic}} needs to consider this, rather than seeing emotions as a bias. * The Conclusion is arguably the most important section * Draft clear take-home message(s), even at the topic development stage * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing it * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== Provide [[Help:Contents/Links#Interwiki_links|internal (wiki) links]] to the most relevant Wikiversity pages (esp. related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|motivation and emotion book chapters]]) and [[w:|Wikipedia articles]]. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/About/Collaborative authoring using wiki|Collaborative authoring using wiki]] (Wikiversity) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Light triad|Light triad]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[w:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Only select links to major internal resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses }} ==References== <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1=</nowiki> Alicke, M. D. (2000). Culpable Control and the Psychology of Blame. ''Psychological Bulletin'', ''126''(4), 556–574. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.126.4.556</nowiki> Alicke, M. D., & Weigel, S. H. (2021). The reasonable person standard: Psychological and legal perspectives. Annual Review of Law and Social Science, 17(1), 123–138. Bornewasser, M., & Bober, J. (1987). Individual, social group and intergroup behaviour. Some conceptual remarks on the social identity theory. European Journal of Social Psychology, 17(3), 267–276. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1002/ejsp.2420170303 Bright, D. A., & Goodman-Delahunty, J. (2006). Gruesome evidence and emotion: Anger, blame, and jury decision-making. Law and Human Behavior, 30(2), 183–202. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10979-006-9027-y Chapman, H. A., & Anderson, A. K. (2012). Understanding disgust. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 1251(1), 62–76. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.2011.06369.x  DeSteno, D., Petty, R. E., Rucker, D. D., Wegener, D. T., & Braverman, J. (2004). Discrete emotions and persuasion: The role of emotion-induced expectancies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 86(1), 43–56. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.86.1.43 Ekman, P. (1992). Are there basic emotions? Psychological Review, 99(3), 550–553. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.99.3.550 Evans, J. St. B. T., & Stanovich, K. E. (2013). Dual-Process Theories of Higher Cognition: Advancing the Debate. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''8''(3), 223–241. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612460685</nowiki> Fishbein, M., & Ajzen, I. (1975). Belief, attitude, intention, and behavior: an introduction to theory and research. Addison-Wesley Pub. Co. Heider, F. (2020). ''The Psychology of Interpersonal Relations'' (F. Heider, Ed.). Barakaldo Books. Lacey, N. (2023). Patrick Devlin, The enforcement of morals (1965). In [Book title] (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003193982-5 Russell, P. S., & Giner-Sorolla, R. (2013). Bodily moral disgust: What it is, how it is different from anger, and why it is an unreasoned emotion. Psychological Bulletin, 139(2), 328–351. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1037/a0029319 Schnall, S., Haidt, J., Clore, G. L., & Jordan, A. H. (2008). Disgust as embodied moral judgment. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 34(8), 1096–1109. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167208317771 Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. (2000). An Integrative Theory of Intergroup Conflict. In M. J. Hatch & M. Schultz (Eds.), ''Organizational Identity'' (pp. 56–65). Oxford University Press. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199269464.003.0005</nowiki> {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Wrap the set of references in the [[Template:Hanging indent|hanging indent template]]: ** Use "Edit source" ** <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1= the full list of references}}</nowiki> * Important aspects of APA referencing style ** Author surname, followed by a comma, then the author initials separated by full stops and spaces ** Year of publication in parentheses ** Title of work in lower case (except first letter and proper names), ending in a full-stop ** Journal title in italics, volume number in italics, issue number in parentheses, first and last page numbers separated by an en-dash(–), followed by a full-stop ** doi as a URL which is a working hyperlink (i.e., clickable) * The most common mistakes include: ** Incorrect capitalisation ** Incorrect italicisation ** dois which aren't clickable as working hyperlinks ** Citing sources that haven't been consulted }} ==External links== Provide [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|external links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u-TmKo75gJI How Disgust Shapes our Thoughts on Moral Wrong & the Political Right] (David Pizzaro) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Only select links to major external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Disgust]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Morality]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Legal]] 0dtdqkqnen3h1vmqrws9663gxpy5hn2 2840339 2840338 2026-10-14T22:47:45Z Yellowvines 3106353 2840339 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Moral disgust and jury decision-making: How does moral disgust impact jurors' judgements of guilt, blame, and punishment?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Trial by Jury - Chaos in the Courtroom.png | thumb | right | 250px |'''Figure 1'''. A jury is a group of sworn individuals who determine a defendant's guilt. ]] Consider sitting on a jury. The defendant appears composed, well-dressed, and speaks clearly. Someone like this couldn't have done anything bad — that's your instinct. Then you hear the charge: embezzlement. Over three years, they quietly transferred company funds to a personal account. Thousands of dollars were spent, and real people were harmed. You are angry. It's wrong. However, it does not make you feel sick. Consider the same composed defendant in the same courtroom, but this time the charge is posing as a charity volunteer to gain the trust of dying hospice patients before stealing the donations intended for their care. The financial loss is the same as the embezzlement case. Same amount, same number of victims. But something else arises in you. Not just anger, but more of a revulsion, as if something was contaminated. This doesn't simply feel like a crime. It has an unclean feeling to it. The same defendant. Same harm. So, why does one case make you feel cold and angry, while the other makes your skin crawl? And, aside from the actual harm done, could that visceral reaction be influencing how harshly you believe they should be punished? {{RoundBoxBottom}} It is the law that [https://www.monash.edu/law/news-and-events/news/2020/juries-why-do-we-actually-need-them-and-can-they-get-it-wrong jurors] {{ic|The law varies by jurisdiction; write for an international audience; Australians represent ~.3% of the world human population}} {{ic|Move external links to the External links section}} must base their verdicts on the facts of a case {{citation needed}}. But moral disgust, an emotional gut reaction, seems to influence how jurors assess guilt, blame and punishment, regardless of the strength of the evidence presented {{citation needed}}. A disgusted juror might unconsciously become more certain of guilt, assign more blame and suggest harsher punishment, regardless of what the facts actually establish. If disgust always biases judgements and sentences in one direction or the other, no matter how strong a case is, the implications are profound: wrongful convictions, disproportionate sentencing, and differences in the punishment of similar crimes depending on how “disgusting” the evidence seems, rather than the true seriousness of the crime {{long}}. It also raises questions for current legal practices: courts commonly admit gruesome evidence under the assumption that its evidentiary value outweighs its emotional impact, an assumption this body of research directly undermines {{citation needed}}. Psychological science provides the legal system with something it cannot produce itself: controlled empirical evidence about the nature and causes of this bias {{citation needed}}. It shows not only that jurors appear to be affected by emotion but also the processes (appraisal patterns, purity vs. harm, violations, and individual differences such as private body consciousness) that determine when and for whom the effect is strongest {{citation needed}}. This template provides key headings, examples, and tips for each section. Gradually remove this generic information as the chapter develops. It is OK to retain some of the template material for the topic development, but it should all be removed for the final book chapter. Key resources: * [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 02]] explains about how to edit * [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Topic|Topic development guidelines]] * [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter|Book chapter guidelines]] {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' *If disgust can make moral judgements more severe, even when it’s incidental to the act being judged, what does that say about the reliability of human moral reasoning? *Can moral disgust be used by the legal system? {{ic|Use open-ended questions}} *How might a juror's own sensitivity to physiological sensations of disgust impact how vulnerable they are to disgust-driven bias? *How can psychological theories be used to mitigate risks of bias in the legal system? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == What is moral disgust? == {{ic|Include at least an introductory paragraph before branching into sub-headings}} === Disgust === [[w:Disgust|Disgust]] is one of the six universal emotions that humans experience and can be visually recognised on a person's face {{citation needed}}. The emotion of disgust is theorised to have originated from a biological protective mechanism to protect an organism from harm that may be brought on by food or poison {{citation needed}}. Disgust has evolved to become an emotion/behaviour directed at anything that may potentially cause harm or disease. For example, * body products * animals * hygiene * body violations, death or disease {{citation needed}} Paul Ekman proposed six basic emotions in his literature based on the theories that these emotions, across research all over the world, concluded in agreement on six emotions: happiness, surprise, fear, anger, sadness and disgust. Therefore, he proposed that the universality of these findings and the facial expression alone could conclude that there are 6 basic emotions (Ekman, 1992). === Moral disgust === Moral disgust refers to the emotional response a person feels when their social or cultural norms are transgressed, therefore resulting in a reaction {{citation needed}}. Moral disgust is complex, and there is varying evidence for and against its genuine purpose as an emotion. Researchers argue that moral disgust is a metaphorical extension of physical disgust; shared facial expression, language, etc {{citation needed}}. Other researchers argue that it's functionally unique to traditional, physical disgust {{citation needed}}. It does not reliably trigger the same physiological processes: facial muscle activation, nausea, etc. (Chapman et al., 2012). Moral disgust is triggered by acts that are supposedly a violation of an individual's perceived purity or dignity {{citation needed}}. For example, betraying someone's trust (cheating on a partner) or exploiting a vulnerable person (as mentioned in the scenario at the start). Rozin et al. (1999) proposed a theory that moral disgust specifically clusters around violations of a person's divinity or purity. This is different from anger, which generally clusters around autonomy violations, also opposed to contempt, which clusters around community violations. This distinction is vital when discussing emotion for jurors. If moral disgust behaves differently from physical disgust, it may influence judgement in the courtroom through a different pathway than a simple reaction to physically disgusting evidence. Russell & {{ic|Use APA style for citations}} Giner-Sorolla (2013) discuss four competing arguments of disgust's role in moral condemnation. Firstly, the most flexible view of moral disgust that can be applied widely for many crimes is the general morality position. It claims that disgust is an all-purpose emotion which is seen through different kinds of moral disapproval, not just a narrow category. Secondly, disgust as a violation of bodily and spiritual purity is more specific. As mentioned prior, this claim is supported by Rozin's CAD (contempt, anger, disgust) triad. The third argument proposes that moral disgust is only a metaphor. The true emotion being experienced is anger, and individuals just use language as a metaphor (e.g., "that's disgusting") for how condemning they feel. Finally, Russell & Ginger-Sorolla's own claim for moral disgust is a middle ground for all the arguments in their research. Regardless of whether harm or justice is involved, they contend that disgust specifically tracks violations pertaining to the body and its products. Anger tends to co-occur with violations that are specifically related to justice, harm, or rights. This disgust behaves more like anger wearing the vocabulary of disgust than it does like bodily moral disgust. One study involved 148 participants ranking their emotions on a scale {{citation needed}}. It was found that moral disgust elicited as much as physical disgust did, which supports a claim that moral disgust is not a watered-down, metaphorical use of the feeling but a genuine, physical feeling of disgust. It was also revealed that moral disgust uniquely triggered a significantly higher feeling of mental contamination (feeling immoral) than core disgust did. This reveals an internalised feeling about your own moral state just from witnessing an immoral act, which ties back to Russell & Giner-Sorolla's bodily-violation pattern and strengthens Rozin et al.'s (1999) definition of moral disgust. This empirical study is evidence that core disgust attaches to bodily violations, not non-bodily violations. If people respond to contact with an immoral person in a psychologically contaminating way — wanting distance, feeling “dirtied” by proximity — then a question arises about whether jurors exposed to a defendant’s morally disgusting conduct might respond in a similar contamination mode, thus influencing their desire to symbolically “cleanse” the situation via a harsher verdict or sentence. <quiz display="simple"> {According to Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013), which of the following is NOT one of the arguments presented regarding the role of disgust in moral condemnation? : |type="()"} - General Morality Position - Bodily and Spirituality Position - Metaphorical Position +Universal Justice Position </quiz> == Psychological science in the legal system == Several psychological theories can help explain why a visceral reaction like moral disgust might influence jurors' decisions. Social identity theory explains how jurors categorise defendants, dual process theory explains how fast intuitive responses to emotions and slower deliberate reasoning interact, and attribution theory and the culpable control model explain how people assign blame. The emotional reaction often comes first, and the reasoning that follows may support it. This section describes each theory and discusses how it explains moral disgust for jurors. === Social identity theory === Classic [[w:Social_identity_theory|social identity theory]] posits that groups and whole organisations that possess the same cultural and social norms will perceive themselves as sharing something in common (Tajfel & Turner, 2000). This adds to their own personal self-concept as an individual and as a member of a society/societies. Bronewasser & Bober (1987) critique that this theory describes a class or collective of people (people who may share traits but have no real interdependence) but not a genuine societal group. Groups depend on structure, roles, positions and relationships that require dependence from people. Through this theory, a jury is considered to be a genuine structured group. There are roles, a task and an interdependence through deliberation. This theory may offer a further point on why moral disgust can bias jurors. Moral disgust may be a function of a social categorisation cue, marking defendants as the out-group rather than in the jury's moral in-group. Bronewasser & Bober claim that even arbitary group labels are enough to produce an in-group favouritism and out-group favouritism. If a defendants act triggers moral disgust, this may mark them as being in the moral "outgroup" in a jurors' mind. Independent of the actual evidence being presented, this compounds moral disgust biases. === Attribution theory and culpable control model === Disgust influences juror processing through distinct mechanisms. Altered evidentiary standards is the impact of disgust lowering the threshold of proof required for conviction. Thus leading to a biased information search. Jurors will selectively focus on specific details that support their emotion. Finally, dehumanisation occurs. The disgust that a juror is feeling triggers the evolutionary avoidance. Disgust in the form of a social pathogen means that a juror will be unsympathtic towards a defendant, regardless of arguments that explain their actions. == Moral disgust and juror judgements == A jury is a group of 12 individuals that are carefully chosen to determine the guilt of an offender{{fact}} {{ic|Don't juries vary in size, depending on the juridstiction?}}. They are picked to be impartial, unbiased opinions that can aid in the determining of a person's guilt. Jurors are asked to make judgements based on the evidence presented to them in court. However, emotions play a large, unsuspecting role in determining the guilt of a person. Such is the reason why, in high-stakes cases, jurors are not allowed contact with the outside world or media during trials. Moral disgust in particular seems to have a large impact on the way that jurors perceive and shape jurors' judgements. Different emotions elicit different reactions based on the emotion and a person's appraisal patterns.{{fact}} === Juror Judgements === ADD INTRO SECTION ==== Emotional response patterns ==== Fishbein & Ajzen's (1975) [[w:Expectancy-value_theory|expectancy-value model]] states that a person's given attitude towards an object is a direct function of the value that a person attaches to that object's attributes or outcomes. In explicit terms, a person's value on an object will be a direct function of the value that they place on said item and the positive or negative emotions they associate with it. Furthermore, the positive or negative characteristics that they associate with the object will be a weighted decision on the direct outcome that may occur due to the object. In a review of the role of emotion-induced expectancies, Desteno et al. (2004) argue that positive and negative emotions have been grouped together and oversimplified, which makes distinguishing them difficult. The studies found that specificity operates through an emotion-matching process. Whilst the study did not touch on disgust specifically, it found that persuasion about a situation increased when a person's current emotional state matched the emotional framing of a message. The broader emotion-specificity principle suggests a comparable mechanism that may apply to disgust. Older discourse has allowed for all emotions to be pushed into one category, but not all emotions push judgement in the same direction. Emotional appraisal patterns are the specific mental evaluations that an individual's brain makes about an event to determine how they feel about a situation. INSERT TABLE HERE W/ EVIDENCE ==== Integral versus incidental emotion distinction ==== Research by Feigenson (2016) discusses the overall idea that juror emotions can affect judge responsibility, blame, guilt, punishment and damages. INSERT SOURCE ON WHY THIS IS A FOCUS. The core idea of the article follows the influence of integral and incidental emotions. Integral emotions are supposed to be caused by features of a particular case. Incidental emotions are emotions that arise, unrelated to the case. This foundational research posists that emotions may influence legal judgements through multiple different pathways. Rather than claiming that the research should be generalised to consider disgust, it should be considered that further research needs to be conducted to understand the role of moral disgust in a courtroom. This leaves open whether moral disgust causes jurors to be more certain or uncertain about information in the courtroom. === Guilt === The [[w:Dual_process_theory_(moral_psychology)|dual-process theory]] argues that the main types of thinking can be separated into two distinct types (Evans & Stanovich, 2013). Type 1 processing involves autonomous processing that is often responsible for producing intuitive responses without the need for working memory. Type 2 is often more reflective and involves more explicit cognitive processes alongside working memory. A key feature of Type 2 processing is cognitive decoupling and mental simulation. Cognitive decoupling is an ability to separate what you are assuming from what you believe to be true, and mental simulation involves creating hypothetical scenarios and outcomes within your mind (Evans & Stanovich, 2013).Supporting evidence suggests that disgust is a Type 1 output, automatic and arriving before deliberate reasoning can take place. Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013) describe moral disgust as an unreasoned emotion that involves a process of quickly cleansing oneself of the impurity they associate with that emotion. Within the research Feigenson (2016) theorises the emotional effects on information processing. It reveals that different emotions can effect how deeply a juror processes emotions. Anger is generally associated with more certainity about the evidence which leads to individuals being less likely to process information as they are confident they already know enough to address the task (Feigenson, 2016). Other emotions, for example anxiety, are generally associated with more uncertaintity which leads to more systematic information processing (Feigenson, 2016). Saddened by emotional testimony, mock jurors in a criminal reckless driving case were able to identify inconsistencies more precisely, which is a sign of systematic information processing (Semmler & Brewer, 2002). The emotion-congruency effect is a process that triggers a person to judge based in the direction of the emotion they are feeling. Although Feigenson (2016) does not explicitly research how disgust is influenced by emotion there is other empirical research that researches the impact of disgust on these emotional information processing pathways. Additionally, Bright & Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research discusses a person's use of their inner emotional states as a way to reason with information they are being given. This aligns with the effect that is being theorised. Emotional pathways generally interact simultaneously and their distinct mechanisms will be vital in understanding the relationship between cognition and judgement. Feigenson (2016) also notes that jurors may have the ability to override their initial reactions through discussion and reasoning. === Blame === According to Heider's (1958) [[w:Attribution_(psychology)|attribution theory]], individuals naturally evaluate behaviour by balancing personal casuality against situational causality to determine intentionality.In a legal setting, jurors have the expectation that they will objectively weight these factors, fairly and decide a defendants guilt and blame. However, cases that evoke intense disgust can interrput the rational assessment that jurors are expected to undertake. Instead of evaluating control before assigning blame, the process that Heider's (1958) theory outlines, jurors often invert this sequence through a phenomena introduced by Alicke (2000). The core idea for the Culpable Control Model (CCM) is an explanation ofr how people make judgements about blame and responsibility. Alicke (2000) argues that judgement is not always subjective as blame does not solely rely on evidence about a persons actions and control over the action, but also on individuals emotions, values and assumptions. The assumption of the CCM is that people form a blame judgement first, based on actions and then interpret the evidence on how it is supported second (Alicke, 2000). The main mechanism of this theory is that evidence isn't evaluated and blame placed. Emotional reactions, values, assumptions and expectations of people as humans can heavily shape how evidence is interpreted in the first place (Alicke, 2000). According to CCM, processing for a juror operates firstly with spontaneous evaluation, then blame motive then retroactive rationalisation. If people search for evidence to support an assumption based on their emotions, based on Alicke's (2000) claim, disgust would act in the same way. === Punishment === Type 1 processes of thinking can be assumed to rely heavily on predetermined values and morals which a juror will rarely think over before making a decision. It is thus assumed that Type 2 processing allows for a more deliberate consideration system when accounting for consequences and outcomes. This does not, however, guarantee better judgement to use when making heavily implicating decisions. This is due to Type 2, allowing people to consider consequences and situations before making a decision (Evans and Stanovich, 2013). Additionally, Feigenson's (2016) findings show that different emotions elicit different processing capabilities (anger is different from anxiety). This is supporting evidence for how much Type 2 information processing is engaged for jurors. Hypothetically, if the presence of disgust within courts were to be removed, people would be less inclined to make cognitive shortcuts (by relying on their Type 1 system) and thoroughly process emotions before making decisions, utilising their Type 2 system. === Empirical evidence === Early research intially found a powerful link between physical taste and moral judgement. The original study that was conducted was with a small sample of 57 participants. It found that consuming a bitter beverage before reading scenarios caused signficantly harsher judgement on the morality of the scenarios (Eskine, 2011). Research by Ghelfi et al, (2020) suggests that physical and moral disgust may have overlapping processes but the research failed to replicate Eskine's (2011) study. It was replicated across 11 different laboratories with 1,137 participants to test whether bitter beverages led to harsher moral judgements than sweet beverages or water. Ghelfi's (2020) research discusses to impacts of different sensory systems on the impact of moral judgements. However the replication study failed to produce any signifcant effects. {| class="wikitable" |+Summary of empirical evidence !Study !Disgust trigger !Core finding |- |Eskine et al. (2011) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |physical bitterness increased moral judgement * Bitter vs neutral: ''d''=1.09 * Bitter vs sweet: ''d''=1.22 |- |Ghelfi et al. (2020) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |Average moral wrongness scores did not find impactful effect. * Bitter: 70.65 * Neutral: 68.94 * Sweet: 71.29 |- |Jylkkä et al. (2021) |Visual images and videos (neutral and disgust related) |Moralisation and amplification hypotheses were not supported. |- |Bright & Goodman-Delahunty (2006) |Case-specific crime scene photographs |Disgust and anger increased punitiveness. * Conviction rate with gruesome crime scene photographs: 41.2% * Conviction rate with neutral crime scene photographs: 38.2% * Conviction rate without gruesome crime scene photographs: 8.8% |} === Moralisation and amplification hypotheses === A focus shift occured within some research frames in aideing to understand the process of emotions for moral judgements. Jylkkä et al (2021) aimed to investigate whether visual media had a larger impact on disgust than gustatory stimuli. Researchers exposed participants to visually disgusting or neutral pictures to know if participants could experience the intended emotion. Despite a clear activation of disgust, the results failed to support the theoretical predictions (Jylkkä et al, 2021). The moralisation hypothesis theorised that experiencing disgust will cause a person to find something generally neutral, to be morally wrong. This hypothesis was not supported. The amplification hypothesis in the study aimed to evaluate if experiencing disgusting and neutral videos made immoral actions seem to be significantly worse. It was also unsupported by the data (Jylkkä et al, 2021). Overall, within Jylkkä et al's (2021) research, visual disgust does not translate into harsher moral judgement. Bright and Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research stands as a contrast to the impacts of disgust on moral judgement. Their research demonstrated that visceral disgust and anger motivated by gruesome crime scene photos significantly surged conviction rates. Images used in court that focus on victim harm may trigger socio-moral disgust (Bright and Goodman-Delahunty, 2006). == Moderating Factors == * private body consciousness ** people who are more prone to experience their private bodily sensations show stronger disgust-driven bias *** An experiment conducted by Schnall et al. (2008) revealed that people who were more aware of their Private Body Consciousness (PBC) were more prone to feelings of disgust and expressing these feelings outwards to the situation at hand. * type of violation ** purity vs harm == Practical Implications == * evidentiary admissibility ** courts allow for the admission of gruesome photographic evidence but findings suggest this may be wrong *** research shows that people view crimes harsher if exposed to gruesome photos *** *** In their affective influences model, affect is a judgement-simplifying heuristic device. People generally consult their affective state, meaning they consult their inner emotion to infer a judgement before looking at the facts. * jury selection * how evidence is presented ==Figures== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Example of an image with a descriptive caption.]] * Use figures to illustrate concepts, add interest, and to serve as examples * Figures can show photos, diagrams, graphs, video, audio, etc. * Embed figures throughout the chapter, starting with the scenario in the Overview section * Caption figures (use '''Figure #'''. and explain the relevance of the image to the text) * Images must be embedded from [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] * Images can be uploaded to [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] if they are openly licensed * Cite each figure at least once in the main text (e.g., see Figure 2) ==Learning features== Interactive learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples describe concepts in action * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citations * Can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]] {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use to tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Which Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing Knowing x Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * Using one or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": ==Conclusion== * What does this mean going further {{vague}} * What would future research benefit from in this specific section? *Moral disgust does not come with jurors' judgements, but rather it can measurably shift guilt, certainty, blame attribution and punishment severity. *This may be stronger for certain people; it cannot just be a blanket claim for all jurors. *The idea that jurors decide on the basis of facts alone is not psychologically sustainable. The practice of law {{ic|The practice of law goes beyond the target topic}} needs to consider this, rather than seeing emotions as a bias. * The Conclusion is arguably the most important section * Draft clear take-home message(s), even at the topic development stage * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing it * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== Provide [[Help:Contents/Links#Interwiki_links|internal (wiki) links]] to the most relevant Wikiversity pages (esp. related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|motivation and emotion book chapters]]) and [[w:|Wikipedia articles]]. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/About/Collaborative authoring using wiki|Collaborative authoring using wiki]] (Wikiversity) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Light triad|Light triad]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[w:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Only select links to major internal resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses }} ==References== <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1=</nowiki> Alicke, M. D. (2000). Culpable Control and the Psychology of Blame. ''Psychological Bulletin'', ''126''(4), 556–574. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.126.4.556</nowiki> Alicke, M. D., & Weigel, S. H. (2021). The reasonable person standard: Psychological and legal perspectives. Annual Review of Law and Social Science, 17(1), 123–138. Bornewasser, M., & Bober, J. (1987). Individual, social group and intergroup behaviour. Some conceptual remarks on the social identity theory. European Journal of Social Psychology, 17(3), 267–276. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1002/ejsp.2420170303 Bright, D. A., & Goodman-Delahunty, J. (2006). Gruesome evidence and emotion: Anger, blame, and jury decision-making. Law and Human Behavior, 30(2), 183–202. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10979-006-9027-y Chapman, H. A., & Anderson, A. K. (2012). Understanding disgust. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 1251(1), 62–76. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.2011.06369.x  DeSteno, D., Petty, R. E., Rucker, D. D., Wegener, D. T., & Braverman, J. (2004). Discrete emotions and persuasion: The role of emotion-induced expectancies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 86(1), 43–56. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.86.1.43 Ekman, P. (1992). Are there basic emotions? Psychological Review, 99(3), 550–553. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.99.3.550 Evans, J. St. B. T., & Stanovich, K. E. (2013). Dual-Process Theories of Higher Cognition: Advancing the Debate. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''8''(3), 223–241. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612460685</nowiki> Fishbein, M., & Ajzen, I. (1975). Belief, attitude, intention, and behavior: an introduction to theory and research. Addison-Wesley Pub. Co. Heider, F. (2020). ''The Psychology of Interpersonal Relations'' (F. Heider, Ed.). Barakaldo Books. Lacey, N. (2023). Patrick Devlin, The enforcement of morals (1965). In [Book title] (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003193982-5 Russell, P. S., & Giner-Sorolla, R. (2013). Bodily moral disgust: What it is, how it is different from anger, and why it is an unreasoned emotion. Psychological Bulletin, 139(2), 328–351. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1037/a0029319 Schnall, S., Haidt, J., Clore, G. L., & Jordan, A. H. (2008). Disgust as embodied moral judgment. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 34(8), 1096–1109. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167208317771 Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. (2000). An Integrative Theory of Intergroup Conflict. In M. J. Hatch & M. Schultz (Eds.), ''Organizational Identity'' (pp. 56–65). Oxford University Press. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199269464.003.0005</nowiki> {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Wrap the set of references in the [[Template:Hanging indent|hanging indent template]]: ** Use "Edit source" ** <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1= the full list of references}}</nowiki> * Important aspects of APA referencing style ** Author surname, followed by a comma, then the author initials separated by full stops and spaces ** Year of publication in parentheses ** Title of work in lower case (except first letter and proper names), ending in a full-stop ** Journal title in italics, volume number in italics, issue number in parentheses, first and last page numbers separated by an en-dash(–), followed by a full-stop ** doi as a URL which is a working hyperlink (i.e., clickable) * The most common mistakes include: ** Incorrect capitalisation ** Incorrect italicisation ** dois which aren't clickable as working hyperlinks ** Citing sources that haven't been consulted }} ==External links== Provide [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|external links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u-TmKo75gJI How Disgust Shapes our Thoughts on Moral Wrong & the Political Right] (David Pizzaro) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Only select links to major external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Disgust]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Morality]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Legal]] 5rkvyafk8kgexc0137ycemw7e8mxhgp 2840353 2840339 2026-10-15T01:13:40Z Yellowvines 3106353 /* Punishment */ 2840353 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Moral disgust and jury decision-making: How does moral disgust impact jurors' judgements of guilt, blame, and punishment?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Trial by Jury - Chaos in the Courtroom.png | thumb | right | 250px |'''Figure 1'''. A jury is a group of sworn individuals who determine a defendant's guilt. ]] Consider sitting on a jury. The defendant appears composed, well-dressed, and speaks clearly. Someone like this couldn't have done anything bad — that's your instinct. Then you hear the charge: embezzlement. Over three years, they quietly transferred company funds to a personal account. Thousands of dollars were spent, and real people were harmed. You are angry. It's wrong. However, it does not make you feel sick. Consider the same composed defendant in the same courtroom, but this time the charge is posing as a charity volunteer to gain the trust of dying hospice patients before stealing the donations intended for their care. The financial loss is the same as the embezzlement case. Same amount, same number of victims. But something else arises in you. Not just anger, but more of a revulsion, as if something was contaminated. This doesn't simply feel like a crime. It has an unclean feeling to it. The same defendant. Same harm. So, why does one case make you feel cold and angry, while the other makes your skin crawl? And, aside from the actual harm done, could that visceral reaction be influencing how harshly you believe they should be punished? {{RoundBoxBottom}} It is the law that [https://www.monash.edu/law/news-and-events/news/2020/juries-why-do-we-actually-need-them-and-can-they-get-it-wrong jurors] {{ic|The law varies by jurisdiction; write for an international audience; Australians represent ~.3% of the world human population}} {{ic|Move external links to the External links section}} must base their verdicts on the facts of a case {{citation needed}}. But moral disgust, an emotional gut reaction, seems to influence how jurors assess guilt, blame and punishment, regardless of the strength of the evidence presented {{citation needed}}. A disgusted juror might unconsciously become more certain of guilt, assign more blame and suggest harsher punishment, regardless of what the facts actually establish. If disgust always biases judgements and sentences in one direction or the other, no matter how strong a case is, the implications are profound: wrongful convictions, disproportionate sentencing, and differences in the punishment of similar crimes depending on how “disgusting” the evidence seems, rather than the true seriousness of the crime {{long}}. It also raises questions for current legal practices: courts commonly admit gruesome evidence under the assumption that its evidentiary value outweighs its emotional impact, an assumption this body of research directly undermines {{citation needed}}. Psychological science provides the legal system with something it cannot produce itself: controlled empirical evidence about the nature and causes of this bias {{citation needed}}. It shows not only that jurors appear to be affected by emotion but also the processes (appraisal patterns, purity vs. harm, violations, and individual differences such as private body consciousness) that determine when and for whom the effect is strongest {{citation needed}}. This template provides key headings, examples, and tips for each section. Gradually remove this generic information as the chapter develops. It is OK to retain some of the template material for the topic development, but it should all be removed for the final book chapter. Key resources: * [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 02]] explains about how to edit * [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Topic|Topic development guidelines]] * [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter|Book chapter guidelines]] {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' *If disgust can make moral judgements more severe, even when it’s incidental to the act being judged, what does that say about the reliability of human moral reasoning? *Can moral disgust be used by the legal system? {{ic|Use open-ended questions}} *How might a juror's own sensitivity to physiological sensations of disgust impact how vulnerable they are to disgust-driven bias? *How can psychological theories be used to mitigate risks of bias in the legal system? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == What is moral disgust? == {{ic|Include at least an introductory paragraph before branching into sub-headings}} === Disgust === [[w:Disgust|Disgust]] is one of the six universal emotions that humans experience and can be visually recognised on a person's face {{citation needed}}. The emotion of disgust is theorised to have originated from a biological protective mechanism to protect an organism from harm that may be brought on by food or poison {{citation needed}}. Disgust has evolved to become an emotion/behaviour directed at anything that may potentially cause harm or disease. For example, * body products * animals * hygiene * body violations, death or disease {{citation needed}} Paul Ekman proposed six basic emotions in his literature based on the theories that these emotions, across research all over the world, concluded in agreement on six emotions: happiness, surprise, fear, anger, sadness and disgust. Therefore, he proposed that the universality of these findings and the facial expression alone could conclude that there are 6 basic emotions (Ekman, 1992). === Moral disgust === Moral disgust refers to the emotional response a person feels when their social or cultural norms are transgressed, therefore resulting in a reaction {{citation needed}}. Moral disgust is complex, and there is varying evidence for and against its genuine purpose as an emotion. Researchers argue that moral disgust is a metaphorical extension of physical disgust; shared facial expression, language, etc {{citation needed}}. Other researchers argue that it's functionally unique to traditional, physical disgust {{citation needed}}. It does not reliably trigger the same physiological processes: facial muscle activation, nausea, etc. (Chapman et al., 2012). Moral disgust is triggered by acts that are supposedly a violation of an individual's perceived purity or dignity {{citation needed}}. For example, betraying someone's trust (cheating on a partner) or exploiting a vulnerable person (as mentioned in the scenario at the start). Rozin et al. (1999) proposed a theory that moral disgust specifically clusters around violations of a person's divinity or purity. This is different from anger, which generally clusters around autonomy violations, also opposed to contempt, which clusters around community violations. This distinction is vital when discussing emotion for jurors. If moral disgust behaves differently from physical disgust, it may influence judgement in the courtroom through a different pathway than a simple reaction to physically disgusting evidence. Russell & {{ic|Use APA style for citations}} Giner-Sorolla (2013) discuss four competing arguments of disgust's role in moral condemnation. Firstly, the most flexible view of moral disgust that can be applied widely for many crimes is the general morality position. It claims that disgust is an all-purpose emotion which is seen through different kinds of moral disapproval, not just a narrow category. Secondly, disgust as a violation of bodily and spiritual purity is more specific. As mentioned prior, this claim is supported by Rozin's CAD (contempt, anger, disgust) triad. The third argument proposes that moral disgust is only a metaphor. The true emotion being experienced is anger, and individuals just use language as a metaphor (e.g., "that's disgusting") for how condemning they feel. Finally, Russell & Ginger-Sorolla's own claim for moral disgust is a middle ground for all the arguments in their research. Regardless of whether harm or justice is involved, they contend that disgust specifically tracks violations pertaining to the body and its products. Anger tends to co-occur with violations that are specifically related to justice, harm, or rights. This disgust behaves more like anger wearing the vocabulary of disgust than it does like bodily moral disgust. One study involved 148 participants ranking their emotions on a scale {{citation needed}}. It was found that moral disgust elicited as much as physical disgust did, which supports a claim that moral disgust is not a watered-down, metaphorical use of the feeling but a genuine, physical feeling of disgust. It was also revealed that moral disgust uniquely triggered a significantly higher feeling of mental contamination (feeling immoral) than core disgust did. This reveals an internalised feeling about your own moral state just from witnessing an immoral act, which ties back to Russell & Giner-Sorolla's bodily-violation pattern and strengthens Rozin et al.'s (1999) definition of moral disgust. This empirical study is evidence that core disgust attaches to bodily violations, not non-bodily violations. If people respond to contact with an immoral person in a psychologically contaminating way — wanting distance, feeling “dirtied” by proximity — then a question arises about whether jurors exposed to a defendant’s morally disgusting conduct might respond in a similar contamination mode, thus influencing their desire to symbolically “cleanse” the situation via a harsher verdict or sentence. <quiz display="simple"> {According to Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013), which of the following is NOT one of the arguments presented regarding the role of disgust in moral condemnation? : |type="()"} - General Morality Position - Bodily and Spirituality Position - Metaphorical Position +Universal Justice Position </quiz> == Psychological science in the legal system == Several psychological theories can help explain why a visceral reaction like moral disgust might influence jurors' decisions. Social identity theory explains how jurors categorise defendants, dual process theory explains how fast intuitive responses to emotions and slower deliberate reasoning interact, and attribution theory and the culpable control model explain how people assign blame. The emotional reaction often comes first, and the reasoning that follows may support it. This section describes each theory and discusses how it explains moral disgust for jurors. === Social identity theory === Classic [[w:Social_identity_theory|social identity theory]] posits that groups and whole organisations that possess the same cultural and social norms will perceive themselves as sharing something in common (Tajfel & Turner, 2000). This adds to their own personal self-concept as an individual and as a member of a society/societies. Bronewasser & Bober (1987) critique that this theory describes a class or collective of people (people who may share traits but have no real interdependence) but not a genuine societal group. Groups depend on structure, roles, positions and relationships that require dependence from people. Through this theory, a jury is considered to be a genuine structured group. There are roles, a task and an interdependence through deliberation. This theory may offer a further point on why moral disgust can bias jurors. Moral disgust may be a function of a social categorisation cue, marking defendants as the out-group rather than in the jury's moral in-group. Bronewasser & Bober claim that even arbitary group labels are enough to produce an in-group favouritism and out-group favouritism. If a defendants act triggers moral disgust, this may mark them as being in the moral "outgroup" in a jurors' mind. Independent of the actual evidence being presented, this compounds moral disgust biases. === Attribution theory and culpable control model === Disgust influences juror processing through distinct mechanisms. Altered evidentiary standards is the impact of disgust lowering the threshold of proof required for conviction. Thus leading to a biased information search. Jurors will selectively focus on specific details that support their emotion. Finally, dehumanisation occurs. The disgust that a juror is feeling triggers the evolutionary avoidance. Disgust in the form of a social pathogen means that a juror will be unsympathtic towards a defendant, regardless of arguments that explain their actions. == Moral disgust and juror judgements == A jury is a group of 12 individuals that are carefully chosen to determine the guilt of an offender{{fact}} {{ic|Don't juries vary in size, depending on the juridstiction?}}. They are picked to be impartial, unbiased opinions that can aid in the determining of a person's guilt. Jurors are asked to make judgements based on the evidence presented to them in court. However, emotions play a large, unsuspecting role in determining the guilt of a person. Such is the reason why, in high-stakes cases, jurors are not allowed contact with the outside world or media during trials. Moral disgust in particular seems to have a large impact on the way that jurors perceive and shape jurors' judgements. Different emotions elicit different reactions based on the emotion and a person's appraisal patterns.{{fact}} === Juror Judgements === ADD INTRO SECTION ==== Emotional response patterns ==== Fishbein & Ajzen's (1975) [[w:Expectancy-value_theory|expectancy-value model]] states that a person's given attitude towards an object is a direct function of the value that a person attaches to that object's attributes or outcomes. In explicit terms, a person's value on an object will be a direct function of the value that they place on said item and the positive or negative emotions they associate with it. Furthermore, the positive or negative characteristics that they associate with the object will be a weighted decision on the direct outcome that may occur due to the object. In a review of the role of emotion-induced expectancies, Desteno et al. (2004) argue that positive and negative emotions have been grouped together and oversimplified, which makes distinguishing them difficult. The studies found that specificity operates through an emotion-matching process. Whilst the study did not touch on disgust specifically, it found that persuasion about a situation increased when a person's current emotional state matched the emotional framing of a message. The broader emotion-specificity principle suggests a comparable mechanism that may apply to disgust. Older discourse has allowed for all emotions to be pushed into one category, but not all emotions push judgement in the same direction. Emotional appraisal patterns are the specific mental evaluations that an individual's brain makes about an event to determine how they feel about a situation. INSERT TABLE HERE W/ EVIDENCE ==== Integral versus incidental emotion distinction ==== Research by Feigenson (2016) discusses the overall idea that juror emotions can affect judge responsibility, blame, guilt, punishment and damages. INSERT SOURCE ON WHY THIS IS A FOCUS. The core idea of the article follows the influence of integral and incidental emotions. Integral emotions are supposed to be caused by features of a particular case. Incidental emotions are emotions that arise, unrelated to the case. This foundational research posists that emotions may influence legal judgements through multiple different pathways. Rather than claiming that the research should be generalised to consider disgust, it should be considered that further research needs to be conducted to understand the role of moral disgust in a courtroom. This leaves open whether moral disgust causes jurors to be more certain or uncertain about information in the courtroom. === Guilt === The [[w:Dual_process_theory_(moral_psychology)|dual-process theory]] argues that the main types of thinking can be separated into two distinct types (Evans & Stanovich, 2013). Type 1 processing involves autonomous processing that is often responsible for producing intuitive responses without the need for working memory. Type 2 is often more reflective and involves more explicit cognitive processes alongside working memory. A key feature of Type 2 processing is cognitive decoupling and mental simulation. Cognitive decoupling is an ability to separate what you are assuming from what you believe to be true, and mental simulation involves creating hypothetical scenarios and outcomes within your mind (Evans & Stanovich, 2013).Supporting evidence suggests that disgust is a Type 1 output, automatic and arriving before deliberate reasoning can take place. Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013) describe moral disgust as an unreasoned emotion that involves a process of quickly cleansing oneself of the impurity they associate with that emotion. Within the research Feigenson (2016) theorises the emotional effects on information processing. It reveals that different emotions can effect how deeply a juror processes emotions. Anger is generally associated with more certainity about the evidence which leads to individuals being less likely to process information as they are confident they already know enough to address the task (Feigenson, 2016). Other emotions, for example anxiety, are generally associated with more uncertaintity which leads to more systematic information processing (Feigenson, 2016). Saddened by emotional testimony, mock jurors in a criminal reckless driving case were able to identify inconsistencies more precisely, which is a sign of systematic information processing (Semmler & Brewer, 2002). The emotion-congruency effect is a process that triggers a person to judge based in the direction of the emotion they are feeling. Although Feigenson (2016) does not explicitly research how disgust is influenced by emotion there is other empirical research that researches the impact of disgust on these emotional information processing pathways. Additionally, Bright & Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research discusses a person's use of their inner emotional states as a way to reason with information they are being given. This aligns with the effect that is being theorised. Emotional pathways generally interact simultaneously and their distinct mechanisms will be vital in understanding the relationship between cognition and judgement. Feigenson (2016) also notes that jurors may have the ability to override their initial reactions through discussion and reasoning. === Blame === According to Heider's (1958) [[w:Attribution_(psychology)|attribution theory]], individuals naturally evaluate behaviour by balancing personal casuality against situational causality to determine intentionality.In a legal setting, jurors have the expectation that they will objectively weight these factors, fairly and decide a defendants guilt and blame. However, cases that evoke intense disgust can interrput the rational assessment that jurors are expected to undertake. Instead of evaluating control before assigning blame, the process that Heider's (1958) theory outlines, jurors often invert this sequence through a phenomena introduced by Alicke (2000). The core idea for the Culpable Control Model (CCM) is an explanation ofr how people make judgements about blame and responsibility. Alicke (2000) argues that judgement is not always subjective as blame does not solely rely on evidence about a persons actions and control over the action, but also on individuals emotions, values and assumptions. The assumption of the CCM is that people form a blame judgement first, based on actions and then interpret the evidence on how it is supported second (Alicke, 2000). The main mechanism of this theory is that evidence isn't evaluated and blame placed. Emotional reactions, values, assumptions and expectations of people as humans can heavily shape how evidence is interpreted in the first place (Alicke, 2000). According to CCM, processing for a juror operates firstly with spontaneous evaluation, then blame motive then retroactive rationalisation. If people search for evidence to support an assumption based on their emotions, based on Alicke's (2000) claim, disgust would act in the same way. === Punishment === In some cases, jurors are also the ones responsible for deciding the adequate punishment that fits the crime an individual has committed. This makes understanding how emotions, specifically disgut impact this. Additionally, Feigenson's (2016) discusses the role of integral and incidental emotions on the consequent punishment of a defendant. There are various external factors that will cause a juror to be more punitive due to the emotions they are experiencing. Regardless of the discouragement for using emotional decsision making, jurors cannot alwats keep their habits of thinking and feeling in check (Feigenson, 2016). This can be reworked into Evans and Stanovich's (2013) research about processing systems involved in emotions and thinking. Type 1 processes of thinking is assumed to be heavily reliant on predetermined values and morals which a juror will rarely think over before making a decision. It is thus assumed that Type 2 processing allows for a more deliberate consideration system when accounting for consequences and outcomes (Evans and Stanovich, 2013). This does not, however, guarantee better judgement to use when making heavily implicating decisions. From a cognitive perspective, disgust is not an irrational feeling. The mind uses emotions to understand and prcoess information (Salerno, 2021). The brain will often treat the intensity of an emotion as a barometer to measure their belief of the harm that has been done. This mechanism has been mentioned previously, so the theory is supporting the claim that the more revulsion a person feels, the more justification they have for more severe punishment (Salerno, 2021; Feigenson, 2016). === Empirical evidence === Early research intially found a powerful link between physical taste and moral judgement. The original study that was conducted was with a small sample of 57 participants. It found that consuming a bitter beverage before reading scenarios caused signficantly harsher judgement on the morality of the scenarios (Eskine, 2011). Research by Ghelfi et al, (2020) suggests that physical and moral disgust may have overlapping processes but the research failed to replicate Eskine's (2011) study. It was replicated across 11 different laboratories with 1,137 participants to test whether bitter beverages led to harsher moral judgements than sweet beverages or water. Ghelfi's (2020) research discusses to impacts of different sensory systems on the impact of moral judgements. However the replication study failed to produce any signifcant effects. {| class="wikitable" |+Summary of empirical evidence !Study !Disgust trigger !Core finding |- |Eskine et al. (2011) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |physical bitterness increased moral judgement * Bitter vs neutral: ''d''=1.09 * Bitter vs sweet: ''d''=1.22 |- |Ghelfi et al. (2020) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |Average moral wrongness scores did not find impactful effect. * Bitter: 70.65 * Neutral: 68.94 * Sweet: 71.29 |- |Jylkkä et al. (2021) |Visual images and videos (neutral and disgust related) |Moralisation and amplification hypotheses were not supported. |- |Bright & Goodman-Delahunty (2006) |Case-specific crime scene photographs |Disgust and anger increased punitiveness. * Conviction rate with gruesome crime scene photographs: 41.2% * Conviction rate with neutral crime scene photographs: 38.2% * Conviction rate without gruesome crime scene photographs: 8.8% |} === Moralisation and amplification hypotheses === A focus shift occured within some research frames in aideing to understand the process of emotions for moral judgements. Jylkkä et al (2021) aimed to investigate whether visual media had a larger impact on disgust than gustatory stimuli. Researchers exposed participants to visually disgusting or neutral pictures to know if participants could experience the intended emotion. Despite a clear activation of disgust, the results failed to support the theoretical predictions (Jylkkä et al, 2021). The moralisation hypothesis theorised that experiencing disgust will cause a person to find something generally neutral, to be morally wrong. This hypothesis was not supported. The amplification hypothesis in the study aimed to evaluate if experiencing disgusting and neutral videos made immoral actions seem to be significantly worse. It was also unsupported by the data (Jylkkä et al, 2021). Overall, within Jylkkä et al's (2021) research, visual disgust does not translate into harsher moral judgement. Bright and Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research stands as a contrast to the impacts of disgust on moral judgement. Their research demonstrated that visceral disgust and anger motivated by gruesome crime scene photos significantly surged conviction rates. Images used in court that focus on victim harm may trigger socio-moral disgust (Bright and Goodman-Delahunty, 2006). == Moderating Factors == * private body consciousness ** people who are more prone to experience their private bodily sensations show stronger disgust-driven bias *** An experiment conducted by Schnall et al. (2008) revealed that people who were more aware of their Private Body Consciousness (PBC) were more prone to feelings of disgust and expressing these feelings outwards to the situation at hand. * type of violation ** purity vs harm * ==Figures== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Example of an image with a descriptive caption.]] * Use figures to illustrate concepts, add interest, and to serve as examples * Figures can show photos, diagrams, graphs, video, audio, etc. * Embed figures throughout the chapter, starting with the scenario in the Overview section * Caption figures (use '''Figure #'''. and explain the relevance of the image to the text) * Images must be embedded from [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] * Images can be uploaded to [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] if they are openly licensed * Cite each figure at least once in the main text (e.g., see Figure 2) ==Learning features== Interactive learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples describe concepts in action * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citations * Can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]] {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use to tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Which Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing Knowing x Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * Using one or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": ==Conclusion== * What does this mean going further {{vague}} * What would future research benefit from in this specific section? *Moral disgust does not come with jurors' judgements, but rather it can measurably shift guilt, certainty, blame attribution and punishment severity. *This may be stronger for certain people; it cannot just be a blanket claim for all jurors. *The idea that jurors decide on the basis of facts alone is not psychologically sustainable. The practice of law {{ic|The practice of law goes beyond the target topic}} needs to consider this, rather than seeing emotions as a bias. * The Conclusion is arguably the most important section * Draft clear take-home message(s), even at the topic development stage * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing it * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== Provide [[Help:Contents/Links#Interwiki_links|internal (wiki) links]] to the most relevant Wikiversity pages (esp. related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|motivation and emotion book chapters]]) and [[w:|Wikipedia articles]]. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/About/Collaborative authoring using wiki|Collaborative authoring using wiki]] (Wikiversity) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Light triad|Light triad]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[w:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Only select links to major internal resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses }} ==References== <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1=</nowiki> Alicke, M. D. (2000). Culpable Control and the Psychology of Blame. ''Psychological Bulletin'', ''126''(4), 556–574. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.126.4.556</nowiki> Alicke, M. D., & Weigel, S. H. (2021). The reasonable person standard: Psychological and legal perspectives. Annual Review of Law and Social Science, 17(1), 123–138. Bornewasser, M., & Bober, J. (1987). Individual, social group and intergroup behaviour. Some conceptual remarks on the social identity theory. European Journal of Social Psychology, 17(3), 267–276. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1002/ejsp.2420170303 Bright, D. A., & Goodman-Delahunty, J. (2006). Gruesome evidence and emotion: Anger, blame, and jury decision-making. Law and Human Behavior, 30(2), 183–202. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10979-006-9027-y Chapman, H. A., & Anderson, A. K. (2012). Understanding disgust. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 1251(1), 62–76. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.2011.06369.x  DeSteno, D., Petty, R. E., Rucker, D. D., Wegener, D. T., & Braverman, J. (2004). Discrete emotions and persuasion: The role of emotion-induced expectancies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 86(1), 43–56. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.86.1.43 Ekman, P. (1992). Are there basic emotions? Psychological Review, 99(3), 550–553. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.99.3.550 Evans, J. St. B. T., & Stanovich, K. E. (2013). Dual-Process Theories of Higher Cognition: Advancing the Debate. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''8''(3), 223–241. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612460685</nowiki> Fishbein, M., & Ajzen, I. (1975). Belief, attitude, intention, and behavior: an introduction to theory and research. Addison-Wesley Pub. Co. Heider, F. (2020). ''The Psychology of Interpersonal Relations'' (F. Heider, Ed.). Barakaldo Books. Lacey, N. (2023). Patrick Devlin, The enforcement of morals (1965). In [Book title] (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003193982-5 Russell, P. S., & Giner-Sorolla, R. (2013). Bodily moral disgust: What it is, how it is different from anger, and why it is an unreasoned emotion. Psychological Bulletin, 139(2), 328–351. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1037/a0029319 Schnall, S., Haidt, J., Clore, G. L., & Jordan, A. H. (2008). Disgust as embodied moral judgment. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 34(8), 1096–1109. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167208317771 Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. (2000). An Integrative Theory of Intergroup Conflict. In M. J. Hatch & M. Schultz (Eds.), ''Organizational Identity'' (pp. 56–65). Oxford University Press. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199269464.003.0005</nowiki> {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Wrap the set of references in the [[Template:Hanging indent|hanging indent template]]: ** Use "Edit source" ** <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1= the full list of references}}</nowiki> * Important aspects of APA referencing style ** Author surname, followed by a comma, then the author initials separated by full stops and spaces ** Year of publication in parentheses ** Title of work in lower case (except first letter and proper names), ending in a full-stop ** Journal title in italics, volume number in italics, issue number in parentheses, first and last page numbers separated by an en-dash(–), followed by a full-stop ** doi as a URL which is a working hyperlink (i.e., clickable) * The most common mistakes include: ** Incorrect capitalisation ** Incorrect italicisation ** dois which aren't clickable as working hyperlinks ** Citing sources that haven't been consulted }} ==External links== Provide [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|external links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u-TmKo75gJI How Disgust Shapes our Thoughts on Moral Wrong & the Political Right] (David Pizzaro) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Only select links to major external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Disgust]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Morality]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Legal]] ma2g3x9gfbvmcquol35ye2r1nodcvk7 2840358 2840353 2026-10-15T02:07:28Z Yellowvines 3106353 /* Overview */ 2840358 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Moral disgust and jury decision-making: How does moral disgust impact jurors' judgements of guilt, blame, and punishment?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Trial by Jury - Chaos in the Courtroom.png | thumb | right | 250px |'''Figure 1'''. A jury is a group of sworn individuals who determine a defendant's guilt. ]] Consider sitting on a jury. The defendant appears composed, well-dressed, and speaks clearly. Someone like this couldn't have done anything bad — that's your instinct. Then you hear the charge: embezzlement. Over three years, they quietly transferred company funds to a personal account. Thousands of dollars were spent, and real people were harmed. You are angry. It's wrong. However, it does not make you feel sick. Consider the same composed defendant in the same courtroom, but this time the charge is posing as a charity volunteer to gain the trust of dying hospice patients before stealing the donations intended for their care. The financial loss is the same as the embezzlement case. Same amount, same number of victims. But something else arises in you. Not just anger, but more of a revulsion, as if something was contaminated. This doesn't simply feel like a crime. It has an unclean feeling to it. The same defendant. Same harm. So, why does one case make you feel cold and angry, while the other makes your skin crawl? And, aside from the actual harm done, could that visceral reaction be influencing how harshly you believe they should be punished? {{RoundBoxBottom}} Across the world, juries have varying degrees of responsibility to establish a verdict of a case based on evidence presented (Hans, 2008). But moral disgust, an emotional gut reaction, seems to influence how jurors assess guilt, blame and punishment, regardless of the strength of the evidence presented (Salerno and Peter-Hagene, 2013). A disgusted juror might unconsciously become more certain of guilt, assign more blame and suggest harsher punishment, regardless of what the facts actually establish. If disgust always biases judgements and sentences in one direction or the other, no matter how strong a case is, the implications are profound. It also raises questions for current legal practices: courts commonly admit gruesome evidence under the assumption that its evidentiary value outweighs its emotional impact, an assumption this body of research directly undermines (Bright and Goodman-Delahunty, 2006). Psychological science can provide the legal system with controlled empirical evidence about the nature and causes of this bias. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' *If disgust can make moral judgements more severe, even when it’s incidental to the act being judged, what does that say about the reliability of human moral reasoning? *Can moral disgust be used by the legal system? {{ic|Use open-ended questions}} *How might a juror's own sensitivity to physiological sensations of disgust impact how vulnerable they are to disgust-driven bias? *How can psychological theories be used to mitigate risks of bias in the legal system? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == What is moral disgust? == {{ic|Include at least an introductory paragraph before branching into sub-headings}} === Disgust === [[w:Disgust|Disgust]] is one of the six universal emotions that humans experience and can be visually recognised on a person's face (Ekman, 1992). The emotion of disgust is theorised to have originated from a biological protective mechanism to protect an organism from harm that may be brought on by food or poison (Rozin & Fallon, 1987). Disgust has evolved to become an emotion/behaviour directed at anything that may potentially cause harm or disease. For example, * body products * animals * hygiene * body violations, death or disease {{citation needed}} Paul Ekman proposed six basic emotions in his literature based on the theories that these emotions, across research all over the world, concluded in agreement on six emotions: happiness, surprise, fear, anger, sadness and disgust. Therefore, he proposed that the universality of these findings and the facial expression alone could conclude that there are 6 basic emotions (Ekman, 1992). === Moral disgust === Moral disgust refers to the emotional response a person feels when their social or cultural norms are transgressed, therefore resulting in a reaction {{citation needed}}. Moral disgust is complex, and there is varying evidence for and against its genuine purpose as an emotion. Researchers argue that moral disgust is a metaphorical extension of physical disgust; shared facial expression, language, etc {{citation needed}}. Other researchers argue that it's functionally unique to traditional, physical disgust {{citation needed}}. It does not reliably trigger the same physiological processes: facial muscle activation, nausea, etc. (Chapman et al., 2012). Moral disgust is triggered by acts that are supposedly a violation of an individual's perceived purity or dignity {{citation needed}}. For example, betraying someone's trust (cheating on a partner) or exploiting a vulnerable person (as mentioned in the scenario at the start). Rozin et al. (1999) proposed a theory that moral disgust specifically clusters around violations of a person's divinity or purity. This is different from anger, which generally clusters around autonomy violations, also opposed to contempt, which clusters around community violations. This distinction is vital when discussing emotion for jurors. If moral disgust behaves differently from physical disgust, it may influence judgement in the courtroom through a different pathway than a simple reaction to physically disgusting evidence. Russell & {{ic|Use APA style for citations}} Giner-Sorolla (2013) discuss four competing arguments of disgust's role in moral condemnation. Firstly, the most flexible view of moral disgust that can be applied widely for many crimes is the general morality position. It claims that disgust is an all-purpose emotion which is seen through different kinds of moral disapproval, not just a narrow category. Secondly, disgust as a violation of bodily and spiritual purity is more specific. As mentioned prior, this claim is supported by Rozin's CAD (contempt, anger, disgust) triad. The third argument proposes that moral disgust is only a metaphor. The true emotion being experienced is anger, and individuals just use language as a metaphor (e.g., "that's disgusting") for how condemning they feel. Finally, Russell & Ginger-Sorolla's own claim for moral disgust is a middle ground for all the arguments in their research. Regardless of whether harm or justice is involved, they contend that disgust specifically tracks violations pertaining to the body and its products. Anger tends to co-occur with violations that are specifically related to justice, harm, or rights. This disgust behaves more like anger wearing the vocabulary of disgust than it does like bodily moral disgust. One study involved 148 participants ranking their emotions on a scale (Ouellet-Courtois & Radomsky, 2023). It was found that moral disgust elicited as much as physical disgust did, which supports a claim that moral disgust is not a watered-down, metaphorical use of the feeling but a genuine, physical feeling of disgust. It was also revealed that moral disgust uniquely triggered a significantly higher feeling of mental contamination (feeling immoral) than core disgust did. This reveals an internalised feeling about your own moral state just from witnessing an immoral act, which ties back to Russell & Giner-Sorolla's bodily-violation pattern and strengthens Rozin et al.'s (1999) definition of moral disgust. If people respond to contact with an immoral person in a psychologically contaminating way — wanting distance, feeling “dirtied” by proximity — then a question arises about whether jurors exposed to a defendant’s morally disgusting conduct might respond in a similar contamination mode, thus influencing their desire to symbolically “cleanse” the situation via a harsher verdict or sentence. <quiz display="simple"> {According to Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013), which of the following is NOT one of the arguments presented regarding the role of disgust in moral condemnation? : |type="()"} - General Morality Position - Bodily and Spirituality Position - Metaphorical Position +Universal Justice Position </quiz> == Psychological science in the legal system == Several psychological theories can help explain why a visceral reaction like moral disgust might influence jurors' decisions. Social identity theory explains how jurors categorise defendants, dual process theory explains how fast intuitive responses to emotions and slower deliberate reasoning interact, and attribution theory and the culpable control model explain how people assign blame. The emotional reaction often comes first, and the reasoning that follows may support it. This section describes each theory and discusses how it explains moral disgust for jurors. === Social identity theory === Classic social identity theory posits that groups and whole organisations that possess the same cultural and social norms will perceive themselves as sharing something in common (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). This adds to their own personal self-concept as an individual and as a member of a society/societies. Bornewasser & Bober (1987) critique that this theory describes a class or collective of people (people who may share traits but have no real interdependence) but not a genuine societal group. Groups depend on structure, roles, positions and relationships that require dependence from people Through this theory, a jury is considered to be a genuine structured group. There are roles, a task and an interdependence through deliberation. This theory may offer a further point on why moral disgust can bias jurors. Moral disgust may be a function of a social categorisation cue, marking defendants as the out-group rather than in the jury's moral in-group. Bronewasser & Bober claim that even arbitary group labels are enough to produce an in-group favouritism and out-group favouritism. If a defendants act triggers moral disgust, this may mark them as being in the moral "outgroup" in a jurors' mind. Independent of the actual evidence being presented, this compounds moral disgust biases. === Attribution theory and culpable control model === Disgust influences juror processing through distinct mechanisms. Altered evidentiary standards is the impact of disgust lowering the threshold of proof required for conviction. Thus leading to a biased information search. Jurors will selectively focus on specific details that support their emotion. Finally, dehumanisation occurs. The disgust that a juror is feeling triggers the evolutionary avoidance. Disgust in the form of a social pathogen means that a juror will be unsympathtic towards a defendant, regardless of arguments that explain their actions. == Moral disgust and juror judgements == A jury is a group of 12 individuals that are carefully chosen to determine the guilt of an offender{{fact}} {{ic|Don't juries vary in size, depending on the juridstiction?}}. They are picked to be impartial, unbiased opinions that can aid in the determining of a person's guilt. Jurors are asked to make judgements based on the evidence presented to them in court. However, emotions play a large, unsuspecting role in determining the guilt of a person. Such is the reason why, in high-stakes cases, jurors are not allowed contact with the outside world or media during trials. Moral disgust in particular seems to have a large impact on the way that jurors perceive and shape jurors' judgements. Different emotions elicit different reactions based on the emotion and a person's appraisal patterns.{{fact}} === Juror Judgements === ADD INTRO SECTION ==== Emotional response patterns ==== Fishbein & Ajzen's (1975) [[w:Expectancy-value_theory|expectancy-value model]] states that a person's given attitude towards an object is a direct function of the value that a person attaches to that object's attributes or outcomes. In explicit terms, a person's value on an object will be a direct function of the value that they place on said item and the positive or negative emotions they associate with it. Furthermore, the positive or negative characteristics that they associate with the object will be a weighted decision on the direct outcome that may occur due to the object. In a review of the role of emotion-induced expectancies, Desteno et al. (2004) argue that positive and negative emotions have been grouped together and oversimplified, which makes distinguishing them difficult. The studies found that specificity operates through an emotion-matching process. Whilst the study did not touch on disgust specifically, it found that persuasion about a situation increased when a person's current emotional state matched the emotional framing of a message. The broader emotion-specificity principle suggests a comparable mechanism that may apply to disgust. Older discourse has allowed for all emotions to be pushed into one category, but not all emotions push judgement in the same direction. Emotional appraisal patterns are the specific mental evaluations that an individual's brain makes about an event to determine how they feel about a situation. INSERT TABLE HERE W/ EVIDENCE ==== Integral versus incidental emotion distinction ==== Research by Feigenson (2016) discusses the overall idea that juror emotions can affect judge responsibility, blame, guilt, punishment and damages. INSERT SOURCE ON WHY THIS IS A FOCUS. The core idea of the article follows the influence of integral and incidental emotions. Integral emotions are supposed to be caused by features of a particular case. Incidental emotions are emotions that arise, unrelated to the case. This foundational research posists that emotions may influence legal judgements through multiple different pathways. Rather than claiming that the research should be generalised to consider disgust, it should be considered that further research needs to be conducted to understand the role of moral disgust in a courtroom. This leaves open whether moral disgust causes jurors to be more certain or uncertain about information in the courtroom. === Guilt === The [[w:Dual_process_theory_(moral_psychology)|dual-process theory]] argues that the main types of thinking can be separated into two distinct types (Evans & Stanovich, 2013). Type 1 processing involves autonomous processing that is often responsible for producing intuitive responses without the need for working memory. Type 2 is often more reflective and involves more explicit cognitive processes alongside working memory. A key feature of Type 2 processing is cognitive decoupling and mental simulation. Cognitive decoupling is an ability to separate what you are assuming from what you believe to be true, and mental simulation involves creating hypothetical scenarios and outcomes within your mind (Evans & Stanovich, 2013).Supporting evidence suggests that disgust is a Type 1 output, automatic and arriving before deliberate reasoning can take place. Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013) describe moral disgust as an unreasoned emotion that involves a process of quickly cleansing oneself of the impurity they associate with that emotion. Within the research Feigenson (2016) theorises the emotional affects on information processing. It reveals that different emotions can effect how deeply a juror processes emotions. Anger is generally associated with more certainity about the evidence which leads to individuals being less likely to process information as they are confident they already know enough to address the task (Feigenson, 2016). Other emotions, for example anxiety, are generally associated with more uncertaintity which leads to more systematic information processing (Feigenson, 2016). Saddened by emotional testimony, mock jurors in a criminal reckless driving case were able to identify inconsistencies more precisely, which is a sign of systematic information processing (Semmler & Brewer, 2002). The emotion-congruency effect is a process that triggers a person to judge based in the direction of the emotion they are feeling. Additionally, Bright & Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research discusses a person's use of their inner emotional states as a way to reason with information they are being given. This aligns with the affect that is being theorised. Emotional pathways generally interact simultaneously and their distinct mechanisms will be vital in understanding the relationship between cognition and judgement. Feigenson (2016) also notes that jurors may have the ability to override their initial reactions through discussion and reasoning. === Blame === According to Heider's (1958) [[w:Attribution_(psychology)|attribution theory]], individuals naturally evaluate behaviour by balancing personal casuality against situational causality to determine intentionality.In a legal setting, jurors have the expectation that they will objectively weight these factors, fairly and decide a defendants guilt and blame. However, cases that evoke intense disgust can interrput the rational assessment that jurors are expected to undertake. Instead of evaluating control before assigning blame, the process that Heider's (1958) theory outlines, jurors often invert this sequence through a phenomena introduced by Alicke (2000). The core idea for the Culpable Control Model (CCM) is an explanation ofr how people make judgements about blame and responsibility. Alicke (2000) argues that judgement is not always subjective as blame does not solely rely on evidence about a persons actions and control over the action, but also on individuals emotions, values and assumptions. The assumption of the CCM is that people form a blame judgement first, based on actions and then interpret the evidence on how it is supported second (Alicke, 2000). The main mechanism of this theory is that evidence isn't evaluated and blame is placed. Emotional reactions, values, assumptions and expectations of people as humans can heavily shape how evidence is interpreted in the first place (Alicke, 2000). According to CCM, processing for a juror operates firstly with spontaneous evaluation, then blame motive then retroactive rationalisation. If people search for evidence to support an assumption based on their emotions, based on Alicke's (2000) claim, disgust would act in the same way. === Punishment === In some cases, jurors are also the ones responsible for deciding the adequate punishment that fits the crime an individual has committed. This makes understanding how emotions, specifically disgut impact this. Additionally, Feigenson's (2016) discusses the role of integral and incidental emotions on the consequent punishment of a defendant. There are various external factors that will cause a juror to be more punitive due to the emotions they are experiencing. Regardless of the discouragement for using emotional decsision making, jurors cannot alwats keep their habits of thinking and feeling in check (Feigenson, 2016). This can be reworked into Evans and Stanovich's (2013) research about processing systems involved in emotions and thinking. Type 1 processes of thinking is assumed to be heavily reliant on predetermined values and morals which a juror will rarely think over before making a decision. It is thus assumed that Type 2 processing allows for a more deliberate consideration system when accounting for consequences and outcomes (Evans and Stanovich, 2013). This does not, however, guarantee better judgement to use when making heavily implicating decisions. From a cognitive perspective, disgust is not an irrational feeling. The mind uses emotions to understand and prcoess information (Salerno, 2021). The brain will often treat the intensity of an emotion as a barometer to measure their belief of the harm that has been done. This mechanism has been mentioned previously, so the theory is supporting the claim that the more revulsion a person feels, the more justification they have for more severe punishment (Salerno, 2021; Feigenson, 2016). === Empirical evidence === Early research intially found a powerful link between physical taste and moral judgement. The original study that was conducted was with a small sample of 57 participants. It found that consuming a bitter beverage before reading scenarios caused signficantly harsher judgement on the morality of the scenarios (Eskine, 2011). Research by Ghelfi et al, (2020) suggests that physical and moral disgust may have overlapping processes but the research failed to replicate Eskine's (2011) study. It was replicated across 11 different laboratories with 1,137 participants to test whether bitter beverages led to harsher moral judgements than sweet beverages or water. Ghelfi's (2020) research discusses to impacts of different sensory systems on the impact of moral judgements. However the replication study produced neglible effects. {| class="wikitable" |+Summary of empirical evidence !Study !Disgust trigger !Core finding |- |Eskine et al. (2011) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |physical bitterness increased moral judgement * Bitter vs neutral: ''d''=1.09 * Bitter vs sweet: ''d''=1.22 |- |Ghelfi et al. (2020) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |Average moral wrongness scores did not find impactful effect. * Bitter: 70.65 * Neutral: 68.94 * Sweet: 71.29 |- |Jylkkä et al. (2021) |Visual images and videos (neutral and disgust related) |Moralisation and amplification hypotheses were not supported. |- |Bright & Goodman-Delahunty (2006) |Case-specific crime scene photographs |Disgust and anger increased punitiveness. * Conviction rate with gruesome crime scene photographs: 41.2% * Conviction rate with neutral crime scene photographs: 38.2% * Conviction rate without gruesome crime scene photographs: 8.8% |} === Moralisation and amplification hypotheses === A focus shift occured within some research frames in aideing to understand the process of emotions for moral judgements. Jylkkä et al (2021) aimed to investigate whether visual media had a larger impact on disgust than gustatory stimuli. Researchers exposed participants to visually disgusting or neutral pictures to know if participants could experience the intended emotion. Despite a clear activation of disgust, the results failed to support the theoretical predictions (Jylkkä et al, 2021). The moralisation hypothesis theorised that experiencing disgust will cause a person to find something generally neutral, to be morally wrong. This hypothesis was not supported. The amplification hypothesis in the study aimed to evaluate if experiencing disgusting and neutral videos made immoral actions seem to be significantly worse. It was also unsupported by the data (Jylkkä et al, 2021). Overall, within Jylkkä et al's (2021) research, in these experiments visual disgust did not translate into harsher moral judgement. Bright and Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research stands as a contrast to the impacts of disgust on moral judgement. Their research demonstrated that visceral disgust and anger motivated by gruesome crime scene photos significantly surged conviction rates. Images used in court that focus on victim harm may trigger socio-moral disgust (Bright and Goodman-Delahunty, 2006). == Moderating Factors == * private body consciousness ** people who are more prone to experience their private bodily sensations show stronger disgust-driven bias *** An experiment conducted by Schnall et al. (2008) revealed that people who were more aware of their Private Body Consciousness (PBC) were more prone to feelings of disgust and expressing these feelings outwards to the situation at hand. * type of violation ** purity vs harm * ==Figures== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Example of an image with a descriptive caption.]] * Use figures to illustrate concepts, add interest, and to serve as examples * Figures can show photos, diagrams, graphs, video, audio, etc. * Embed figures throughout the chapter, starting with the scenario in the Overview section * Caption figures (use '''Figure #'''. and explain the relevance of the image to the text) * Images must be embedded from [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] * Images can be uploaded to [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] if they are openly licensed * Cite each figure at least once in the main text (e.g., see Figure 2) ==Learning features== Interactive learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples describe concepts in action * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citations * Can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]] {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use to tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Which Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing Knowing x Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * Using one or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": ==Conclusion== * What does this mean going further {{vague}} * What would future research benefit from in this specific section? *Moral disgust does not come with jurors' judgements, but rather it can measurably shift guilt, certainty, blame attribution and punishment severity. *This may be stronger for certain people; it cannot just be a blanket claim for all jurors. *The idea that jurors decide on the basis of facts alone is not psychologically sustainable. The practice of law {{ic|The practice of law goes beyond the target topic}} needs to consider this, rather than seeing emotions as a bias. * The Conclusion is arguably the most important section * Draft clear take-home message(s), even at the topic development stage * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing it * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== Provide [[Help:Contents/Links#Interwiki_links|internal (wiki) links]] to the most relevant Wikiversity pages (esp. related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|motivation and emotion book chapters]]) and [[w:|Wikipedia articles]]. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/About/Collaborative authoring using wiki|Collaborative authoring using wiki]] (Wikiversity) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Light triad|Light triad]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[w:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Only select links to major internal resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses }} ==References== <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1=</nowiki> Alicke, M. D. (2000). Culpable Control and the Psychology of Blame. ''Psychological Bulletin'', ''126''(4), 556–574. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.126.4.556</nowiki> Alicke, M. D., & Weigel, S. H. (2021). The reasonable person standard: Psychological and legal perspectives. Annual Review of Law and Social Science, 17(1), 123–138. Bornewasser, M., & Bober, J. (1987). Individual, social group and intergroup behaviour. Some conceptual remarks on the social identity theory. European Journal of Social Psychology, 17(3), 267–276. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1002/ejsp.2420170303 Bright, D. A., & Goodman-Delahunty, J. (2006). Gruesome evidence and emotion: Anger, blame, and jury decision-making. Law and Human Behavior, 30(2), 183–202. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10979-006-9027-y Chapman, H. A., & Anderson, A. K. (2012). Understanding disgust. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 1251(1), 62–76. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.2011.06369.x  Ouellet-Courtois, C., & Radomsky, A. S. (2023). Can immorality be contracted? Appraisals of moral disgust and contamination fear. ''Behaviour Research and Therapy'', ''166'', Article 104336. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2023.104336</nowiki> DeSteno, D., Petty, R. E., Rucker, D. D., Wegener, D. T., & Braverman, J. (2004). Discrete emotions and persuasion: The role of emotion-induced expectancies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 86(1), 43–56. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.86.1.43 Ekman, P. (1992). Are there basic emotions? Psychological Review, 99(3), 550–553. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.99.3.550 Evans, J. St. B. T., & Stanovich, K. E. (2013). Dual-Process Theories of Higher Cognition: Advancing the Debate. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''8''(3), 223–241. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612460685</nowiki> Fishbein, M., & Ajzen, I. (1975). Belief, attitude, intention, and behavior: an introduction to theory and research. Addison-Wesley Pub. Co. Hans, Valerie P. "Jury systems around the world." Annual review of law and social science 4.1 (2008): 275-297. Heider, F. (2020). ''The Psychology of Interpersonal Relations'' (F. Heider, Ed.). Barakaldo Books. Lacey, N. (2023). Patrick Devlin, The enforcement of morals (1965). In [Book title] (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003193982-5 Rozin, P., & Fallon, A. E. (1987). A perspective on disgust. ''Psychological Review, 94''(1), 23–41. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.94.1.23</nowiki> Rozin, P., Lowery, L., Imada, S., & Haidt, J. (1999). The CAD triad hypothesis: A mapping between three moral emotions (contempt, anger, disgust) and three moral codes (community, autonomy, divinity). ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76''(4), 574–586. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.76.4.574</nowiki> Russell, P. S., & Giner-Sorolla, R. (2013). Bodily moral disgust: What it is, how it is different from anger, and why it is an unreasoned emotion. Psychological Bulletin, 139(2), 328–351. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1037/a0029319 Nunez, N., Estrada-Reynolds, V., Schweitzer, K., & Myers, B. (2016). The impact of emotions on juror judgments and decision-making. In B. H. Bornstein & M. K. Miller (Eds.), ''Advances in psychology and law'' (pp. 55–93). Springer International Publishing/Springer Nature. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-43083-6_3</nowiki> Schnall, S., Haidt, J., Clore, G. L., & Jordan, A. H. (2008). Disgust as embodied moral judgment. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 34(8), 1096–1109. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167208317771 Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 33–47). {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Wrap the set of references in the [[Template:Hanging indent|hanging indent template]]: ** Use "Edit source" ** <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1= the full list of references}}</nowiki> * Important aspects of APA referencing style ** Author surname, followed by a comma, then the author initials separated by full stops and spaces ** Year of publication in parentheses ** Title of work in lower case (except first letter and proper names), ending in a full-stop ** Journal title in italics, volume number in italics, issue number in parentheses, first and last page numbers separated by an en-dash(–), followed by a full-stop ** doi as a URL which is a working hyperlink (i.e., clickable) * The most common mistakes include: ** Incorrect capitalisation ** Incorrect italicisation ** dois which aren't clickable as working hyperlinks ** Citing sources that haven't been consulted }} ==External links== Provide [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|external links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u-TmKo75gJI How Disgust Shapes our Thoughts on Moral Wrong & the Political Right] (David Pizzaro) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Only select links to major external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Disgust]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Morality]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Legal]] 61lejrn4ab6udma7wyj5luau1k5qgyq 2840366 2840358 2026-10-15T02:41:18Z Yellowvines 3106353 2840366 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Moral disgust and jury decision-making: How does moral disgust impact jurors' judgements of guilt, blame, and punishment?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Trial by Jury - Chaos in the Courtroom.png | thumb | right | 250px |'''Figure 1'''. A jury is a group of sworn individuals who determine a defendant's guilt. ]] Consider sitting on a jury. The defendant appears composed, well-dressed, and speaks clearly. Someone like this couldn't have done anything bad — that's your instinct. Then you hear the charge: embezzlement. Over three years, they quietly transferred company funds to a personal account. Thousands of dollars were spent, and real people were harmed. You are angry. It's wrong. However, it does not make you feel sick. Consider the same composed defendant in the same courtroom, but this time the charge is posing as a charity volunteer to gain the trust of dying hospice patients before stealing the donations intended for their care. The financial loss is the same as the embezzlement case. Same amount, same number of victims. But something else arises in you. Not just anger, but more of a revulsion, as if something was contaminated. This doesn't simply feel like a crime. It has an unclean feeling to it. The same defendant. Same harm. So, why does one case make you feel cold and angry, while the other makes your skin crawl? And, aside from the actual harm done, could that visceral reaction be influencing how harshly you believe they should be punished? {{RoundBoxBottom}} Across the world, juries have varying degrees of responsibility to establish a verdict of a case based on evidence presented (Hans, 2008). But moral disgust, an emotional gut reaction, seems to influence how jurors assess guilt, blame and punishment, regardless of the strength of the evidence presented (Salerno and Peter-Hagene, 2013). A disgusted juror might unconsciously become more certain of guilt, assign more blame and suggest harsher punishment, regardless of what the facts actually establish. If disgust always biases judgements and sentences in one direction or the other, no matter how strong a case is, the implications are profound. It also raises questions for current legal practices: courts commonly admit gruesome evidence under the assumption that its evidentiary value outweighs its emotional impact, an assumption this body of research directly undermines (Bright and Goodman-Delahunty, 2006). Psychological science can provide the legal system with controlled empirical evidence about the nature and causes of this bias. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' *If disgust can make moral judgements more severe, even when it’s incidental to the act being judged, what does that say about the reliability of human moral reasoning? *Can moral disgust be used by the legal system? {{ic|Use open-ended questions}} *How might a juror's own sensitivity to physiological sensations of disgust impact how vulnerable they are to disgust-driven bias? *How can psychological theories be used to mitigate risks of bias in the legal system? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == What is moral disgust? == When individuals witness moral transgression, a feeling of revulsion is experienced. It shares a resemblance to the physiological and psychological mechanisms of core disgust. Researchers are continuing to understand the evolutionary and cognitive overlap between these interrelated emotions (Chapman & Anderson, 2012). Jurors are often tasked with the role of judging morally repugnant acts, which means that understanding how the mechanisms of moral disgust work in comparison to the current research on core disgust within the legal system is vital. === Disgust === [[w:Disgust|Disgust]] is one of the six universal emotions that humans experience and can be visually recognised on a person's face (Ekman, 1992). The emotion of disgust is theorised to have originated from a biological protective mechanism to protect an organism from harm that may be brought on by food or poison (Rozin & Fallon, 1987). Disgust has evolved to become an emotion/behaviour directed at anything that may potentially cause harm or disease. For example, * body products * animals * hygiene * body violations, death or disease {{citation needed}} Paul Ekman proposed six basic emotions in his literature based on the theories that these emotions, across research all over the world, concluded in agreement on six emotions: happiness, surprise, fear, anger, sadness and disgust. Therefore, he proposed that the universality of these findings and the facial expression alone could conclude that there are 6 basic emotions (Ekman, 1992). === Moral disgust === Moral disgust refers to the emotional response a person feels when their social or cultural norms are transgressed, therefore resulting in a reaction {{citation needed}}. Moral disgust is complex, and there is varying evidence for and against its genuine purpose as an emotion. Researchers argue that moral disgust is a metaphorical extension of physical disgust; shared facial expression, language, etc {{citation needed}}. Other researchers argue that it's functionally unique to traditional, physical disgust {{citation needed}}. It does not reliably trigger the same physiological processes: facial muscle activation, nausea, etc. (Chapman et al., 2012). Moral disgust is triggered by acts that are supposedly a violation of an individual's perceived purity or dignity {{citation needed}}. For example, betraying someone's trust (cheating on a partner) or exploiting a vulnerable person (as mentioned in the scenario at the start). Rozin et al. (1999) proposed a theory that moral disgust specifically clusters around violations of a person's divinity or purity. This is different from anger, which generally clusters around autonomy violations, also opposed to contempt, which clusters around community violations. This distinction is vital when discussing emotion for jurors. If moral disgust behaves differently from physical disgust, it may influence judgement in the courtroom through a different pathway than a simple reaction to physically disgusting evidence. Russell & {{ic|Use APA style for citations}} Giner-Sorolla (2013) discuss four competing arguments of disgust's role in moral condemnation. Firstly, the most flexible view of moral disgust that can be applied widely for many crimes is the general morality position. It claims that disgust is an all-purpose emotion which is seen through different kinds of moral disapproval, not just a narrow category. Secondly, disgust as a violation of bodily and spiritual purity is more specific. As mentioned prior, this claim is supported by Rozin's CAD (contempt, anger, disgust) triad. The third argument proposes that moral disgust is only a metaphor. The true emotion being experienced is anger, and individuals just use language as a metaphor (e.g., "that's disgusting") for how condemning they feel. Finally, Russell & Ginger-Sorolla's own claim for moral disgust is a middle ground for all the arguments in their research. Regardless of whether harm or justice is involved, they contend that disgust specifically tracks violations pertaining to the body and its products. Anger tends to co-occur with violations that are specifically related to justice, harm, or rights. This disgust behaves more like anger wearing the vocabulary of disgust than it does like bodily moral disgust. One study involved 148 participants ranking their emotions on a scale (Ouellet-Courtois & Radomsky, 2023). It was found that moral disgust elicited as much as physical disgust did, which supports a claim that moral disgust is not a watered-down, metaphorical use of the feeling but a genuine, physical feeling of disgust. It was also revealed that moral disgust uniquely triggered a significantly higher feeling of mental contamination (feeling immoral) than core disgust did. This reveals an internalised feeling about your own moral state just from witnessing an immoral act, which ties back to Russell & Giner-Sorolla's bodily-violation pattern and strengthens Rozin et al.'s (1999) definition of moral disgust. If people respond to contact with an immoral person in a psychologically contaminating way — wanting distance, feeling “dirtied” by proximity — then a question arises about whether jurors exposed to a defendant’s morally disgusting conduct might respond in a similar contamination mode, thus influencing their desire to symbolically “cleanse” the situation via a harsher verdict or sentence. <quiz display="simple"> {According to Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013), which of the following is NOT one of the arguments presented regarding the role of disgust in moral condemnation? : |type="()"} - General Morality Position - Bodily and Spirituality Position - Metaphorical Position +Universal Justice Position </quiz> == Psychological science in the legal system == Several psychological theories can help explain why a visceral reaction like moral disgust might influence jurors' decisions. Social identity theory explains how jurors categorise defendants, dual process theory explains how fast intuitive responses to emotions and slower deliberate reasoning interact, and attribution theory and the culpable control model explain how people assign blame. The emotional reaction often comes first, and the reasoning that follows may support it. This section describes each theory and discusses how it explains moral disgust for jurors. === Social identity theory === Classic social identity theory posits that groups and whole organisations that possess the same cultural and social norms will perceive themselves as sharing something in common (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). This adds to their own personal self-concept as an individual and as a member of a society/societies. Bornewasser & Bober (1987) critique that this theory describes a class or collective of people (people who may share traits but have no real interdependence) but not a genuine societal group. Groups depend on structure, roles, positions and relationships that require dependence from people Through this theory, a jury is considered to be a genuine structured group. There are roles, a task and an interdependence through deliberation. This theory may offer a further point on why moral disgust can bias jurors. Moral disgust may be a function of a social categorisation cue, marking defendants as the out-group rather than in the jury's moral in-group. Bronewasser & Bober claim that even arbitary group labels are enough to produce an in-group favouritism and out-group favouritism. If a defendant's act triggers moral disgust, this may mark them as being in the moral "outgroup" in a juror's mind. Independent of the actual evidence being presented, this compounds moral disgust biases. == Moral disgust and juror judgements == A jury is a group of 12 individuals that are carefully chosen to determine the guilt of an offender{{fact}} {{ic|Don't juries vary in size, depending on the juridstiction?}}. They are picked to be impartial and unbiased opinions that can aid in the determining of a person's guilt. Jurors are asked to make judgements based on the evidence presented to them in court. However, emotions play a large, unsuspecting role in determining the guilt of a person. Such is the reason why, in high-stakes cases, jurors are not allowed contact with the outside world or media during trials. Moral disgust in particular seems to have a large impact on the way that jurors perceive and shape jurors' judgements. Different emotions elicit different reactions based on the emotion and a person's appraisal patterns. {{fact}} === Juror Judgements === A juror's role internationally is consistently an impartial decision-maker based solely on presented evidence. Despite the country or jurisdiction, juror's are required to surpass psychological challenges of letting emotion get in the way of this job. However, research commonly suggests that jurors often let their emotion influence or cloud their judgement (Feigenson, 2016). This section looks at how disgust influences three agencies in decision-making as a juror. Guilt, blame and punishment. Moral disgust is a complex social emotion which forces researches to measure using standard, operationalised measures for disgust. It is undeniably present in decision-making for jurors, but it is often collapsed into a general category of disgust. Moral disgust is underrepresented in terminology and research. ==== Emotional response patterns ==== Fishbein & Ajzen's (1975) [[w:Expectancy-value_theory|expectancy-value model]] states that a person's given attitude towards an object is a direct function of the value that a person attaches to that object's attributes or outcomes. In explicit terms, a person's value on an object will be a direct function of the value that they place on said item and the positive or negative emotions they associate with it. Furthermore, the positive or negative characteristics that they associate with the object will be a weighted decision on the direct outcome that may occur due to the object. In a review of the role of emotion-induced expectancies, Desteno et al. (2004) argue that positive and negative emotions have been grouped together and oversimplified, which makes distinguishing them difficult. The studies found that specificity operates through an emotion-matching process. Whilst the study did not touch on disgust specifically, it found that persuasion about a situation increased when a person's current emotional state matched the emotional framing of a message. The broader emotion-specificity principle suggests a comparable mechanism that may apply to disgust. Older discourse has allowed for all emotions to be pushed into one category, but not all emotions push judgement in the same direction. Emotional appraisal patterns are the specific mental evaluations that an individual's brain makes about an event to determine how they feel about a situation. INSERT TABLE HERE W/ EVIDENCE ==== Integral versus incidental emotion distinction ==== Research by Feigenson (2016) discusses the overall idea that juror emotions can affect judge responsibility, blame, guilt, punishment and damages. INSERT SOURCE ON WHY THIS IS A FOCUS. The core idea of the article follows the influence of integral and incidental emotions. Integral emotions are supposed to be caused by features of a particular case. Incidental emotions are emotions that arise, unrelated to the case. This foundational research posists that emotions may influence legal judgements through multiple different pathways. Rather than claiming that the research should be generalised to consider disgust, it should be considered that further research needs to be conducted to understand the role of moral disgust in a courtroom. This leaves open whether moral disgust causes jurors to be more certain or uncertain about information in the courtroom. === Guilt === The [[w:Dual_process_theory_(moral_psychology)|dual-process theory]] argues that the main types of thinking can be separated into two distinct types (Evans & Stanovich, 2013). Type 1 processing involves autonomous processing that is often responsible for producing intuitive responses without the need for working memory. Type 2 is often more reflective and involves more explicit cognitive processes alongside working memory. A key feature of Type 2 processing is cognitive decoupling and mental simulation. Cognitive decoupling is an ability to separate what you are assuming from what you believe to be true, and mental simulation involves creating hypothetical scenarios and outcomes within your mind (Evans & Stanovich, 2013).Supporting evidence suggests that disgust is a Type 1 output, automatic and arriving before deliberate reasoning can take place. Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013) describe moral disgust as an unreasoned emotion that involves a process of quickly cleansing oneself of the impurity they associate with that emotion. Within the research Feigenson (2016) theorises the emotional affects on information processing. It reveals that different emotions can effect how deeply a juror processes emotions. Anger is generally associated with more certainity about the evidence which leads to individuals being less likely to process information as they are confident they already know enough to address the task (Feigenson, 2016). Disgust influences juror processing through distinct mechanisms. Altered evidentiary standards is the impact of disgust lowering the threshold of proof required for conviction. Thus leading to a biased information search. Jurors will selectively focus on specific details that support their emotion. Other emotions, for example anxiety, are generally associated with more uncertaintity which leads to more systematic information processing (Feigenson, 2016). Saddened by emotional testimony, mock jurors in a criminal reckless driving case were able to identify inconsistencies more precisely, which is a sign of systematic information processing (Semmler & Brewer, 2002). The emotion-congruency effect is a process that triggers a person to judge based in the direction of the emotion they are feeling. Additionally, Bright & Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research discusses a person's use of their inner emotional states as a way to reason with information they are being given. This aligns with the affect that is being theorised. Emotional pathways generally interact simultaneously and their distinct mechanisms will be vital in understanding the relationship between cognition and judgement. Feigenson (2016) also notes that jurors may have the ability to override their initial reactions through discussion and reasoning. === Blame === According to Heider's (1958) [[w:Attribution_(psychology)|attribution theory]], individuals naturally evaluate behaviour by balancing personal casuality against situational causality to determine intentionality.In a legal setting, jurors have the expectation that they will objectively weight these factors, fairly and decide a defendants guilt and blame. However, cases that evoke intense disgust can interrput the rational assessment that jurors are expected to undertake. Instead of evaluating control before assigning blame, the process that Heider's (1958) theory outlines, jurors often invert this sequence through a phenomena introduced by Alicke (2000). The core idea for the Culpable Control Model (CCM) is an explanation ofr how people make judgements about blame and responsibility. Alicke (2000) argues that judgement is not always subjective as blame does not solely rely on evidence about a persons actions and control over the action, but also on individuals emotions, values and assumptions. The assumption of the CCM is that people form a blame judgement first, based on actions and then interpret the evidence on how it is supported second (Alicke, 2000). The main mechanism of this theory is that evidence isn't evaluated and blame is placed. Emotional reactions, values, assumptions and expectations of people as humans can heavily shape how evidence is interpreted in the first place (Alicke, 2000). According to CCM, processing for a juror operates firstly with spontaneous evaluation, then blame motive then retroactive rationalisation. If people search for evidence to support an assumption based on their emotions, based on Alicke's (2000) claim, disgust would act in the same way. === Punishment === In some cases, jurors are also the ones responsible for deciding the adequate punishment that fits the crime an individual has committed. This makes understanding how emotions, specifically disgut impact this. Additionally, Feigenson's (2016) discusses the role of integral and incidental emotions on the consequent punishment of a defendant. There are various external factors that will cause a juror to be more punitive due to the emotions they are experiencing. Regardless of the discouragement for using emotional decsision making, jurors cannot alwats keep their habits of thinking and feeling in check (Feigenson, 2016). This can be reworked into Evans and Stanovich's (2013) research about processing systems involved in emotions and thinking. Type 1 processes of thinking is assumed to be heavily reliant on predetermined values and morals which a juror will rarely think over before making a decision. It is thus assumed that Type 2 processing allows for a more deliberate consideration system when accounting for consequences and outcomes (Evans and Stanovich, 2013). This does not, however, guarantee better judgement to use when making heavily implicating decisions. From a cognitive perspective, disgust is not an irrational feeling. The mind uses emotions to understand and prcoess information (Salerno, 2021). The brain will often treat the intensity of an emotion as a barometer to measure their belief of the harm that has been done. This mechanism has been mentioned previously, so the theory is supporting the claim that the more revulsion a person feels, the more justification they have for more severe punishment (Salerno, 2021; Feigenson, 2016). === Empirical evidence === Early research intially found a powerful link between physical taste and moral judgement. The original study that was conducted was with a small sample of 57 participants. It found that consuming a bitter beverage before reading scenarios caused signficantly harsher judgement on the morality of the scenarios (Eskine, 2011). Research by Ghelfi et al, (2020) suggests that physical and moral disgust may have overlapping processes but the research failed to replicate Eskine's (2011) study. It was replicated across 11 different laboratories with 1,137 participants to test whether bitter beverages led to harsher moral judgements than sweet beverages or water. Ghelfi's (2020) research discusses to impacts of different sensory systems on the impact of moral judgements. However the replication study produced neglible effects. {| class="wikitable" |+Summary of empirical evidence !Study !Disgust trigger !Core finding |- |Eskine et al. (2011) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |physical bitterness increased moral judgement * Bitter vs neutral: ''d''=1.09 * Bitter vs sweet: ''d''=1.22 |- |Ghelfi et al. (2020) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |Average moral wrongness scores did not find impactful effect. * Bitter: 70.65 * Neutral: 68.94 * Sweet: 71.29 |- |Jylkkä et al. (2021) |Visual images and videos (neutral and disgust related) |Moralisation and amplification hypotheses were not supported. |- |Bright & Goodman-Delahunty (2006) |Case-specific crime scene photographs |Disgust and anger increased punitiveness. * Conviction rate with gruesome crime scene photographs: 41.2% * Conviction rate with neutral crime scene photographs: 38.2% * Conviction rate without gruesome crime scene photographs: 8.8% |} === Moralisation and amplification hypotheses === A focus shift occured within some research frames in aideing to understand the process of emotions for moral judgements. Jylkkä et al (2021) aimed to investigate whether visual media had a larger impact on disgust than gustatory stimuli. Researchers exposed participants to visually disgusting or neutral pictures to know if participants could experience the intended emotion. Despite a clear activation of disgust, the results failed to support the theoretical predictions (Jylkkä et al, 2021). The moralisation hypothesis theorised that experiencing disgust will cause a person to find something generally neutral, to be morally wrong. This hypothesis was not supported. The amplification hypothesis in the study aimed to evaluate if experiencing disgusting and neutral videos made immoral actions seem to be significantly worse. It was also unsupported by the data (Jylkkä et al, 2021). Overall, within Jylkkä et al's (2021) research, in these experiments visual disgust did not translate into harsher moral judgement. Bright and Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research stands as a contrast to the impacts of disgust on moral judgement. Their research demonstrated that visceral disgust and anger motivated by gruesome crime scene photos significantly surged conviction rates. Images used in court that focus on victim harm may trigger socio-moral disgust (Bright and Goodman-Delahunty, 2006). == Moderating Factors == * private body consciousness ** people who are more prone to experience their private bodily sensations show stronger disgust-driven bias *** An experiment conducted by Schnall et al. (2008) revealed that people who were more aware of their Private Body Consciousness (PBC) were more prone to feelings of disgust and expressing these feelings outwards to the situation at hand. * type of violation ** purity vs harm * ==Figures== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Example of an image with a descriptive caption.]] * Use figures to illustrate concepts, add interest, and to serve as examples * Figures can show photos, diagrams, graphs, video, audio, etc. * Embed figures throughout the chapter, starting with the scenario in the Overview section * Caption figures (use '''Figure #'''. and explain the relevance of the image to the text) * Images must be embedded from [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] * Images can be uploaded to [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] if they are openly licensed * Cite each figure at least once in the main text (e.g., see Figure 2) ==Learning features== Interactive learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples describe concepts in action * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citations * Can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]] {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use to tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Which Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing Knowing x Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * Using one or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": ==Conclusion== * What does this mean going further {{vague}} * What would future research benefit from in this specific section? *Moral disgust does not come with jurors' judgements, but rather it can measurably shift guilt, certainty, blame attribution and punishment severity. *This may be stronger for certain people; it cannot just be a blanket claim for all jurors. *The idea that jurors decide on the basis of facts alone is not psychologically sustainable. The practice of law {{ic|The practice of law goes beyond the target topic}} needs to consider this, rather than seeing emotions as a bias. * The Conclusion is arguably the most important section * Draft clear take-home message(s), even at the topic development stage * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing it * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== Provide [[Help:Contents/Links#Interwiki_links|internal (wiki) links]] to the most relevant Wikiversity pages (esp. related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|motivation and emotion book chapters]]) and [[w:|Wikipedia articles]]. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/About/Collaborative authoring using wiki|Collaborative authoring using wiki]] (Wikiversity) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Light triad|Light triad]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[w:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Only select links to major internal resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses }} ==References== <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1=</nowiki> Alicke, M. D. (2000). Culpable Control and the Psychology of Blame. ''Psychological Bulletin'', ''126''(4), 556–574. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.126.4.556</nowiki> Alicke, M. D., & Weigel, S. H. (2021). The reasonable person standard: Psychological and legal perspectives. Annual Review of Law and Social Science, 17(1), 123–138. Bornewasser, M., & Bober, J. (1987). Individual, social group and intergroup behaviour. Some conceptual remarks on the social identity theory. European Journal of Social Psychology, 17(3), 267–276. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1002/ejsp.2420170303 Bright, D. A., & Goodman-Delahunty, J. (2006). Gruesome evidence and emotion: Anger, blame, and jury decision-making. Law and Human Behavior, 30(2), 183–202. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10979-006-9027-y Chapman, H. A., & Anderson, A. K. (2012). Understanding disgust. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 1251(1), 62–76. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.2011.06369.x  Ouellet-Courtois, C., & Radomsky, A. S. (2023). Can immorality be contracted? Appraisals of moral disgust and contamination fear. ''Behaviour Research and Therapy'', ''166'', Article 104336. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2023.104336</nowiki> DeSteno, D., Petty, R. E., Rucker, D. D., Wegener, D. T., & Braverman, J. (2004). Discrete emotions and persuasion: The role of emotion-induced expectancies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 86(1), 43–56. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.86.1.43 Ekman, P. (1992). Are there basic emotions? Psychological Review, 99(3), 550–553. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.99.3.550 Evans, J. St. B. T., & Stanovich, K. E. (2013). Dual-Process Theories of Higher Cognition: Advancing the Debate. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''8''(3), 223–241. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612460685</nowiki> Fishbein, M., & Ajzen, I. (1975). Belief, attitude, intention, and behavior: an introduction to theory and research. Addison-Wesley Pub. Co. Hans, Valerie P. "Jury systems around the world." Annual review of law and social science 4.1 (2008): 275-297. Heider, F. (2020). ''The Psychology of Interpersonal Relations'' (F. Heider, Ed.). Barakaldo Books. Lacey, N. (2023). Patrick Devlin, The enforcement of morals (1965). In [Book title] (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003193982-5 Rozin, P., & Fallon, A. E. (1987). A perspective on disgust. ''Psychological Review, 94''(1), 23–41. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.94.1.23</nowiki> Rozin, P., Lowery, L., Imada, S., & Haidt, J. (1999). The CAD triad hypothesis: A mapping between three moral emotions (contempt, anger, disgust) and three moral codes (community, autonomy, divinity). ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76''(4), 574–586. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.76.4.574</nowiki> Russell, P. S., & Giner-Sorolla, R. (2013). Bodily moral disgust: What it is, how it is different from anger, and why it is an unreasoned emotion. Psychological Bulletin, 139(2), 328–351. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1037/a0029319 Nunez, N., Estrada-Reynolds, V., Schweitzer, K., & Myers, B. (2016). The impact of emotions on juror judgments and decision-making. In B. H. Bornstein & M. K. Miller (Eds.), ''Advances in psychology and law'' (pp. 55–93). Springer International Publishing/Springer Nature. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-43083-6_3</nowiki> Schnall, S., Haidt, J., Clore, G. L., & Jordan, A. H. (2008). Disgust as embodied moral judgment. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 34(8), 1096–1109. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167208317771 Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 33–47). {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Wrap the set of references in the [[Template:Hanging indent|hanging indent template]]: ** Use "Edit source" ** <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1= the full list of references}}</nowiki> * Important aspects of APA referencing style ** Author surname, followed by a comma, then the author initials separated by full stops and spaces ** Year of publication in parentheses ** Title of work in lower case (except first letter and proper names), ending in a full-stop ** Journal title in italics, volume number in italics, issue number in parentheses, first and last page numbers separated by an en-dash(–), followed by a full-stop ** doi as a URL which is a working hyperlink (i.e., clickable) * The most common mistakes include: ** Incorrect capitalisation ** Incorrect italicisation ** dois which aren't clickable as working hyperlinks ** Citing sources that haven't been consulted }} ==External links== Provide [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|external links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u-TmKo75gJI How Disgust Shapes our Thoughts on Moral Wrong & the Political Right] (David Pizzaro) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Only select links to major external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Disgust]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Morality]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Legal]] ka281xr6mnidmmoampmp1fdecqnnq1h 2840430 2840366 2026-10-15T09:34:33Z Yellowvines 3106353 /* Overview */ focus questions 2840430 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Moral disgust and jury decision-making: How does moral disgust impact jurors' judgements of guilt, blame, and punishment?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Trial by Jury - Chaos in the Courtroom.png | thumb | right | 250px |'''Figure 1'''. A jury is a group of sworn individuals who determine a defendant's guilt. ]] Consider sitting on a jury. The defendant appears composed, well-dressed, and speaks clearly. Someone like this couldn't have done anything bad — that's your instinct. Then you hear the charge: embezzlement. Over three years, they quietly transferred company funds to a personal account. Thousands of dollars were spent, and real people were harmed. You are angry. It's wrong. However, it does not make you feel sick. Consider the same composed defendant in the same courtroom, but this time the charge is posing as a charity volunteer to gain the trust of dying hospice patients before stealing the donations intended for their care. The financial loss is the same as the embezzlement case. Same amount, same number of victims. But something else arises in you. Not just anger, but more of a revulsion, as if something was contaminated. This doesn't simply feel like a crime. It has an unclean feeling to it. The same defendant. Same harm. So, why does one case make you feel cold and angry, while the other makes your skin crawl? And, aside from the actual harm done, could that visceral reaction be influencing how harshly you believe they should be punished? {{RoundBoxBottom}} Across the world, juries have varying degrees of responsibility to establish a verdict of a case based on evidence presented (Hans, 2008). But moral disgust, an emotional gut reaction, seems to influence how jurors assess guilt, blame and punishment, regardless of the strength of the evidence presented (Salerno and Peter-Hagene, 2013). A disgusted juror may unconsciously become more certain of guilt, assign more blame and suggest harsher punishment, relying less on what the facts of the case provide. If disgust always biases judgements and sentences in one direction or the other, no matter how strong a case is, the implications are profound. It also raises questions for current legal practices. Courts commonly admit gruesome evidence under the assumption that its evidentiary value outweighs its emotional impact, an assumption this body of research targets (Bright and Goodman-Delahunty, 2006). Psychological science can provide the legal system with controlled empirical evidence about the nature and causes of this bias. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' *What is moral disgust, and how can it be separated from physical disgust or anger? *How do intuitive reactions and slow deliberation interact when jurors determine guilt? *How may moral disgust impact blame? *How might moral disgust impact how punitive jurors are?{{ic}} {{RoundBoxBottom}} == What is moral disgust? == When individuals witness moral transgression, a feeling of revulsion is experienced. It shares a resemblance to the physiological and psychological mechanisms of core disgust. Researchers are continuing to understand the evolutionary and cognitive overlap between these interrelated emotions (Chapman & Anderson, 2012). Jurors are often tasked with the role of judging morally repugnant acts, which means that understanding how the mechanisms of moral disgust work in comparison to the current research on core disgust within the legal system is vital. === Disgust === [[w:Disgust|Disgust]] is one of the six universal emotions that humans experience and can be visually recognised on a person's face (Ekman, 1992). The emotion of disgust is theorised to have originated from a biological protective mechanism to protect an organism from harm that may be brought on by food or poison (Rozin & Fallon, 1987). Disgust has evolved to become an emotion/behaviour directed at anything that may potentially cause harm or disease. For example, * body products * animals * hygiene * body violations, death or disease {{citation needed}} Paul Ekman proposed six basic emotions in his literature based on the theories that these emotions, across research all over the world, concluded in agreement on six emotions: happiness, surprise, fear, anger, sadness and disgust. Therefore, he proposed that the universality of these findings and the facial expression alone could conclude that there are 6 basic emotions (Ekman, 1992). === Moral disgust === Moral disgust refers to the emotional response a person feels when their social or cultural norms are transgressed, therefore resulting in a reaction {{citation needed}}. Moral disgust is complex, and there is varying evidence for and against its genuine purpose as an emotion. Researchers argue that moral disgust is a metaphorical extension of physical disgust; shared facial expression, language, etc {{citation needed}}. Other researchers argue that it's functionally unique to traditional, physical disgust {{citation needed}}. It does not reliably trigger the same physiological processes: facial muscle activation, nausea, etc. (Chapman et al., 2012). Moral disgust is triggered by acts that are supposedly a violation of an individual's perceived purity or dignity {{citation needed}}. For example, betraying someone's trust (cheating on a partner) or exploiting a vulnerable person (as mentioned in the scenario at the start). Rozin et al. (1999) proposed a theory that moral disgust specifically clusters around violations of a person's divinity or purity. This is different from anger, which generally clusters around autonomy violations, also opposed to contempt, which clusters around community violations. This distinction is vital when discussing emotion for jurors. If moral disgust behaves differently from physical disgust, it may influence judgement in the courtroom through a different pathway than a simple reaction to physically disgusting evidence. Russell & {{ic|Use APA style for citations}} Giner-Sorolla (2013) discuss four competing arguments of disgust's role in moral condemnation. Firstly, the most flexible view of moral disgust that can be applied widely for many crimes is the general morality position. It claims that disgust is an all-purpose emotion which is seen through different kinds of moral disapproval, not just a narrow category. Secondly, disgust as a violation of bodily and spiritual purity is more specific. As mentioned prior, this claim is supported by Rozin's CAD (contempt, anger, disgust) triad. The third argument proposes that moral disgust is only a metaphor. The true emotion being experienced is anger, and individuals just use language as a metaphor (e.g., "that's disgusting") for how condemning they feel. Finally, Russell & Ginger-Sorolla's own claim for moral disgust is a middle ground for all the arguments in their research. Regardless of whether harm or justice is involved, they contend that disgust specifically tracks violations pertaining to the body and its products. Anger tends to co-occur with violations that are specifically related to justice, harm, or rights. This disgust behaves more like anger wearing the vocabulary of disgust than it does like bodily moral disgust. One study involved 148 participants ranking their emotions on a scale (Ouellet-Courtois & Radomsky, 2023). It was found that moral disgust elicited as much as physical disgust did, which supports a claim that moral disgust is not a watered-down, metaphorical use of the feeling but a genuine, physical feeling of disgust. It was also revealed that moral disgust uniquely triggered a significantly higher feeling of mental contamination (feeling immoral) than core disgust did. This reveals an internalised feeling about your own moral state just from witnessing an immoral act, which ties back to Russell & Giner-Sorolla's bodily-violation pattern and strengthens Rozin et al.'s (1999) definition of moral disgust. If people respond to contact with an immoral person in a psychologically contaminating way — wanting distance, feeling “dirtied” by proximity — then a question arises about whether jurors exposed to a defendant’s morally disgusting conduct might respond in a similar contamination mode, thus influencing their desire to symbolically “cleanse” the situation via a harsher verdict or sentence. <quiz display="simple"> {According to Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013), which of the following is NOT one of the arguments presented regarding the role of disgust in moral condemnation? : |type="()"} - General Morality Position - Bodily and Spirituality Position - Metaphorical Position +Universal Justice Position </quiz> == Psychological science in the legal system == Several psychological theories can help explain why a visceral reaction like moral disgust might influence jurors' decisions. Social identity theory explains how jurors categorise defendants, dual process theory explains how fast intuitive responses to emotions and slower deliberate reasoning interact, and attribution theory and the culpable control model explain how people assign blame. The emotional reaction often comes first, and the reasoning that follows may support it. This section describes each theory and discusses how it explains moral disgust for jurors. == Moral disgust and juror judgements == A jury is a group of individuals that are selected to make a decision based on evidence. They are picked to be impartial and unbiased opinions that aid in the determining of a person's guilt. Jurors are asked to make judgements based on the evidence presented to them in court. However, emotions play a large, unsuspecting role in determining the guilt of a person. Such is the reason why, in high-stakes cases, jurors are not allowed contact with the outside world or media during trials. Moral disgust in particular seems to have a large impact on the way that jurors perceive and shape jurors' judgements. === Juror Judgements === A juror's role internationally is consistently an impartial decision-maker based solely on presented evidence. Despite the country or jurisdiction, juror's are required to surpass psychological challenges of letting emotion get in the way of this job. However, research commonly suggests that jurors often let their emotion influence or cloud their judgement (Feigenson, 2016). This section looks at how disgust influences three agencies in decision-making as a juror. Guilt, blame and punishment. Moral disgust is a complex social emotion which forces researches to measure using standard, operationalised measures for disgust. It is undeniably present in decision-making for jurors, but it is often collapsed into a general category of disgust. Moral disgust is underrepresented in terminology and research. ==== Emotional response patterns ==== Fishbein & Ajzen's (1975) [[w:Expectancy-value_theory|expectancy-value model]] states that a person's given attitude towards an object is a direct function of the value that a person attaches to that object's attributes or outcomes. In explicit terms, a person's value on an object will be a direct function of the value that they place on said item and the positive or negative emotions they associate with it. Furthermore, the positive or negative characteristics that they associate with the object will be a weighted decision on the direct outcome that may occur due to the object. In a review of the role of emotion-induced expectancies, Desteno et al. (2004) argue that positive and negative emotions have been grouped together and oversimplified, which makes distinguishing them difficult. The studies found that specificity operates through an emotion-matching process. Whilst the study did not touch on disgust specifically, it found that persuasion about a situation increased when a person's current emotional state matched the emotional framing of a message. The broader emotion-specificity principle suggests a comparable mechanism that may apply to disgust. Older discourse has allowed for all emotions to be pushed into one category, but not all emotions push judgement in the same direction. ==== Integral versus incidental emotion distinction ==== Research by Feigenson (2016) discusses the overall idea that juror emotions can affect judge responsibility, blame, guilt, punishment and damages. The core idea of the article follows the influence of integral and incidental emotions. Integral emotions are supposed to be caused by features of a particular case. Incidental emotions are emotions that arise, unrelated to the case. This foundational research posists that emotions may influence legal judgements through multiple different pathways. Rather than claiming that the research should be generalised to consider disgust, it should be considered that further research needs to be conducted to understand the role of moral disgust in a courtroom. This leaves open whether moral disgust causes jurors to be more certain or uncertain about information in the courtroom. === Guilt === The [[w:Dual_process_theory_(moral_psychology)|dual-process theory]] argues that the main types of thinking can be separated into two distinct types (Evans & Stanovich, 2013). Type 1 processing involves autonomous processing that is often responsible for producing intuitive responses without the need for working memory. Type 2 is often more reflective and involves more explicit cognitive processes alongside working memory. A key feature of Type 2 processing is cognitive decoupling and mental simulation. Cognitive decoupling is an ability to separate what you are assuming from what you believe to be true, and mental simulation involves creating hypothetical scenarios and outcomes within your mind (Evans & Stanovich, 2013).Supporting evidence suggests that disgust is a Type 1 output, automatic and arriving before deliberate reasoning can take place. Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013) describe moral disgust as an unreasoned emotion that involves a process of quickly cleansing oneself of the impurity they associate with that emotion. Within the research Feigenson (2016) theorises the emotional affects on information processing. It reveals that different emotions can effect how deeply a juror processes emotions. Anger is generally associated with more certainity about the evidence which leads to individuals being less likely to process information as they are confident they already know enough to address the task (Feigenson, 2016). Disgust influences juror processing through distinct mechanisms. Altered evidentiary standards is the impact of disgust lowering the threshold of proof required for conviction. Thus leading to a biased information search. Jurors will selectively focus on specific details that support their emotion. Other emotions, for example anxiety, are generally associated with more uncertaintity which leads to more systematic information processing (Feigenson, 2016). Saddened by emotional testimony, mock jurors in a criminal reckless driving case were able to identify inconsistencies more precisely, which is a sign of systematic information processing (Semmler & Brewer, 2002). The emotion-congruency effect is a process that triggers a person to judge based in the direction of the emotion they are feeling. Additionally, Bright & Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research discusses a person's use of their inner emotional states as a way to reason with information they are being given. This aligns with the affect that is being theorised. Emotional pathways generally interact simultaneously and their distinct mechanisms will be vital in understanding the relationship between cognition and judgement. Feigenson (2016) also notes that jurors may have the ability to override their initial reactions through discussion and reasoning. === Blame === According to Heider's (1958) [[w:Attribution_(psychology)|attribution theory]], individuals naturally evaluate behaviour by balancing personal casuality against situational causality to determine intentionality.In a legal setting, jurors have the expectation that they will objectively weight these factors, fairly and decide a defendants guilt and blame. However, cases that evoke intense disgust can interrput the rational assessment that jurors are expected to undertake. Instead of evaluating control before assigning blame, the process that Heider's (1958) theory outlines, jurors often invert this sequence through a phenomena introduced by Alicke (2000). The core idea for the Culpable Control Model (CCM) is an explanation ofr how people make judgements about blame and responsibility. Alicke (2000) argues that judgement is not always subjective as blame does not solely rely on evidence about a persons actions and control over the action, but also on individuals emotions, values and assumptions. The assumption of the CCM is that people form a blame judgement first, based on actions and then interpret the evidence on how it is supported second (Alicke, 2000). The main mechanism of this theory is that evidence isn't evaluated and blame is placed. Emotional reactions, values, assumptions and expectations of people as humans can heavily shape how evidence is interpreted in the first place (Alicke, 2000). According to CCM, processing for a juror operates firstly with spontaneous evaluation, then blame motive then retroactive rationalisation. If people search for evidence to support an assumption based on their emotions, based on Alicke's (2000) claim, disgust would act in the same way. === Punishment === In some cases, jurors are also the ones responsible for deciding the adequate punishment that fits the crime an individual has committed. This makes understanding how emotions, specifically disgut impact this. Classic social identity theory posits that groups and whole organisations that possess the same cultural and social norms will perceive themselves as sharing something in common (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). This adds to their own personal self-concept as an individual and as a member of a society/societies. Bornewasser & Bober (1987) critique that this theory describes a class or collective of people (people who may share traits but have no real interdependence) but not a genuine societal group. Groups depend on structure, roles, positions and relationships that require dependence from people Through this theory, a jury is considered to be a genuine structured group. There are roles, a task and an interdependence through deliberation. This theory may offer a further point on why moral disgust can bias jurors. Moral disgust may be a function of a social categorisation cue, marking defendants as the out-group rather than in the jury's moral in-group. Bronewasser & Bober claim that even arbitary group labels are enough to produce an in-group favouritism and out-group favouritism. If a defendant's act triggers moral disgust, this may mark them as being in the moral "outgroup" in a juror's mind. Independent of the actual evidence being presented, this compounds moral disgust biases. Additionally, Feigenson's (2016) discusses the role of integral and incidental emotions on the consequent punishment of a defendant. There are various external factors that will cause a juror to be more punitive due to the emotions they are experiencing. Regardless of the discouragement for using emotional decsision making, jurors cannot always keep their habits of thinking and feeling in check (Feigenson, 2016). This can be reworked into Evans and Stanovich's (2013) research about processing systems involved in emotions and thinking. Type 1 processes of thinking is assumed to be heavily reliant on predetermined values and morals which a juror will rarely think over before making a decision. It is thus assumed that Type 2 processing allows for a more deliberate consideration system when accounting for consequences and outcomes (Evans and Stanovich, 2013). This does not, however, guarantee better judgement to use when making heavily implicating decisions. From a cognitive perspective, disgust is not an irrational feeling. The mind uses emotions to understand and prcoess information (Salerno, 2021). The brain will often treat the intensity of an emotion as a barometer to measure their belief of the harm that has been done. This mechanism has been mentioned previously, so the theory is supporting the claim that the more revulsion a person feels, the more justification they have for more severe punishment (Salerno, 2021; Feigenson, 2016). === Empirical evidence === Early research intially found a powerful link between physical taste and moral judgement. The original study that was conducted was with a small sample of 57 participants. It found that consuming a bitter beverage before reading scenarios caused signficantly harsher judgement on the morality of the scenarios (Eskine, 2011). Research by Ghelfi et al, (2020) suggests that physical and moral disgust may have overlapping processes but the research failed to replicate Eskine's (2011) study. It was replicated across 11 different laboratories with 1,137 participants to test whether bitter beverages led to harsher moral judgements than sweet beverages or water. Ghelfi's (2020) research discusses to impacts of different sensory systems on the impact of moral judgements. However the replication study produced neglible effects. {| class="wikitable" |+Summary of empirical evidence !Study !Disgust trigger !Core finding |- |Eskine et al. (2011) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |physical bitterness increased moral judgement * Bitter vs neutral: ''d''=1.09 * Bitter vs sweet: ''d''=1.22 |- |Ghelfi et al. (2020) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |Average moral wrongness scores did not find impactful effect. * Bitter: 70.65 * Neutral: 68.94 * Sweet: 71.29 |- |Jylkkä et al. (2021) |Visual images and videos (neutral and disgust related) |Moralisation and amplification hypotheses were not supported. |- |Bright & Goodman-Delahunty (2006) |Case-specific crime scene photographs |Disgust and anger increased punitiveness. * Conviction rate with gruesome crime scene photographs: 41.2% * Conviction rate with neutral crime scene photographs: 38.2% * Conviction rate without gruesome crime scene photographs: 8.8% |} === Moralisation and amplification hypotheses === A focus shift occured within some research frames in aideing to understand the process of emotions for moral judgements. Jylkkä et al (2021) aimed to investigate whether visual media had a larger impact on disgust than gustatory stimuli. Researchers exposed participants to visually disgusting or neutral pictures to know if participants could experience the intended emotion. Despite a clear activation of disgust, the results failed to support the theoretical predictions (Jylkkä et al, 2021). The moralisation hypothesis theorised that experiencing disgust will cause a person to find something generally neutral, to be morally wrong. This hypothesis was not supported. The amplification hypothesis in the study aimed to evaluate if experiencing disgusting and neutral videos made immoral actions seem to be significantly worse. It was also unsupported by the data (Jylkkä et al, 2021). Overall, within Jylkkä et al's (2021) research, in these experiments visual disgust did not translate into harsher moral judgement. Bright and Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research stands as a contrast to the impacts of disgust on moral judgement. Their research demonstrated that visceral disgust and anger motivated by gruesome crime scene photos significantly surged conviction rates. Images used in court that focus on victim harm may trigger socio-moral disgust (Bright and Goodman-Delahunty, 2006). == Moderating Factors == * private body consciousness ** people who are more prone to experience their private bodily sensations show stronger disgust-driven bias *** An experiment conducted by Schnall et al. (2008) revealed that people who were more aware of their Private Body Consciousness (PBC) were more prone to feelings of disgust and expressing these feelings outwards to the situation at hand. * type of violation ** purity vs harm * ==Figures== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Example of an image with a descriptive caption.]] * Use figures to illustrate concepts, add interest, and to serve as examples * Figures can show photos, diagrams, graphs, video, audio, etc. * Embed figures throughout the chapter, starting with the scenario in the Overview section * Caption figures (use '''Figure #'''. and explain the relevance of the image to the text) * Images must be embedded from [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] * Images can be uploaded to [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] if they are openly licensed * Cite each figure at least once in the main text (e.g., see Figure 2) ==Learning features== Interactive learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples describe concepts in action * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citations * Can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]] {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use to tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Which Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing Knowing x Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * Using one or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": ==Conclusion== * What does this mean going further {{vague}} * What would future research benefit from in this specific section? *Moral disgust does not come with jurors' judgements, but rather it can measurably shift guilt, certainty, blame attribution and punishment severity. *This may be stronger for certain people; it cannot just be a blanket claim for all jurors. *The idea that jurors decide on the basis of facts alone is not psychologically sustainable. The practice of law {{ic|The practice of law goes beyond the target topic}} needs to consider this, rather than seeing emotions as a bias. * The Conclusion is arguably the most important section * Draft clear take-home message(s), even at the topic development stage * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing it * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== Provide [[Help:Contents/Links#Interwiki_links|internal (wiki) links]] to the most relevant Wikiversity pages (esp. related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|motivation and emotion book chapters]]) and [[w:|Wikipedia articles]]. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/About/Collaborative authoring using wiki|Collaborative authoring using wiki]] (Wikiversity) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Light triad|Light triad]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[w:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Only select links to major internal resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses }} ==References== <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1=</nowiki> Alicke, M. D. (2000). Culpable Control and the Psychology of Blame. ''Psychological Bulletin'', ''126''(4), 556–574. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.126.4.556</nowiki> Alicke, M. D., & Weigel, S. H. (2021). The reasonable person standard: Psychological and legal perspectives. Annual Review of Law and Social Science, 17(1), 123–138. Bornewasser, M., & Bober, J. (1987). Individual, social group and intergroup behaviour. Some conceptual remarks on the social identity theory. European Journal of Social Psychology, 17(3), 267–276. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1002/ejsp.2420170303 Bright, D. A., & Goodman-Delahunty, J. (2006). Gruesome evidence and emotion: Anger, blame, and jury decision-making. Law and Human Behavior, 30(2), 183–202. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10979-006-9027-y Chapman, H. A., & Anderson, A. K. (2012). Understanding disgust. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 1251(1), 62–76. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.2011.06369.x  Ouellet-Courtois, C., & Radomsky, A. S. (2023). Can immorality be contracted? Appraisals of moral disgust and contamination fear. ''Behaviour Research and Therapy'', ''166'', Article 104336. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2023.104336</nowiki> DeSteno, D., Petty, R. E., Rucker, D. D., Wegener, D. T., & Braverman, J. (2004). Discrete emotions and persuasion: The role of emotion-induced expectancies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 86(1), 43–56. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.86.1.43 Ekman, P. (1992). Are there basic emotions? Psychological Review, 99(3), 550–553. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.99.3.550 Evans, J. St. B. T., & Stanovich, K. E. (2013). Dual-Process Theories of Higher Cognition: Advancing the Debate. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''8''(3), 223–241. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612460685</nowiki> Fishbein, M., & Ajzen, I. (1975). Belief, attitude, intention, and behavior: an introduction to theory and research. Addison-Wesley Pub. Co. Hans, Valerie P. "Jury systems around the world." Annual review of law and social science 4.1 (2008): 275-297. Heider, F. (2020). ''The Psychology of Interpersonal Relations'' (F. Heider, Ed.). Barakaldo Books. Lacey, N. (2023). Patrick Devlin, The enforcement of morals (1965). In [Book title] (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003193982-5 Rozin, P., & Fallon, A. E. (1987). A perspective on disgust. ''Psychological Review, 94''(1), 23–41. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.94.1.23</nowiki> Rozin, P., Lowery, L., Imada, S., & Haidt, J. (1999). The CAD triad hypothesis: A mapping between three moral emotions (contempt, anger, disgust) and three moral codes (community, autonomy, divinity). ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76''(4), 574–586. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.76.4.574</nowiki> Russell, P. S., & Giner-Sorolla, R. (2013). Bodily moral disgust: What it is, how it is different from anger, and why it is an unreasoned emotion. Psychological Bulletin, 139(2), 328–351. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1037/a0029319 Nunez, N., Estrada-Reynolds, V., Schweitzer, K., & Myers, B. (2016). The impact of emotions on juror judgments and decision-making. In B. H. Bornstein & M. K. Miller (Eds.), ''Advances in psychology and law'' (pp. 55–93). Springer International Publishing/Springer Nature. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-43083-6_3</nowiki> Schnall, S., Haidt, J., Clore, G. L., & Jordan, A. H. (2008). Disgust as embodied moral judgment. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 34(8), 1096–1109. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167208317771 Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 33–47). {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Wrap the set of references in the [[Template:Hanging indent|hanging indent template]]: ** Use "Edit source" ** <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1= the full list of references}}</nowiki> * Important aspects of APA referencing style ** Author surname, followed by a comma, then the author initials separated by full stops and spaces ** Year of publication in parentheses ** Title of work in lower case (except first letter and proper names), ending in a full-stop ** Journal title in italics, volume number in italics, issue number in parentheses, first and last page numbers separated by an en-dash(–), followed by a full-stop ** doi as a URL which is a working hyperlink (i.e., clickable) * The most common mistakes include: ** Incorrect capitalisation ** Incorrect italicisation ** dois which aren't clickable as working hyperlinks ** Citing sources that haven't been consulted }} ==External links== Provide [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|external links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u-TmKo75gJI How Disgust Shapes our Thoughts on Moral Wrong & the Political Right] (David Pizzaro) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Only select links to major external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Disgust]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Morality]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Legal]] gk3bnw426wqmvcxx5ova58i1y6t3k7a 2840433 2840430 2026-10-15T09:42:59Z Yellowvines 3106353 2840433 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Moral disgust and jury decision-making: How does moral disgust impact jurors' judgements of guilt, blame, and punishment?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Trial by Jury - Chaos in the Courtroom.png | thumb | right | 250px |'''Figure 1'''. A jury is a group of sworn individuals who determine a defendant's guilt. ]] Consider sitting on a jury. The defendant appears composed, well-dressed, and speaks clearly. Someone like this couldn't have done anything bad — that's your instinct. Then you hear the charge: embezzlement. Over three years, they quietly transferred company funds to a personal account. Thousands of dollars were spent, and real people were harmed. You are angry. It's wrong. However, it does not make you feel sick. Consider the same composed defendant in the same courtroom, but this time the charge is posing as a charity volunteer to gain the trust of dying hospice patients before stealing the donations intended for their care. The financial loss is the same as the embezzlement case. Same amount, same number of victims. But something else arises in you. Not just anger, but more of a revulsion, as if something was contaminated. This doesn't simply feel like a crime. It has an unclean feeling to it. The same defendant. Same harm. So, why does one case make you feel cold and angry, while the other makes your skin crawl? And, aside from the actual harm done, could that visceral reaction be influencing how harshly you believe they should be punished? {{RoundBoxBottom}} Across the world, juries have varying degrees of responsibility to establish a verdict of a case based on evidence presented (Hans, 2008). But moral disgust, an emotional gut reaction, seems to influence how jurors assess guilt, blame and punishment, regardless of the strength of the evidence presented (Salerno and Peter-Hagene, 2013). A disgusted juror may unconsciously become more certain of guilt, assign more blame and suggest harsher punishment, relying less on what the facts of the case provide. If disgust always biases judgements and sentences in one direction or the other, no matter how strong a case is, the implications are profound. It also raises questions for current legal practices. Courts commonly admit gruesome evidence under the assumption that its evidentiary value outweighs its emotional impact, an assumption this body of research targets (Bright and Goodman-Delahunty, 2006). Psychological science can provide the legal system with controlled empirical evidence about the nature and causes of this bias. {{Display box|title=Focus questions|titleBgColor=#006499|contentBgColor=#f8f9fa|content=* What is moral disgust, and how can it be separated from physical disgust or anger? * How do intuitive reactions and slow deliberation interact when jurors determine guilt? * How may moral disgust impact blame? * How might moral disgust impact how punitive jurors are?|linkColor=blue}} == What is moral disgust? == When individuals witness moral transgression, a feeling of revulsion is experienced. It shares a resemblance to the physiological and psychological mechanisms of core disgust. Researchers are continuing to understand the evolutionary and cognitive overlap between these interrelated emotions (Chapman & Anderson, 2012). Jurors are often tasked with the role of judging morally repugnant acts, which means that understanding how the mechanisms of moral disgust work in comparison to the current research on core disgust within the legal system is vital. === Disgust === [[w:Disgust|Disgust]] is one of the six universal emotions that humans experience and can be visually recognised on a person's face (Ekman, 1992). The emotion of disgust is theorised to have originated from a biological protective mechanism to protect an organism from harm that may be brought on by food or poison (Rozin & Fallon, 1987). Disgust has evolved to become an emotion/behaviour directed at anything that may potentially cause harm or disease. For example, * body products * animals * hygiene * body violations, death or disease {{citation needed}} Paul Ekman proposed six basic emotions in his literature based on the theories that these emotions, across research all over the world, concluded in agreement on six emotions: happiness, surprise, fear, anger, sadness and disgust. Therefore, he proposed that the universality of these findings and the facial expression alone could conclude that there are 6 basic emotions (Ekman, 1992). === Moral disgust === Moral disgust refers to the emotional response a person feels when their social or cultural norms are transgressed, therefore resulting in a reaction {{citation needed}}. Moral disgust is complex, and there is varying evidence for and against its genuine purpose as an emotion. Researchers argue that moral disgust is a metaphorical extension of physical disgust; shared facial expression, language, etc {{citation needed}}. Other researchers argue that it's functionally unique to traditional, physical disgust {{citation needed}}. It does not reliably trigger the same physiological processes: facial muscle activation, nausea, etc. (Chapman et al., 2012). Moral disgust is triggered by acts that are supposedly a violation of an individual's perceived purity or dignity {{citation needed}}. For example, betraying someone's trust (cheating on a partner) or exploiting a vulnerable person (as mentioned in the scenario at the start). Rozin et al. (1999) proposed a theory that moral disgust specifically clusters around violations of a person's divinity or purity. This is different from anger, which generally clusters around autonomy violations, also opposed to contempt, which clusters around community violations. This distinction is vital when discussing emotion for jurors. If moral disgust behaves differently from physical disgust, it may influence judgement in the courtroom through a different pathway than a simple reaction to physically disgusting evidence. Russell & {{ic|Use APA style for citations}} Giner-Sorolla (2013) discuss four competing arguments of disgust's role in moral condemnation. Firstly, the most flexible view of moral disgust that can be applied widely for many crimes is the general morality position. It claims that disgust is an all-purpose emotion which is seen through different kinds of moral disapproval, not just a narrow category. Secondly, disgust as a violation of bodily and spiritual purity is more specific. As mentioned prior, this claim is supported by Rozin's CAD (contempt, anger, disgust) triad. The third argument proposes that moral disgust is only a metaphor. The true emotion being experienced is anger, and individuals just use language as a metaphor (e.g., "that's disgusting") for how condemning they feel. Finally, Russell & Ginger-Sorolla's own claim for moral disgust is a middle ground for all the arguments in their research. Regardless of whether harm or justice is involved, they contend that disgust specifically tracks violations pertaining to the body and its products. Anger tends to co-occur with violations that are specifically related to justice, harm, or rights. This disgust behaves more like anger wearing the vocabulary of disgust than it does like bodily moral disgust. One study involved 148 participants ranking their emotions on a scale (Ouellet-Courtois & Radomsky, 2023). It was found that moral disgust elicited as much as physical disgust did, which supports a claim that moral disgust is not a watered-down, metaphorical use of the feeling but a genuine, physical feeling of disgust. It was also revealed that moral disgust uniquely triggered a significantly higher feeling of mental contamination (feeling immoral) than core disgust did. This reveals an internalised feeling about your own moral state just from witnessing an immoral act, which ties back to Russell & Giner-Sorolla's bodily-violation pattern and strengthens Rozin et al.'s (1999) definition of moral disgust. If people respond to contact with an immoral person in a psychologically contaminating way — wanting distance, feeling “dirtied” by proximity — then a question arises about whether jurors exposed to a defendant’s morally disgusting conduct might respond in a similar contamination mode, thus influencing their desire to symbolically “cleanse” the situation via a harsher verdict or sentence. <quiz display="simple"> {According to Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013), which of the following is NOT one of the arguments presented regarding the role of disgust in moral condemnation? : |type="()"} - General Morality Position - Bodily and Spirituality Position - Metaphorical Position +Universal Justice Position </quiz> == Psychological science in the legal system == Several psychological theories can help explain why a visceral reaction like moral disgust might influence jurors' decisions. Social identity theory explains how jurors categorise defendants, dual process theory explains how fast intuitive responses to emotions and slower deliberate reasoning interact, and attribution theory and the culpable control model explain how people assign blame. The emotional reaction often comes first, and the reasoning that follows may support it. This section describes each theory and discusses how it explains moral disgust for jurors. == Moral disgust and juror judgements == A jury is a group of individuals that are selected to make a decision based on evidence. They are picked to be impartial and unbiased opinions that aid in the determining of a person's guilt. Jurors are asked to make judgements based on the evidence presented to them in court. However, emotions play a large, unsuspecting role in determining the guilt of a person. Such is the reason why, in high-stakes cases, jurors are not allowed contact with the outside world or media during trials. Moral disgust in particular seems to have a large impact on the way that jurors perceive and shape jurors' judgements. === Juror Judgements === A juror's role internationally is consistently an impartial decision-maker based solely on presented evidence. Despite the country or jurisdiction, jurors are required to surpass psychological challenges of letting emotion get in the way of this job. However, research commonly suggests that jurors often let their emotion influence or cloud their judgement (Feigenson, 2016). This section looks at how disgust influences three agencies in decision-making as a juror. Guilt, blame and punishment. Moral disgust is a complex social emotion which forces researches to measure using standard, operationalised measures for disgust. It is undeniably present in decision-making for jurors, but it is often collapsed into a general category of disgust. Moral disgust is underrepresented in terminology and research. ==== Emotional response patterns ==== Fishbein & Ajzen's (1975) [[w:Expectancy-value_theory|expectancy-value model]] states that a person's given attitude towards an object is a direct function of the value that a person attaches to that object's attributes or outcomes. In explicit terms, a person's value on an object will be a direct function of the value that they place on said item and the positive or negative emotions they associate with it. Furthermore, the positive or negative characteristics that they associate with the object will be a weighted decision on the direct outcome that may occur due to the object. In a review of the role of emotion-induced expectancies, Desteno et al. (2004) argue that positive and negative emotions have been grouped together and oversimplified, which makes distinguishing them difficult. The studies found that specificity operates through an emotion-matching process. Whilst the study did not touch on disgust specifically, it found that persuasion about a situation increased when a person's current emotional state matched the emotional framing of a message. The broader emotion-specificity principle suggests a comparable mechanism that may apply to disgust. Older discourse has allowed for all emotions to be pushed into one category, but not all emotions push judgement in the same direction. ==== Integral versus incidental emotion distinction ==== Research by Feigenson (2016) discusses the overall idea that juror emotions can affect judge responsibility, blame, guilt, punishment and damages. The core idea of the article follows the influence of integral and incidental emotions. Integral emotions are supposed to be caused by features of a particular case. Incidental emotions are emotions that arise, unrelated to the case. This foundational research posists that emotions may influence legal judgements through multiple different pathways. Rather than claiming that the research should be generalised to consider disgust, it should be considered that further research needs to be conducted to understand the role of moral disgust in a courtroom. This leaves open whether moral disgust causes jurors to be more certain or uncertain about information in the courtroom. === Guilt === The [[w:Dual_process_theory_(moral_psychology)|dual-process theory]] argues that the main types of thinking can be separated into two distinct types (Evans & Stanovich, 2013). Type 1 processing involves autonomous processing that is often responsible for producing intuitive responses without the need for working memory. Type 2 is often more reflective and involves more explicit cognitive processes alongside working memory. A key feature of Type 2 processing is cognitive decoupling and mental simulation. Cognitive decoupling is an ability to separate what you are assuming from what you believe to be true, and mental simulation involves creating hypothetical scenarios and outcomes within your mind (Evans & Stanovich, 2013).Supporting evidence suggests that disgust is a Type 1 output, automatic and arriving before deliberate reasoning can take place. Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013) describe moral disgust as an unreasoned emotion that involves a process of quickly cleansing oneself of the impurity they associate with that emotion. Within the research Feigenson (2016) theorises the emotional affects on information processing. It reveals that different emotions can effect how deeply a juror processes emotions. Anger is generally associated with more certainity about the evidence which leads to individuals being less likely to process information as they are confident they already know enough to address the task (Feigenson, 2016). Disgust influences juror processing through distinct mechanisms. Altered evidentiary standards is the impact of disgust lowering the threshold of proof required for conviction. Thus leading to a biased information search. Jurors will selectively focus on specific details that support their emotion. Other emotions, for example anxiety, are generally associated with more uncertaintity which leads to more systematic information processing (Feigenson, 2016). Saddened by emotional testimony, mock jurors in a criminal reckless driving case were able to identify inconsistencies more precisely, which is a sign of systematic information processing (Semmler & Brewer, 2002). The emotion-congruency effect is a process that triggers a person to judge based in the direction of the emotion they are feeling. Additionally, Bright & Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research discusses a person's use of their inner emotional states as a way to reason with information they are being given. This aligns with the affect that is being theorised. Emotional pathways generally interact simultaneously and their distinct mechanisms will be vital in understanding the relationship between cognition and judgement. Feigenson (2016) also notes that jurors may have the ability to override their initial reactions through discussion and reasoning. === Blame === According to Heider's (1958) [[w:Attribution_(psychology)|attribution theory]], individuals naturally evaluate behaviour by balancing personal casuality against situational causality to determine intentionality.In a legal setting, jurors have the expectation that they will objectively weight these factors, fairly and decide a defendants guilt and blame. However, cases that evoke intense disgust can interrput the rational assessment that jurors are expected to undertake. Instead of evaluating control before assigning blame, the process that Heider's (1958) theory outlines, jurors often invert this sequence through a phenomena introduced by Alicke (2000). The core idea for the Culpable Control Model (CCM) is an explanation ofr how people make judgements about blame and responsibility. Alicke (2000) argues that judgement is not always subjective as blame does not solely rely on evidence about a persons actions and control over the action, but also on individuals emotions, values and assumptions. The assumption of the CCM is that people form a blame judgement first, based on actions and then interpret the evidence on how it is supported second (Alicke, 2000). The main mechanism of this theory is that evidence isn't evaluated and blame is placed. Emotional reactions, values, assumptions and expectations of people as humans can heavily shape how evidence is interpreted in the first place (Alicke, 2000). According to CCM, processing for a juror operates firstly with spontaneous evaluation, then blame motive then retroactive rationalisation. If people search for evidence to support an assumption based on their emotions, based on Alicke's (2000) claim, disgust would act in the same way. === Punishment === In some cases, jurors are also the ones responsible for deciding the adequate punishment that fits the crime an individual has committed. This makes understanding how emotions, specifically disgut impact this. Classic social identity theory posits that groups and whole organisations that possess the same cultural and social norms will perceive themselves as sharing something in common (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). This adds to their own personal self-concept as an individual and as a member of a society/societies. Bornewasser & Bober (1987) critique that this theory describes a class or collective of people (people who may share traits but have no real interdependence) but not a genuine societal group. Groups depend on structure, roles, positions and relationships that require dependence from people Through this theory, a jury is considered to be a genuine structured group. There are roles, a task and an interdependence through deliberation. This theory may offer a further point on why moral disgust can bias jurors. Moral disgust may be a function of a social categorisation cue, marking defendants as the out-group rather than in the jury's moral in-group. Bronewasser & Bober claim that even arbitary group labels are enough to produce an in-group favouritism and out-group favouritism. If a defendant's act triggers moral disgust, this may mark them as being in the moral "outgroup" in a juror's mind. Independent of the actual evidence being presented, this compounds moral disgust biases. Additionally, Feigenson's (2016) discusses the role of integral and incidental emotions on the consequent punishment of a defendant. There are various external factors that will cause a juror to be more punitive due to the emotions they are experiencing. Regardless of the discouragement for using emotional decsision making, jurors cannot always keep their habits of thinking and feeling in check (Feigenson, 2016). This can be reworked into Evans and Stanovich's (2013) research about processing systems involved in emotions and thinking. Type 1 processes of thinking is assumed to be heavily reliant on predetermined values and morals which a juror will rarely think over before making a decision. It is thus assumed that Type 2 processing allows for a more deliberate consideration system when accounting for consequences and outcomes (Evans and Stanovich, 2013). This does not, however, guarantee better judgement to use when making heavily implicating decisions. From a cognitive perspective, disgust is not an irrational feeling. The mind uses emotions to understand and prcoess information (Salerno, 2021). The brain will often treat the intensity of an emotion as a barometer to measure their belief of the harm that has been done. This mechanism has been mentioned previously, so the theory is supporting the claim that the more revulsion a person feels, the more justification they have for more severe punishment (Salerno, 2021; Feigenson, 2016). === Empirical evidence === Early research intially found a powerful link between physical taste and moral judgement. The original study that was conducted was with a small sample of 57 participants. It found that consuming a bitter beverage before reading scenarios caused signficantly harsher judgement on the morality of the scenarios (Eskine, 2011). Research by Ghelfi et al, (2020) suggests that physical and moral disgust may have overlapping processes but the research failed to replicate Eskine's (2011) study. It was replicated across 11 different laboratories with 1,137 participants to test whether bitter beverages led to harsher moral judgements than sweet beverages or water. Ghelfi's (2020) research discusses to impacts of different sensory systems on the impact of moral judgements. However the replication study produced neglible effects. {| class="wikitable" |+Summary of empirical evidence !Study !Disgust trigger !Core finding |- |Eskine et al. (2011) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |physical bitterness increased moral judgement * Bitter vs neutral: ''d''=1.09 * Bitter vs sweet: ''d''=1.22 |- |Ghelfi et al. (2020) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |Average moral wrongness scores did not find impactful effect. * Bitter: 70.65 * Neutral: 68.94 * Sweet: 71.29 |- |Jylkkä et al. (2021) |Visual images and videos (neutral and disgust related) |Moralisation and amplification hypotheses were not supported. |- |Bright & Goodman-Delahunty (2006) |Case-specific crime scene photographs |Disgust and anger increased punitiveness. * Conviction rate with gruesome crime scene photographs: 41.2% * Conviction rate with neutral crime scene photographs: 38.2% * Conviction rate without gruesome crime scene photographs: 8.8% |} === Moralisation and amplification hypotheses === A focus shift occured within some research frames in aideing to understand the process of emotions for moral judgements. Jylkkä et al (2021) aimed to investigate whether visual media had a larger impact on disgust than gustatory stimuli. Researchers exposed participants to visually disgusting or neutral pictures to know if participants could experience the intended emotion. Despite a clear activation of disgust, the results failed to support the theoretical predictions (Jylkkä et al, 2021). The moralisation hypothesis theorised that experiencing disgust will cause a person to find something generally neutral, to be morally wrong. This hypothesis was not supported. The amplification hypothesis in the study aimed to evaluate if experiencing disgusting and neutral videos made immoral actions seem to be significantly worse. It was also unsupported by the data (Jylkkä et al, 2021). Overall, within Jylkkä et al's (2021) research, in these experiments visual disgust did not translate into harsher moral judgement. Bright and Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research stands as a contrast to the impacts of disgust on moral judgement. Their research demonstrated that visceral disgust and anger motivated by gruesome crime scene photos significantly surged conviction rates. Images used in court that focus on victim harm may trigger socio-moral disgust (Bright and Goodman-Delahunty, 2006). ==Figures== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Example of an image with a descriptive caption.]] * Use figures to illustrate concepts, add interest, and to serve as examples * Figures can show photos, diagrams, graphs, video, audio, etc. * Embed figures throughout the chapter, starting with the scenario in the Overview section * Caption figures (use '''Figure #'''. and explain the relevance of the image to the text) * Images must be embedded from [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] * Images can be uploaded to [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] if they are openly licensed * Cite each figure at least once in the main text (e.g., see Figure 2) ==Learning features== Interactive learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples describe concepts in action * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citations * Can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]] {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use to tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Which Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing Knowing x Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * Using one or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": ==Conclusion== * What does this mean going further {{vague}} * What would future research benefit from in this specific section? *Moral disgust does not come with jurors' judgements, but rather it can measurably shift guilt, certainty, blame attribution and punishment severity. *This may be stronger for certain people; it cannot just be a blanket claim for all jurors. *The idea that jurors decide on the basis of facts alone is not psychologically sustainable. The practice of law {{ic|The practice of law goes beyond the target topic}} needs to consider this, rather than seeing emotions as a bias. * The Conclusion is arguably the most important section * Draft clear take-home message(s), even at the topic development stage * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing it * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== Provide [[Help:Contents/Links#Interwiki_links|internal (wiki) links]] to the most relevant Wikiversity pages (esp. related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|motivation and emotion book chapters]]) and [[w:|Wikipedia articles]]. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/About/Collaborative authoring using wiki|Collaborative authoring using wiki]] (Wikiversity) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Light triad|Light triad]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[w:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Only select links to major internal resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses }} ==References== <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1=</nowiki> Alicke, M. D. (2000). Culpable Control and the Psychology of Blame. ''Psychological Bulletin'', ''126''(4), 556–574. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.126.4.556</nowiki> Alicke, M. D., & Weigel, S. H. (2021). The reasonable person standard: Psychological and legal perspectives. Annual Review of Law and Social Science, 17(1), 123–138. Bornewasser, M., & Bober, J. (1987). Individual, social group and intergroup behaviour. Some conceptual remarks on the social identity theory. European Journal of Social Psychology, 17(3), 267–276. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1002/ejsp.2420170303 Bright, D. A., & Goodman-Delahunty, J. (2006). Gruesome evidence and emotion: Anger, blame, and jury decision-making. Law and Human Behavior, 30(2), 183–202. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10979-006-9027-y Chapman, H. A., & Anderson, A. K. (2012). Understanding disgust. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 1251(1), 62–76. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.2011.06369.x  Ouellet-Courtois, C., & Radomsky, A. S. (2023). Can immorality be contracted? Appraisals of moral disgust and contamination fear. ''Behaviour Research and Therapy'', ''166'', Article 104336. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2023.104336</nowiki> DeSteno, D., Petty, R. E., Rucker, D. D., Wegener, D. T., & Braverman, J. (2004). Discrete emotions and persuasion: The role of emotion-induced expectancies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 86(1), 43–56. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.86.1.43 Ekman, P. (1992). Are there basic emotions? Psychological Review, 99(3), 550–553. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.99.3.550 Evans, J. St. B. T., & Stanovich, K. E. (2013). Dual-Process Theories of Higher Cognition: Advancing the Debate. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''8''(3), 223–241. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612460685</nowiki> Fishbein, M., & Ajzen, I. (1975). Belief, attitude, intention, and behavior: an introduction to theory and research. Addison-Wesley Pub. Co. Hans, Valerie P. "Jury systems around the world." Annual review of law and social science 4.1 (2008): 275-297. Heider, F. (2020). ''The Psychology of Interpersonal Relations'' (F. Heider, Ed.). Barakaldo Books. Lacey, N. (2023). Patrick Devlin, The enforcement of morals (1965). In [Book title] (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003193982-5 Rozin, P., & Fallon, A. E. (1987). A perspective on disgust. ''Psychological Review, 94''(1), 23–41. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.94.1.23</nowiki> Rozin, P., Lowery, L., Imada, S., & Haidt, J. (1999). The CAD triad hypothesis: A mapping between three moral emotions (contempt, anger, disgust) and three moral codes (community, autonomy, divinity). ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76''(4), 574–586. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.76.4.574</nowiki> Russell, P. S., & Giner-Sorolla, R. (2013). Bodily moral disgust: What it is, how it is different from anger, and why it is an unreasoned emotion. Psychological Bulletin, 139(2), 328–351. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1037/a0029319 Nunez, N., Estrada-Reynolds, V., Schweitzer, K., & Myers, B. (2016). The impact of emotions on juror judgments and decision-making. In B. H. Bornstein & M. K. Miller (Eds.), ''Advances in psychology and law'' (pp. 55–93). Springer International Publishing/Springer Nature. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-43083-6_3</nowiki> Schnall, S., Haidt, J., Clore, G. L., & Jordan, A. H. (2008). Disgust as embodied moral judgment. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 34(8), 1096–1109. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167208317771 Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 33–47). {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Wrap the set of references in the [[Template:Hanging indent|hanging indent template]]: ** Use "Edit source" ** <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1= the full list of references}}</nowiki> * Important aspects of APA referencing style ** Author surname, followed by a comma, then the author initials separated by full stops and spaces ** Year of publication in parentheses ** Title of work in lower case (except first letter and proper names), ending in a full-stop ** Journal title in italics, volume number in italics, issue number in parentheses, first and last page numbers separated by an en-dash(–), followed by a full-stop ** doi as a URL which is a working hyperlink (i.e., clickable) * The most common mistakes include: ** Incorrect capitalisation ** Incorrect italicisation ** dois which aren't clickable as working hyperlinks ** Citing sources that haven't been consulted }} ==External links== Provide [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|external links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u-TmKo75gJI How Disgust Shapes our Thoughts on Moral Wrong & the Political Right] (David Pizzaro) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Only select links to major external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Disgust]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Morality]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Legal]] l1uwyhdnrsu39lwf60pjkqpm6ymee8p 2840452 2840433 2026-10-15T10:40:19Z Yellowvines 3106353 /* Conclusion */ 2840452 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Moral disgust and jury decision-making: how does moral disgust impact jurors' judgements of guilt, blame, and punishment?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Trial by Jury - Chaos in the Courtroom.png | thumb | right | 250px |'''Figure 1'''. A jury is a group of sworn individuals who determine a defendant's guilt. ]] Consider sitting on a jury. The defendant appears composed, well-dressed, and speaks clearly. Someone like this couldn't have done anything bad — that's your instinct. Then you hear the charge: embezzlement. Over three years, they quietly transferred company funds to a personal account. Thousands of dollars were spent, and real people were harmed. You are angry. It's wrong. However, it does not make you feel sick. Consider the same composed defendant in the same courtroom, but this time the charge is posing as a charity volunteer to gain the trust of dying hospice patients before stealing the donations intended for their care. The financial loss is the same as the embezzlement case. Same amount, same number of victims. But something else arises in you. Not just anger, but more of a revulsion, as if something was contaminated. This doesn't simply feel like a crime. It has an unclean feeling to it. The same defendant. Same harm. So, why does one case make you feel cold and angry, while the other makes your skin crawl? And, aside from the actual harm done, could that visceral reaction be influencing how harshly you believe they should be punished? {{RoundBoxBottom}} Across the world, juries have varying degrees of responsibility to establish a verdict of a case based on evidence presented (Hans, 2008). But moral disgust, an emotional gut reaction, seems to influence how jurors assess guilt, blame and punishment, regardless of the strength of the evidence presented (Salerno and Peter-Hagene, 2013). A disgusted juror may unconsciously become more certain of guilt, assign more blame and suggest harsher punishment, relying less on what the facts of the case provide. If disgust always biases judgements and sentences in one direction or the other, no matter how strong a case is, the implications are profound. It also raises questions for current legal practices. Courts commonly admit gruesome evidence under the assumption that its evidentiary value outweighs its emotional impact, an assumption this body of research targets (Bright and Goodman-Delahunty, 2006). Psychological science can provide the legal system with controlled empirical evidence about the nature and causes of this bias. {{Display box|title=Focus questions|titleBgColor=#006499|contentBgColor=#f8f9fa|content=* What is moral disgust, and how can it be separated from physical disgust or anger? * How do intuitive reactions and slow deliberation interact when jurors determine guilt? * How may moral disgust impact blame? * How might moral disgust impact how punitive jurors are?|linkColor=blue}} == What is moral disgust? == When individuals witness moral transgression, a feeling of revulsion is experienced. It shares a resemblance to the physiological and psychological mechanisms of core disgust. Researchers are continuing to understand the evolutionary and cognitive overlap between these interrelated emotions (Chapman & Anderson, 2012). Jurors are often tasked with the role of judging morally repugnant acts, which means that understanding how the mechanisms of moral disgust work in comparison to the current research on core disgust within the legal system is vital. === Disgust === [[w:Disgust|Disgust]] is one of the six universal emotions that humans experience and can be visually recognised on a person's face (Ekman, 1992). The emotion of disgust is theorised to have originated from a biological protective mechanism to protect an organism from harm that may be brought on by food or poison (Rozin & Fallon, 1987). Disgust has evolved to become an emotion/behaviour directed at anything that may potentially cause harm or disease. For example, * body products * animals * hygiene * body violations, death or disease {{citation needed}} Paul Ekman proposed six basic emotions in his literature based on the theories that these emotions, across research all over the world, concluded in agreement on six emotions: happiness, surprise, fear, anger, sadness and disgust. Therefore, he proposed that the universality of these findings and the facial expression alone could conclude that there are 6 basic emotions (Ekman, 1992). === Moral disgust === Moral disgust refers to the emotional response a person feels when their social or cultural norms are transgressed, therefore resulting in a reaction {{citation needed}}. Moral disgust is complex, and there is varying evidence for and against its genuine purpose as an emotion. Researchers argue that moral disgust is a metaphorical extension of physical disgust; shared facial expression, language, etc {{citation needed}}. Other researchers argue that it's functionally unique to traditional, physical disgust {{citation needed}}. It does not reliably trigger the same physiological processes: facial muscle activation, nausea, etc. (Chapman et al., 2012). Moral disgust is triggered by acts that are supposedly a violation of an individual's perceived purity or dignity {{citation needed}}. For example, betraying someone's trust (cheating on a partner) or exploiting a vulnerable person (as mentioned in the scenario at the start). Rozin et al. (1999) proposed a theory that moral disgust specifically clusters around violations of a person's divinity or purity. This is different from anger, which generally clusters around autonomy violations, also opposed to contempt, which clusters around community violations. This distinction is vital when discussing emotion for jurors. If moral disgust behaves differently from physical disgust, it may influence judgement in the courtroom through a different pathway than a simple reaction to physically disgusting evidence. Russell & {{ic|Use APA style for citations}} Giner-Sorolla (2013) discuss four competing arguments of disgust's role in moral condemnation. Firstly, the most flexible view of moral disgust that can be applied widely for many crimes is the general morality position. It claims that disgust is an all-purpose emotion which is seen through different kinds of moral disapproval, not just a narrow category. Secondly, disgust as a violation of bodily and spiritual purity is more specific. As mentioned prior, this claim is supported by Rozin's CAD (contempt, anger, disgust) triad. The third argument proposes that moral disgust is only a metaphor. The true emotion being experienced is anger, and individuals just use language as a metaphor (e.g., "that's disgusting") for how condemning they feel. Finally, Russell & Ginger-Sorolla's own claim for moral disgust is a middle ground for all the arguments in their research. Regardless of whether harm or justice is involved, they contend that disgust specifically tracks violations pertaining to the body and its products. Anger tends to co-occur with violations that are specifically related to justice, harm, or rights. This disgust behaves more like anger wearing the vocabulary of disgust than it does like bodily moral disgust. One study involved 148 participants ranking their emotions on a scale (Ouellet-Courtois & Radomsky, 2023). It was found that moral disgust elicited as much as physical disgust did, which supports a claim that moral disgust is not a watered-down, metaphorical use of the feeling but a genuine, physical feeling of disgust. It was also revealed that moral disgust uniquely triggered a significantly higher feeling of mental contamination (feeling immoral) than core disgust did. This reveals an internalised feeling about your own moral state just from witnessing an immoral act, which ties back to Russell & Giner-Sorolla's bodily-violation pattern and strengthens Rozin et al.'s (1999) definition of moral disgust. If people respond to contact with an immoral person in a psychologically contaminating way — wanting distance, feeling “dirtied” by proximity — then a question arises about whether jurors exposed to a defendant’s morally disgusting conduct might respond in a similar contamination mode, thus influencing their desire to symbolically “cleanse” the situation via a harsher verdict or sentence. <quiz display="simple"> {According to Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013), which of the following is NOT one of the arguments presented regarding the role of disgust in moral condemnation? : |type="()"} - General Morality Position - Bodily and Spirituality Position - Metaphorical Position +Universal Justice Position </quiz> == Psychological science in the legal system == Several psychological theories can help explain why a visceral reaction like moral disgust might influence jurors' decisions. Social identity theory explains how jurors categorise defendants, dual process theory explains how fast intuitive responses to emotions and slower deliberate reasoning interact, and attribution theory and the culpable control model explain how people assign blame. The emotional reaction often comes first, and the reasoning that follows may support it. This section describes each theory and discusses how it explains moral disgust for jurors. == Moral disgust and juror judgements == A jury is a group of individuals that are selected to make a decision based on evidence. They are picked to be impartial and unbiased opinions that aid in the determining of a person's guilt. Jurors are asked to make judgements based on the evidence presented to them in court. However, emotions play a large, unsuspecting role in determining the guilt of a person. Such is the reason why, in high-stakes cases, jurors are not allowed contact with the outside world or media during trials. Moral disgust in particular seems to have a large impact on the way that jurors perceive and shape jurors' judgements. === Juror Judgements === A juror's role internationally is consistently an impartial decision-maker based solely on presented evidence. Despite the country or jurisdiction, jurors are required to surpass psychological challenges of letting emotion get in the way of this job. However, research commonly suggests that jurors often let their emotion influence or cloud their judgement (Feigenson, 2016). This section looks at how disgust influences three agencies in decision-making as a juror. Guilt, blame and punishment. Moral disgust is a complex social emotion which forces researches to measure using standard, operationalised measures for disgust. It is undeniably present in decision-making for jurors, but it is often collapsed into a general category of disgust. Moral disgust is underrepresented in terminology and research. ==== Emotional response patterns ==== Fishbein & Ajzen's (1975) [[w:Expectancy-value_theory|expectancy-value model]] states that a person's given attitude towards an object is a direct function of the value that a person attaches to that object's attributes or outcomes. In explicit terms, a person's value on an object will be a direct function of the value that they place on said item and the positive or negative emotions they associate with it. Furthermore, the positive or negative characteristics that they associate with the object will be a weighted decision on the direct outcome that may occur due to the object. In a review of the role of emotion-induced expectancies, Desteno et al. (2004) argue that positive and negative emotions have been grouped together and oversimplified, which makes distinguishing them difficult. The studies found that specificity operates through an emotion-matching process. Whilst the study did not touch on disgust specifically, it found that persuasion about a situation increased when a person's current emotional state matched the emotional framing of a message. The broader emotion-specificity principle suggests a comparable mechanism that may apply to disgust. Older discourse has allowed for all emotions to be pushed into one category, but not all emotions push judgement in the same direction. ==== Integral versus incidental emotion distinction ==== Research by Feigenson (2016) discusses the overall idea that juror emotions can affect judge responsibility, blame, guilt, punishment and damages. The core idea of the article follows the influence of integral and incidental emotions. Integral emotions are supposed to be caused by features of a particular case. Incidental emotions are emotions that arise, unrelated to the case. This foundational research posists that emotions may influence legal judgements through multiple different pathways. Rather than claiming that the research should be generalised to consider disgust, it should be considered that further research needs to be conducted to understand the role of moral disgust in a courtroom. This leaves open whether moral disgust causes jurors to be more certain or uncertain about information in the courtroom. === Guilt === The [[w:Dual_process_theory_(moral_psychology)|dual-process theory]] argues that the main types of thinking can be separated into two distinct types (Evans & Stanovich, 2013). Type 1 processing involves autonomous processing that is often responsible for producing intuitive responses without the need for working memory. Type 2 is often more reflective and involves more explicit cognitive processes alongside working memory. A key feature of Type 2 processing is cognitive decoupling and mental simulation. Cognitive decoupling is an ability to separate what you are assuming from what you believe to be true, and mental simulation involves creating hypothetical scenarios and outcomes within your mind (Evans & Stanovich, 2013).Supporting evidence suggests that disgust is a Type 1 output, automatic and arriving before deliberate reasoning can take place. Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013) describe moral disgust as an unreasoned emotion that involves a process of quickly cleansing oneself of the impurity they associate with that emotion. Within the research Feigenson (2016) theorises the emotional affects on information processing. It reveals that different emotions can effect how deeply a juror processes emotions. Anger is generally associated with more certainity about the evidence which leads to individuals being less likely to process information as they are confident they already know enough to address the task (Feigenson, 2016). Disgust influences juror processing through distinct mechanisms. Altered evidentiary standards is the impact of disgust lowering the threshold of proof required for conviction. Thus leading to a biased information search. Jurors will selectively focus on specific details that support their emotion. Other emotions, for example anxiety, are generally associated with more uncertaintity which leads to more systematic information processing (Feigenson, 2016). Saddened by emotional testimony, mock jurors in a criminal reckless driving case were able to identify inconsistencies more precisely, which is a sign of systematic information processing (Semmler & Brewer, 2002). The emotion-congruency effect is a process that triggers a person to judge based in the direction of the emotion they are feeling. Additionally, Bright & Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research discusses a person's use of their inner emotional states as a way to reason with information they are being given. This aligns with the affect that is being theorised. Emotional pathways generally interact simultaneously and their distinct mechanisms will be vital in understanding the relationship between cognition and judgement. Feigenson (2016) also notes that jurors may have the ability to override their initial reactions through discussion and reasoning. === Blame === According to Heider's (1958) [[w:Attribution_(psychology)|attribution theory]], individuals naturally evaluate behaviour by balancing personal casuality against situational causality to determine intentionality.In a legal setting, jurors have the expectation that they will objectively weight these factors, fairly and decide a defendants guilt and blame. However, cases that evoke intense disgust can interrput the rational assessment that jurors are expected to undertake. Instead of evaluating control before assigning blame, the process that Heider's (1958) theory outlines, jurors often invert this sequence through a phenomena introduced by Alicke (2000). The core idea for the Culpable Control Model (CCM) is an explanation ofr how people make judgements about blame and responsibility. Alicke (2000) argues that judgement is not always subjective as blame does not solely rely on evidence about a persons actions and control over the action, but also on individuals emotions, values and assumptions. The assumption of the CCM is that people form a blame judgement first, based on actions and then interpret the evidence on how it is supported second (Alicke, 2000). The main mechanism of this theory is that evidence isn't evaluated and blame is placed. Emotional reactions, values, assumptions and expectations of people as humans can heavily shape how evidence is interpreted in the first place (Alicke, 2000). According to CCM, processing for a juror operates firstly with spontaneous evaluation, then blame motive then retroactive rationalisation. If people search for evidence to support an assumption based on their emotions, based on Alicke's (2000) claim, disgust would act in the same way. === Punishment === In some cases, jurors are also the ones responsible for deciding the adequate punishment that fits the crime an individual has committed. This makes understanding how emotions, specifically disgut impact this. Classic social identity theory posits that groups and whole organisations that possess the same cultural and social norms will perceive themselves as sharing something in common (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). This adds to their own personal self-concept as an individual and as a member of a society/societies. Bornewasser & Bober (1987) critique that this theory describes a class or collective of people (people who may share traits but have no real interdependence) but not a genuine societal group. Groups depend on structure, roles, positions and relationships that require dependence from people Through this theory, a jury is considered to be a genuine structured group. There are roles, a task and an interdependence through deliberation. This theory may offer a further point on why moral disgust can bias jurors. Moral disgust may be a function of a social categorisation cue, marking defendants as the out-group rather than in the jury's moral in-group. Bronewasser & Bober claim that even arbitary group labels are enough to produce an in-group favouritism and out-group favouritism. If a defendant's act triggers moral disgust, this may mark them as being in the moral "outgroup" in a juror's mind. Independent of the actual evidence being presented, this compounds moral disgust biases. Additionally, Feigenson's (2016) discusses the role of integral and incidental emotions on the consequent punishment of a defendant. There are various external factors that will cause a juror to be more punitive due to the emotions they are experiencing. Regardless of the discouragement for using emotional decsision making, jurors cannot always keep their habits of thinking and feeling in check (Feigenson, 2016). This can be reworked into Evans and Stanovich's (2013) research about processing systems involved in emotions and thinking. Type 1 processes of thinking is assumed to be heavily reliant on predetermined values and morals which a juror will rarely think over before making a decision. It is thus assumed that Type 2 processing allows for a more deliberate consideration system when accounting for consequences and outcomes (Evans and Stanovich, 2013). This does not, however, guarantee better judgement to use when making heavily implicating decisions. From a cognitive perspective, disgust is not an irrational feeling. The mind uses emotions to understand and prcoess information (Salerno, 2021). The brain will often treat the intensity of an emotion as a barometer to measure their belief of the harm that has been done. This mechanism has been mentioned previously, so the theory is supporting the claim that the more revulsion a person feels, the more justification they have for more severe punishment (Salerno, 2021; Feigenson, 2016). === Empirical evidence === Early research intially found a powerful link between physical taste and moral judgement. The original study that was conducted was with a small sample of 57 participants. It found that consuming a bitter beverage before reading scenarios caused signficantly harsher judgement on the morality of the scenarios (Eskine, 2011). Research by Ghelfi et al, (2020) suggests that physical and moral disgust may have overlapping processes but the research failed to replicate Eskine's (2011) study. It was replicated across 11 different laboratories with 1,137 participants to test whether bitter beverages led to harsher moral judgements than sweet beverages or water. Ghelfi's (2020) research discusses to impacts of different sensory systems on the impact of moral judgements. However the replication study produced neglible effects. {| class="wikitable mw-collapsible" |+Table 1: Summary of empirical evidence !Study !Disgust trigger !Core finding |- |Eskine et al. (2011) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |physical bitterness increased moral judgement * Bitter vs neutral: ''d''=1.09 * Bitter vs sweet: ''d''=1.22 |- |Ghelfi et al. (2020) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |Average moral wrongness scores did not find impactful effect. * Bitter: 70.65 * Neutral: 68.94 * Sweet: 71.29 |- |Jylkkä et al. (2021) |Visual images and videos (neutral and disgust related) |Moralisation and amplification hypotheses were not supported. |- |Bright & Goodman-Delahunty (2006) |Case-specific crime scene photographs |Disgust and anger increased punitiveness. * Conviction rate with gruesome crime scene photographs: 41.2% * Conviction rate with neutral crime scene photographs: 38.2% * Conviction rate without gruesome crime scene photographs: 8.8% |} Table 1 aims to illlustrate the empirical evidence. === Moralisation and amplification hypotheses === A focus shift occured within some research frames in aideing to understand the process of emotions for moral judgements. Jylkkä et al (2021) aimed to investigate whether visual media had a larger impact on disgust than gustatory stimuli. Researchers exposed participants to visually disgusting or neutral pictures to know if participants could experience the intended emotion. Despite a clear activation of disgust, the results failed to support the theoretical predictions (Jylkkä et al, 2021). The moralisation hypothesis theorised that experiencing disgust will cause a person to find something generally neutral, to be morally wrong. This hypothesis was not supported. The amplification hypothesis in the study aimed to evaluate if experiencing disgusting and neutral videos made immoral actions seem to be significantly worse. It was also unsupported by the data (Jylkkä et al, 2021). Overall, within Jylkkä et al's (2021) research, in these experiments visual disgust did not translate into harsher moral judgement. Bright and Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research stands as a contrast to the impacts of disgust on moral judgement. Their research demonstrated that visceral disgust and anger motivated by gruesome crime scene photos significantly surged conviction rates. Images used in court that focus on victim harm may trigger socio-moral disgust (Bright and Goodman-Delahunty, 2006). ==Figures== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Example of an image with a descriptive caption.]] * Use figures to illustrate concepts, add interest, and to serve as examples * Figures can show photos, diagrams, graphs, video, audio, etc. * Embed figures throughout the chapter, starting with the scenario in the Overview section * Caption figures (use '''Figure #'''. and explain the relevance of the image to the text) * Images must be embedded from [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] * Images can be uploaded to [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] if they are openly licensed * Cite each figure at least once in the main text (e.g., see Figure 2) ==Learning features== Interactive learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples describe concepts in action * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citations * Can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]] {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home message ;Quizzes * Using one or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": ==Conclusion== The evidence that moral disgust influences juror's judgements of guilt, blame and punishment is mixed. The evidence mention prior reveals mixed results, some not even measuring disgust specifically. Going further, these theories and hypotheses should be utilised to target disgust, rather than assuming generalisability applies. Dual-process theory describes the experience the brain may experience when determining guilt (Evans & Stanovich, 2013). Under Heider's (1985) attribution theory, there is an expectation that juror's will logically balance personal causality to situational pressures to evaluate blame. There are disruptions to this as CCM reveals that spontaneous emotional reactions can prompt jurors to unconsciously blame the defendant (Alicke, 2000). Moral disgust can function through social categorisation cues as set out in the social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Casting a defendant into the moral outgroup may lead to disgust providing an immediate psychological justification for harsher punishment. Practically, gruesome evidence may carry emotional weight (Bright & Goodman-Delahunty, 2006) but jurors may be able to reconsider their initial reaction so emotional reactions do not determine a verdict (Feigenson, 2016). This area of research could address gaps that would strengthen future studies. Given the mixed results from replication and standalone studies and meta-analytic work, further research should aim to establish how moral disgust works into the legal system. == See also == ==References== <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1=</nowiki> Alicke, M. D. (2000). Culpable Control and the Psychology of Blame. ''Psychological Bulletin'', ''126''(4), 556–574. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.126.4.556</nowiki> Alicke, M. D., & Weigel, S. H. (2021). The reasonable person standard: Psychological and legal perspectives. Annual Review of Law and Social Science, 17(1), 123–138. Bornewasser, M., & Bober, J. (1987). Individual, social group and intergroup behaviour. Some conceptual remarks on the social identity theory. European Journal of Social Psychology, 17(3), 267–276. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1002/ejsp.2420170303 Bright, D. A., & Goodman-Delahunty, J. (2006). Gruesome evidence and emotion: Anger, blame, and jury decision-making. Law and Human Behavior, 30(2), 183–202. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10979-006-9027-y Chapman, H. A., & Anderson, A. K. (2012). Understanding disgust. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 1251(1), 62–76. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.2011.06369.x  Ouellet-Courtois, C., & Radomsky, A. S. (2023). Can immorality be contracted? Appraisals of moral disgust and contamination fear. ''Behaviour Research and Therapy'', ''166'', Article 104336. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2023.104336</nowiki> DeSteno, D., Petty, R. E., Rucker, D. D., Wegener, D. T., & Braverman, J. (2004). Discrete emotions and persuasion: The role of emotion-induced expectancies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 86(1), 43–56. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.86.1.43 Ekman, P. (1992). Are there basic emotions? Psychological Review, 99(3), 550–553. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.99.3.550 Evans, J. St. B. T., & Stanovich, K. E. (2013). Dual-Process Theories of Higher Cognition: Advancing the Debate. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''8''(3), 223–241. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612460685</nowiki> Fishbein, M., & Ajzen, I. (1975). Belief, attitude, intention, and behavior: an introduction to theory and research. Addison-Wesley Pub. Co. Hans, Valerie P. "Jury systems around the world." Annual review of law and social science 4.1 (2008): 275-297. Heider, F. (2020). ''The Psychology of Interpersonal Relations'' (F. Heider, Ed.). Barakaldo Books. Lacey, N. (2023). Patrick Devlin, The enforcement of morals (1965). In [Book title] (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003193982-5 Rozin, P., & Fallon, A. E. (1987). A perspective on disgust. ''Psychological Review, 94''(1), 23–41. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.94.1.23</nowiki> Rozin, P., Lowery, L., Imada, S., & Haidt, J. (1999). The CAD triad hypothesis: A mapping between three moral emotions (contempt, anger, disgust) and three moral codes (community, autonomy, divinity). ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76''(4), 574–586. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.76.4.574</nowiki> Russell, P. S., & Giner-Sorolla, R. (2013). Bodily moral disgust: What it is, how it is different from anger, and why it is an unreasoned emotion. Psychological Bulletin, 139(2), 328–351. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1037/a0029319 Nunez, N., Estrada-Reynolds, V., Schweitzer, K., & Myers, B. (2016). The impact of emotions on juror judgments and decision-making. In B. H. Bornstein & M. K. Miller (Eds.), ''Advances in psychology and law'' (pp. 55–93). Springer International Publishing/Springer Nature. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-43083-6_3</nowiki> Schnall, S., Haidt, J., Clore, G. L., & Jordan, A. H. (2008). Disgust as embodied moral judgment. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 34(8), 1096–1109. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167208317771 Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 33–47). {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Wrap the set of references in the [[Template:Hanging indent|hanging indent template]]: ** Use "Edit source" ** <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1= the full list of references}}</nowiki> * Important aspects of APA referencing style ** Author surname, followed by a comma, then the author initials separated by full stops and spaces ** Year of publication in parentheses ** Title of work in lower case (except first letter and proper names), ending in a full-stop ** Journal title in italics, volume number in italics, issue number in parentheses, first and last page numbers separated by an en-dash(–), followed by a full-stop ** doi as a URL which is a working hyperlink (i.e., clickable) * The most common mistakes include: ** Incorrect capitalisation ** Incorrect italicisation ** dois which aren't clickable as working hyperlinks ** Citing sources that haven't been consulted }} ==External links== * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u-TmKo75gJI How Disgust Shapes our Thoughts on Moral Wrong & the Political Right] (David Pizzaro) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Disgust]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Morality]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Legal]] fwbpt188vzz7l4ih0jpg276bkva378h 2840479 2840452 2026-10-15T11:24:00Z Yellowvines 3106353 fixed up the referencing 2840479 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Moral disgust and jury decision-making: how does moral disgust impact jurors' judgements of guilt, blame, and punishment?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Trial by Jury - Chaos in the Courtroom.png | thumb | right | 250px |'''Figure 1'''. A jury is a group of sworn individuals who determine a defendant's guilt. ]] Consider sitting on a jury. The defendant appears composed, well-dressed, and speaks clearly. Someone like this couldn't have done anything bad — that's your instinct. Then you hear the charge: embezzlement. Over three years, they quietly transferred company funds to a personal account. Thousands of dollars were spent, and real people were harmed. You are angry. It's wrong. However, it does not make you feel sick. Consider the same composed defendant in the same courtroom, but this time the charge is posing as a charity volunteer to gain the trust of dying hospice patients before stealing the donations intended for their care. The financial loss is the same as the embezzlement case. Same amount, same number of victims. But something else arises in you. Not just anger, but more of a revulsion, as if something was contaminated. This doesn't simply feel like a crime. It has an unclean feeling to it. The same defendant. Same harm. So, why does one case make you feel cold and angry, while the other makes your skin crawl? And, aside from the actual harm done, could that visceral reaction be influencing how harshly you believe they should be punished? {{RoundBoxBottom}} Across the world, juries have varying degrees of responsibility to establish a verdict of a case based on evidence presented (Hans, 2008). But moral disgust, an emotional gut reaction, seems to influence how jurors assess guilt, blame and punishment, regardless of the strength of the evidence presented (Salerno and Peter-Hagene, 2013). A disgusted juror may unconsciously become more certain of guilt, assign more blame and suggest harsher punishment, relying less on what the facts of the case provide. If disgust always biases judgements and sentences in one direction or the other, no matter how strong a case is, the implications are profound. It also raises questions for current legal practices. Courts commonly admit gruesome evidence under the assumption that its evidentiary value outweighs its emotional impact, an assumption this body of research targets (Bright and Goodman-Delahunty, 2006). Psychological science can provide the legal system with controlled empirical evidence about the nature and causes of this bias. {{Display box|title=Focus questions|titleBgColor=#006499|contentBgColor=#f8f9fa|content=* What is moral disgust, and how can it be separated from physical disgust or anger? * How do intuitive reactions and slow deliberation interact when jurors determine guilt? * How may moral disgust impact blame? * How might moral disgust impact how punitive jurors are?|linkColor=blue}} == What is moral disgust? == When individuals witness moral transgression, a feeling of revulsion is experienced. It shares a resemblance to the physiological and psychological mechanisms of core disgust. Researchers are continuing to understand the evolutionary and cognitive overlap between these interrelated emotions (Chapman & Anderson, 2012). Jurors are often tasked with the role of judging morally repugnant acts, which means that understanding how the mechanisms of moral disgust work in comparison to the current research on core disgust within the legal system is vital. === Disgust === [[w:Disgust|Disgust]] is one of the six universal emotions that humans experience and can be visually recognised on a person's face (Ekman, 1992). The emotion of disgust is theorised to have originated from a biological protective mechanism to protect an organism from harm that may be brought on by food or poison (Rozin & Fallon, 1987). Disgust has evolved to become an emotion/behaviour directed at anything that may potentially cause harm or disease. For example, * body products * animals * hygiene * body violations, death or disease {{citation needed}} Paul Ekman proposed six basic emotions in his literature based on the theories that these emotions, across research all over the world, concluded in agreement on six emotions: happiness, surprise, fear, anger, sadness and disgust. Therefore, he proposed that the universality of these findings and the facial expression alone could conclude that there are 6 basic emotions (Ekman, 1992). === Moral disgust === Moral disgust refers to the emotional response a person feels when their social or cultural norms are transgressed, therefore resulting in a reaction {{citation needed}}. Moral disgust is complex, and there is varying evidence for and against its genuine purpose as an emotion. Researchers argue that moral disgust is a metaphorical extension of physical disgust; shared facial expression, language, etc {{citation needed}}. Other researchers argue that it's functionally unique to traditional, physical disgust {{citation needed}}. It does not reliably trigger the same physiological processes: facial muscle activation, nausea, etc. (Chapman & Anderson, 2012). Moral disgust is triggered by acts that are supposedly a violation of an individual's perceived purity or dignity {{citation needed}}. For example, betraying someone's trust (cheating on a partner) or exploiting a vulnerable person (as mentioned in the scenario at the start). Rozin & Fallon (1999) proposed a theory that moral disgust specifically clusters around violations of a person's divinity or purity. This is different from anger, which generally clusters around autonomy violations, also opposed to contempt, which clusters around community violations. This distinction is vital when discussing emotion for jurors. If moral disgust behaves differently from physical disgust, it may influence judgement in the courtroom through a different pathway than a simple reaction to physically disgusting evidence. Russell & {{ic|Use APA style for citations}} Giner-Sorolla (2013) discuss four competing arguments of disgust's role in moral condemnation. Firstly, the most flexible view of moral disgust that can be applied widely for many crimes is the general morality position. It claims that disgust is an all-purpose emotion which is seen through different kinds of moral disapproval, not just a narrow category. Secondly, disgust as a violation of bodily and spiritual purity is more specific. As mentioned prior, this claim is supported by Rozin's CAD (contempt, anger, disgust) triad. The third argument proposes that moral disgust is only a metaphor. The true emotion being experienced is anger, and individuals just use language as a metaphor (e.g., "that's disgusting") for how condemning they feel. Finally, Russell & Giner-Sorolla's own claim for moral disgust is a middle ground for all the arguments in their research. Regardless of whether harm or justice is involved, they contend that disgust specifically tracks violations pertaining to the body and its products. Anger tends to co-occur with violations that are specifically related to justice, harm, or rights. This disgust behaves more like anger wearing the vocabulary of disgust than it does like bodily moral disgust. One study involved 148 participants ranking their emotions on a scale (Ouellet-Courtois & Radomsky, 2023). It was found that moral disgust elicited as much as physical disgust did, which supports a claim that moral disgust is not a watered-down, metaphorical use of the feeling but a genuine, physical feeling of disgust. It was also revealed that moral disgust uniquely triggered a significantly higher feeling of mental contamination (feeling immoral) than core disgust did. This reveals an internalised feeling about your own moral state just from witnessing an immoral act, which ties back to Russell & Giner-Sorolla's bodily-violation pattern and strengthens Rozin & Fallon's (1999) definition of moral disgust. If people respond to contact with an immoral person in a psychologically contaminating way — wanting distance, feeling “dirtied” by proximity — then a question arises about whether jurors exposed to a defendant’s morally disgusting conduct might respond in a similar contamination mode, thus influencing their desire to symbolically “cleanse” the situation via a harsher verdict or sentence. <quiz display="simple"> {According to Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013), which of the following is NOT one of the arguments presented regarding the role of disgust in moral condemnation? : |type="()"} - General Morality Position - Bodily and Spirituality Position - Metaphorical Position +Universal Justice Position </quiz> == Psychological science in the legal system == Several psychological theories can help explain why a visceral reaction like moral disgust might influence jurors' decisions. Social identity theory explains how jurors categorise defendants, dual process theory explains how fast intuitive responses to emotions and slower deliberate reasoning interact, and attribution theory and the culpable control model explain how people assign blame. The emotional reaction often comes first, and the reasoning that follows may support it. This section describes each theory and discusses how it explains moral disgust for jurors. == Moral disgust and juror judgements == A jury is a group of individuals that are selected to make a decision based on evidence. They are picked to be impartial and unbiased opinions that aid in the determining of a person's guilt. Jurors are asked to make judgements based on the evidence presented to them in court. However, emotions play a large, unsuspecting role in determining the guilt of a person. Such is the reason why, in high-stakes cases, jurors are not allowed contact with the outside world or media during trials. Moral disgust in particular seems to have a large impact on the way that jurors perceive and shape jurors' judgements. === Juror Judgements === A juror's role internationally is consistently an impartial decision-maker based solely on presented evidence. Despite the country or jurisdiction, jurors are required to surpass psychological challenges of letting emotion get in the way of this job. However, research commonly suggests that jurors often let their emotion influence or cloud their judgement (Feigenson, 2016). This section looks at how disgust influences three agencies in decision-making as a juror. Guilt, blame and punishment. Moral disgust is a complex social emotion which forces researches to measure using standard, operationalised measures for disgust. It is undeniably present in decision-making for jurors, but it is often collapsed into a general category of disgust. Moral disgust is underrepresented in terminology and research. ==== Emotional response patterns ==== Fishbein & Ajzen's (1975) [[w:Expectancy-value_theory|expectancy-value model]] states that a person's given attitude towards an object is a direct function of the value that a person attaches to that object's attributes or outcomes. In explicit terms, a person's value on an object will be a direct function of the value that they place on said item and the positive or negative emotions they associate with it. Furthermore, the positive or negative characteristics that they associate with the object will be a weighted decision on the direct outcome that may occur due to the object. In a review of the role of emotion-induced expectancies, Desteno et al. (2004) argue that positive and negative emotions have been grouped together and oversimplified, which makes distinguishing them difficult. The studies found that specificity operates through an emotion-matching process. Whilst the study did not touch on disgust specifically, it found that persuasion about a situation increased when a person's current emotional state matched the emotional framing of a message. The broader emotion-specificity principle suggests a comparable mechanism that may apply to disgust. Older discourse has allowed for all emotions to be pushed into one category, but not all emotions push judgement in the same direction. ==== Integral versus incidental emotion distinction ==== Research by Feigenson (2016) discusses the overall idea that juror emotions can affect judge responsibility, blame, guilt, punishment and damages. The core idea of the article follows the influence of integral and incidental emotions. Integral emotions are supposed to be caused by features of a particular case. Incidental emotions are emotions that arise, unrelated to the case. This foundational research posists that emotions may influence legal judgements through multiple different pathways. Rather than claiming that the research should be generalised to consider disgust, it should be considered that further research needs to be conducted to understand the role of moral disgust in a courtroom. This leaves open whether moral disgust causes jurors to be more certain or uncertain about information in the courtroom. === Guilt === [[File:Masaccio - The Expulsion from the Garden of Eden (detail) - WGA14180.jpg|left|thumb|275x275px|Figure 3: Expulsion from the Garden of Eden; Adam and Eve experiencing the guilt of their actions.]] The [[w:Dual_process_theory_(moral_psychology)|dual-process theory]] argues that the main types of thinking can be separated into two distinct types (Evans & Stanovich, 2013). Type 1 processing involves autonomous processing that is often responsible for producing intuitive responses without the need for working memory. Type 2 is often more reflective and involves more explicit cognitive processes alongside working memory. A key feature of Type 2 processing is cognitive decoupling and mental simulation. Cognitive decoupling is an ability to separate what you are assuming from what you believe to be true, and mental simulation involves creating hypothetical scenarios and outcomes within your mind (Evans & Stanovich, 2013).Supporting evidence suggests that disgust is a Type 1 output, automatic and arriving before deliberate reasoning can take place. Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013) describe moral disgust as an unreasoned emotion that involves a process of quickly cleansing oneself of the impurity they associate with that emotion. Within the research Feigenson (2016) theorises the emotional affects on information processing. It reveals that different emotions can effect how deeply a juror processes emotions. Anger is generally associated with more certainity about the evidence which leads to individuals being less likely to process information as they are confident they already know enough to address the task (Feigenson, 2016). Disgust influences juror processing through distinct mechanisms. Altered evidentiary standards is the impact of disgust lowering the threshold of proof required for conviction. Thus leading to a biased information search. Jurors will selectively focus on specific details that support their emotion. Other emotions, for example anxiety, are generally associated with more uncertaintity which leads to more systematic information processing (Feigenson, 2016). Saddened by emotional testimony, mock jurors in a criminal reckless driving case were able to identify inconsistencies more precisely, which is a sign of systematic information processing (Semmler & Brewer, 2002). The emotion-congruency effect is a process that triggers a person to judge based in the direction of the emotion they are feeling. Additionally, Bright & Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research discusses a person's use of their inner emotional states as a way to reason with information they are being given. This aligns with the affect that is being theorised. Emotional pathways generally interact simultaneously and their distinct mechanisms will be vital in understanding the relationship between cognition and judgement. Feigenson (2016) also notes that jurors may have the ability to override their initial reactions through discussion and reasoning. === Blame === According to Heider's (1958) [[w:Attribution_(psychology)|attribution theory]], individuals naturally evaluate behaviour by balancing personal casuality against situational causality to determine intentionality. In a legal setting, jurors have the expectation that they will objectively weight these factors, fairly and decide a defendants guilt and blame. However, cases that evoke intense disgust can interrput the rational assessment that jurors are expected to undertake. Instead of evaluating control before assigning blame, the process that Heider's (1958) theory outlines, jurors often invert this sequence through a phenomena introduced by Alicke (2000). The core idea for the Culpable Control Model (CCM) is an explanation ofr how people make judgements about blame and responsibility. Alicke (2000) argues that judgement is not always subjective as blame does not solely rely on evidence about a persons actions and control over the action, but also on individuals emotions, values and assumptions. The assumption of the CCM is that people form a blame judgement first, based on actions and then interpret the evidence on how it is supported second (Alicke, 2000). The main mechanism of this theory is that evidence isn't evaluated and blame is placed. Emotional reactions, values, assumptions and expectations of people as humans can heavily shape how evidence is interpreted in the first place (Alicke, 2000). According to CCM, processing for a juror operates firstly with spontaneous evaluation, then blame motive then retroactive rationalisation. If people search for evidence to support an assumption based on their emotions, based on Alicke's (2000) claim, disgust would act in the same way. === Punishment === In some cases, jurors are also the ones responsible for deciding the adequate punishment that fits the crime an individual has committed. This makes understanding how emotions, specifically disgut impact this. Classic social identity theory posits that groups and whole organisations that possess the same cultural and social norms will perceive themselves as sharing something in common (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). This adds to their own personal self-concept as an individual and as a member of a society/societies. Bornewasser & Bober (1987) critique that this theory describes a class or collective of people (people who may share traits but have no real interdependence) but not a genuine societal group. Groups depend on structure, roles, positions and relationships that require dependence from people. [[File:Baxter,Social Identity Theory- Nov 2016.png|thumb|350x350px|Figure 2: Flowchart of social identity theory]] Through this theory, a jury is considered to be a genuine structured group. There are roles, a task and an interdependence through deliberation. This theory may offer a further point on why moral disgust can bias jurors. Moral disgust may be a function of a social categorisation cue, marking defendants as the out-group rather than in the jury's moral in-group. Bornewasser & Bober claim that even arbitary group labels are enough to produce an in-group favouritism and out-group favouritism. If a defendant's act triggers moral disgust, this may mark them as being in the moral "outgroup" in a juror's mind. Independent of the actual evidence being presented, this compounds moral disgust biases. Additionally, Feigenson's (2016) discusses the role of integral and incidental emotions on the consequent punishment of a defendant. There are various external factors that will cause a juror to be more punitive due to the emotions they are experiencing. Regardless of the discouragement for using emotional decsision making, jurors cannot always keep their habits of thinking and feeling in check (Feigenson, 2016). This can be reworked into Evans and Stanovich's (2013) research about processing systems involved in emotions and thinking. Type 1 processes of thinking is assumed to be heavily reliant on predetermined values and morals which a juror will rarely think over before making a decision. It is thus assumed that Type 2 processing allows for a more deliberate consideration system when accounting for consequences and outcomes (Evans and Stanovich, 2013). This does not, however, guarantee better judgement to use when making heavily implicating decisions. From a cognitive perspective, disgust is not an irrational feeling. The mind uses emotions to understand and prcoess information (Salerno, 2021). The brain will often treat the intensity of an emotion as a barometer to measure their belief of the harm that has been done. This mechanism has been mentioned previously, so the theory is supporting the claim that the more revulsion a person feels, the more justification they have for more severe punishment (Salerno, 2021; Feigenson, 2016). === Empirical evidence === Early research intially found a powerful link between physical taste and moral judgement. The original study that was conducted was with a small sample of 57 participants. It found that consuming a bitter beverage before reading scenarios caused signficantly harsher judgement on the morality of the scenarios (Eskine, 2011). Research by Ghelfi et al, (2020) suggests that physical and moral disgust may have overlapping processes but the research failed to replicate Eskine's (2011) study. It was replicated across 11 different laboratories with 1,137 participants to test whether bitter beverages led to harsher moral judgements than sweet beverages or water. Ghelfi's (2020) research discusses to impacts of different sensory systems on the impact of moral judgements. However the replication study produced neglible effects. {| class="wikitable mw-collapsible" |+Table 1: Summary of empirical evidence !Study !Disgust trigger !Core finding |- |Eskine et al. (2011) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |physical bitterness increased moral judgement * Bitter vs neutral: ''d''=1.09 * Bitter vs sweet: ''d''=1.22 |- |Ghelfi et al. (2020) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |Average moral wrongness scores did not find impactful effect. * Bitter: 70.65 * Neutral: 68.94 * Sweet: 71.29 |- |Jylkkä et al. (2021) |Visual images and videos (neutral and disgust related) |Moralisation and amplification hypotheses were not supported. |- |Bright & Goodman-Delahunty (2006) |Case-specific crime scene photographs |Disgust and anger increased punitiveness. * Conviction rate with gruesome crime scene photographs: 41.2% * Conviction rate with neutral crime scene photographs: 38.2% * Conviction rate without gruesome crime scene photographs: 8.8% |} Table 1 aims to illlustrate the empirical evidence. === Moralisation and amplification hypotheses === A focus shift occured within some research frames in aideing to understand the process of emotions for moral judgements. Jylkkä et al (2021) aimed to investigate whether visual media had a larger impact on disgust than gustatory stimuli. Researchers exposed participants to visually disgusting or neutral pictures to know if participants could experience the intended emotion. Despite a clear activation of disgust, the results failed to support the theoretical predictions (Jylkkä et al, 2021). The moralisation hypothesis theorised that experiencing disgust will cause a person to find something generally neutral, to be morally wrong. This hypothesis was not supported. The amplification hypothesis in the study aimed to evaluate if experiencing disgusting and neutral videos made immoral actions seem to be significantly worse. It was also unsupported by the data (Jylkkä et al, 2021). Overall, within Jylkkä et al's (2021) research, in these experiments visual disgust did not translate into harsher moral judgement. Bright and Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research stands as a contrast to the impacts of disgust on moral judgement. Their research demonstrated that visceral disgust and anger motivated by gruesome crime scene photos significantly surged conviction rates. Images used in court that focus on victim harm may trigger socio-moral disgust (Bright and Goodman-Delahunty, 2006). ==Figures== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Example of an image with a descriptive caption.]] * Use figures to illustrate concepts, add interest, and to serve as examples * Figures can show photos, diagrams, graphs, video, audio, etc. * Embed figures throughout the chapter, starting with the scenario in the Overview section * Caption figures (use '''Figure #'''. and explain the relevance of the image to the text) * Images must be embedded from [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] * Images can be uploaded to [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] if they are openly licensed * Cite each figure at least once in the main text (e.g., see Figure 2) ==Learning features== Interactive learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples describe concepts in action * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citations * Can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]] {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home message ;Quizzes * Using one or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": ==Conclusion== The evidence that moral disgust influences juror's judgements of guilt, blame and punishment is mixed. The evidence mention prior reveals mixed results, some not even measuring disgust specifically. Going further, these theories and hypotheses should be utilised to target disgust, rather than assuming generalisability applies. Dual-process theory describes the experience the brain may experience when determining guilt (Evans & Stanovich, 2013). Under Heider's (1985) attribution theory, there is an expectation that juror's will logically balance personal causality to situational pressures to evaluate blame. There are disruptions to this as CCM reveals that spontaneous emotional reactions can prompt jurors to unconsciously blame the defendant (Alicke, 2000). Moral disgust can function through social categorisation cues as set out in the social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Casting a defendant into the moral outgroup may lead to disgust providing an immediate psychological justification for harsher punishment. Practically, gruesome evidence may carry emotional weight (Bright & Goodman-Delahunty, 2006) but jurors may be able to reconsider their initial reaction so emotional reactions do not determine a verdict (Feigenson, 2016). This area of research could address gaps that would strengthen future studies. Given the mixed results from replication and standalone studies and meta-analytic work, further research should aim to establish how moral disgust works into the legal system. == See also == ==References== <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1=</nowiki> Alicke, M. D. (2000). Culpable Control and the Psychology of Blame. ''Psychological Bulletin'', ''126''(4), 556–574. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.126.4.556</nowiki> Alicke, M. D., & Weigel, S. H. (2021). The reasonable person standard: Psychological and legal perspectives. Annual Review of Law and Social Science, 17(1), 123–138. Bornewasser, M., & Bober, J. (1987). Individual, social group and intergroup behaviour. Some conceptual remarks on the social identity theory. European Journal of Social Psychology, 17(3), 267–276. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1002/ejsp.2420170303 Bright, D. A., & Goodman-Delahunty, J. (2006). Gruesome evidence and emotion: Anger, blame, and jury decision-making. Law and Human Behavior, 30(2), 183–202. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10979-006-9027-y Chapman, H. A., & Anderson, A. K. (2012). Understanding disgust. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 1251(1), 62–76. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.2011.06369.x  Ouellet-Courtois, C., & Radomsky, A. S. (2023). Can immorality be contracted? Appraisals of moral disgust and contamination fear. ''Behaviour Research and Therapy'', ''166'', Article 104336. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2023.104336</nowiki> DeSteno, D., Petty, R. E., Rucker, D. D., Wegener, D. T., & Braverman, J. (2004). Discrete emotions and persuasion: The role of emotion-induced expectancies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 86(1), 43–56. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.86.1.43 Ekman, P. (1992). Are there basic emotions? Psychological Review, 99(3), 550–553. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.99.3.550 Eskine, K. J., Kacinik, N. A., & Prinz, J. J. (2011). A Bad Taste in the Mouth: Gustatory Disgust Influences Moral Judgment. ''Psychological Science'', ''22''(3), 295–299. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797611398497</nowiki> Evans, J. St. B. T., & Stanovich, K. E. (2013). Dual-Process Theories of Higher Cognition: Advancing the Debate. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''8''(3), 223–241. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612460685</nowiki> Feigenson, N. (2016). Jurors’ Emotions and Judgments of Legal Responsibility and Blame: What Does the Experimental Research Tell Us? ''Emotion Review'', ''8''(1), 26-31. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/1754073915601223</nowiki> Fishbein, M., & Ajzen, I. (1975). Belief, attitude, intention, and behavior: an introduction to theory and research. Addison-Wesley Pub. Co. Ghelfi E, Christopherson CD, Urry HL, et al. Reexamining the Effect of Gustatory Disgust on Moral Judgment: A Multilab Direct Replication of Eskine, Kacinik, and Prinz (2011). ''Advances in Methods and Practices in Psychological Science''. 2020;3(1):3-23. doi:10.1177/2515245919881152 Hans, Valerie P. "Jury systems around the world." Annual review of law and social science 4.1 (2008): 275-297. Heider, F. (2020). ''The Psychology of Interpersonal Relations'' (F. Heider, Ed.). Barakaldo Books. Jylkkä, J., Härkönen, J., & Hyönä, J. (2021). Incidental disgust does not cause moral condemnation of neutral actions. ''Cognition & emotion'', ''35''(1), 96–109. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1080/02699931.2020.1810639</nowiki> Lacey, N. (2023). Patrick Devlin, The enforcement of morals (1965). In [Book title] (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003193982-5 Rozin, P., & Fallon, A. E. (1987). A perspective on disgust. ''Psychological Review, 94''(1), 23–41. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.94.1.23</nowiki> Rozin, P., Lowery, L., Imada, S., & Haidt, J. (1999). The CAD triad hypothesis: A mapping between three moral emotions (contempt, anger, disgust) and three moral codes (community, autonomy, divinity). ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76''(4), 574–586. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.76.4.574</nowiki> Russell, P. S., & Giner-Sorolla, R. (2013). Bodily moral disgust: What it is, how it is different from anger, and why it is an unreasoned emotion. Psychological Bulletin, 139(2), 328–351. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1037/a0029319 Nunez, N., Estrada-Reynolds, V., Schweitzer, K., & Myers, B. (2016). The impact of emotions on juror judgments and decision-making. In B. H. Bornstein & M. K. Miller (Eds.), ''Advances in psychology and law'' (pp. 55–93). Springer International Publishing/Springer Nature. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-43083-6_3</nowiki> Salerno, J. M. (2021). The impact of experienced and expressed emotion on legal factfinding. Annual Review of Law and Social Science, 17(1), 181-203. Salerno, J. M., & Peter-Hagene, L. C. (2013). The Interactive Effect of Anger and Disgust on Moral Outrage and Judgments. ''Psychological Science'', ''24''(10), 2069-2078. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797613486988</nowiki> Schnall, S., Haidt, J., Clore, G. L., & Jordan, A. H. (2008). Disgust as embodied moral judgment. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 34(8), 1096–1109. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167208317771 Semmler, C., & Brewer, N. (2002). Effects of mood and emotion on juror processing and judgments. ''Behavioral sciences & the law'', ''20''(4), 423–436. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1002/bsl.502</nowiki> Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 33–47). {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Wrap the set of references in the [[Template:Hanging indent|hanging indent template]]: ** Use "Edit source" ** <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1= the full list of references}}</nowiki> * Important aspects of APA referencing style ** Author surname, followed by a comma, then the author initials separated by full stops and spaces ** Year of publication in parentheses ** Title of work in lower case (except first letter and proper names), ending in a full-stop ** Journal title in italics, volume number in italics, issue number in parentheses, first and last page numbers separated by an en-dash(–), followed by a full-stop ** doi as a URL which is a working hyperlink (i.e., clickable) * The most common mistakes include: ** Incorrect capitalisation ** Incorrect italicisation ** dois which aren't clickable as working hyperlinks ** Citing sources that haven't been consulted }} ==External links== * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u-TmKo75gJI How Disgust Shapes our Thoughts on Moral Wrong & the Political Right] (David Pizzaro) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Disgust]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Morality]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Legal]] gcz3xdcv6e12bllkx0gappdyle98jfi 2840481 2840479 2026-10-15T11:25:58Z Yellowvines 3106353 2840481 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Moral disgust and jury decision-making: how does moral disgust impact jurors' judgements of guilt, blame, and punishment?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Trial by Jury - Chaos in the Courtroom.png | thumb | right | 250px |'''Figure 1'''. A jury is a group of sworn individuals who determine a defendant's guilt. ]] Consider sitting on a jury. The defendant appears composed, well-dressed, and speaks clearly. Someone like this couldn't have done anything bad — that's your instinct. Then you hear the charge: embezzlement. Over three years, they quietly transferred company funds to a personal account. Thousands of dollars were spent, and real people were harmed. You are angry. It's wrong. However, it does not make you feel sick. Consider the same composed defendant in the same courtroom, but this time the charge is posing as a charity volunteer to gain the trust of dying hospice patients before stealing the donations intended for their care. The financial loss is the same as the embezzlement case. Same amount, same number of victims. But something else arises in you. Not just anger, but more of a revulsion, as if something was contaminated. This doesn't simply feel like a crime. It has an unclean feeling to it. The same defendant. Same harm. So, why does one case make you feel cold and angry, while the other makes your skin crawl? And, aside from the actual harm done, could that visceral reaction be influencing how harshly you believe they should be punished? {{RoundBoxBottom}} Across the world, juries have varying degrees of responsibility to establish a verdict of a case based on evidence presented (Hans, 2008). But moral disgust, an emotional gut reaction, seems to influence how jurors assess guilt, blame and punishment, regardless of the strength of the evidence presented (Salerno and Peter-Hagene, 2013). A disgusted juror may unconsciously become more certain of guilt, assign more blame and suggest harsher punishment, relying less on what the facts of the case provide. If disgust always biases judgements and sentences in one direction or the other, no matter how strong a case is, the implications are profound. It also raises questions for current legal practices. Courts commonly admit gruesome evidence under the assumption that its evidentiary value outweighs its emotional impact, an assumption this body of research targets (Bright and Goodman-Delahunty, 2006). Psychological science can provide the legal system with controlled empirical evidence about the nature and causes of this bias. {{Display box|title=Focus questions|titleBgColor=#006499|contentBgColor=#f8f9fa|content=* What is moral disgust, and how can it be separated from physical disgust or anger? * How do intuitive reactions and slow deliberation interact when jurors determine guilt? * How may moral disgust impact blame? * How might moral disgust impact how punitive jurors are?|linkColor=blue}} == What is moral disgust? == When individuals witness moral transgression, a feeling of revulsion is experienced. It shares a resemblance to the physiological and psychological mechanisms of core disgust. Researchers are continuing to understand the evolutionary and cognitive overlap between these interrelated emotions (Chapman & Anderson, 2012). Jurors are often tasked with the role of judging morally repugnant acts, which means that understanding how the mechanisms of moral disgust work in comparison to the current research on core disgust within the legal system is vital. === Disgust === [[w:Disgust|Disgust]] is one of the six universal emotions that humans experience and can be visually recognised on a person's face (Ekman, 1992). The emotion of disgust is theorised to have originated from a biological protective mechanism to protect an organism from harm that may be brought on by food or poison (Rozin & Fallon, 1987). Disgust has evolved to become an emotion/behaviour directed at anything that may potentially cause harm or disease. For example, * body products * animals * hygiene * body violations, death or disease {{citation needed}} Paul Ekman proposed six basic emotions in his literature based on the theories that these emotions, across research all over the world, concluded in agreement on six emotions: happiness, surprise, fear, anger, sadness and disgust. Therefore, he proposed that the universality of these findings and the facial expression alone could conclude that there are 6 basic emotions (Ekman, 1992). === Moral disgust === Moral disgust refers to the emotional response a person feels when their social or cultural norms are transgressed, therefore resulting in a reaction {{citation needed}}. Moral disgust is complex, and there is varying evidence for and against its genuine purpose as an emotion. Researchers argue that moral disgust is a metaphorical extension of physical disgust; shared facial expression, language, etc {{citation needed}}. Other researchers argue that it's functionally unique to traditional, physical disgust {{citation needed}}. It does not reliably trigger the same physiological processes: facial muscle activation, nausea, etc. (Chapman & Anderson, 2012). Moral disgust is triggered by acts that are supposedly a violation of an individual's perceived purity or dignity {{citation needed}}. For example, betraying someone's trust (cheating on a partner) or exploiting a vulnerable person (as mentioned in the scenario at the start). Rozin & Fallon (1999) proposed a theory that moral disgust specifically clusters around violations of a person's divinity or purity. This is different from anger, which generally clusters around autonomy violations, also opposed to contempt, which clusters around community violations. This distinction is vital when discussing emotion for jurors. If moral disgust behaves differently from physical disgust, it may influence judgement in the courtroom through a different pathway than a simple reaction to physically disgusting evidence. Russell & {{ic|Use APA style for citations}} Giner-Sorolla (2013) discuss four competing arguments of disgust's role in moral condemnation. Firstly, the most flexible view of moral disgust that can be applied widely for many crimes is the general morality position. It claims that disgust is an all-purpose emotion which is seen through different kinds of moral disapproval, not just a narrow category. Secondly, disgust as a violation of bodily and spiritual purity is more specific. As mentioned prior, this claim is supported by Rozin's CAD (contempt, anger, disgust) triad. The third argument proposes that moral disgust is only a metaphor. The true emotion being experienced is anger, and individuals just use language as a metaphor (e.g., "that's disgusting") for how condemning they feel. Finally, Russell & Giner-Sorolla's own claim for moral disgust is a middle ground for all the arguments in their research. Regardless of whether harm or justice is involved, they contend that disgust specifically tracks violations pertaining to the body and its products. Anger tends to co-occur with violations that are specifically related to justice, harm, or rights. This disgust behaves more like anger wearing the vocabulary of disgust than it does like bodily moral disgust. One study involved 148 participants ranking their emotions on a scale (Ouellet-Courtois & Radomsky, 2023). It was found that moral disgust elicited as much as physical disgust did, which supports a claim that moral disgust is not a watered-down, metaphorical use of the feeling but a genuine, physical feeling of disgust. It was also revealed that moral disgust uniquely triggered a significantly higher feeling of mental contamination (feeling immoral) than core disgust did. This reveals an internalised feeling about your own moral state just from witnessing an immoral act, which ties back to Russell & Giner-Sorolla's bodily-violation pattern and strengthens Rozin & Fallon's (1999) definition of moral disgust. If people respond to contact with an immoral person in a psychologically contaminating way — wanting distance, feeling “dirtied” by proximity — then a question arises about whether jurors exposed to a defendant’s morally disgusting conduct might respond in a similar contamination mode, thus influencing their desire to symbolically “cleanse” the situation via a harsher verdict or sentence. <quiz display="simple"> {According to Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013), which of the following is NOT one of the arguments presented regarding the role of disgust in moral condemnation? : |type="()"} - General Morality Position - Bodily and Spirituality Position - Metaphorical Position +Universal Justice Position </quiz> == Psychological science in the legal system == Several psychological theories can help explain why a visceral reaction like moral disgust might influence jurors' decisions. Social identity theory explains how jurors categorise defendants, dual process theory explains how fast intuitive responses to emotions and slower deliberate reasoning interact, and attribution theory and the culpable control model explain how people assign blame. The emotional reaction often comes first, and the reasoning that follows may support it. This section describes each theory and discusses how it explains moral disgust for jurors. == Moral disgust and juror judgements == A jury is a group of individuals that are selected to make a decision based on evidence. They are picked to be impartial and unbiased opinions that aid in the determining of a person's guilt. Jurors are asked to make judgements based on the evidence presented to them in court. However, emotions play a large, unsuspecting role in determining the guilt of a person. Such is the reason why, in high-stakes cases, jurors are not allowed contact with the outside world or media during trials. Moral disgust in particular seems to have a large impact on the way that jurors perceive and shape jurors' judgements. === Juror Judgements === A juror's role internationally is consistently an impartial decision-maker based solely on presented evidence. Despite the country or jurisdiction, jurors are required to surpass psychological challenges of letting emotion get in the way of this job. However, research commonly suggests that jurors often let their emotion influence or cloud their judgement (Feigenson, 2016). This section looks at how disgust influences three agencies in decision-making as a juror. Guilt, blame and punishment. Moral disgust is a complex social emotion which forces researches to measure using standard, operationalised measures for disgust. It is undeniably present in decision-making for jurors, but it is often collapsed into a general category of disgust. Moral disgust is underrepresented in terminology and research. ==== Emotional response patterns ==== Fishbein & Ajzen's (1975) [[w:Expectancy-value_theory|expectancy-value model]] states that a person's given attitude towards an object is a direct function of the value that a person attaches to that object's attributes or outcomes. In explicit terms, a person's value on an object will be a direct function of the value that they place on said item and the positive or negative emotions they associate with it. Furthermore, the positive or negative characteristics that they associate with the object will be a weighted decision on the direct outcome that may occur due to the object. In a review of the role of emotion-induced expectancies, Desteno et al. (2004) argue that positive and negative emotions have been grouped together and oversimplified, which makes distinguishing them difficult. The studies found that specificity operates through an emotion-matching process. Whilst the study did not touch on disgust specifically, it found that persuasion about a situation increased when a person's current emotional state matched the emotional framing of a message. The broader emotion-specificity principle suggests a comparable mechanism that may apply to disgust. Older discourse has allowed for all emotions to be pushed into one category, but not all emotions push judgement in the same direction. ==== Integral versus incidental emotion distinction ==== Research by Feigenson (2016) discusses the overall idea that juror emotions can affect judge responsibility, blame, guilt, punishment and damages. The core idea of the article follows the influence of integral and incidental emotions. Integral emotions are supposed to be caused by features of a particular case. Incidental emotions are emotions that arise, unrelated to the case. This foundational research posists that emotions may influence legal judgements through multiple different pathways. Rather than claiming that the research should be generalised to consider disgust, it should be considered that further research needs to be conducted to understand the role of moral disgust in a courtroom. This leaves open whether moral disgust causes jurors to be more certain or uncertain about information in the courtroom. === Guilt === [[File:Masaccio - The Expulsion from the Garden of Eden (detail) - WGA14180.jpg|left|thumb|275x275px|Figure 3: Expulsion from the Garden of Eden; Adam and Eve experiencing the guilt of their actions.]] The [[w:Dual_process_theory_(moral_psychology)|dual-process theory]] argues that the main types of thinking can be separated into two distinct types (Evans & Stanovich, 2013). Type 1 processing involves autonomous processing that is often responsible for producing intuitive responses without the need for working memory. Type 2 is often more reflective and involves more explicit cognitive processes alongside working memory. A key feature of Type 2 processing is cognitive decoupling and mental simulation. Cognitive decoupling is an ability to separate what you are assuming from what you believe to be true, and mental simulation involves creating hypothetical scenarios and outcomes within your mind (Evans & Stanovich, 2013).Supporting evidence suggests that disgust is a Type 1 output, automatic and arriving before deliberate reasoning can take place. Russell and Giner-Sorolla (2013) describe moral disgust as an unreasoned emotion that involves a process of quickly cleansing oneself of the impurity they associate with that emotion. Within the research Feigenson (2016) theorises the emotional affects on information processing. It reveals that different emotions can effect how deeply a juror processes emotions. Anger is generally associated with more certainity about the evidence which leads to individuals being less likely to process information as they are confident they already know enough to address the task (Feigenson, 2016). Disgust influences juror processing through distinct mechanisms. Altered evidentiary standards is the impact of disgust lowering the threshold of proof required for conviction. Thus leading to a biased information search. Jurors will selectively focus on specific details that support their emotion. Other emotions, for example anxiety, are generally associated with more uncertaintity which leads to more systematic information processing (Feigenson, 2016). Saddened by emotional testimony, mock jurors in a criminal reckless driving case were able to identify inconsistencies more precisely, which is a sign of systematic information processing (Semmler & Brewer, 2002). The emotion-congruency effect is a process that triggers a person to judge based in the direction of the emotion they are feeling. Additionally, Bright & Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research discusses a person's use of their inner emotional states as a way to reason with information they are being given. This aligns with the affect that is being theorised. Emotional pathways generally interact simultaneously and their distinct mechanisms will be vital in understanding the relationship between cognition and judgement. Feigenson (2016) also notes that jurors may have the ability to override their initial reactions through discussion and reasoning. === Blame === According to Heider's (1958) [[w:Attribution_(psychology)|attribution theory]], individuals naturally evaluate behaviour by balancing personal casuality against situational causality to determine intentionality. In a legal setting, jurors have the expectation that they will objectively weight these factors, fairly and decide a defendants guilt and blame. However, cases that evoke intense disgust can interrput the rational assessment that jurors are expected to undertake. Instead of evaluating control before assigning blame, the process that Heider's (1958) theory outlines, jurors often invert this sequence through a phenomena introduced by Alicke (2000). The core idea for the Culpable Control Model (CCM) is an explanation ofr how people make judgements about blame and responsibility. Alicke (2000) argues that judgement is not always subjective as blame does not solely rely on evidence about a persons actions and control over the action, but also on individuals emotions, values and assumptions. The assumption of the CCM is that people form a blame judgement first, based on actions and then interpret the evidence on how it is supported second (Alicke, 2000). The main mechanism of this theory is that evidence isn't evaluated and blame is placed. Emotional reactions, values, assumptions and expectations of people as humans can heavily shape how evidence is interpreted in the first place (Alicke, 2000). According to CCM, processing for a juror operates firstly with spontaneous evaluation, then blame motive then retroactive rationalisation. If people search for evidence to support an assumption based on their emotions, based on Alicke's (2000) claim, disgust would act in the same way. === Punishment === In some cases, jurors are also the ones responsible for deciding the adequate punishment that fits the crime an individual has committed. This makes understanding how emotions, specifically disgut impact this. Classic social identity theory posits that groups and whole organisations that possess the same cultural and social norms will perceive themselves as sharing something in common (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). This adds to their own personal self-concept as an individual and as a member of a society/societies. Bornewasser & Bober (1987) critique that this theory describes a class or collective of people (people who may share traits but have no real interdependence) but not a genuine societal group. Groups depend on structure, roles, positions and relationships that require dependence from people. [[File:Baxter,Social Identity Theory- Nov 2016.png|thumb|350x350px|Figure 2: Flowchart of social identity theory]] Through this theory, a jury is considered to be a genuine structured group. There are roles, a task and an interdependence through deliberation. This theory may offer a further point on why moral disgust can bias jurors. Moral disgust may be a function of a social categorisation cue, marking defendants as the out-group rather than in the jury's moral in-group. Bornewasser & Bober claim that even arbitary group labels are enough to produce an in-group favouritism and out-group favouritism. If a defendant's act triggers moral disgust, this may mark them as being in the moral "outgroup" in a juror's mind. Independent of the actual evidence being presented, this compounds moral disgust biases. Additionally, Feigenson's (2016) discusses the role of integral and incidental emotions on the consequent punishment of a defendant. There are various external factors that will cause a juror to be more punitive due to the emotions they are experiencing. Regardless of the discouragement for using emotional decsision making, jurors cannot always keep their habits of thinking and feeling in check (Feigenson, 2016). This can be reworked into Evans and Stanovich's (2013) research about processing systems involved in emotions and thinking. Type 1 processes of thinking is assumed to be heavily reliant on predetermined values and morals which a juror will rarely think over before making a decision. It is thus assumed that Type 2 processing allows for a more deliberate consideration system when accounting for consequences and outcomes (Evans and Stanovich, 2013). This does not, however, guarantee better judgement to use when making heavily implicating decisions. From a cognitive perspective, disgust is not an irrational feeling. The mind uses emotions to understand and prcoess information (Salerno, 2021). The brain will often treat the intensity of an emotion as a barometer to measure their belief of the harm that has been done. This mechanism has been mentioned previously, so the theory is supporting the claim that the more revulsion a person feels, the more justification they have for more severe punishment (Salerno, 2021; Feigenson, 2016). === Empirical evidence === Early research intially found a powerful link between physical taste and moral judgement. The original study that was conducted was with a small sample of 57 participants. It found that consuming a bitter beverage before reading scenarios caused signficantly harsher judgement on the morality of the scenarios (Eskine, 2011). Research by Ghelfi et al, (2020) suggests that physical and moral disgust may have overlapping processes but the research failed to replicate Eskine's (2011) study. It was replicated across 11 different laboratories with 1,137 participants to test whether bitter beverages led to harsher moral judgements than sweet beverages or water. Ghelfi's (2020) research discusses to impacts of different sensory systems on the impact of moral judgements. However the replication study produced neglible effects. {| class="wikitable mw-collapsible" |+Table 1: Summary of empirical evidence !Study !Disgust trigger !Core finding |- |Eskine et al. (2011) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |physical bitterness increased moral judgement * Bitter vs neutral: ''d''=1.09 * Bitter vs sweet: ''d''=1.22 |- |Ghelfi et al. (2020) |Gustatory (bitter, neutral, sweet) |Average moral wrongness scores did not find impactful effect. * Bitter: 70.65 * Neutral: 68.94 * Sweet: 71.29 |- |Jylkkä et al. (2021) |Visual images and videos (neutral and disgust related) |Moralisation and amplification hypotheses were not supported. |- |Bright & Goodman-Delahunty (2006) |Case-specific crime scene photographs |Disgust and anger increased punitiveness. * Conviction rate with gruesome crime scene photographs: 41.2% * Conviction rate with neutral crime scene photographs: 38.2% * Conviction rate without gruesome crime scene photographs: 8.8% |} Table 1 aims to illlustrate the empirical evidence. === Moralisation and amplification hypotheses === A focus shift occured within some research frames in aideing to understand the process of emotions for moral judgements. Jylkkä et al (2021) aimed to investigate whether visual media had a larger impact on disgust than gustatory stimuli. Researchers exposed participants to visually disgusting or neutral pictures to know if participants could experience the intended emotion. Despite a clear activation of disgust, the results failed to support the theoretical predictions (Jylkkä et al, 2021). The moralisation hypothesis theorised that experiencing disgust will cause a person to find something generally neutral, to be morally wrong. This hypothesis was not supported. The amplification hypothesis in the study aimed to evaluate if experiencing disgusting and neutral videos made immoral actions seem to be significantly worse. It was also unsupported by the data (Jylkkä et al, 2021). Overall, within Jylkkä et al's (2021) research, in these experiments visual disgust did not translate into harsher moral judgement. Bright and Goodman-Delahunty's (2006) research stands as a contrast to the impacts of disgust on moral judgement. Their research demonstrated that visceral disgust and anger motivated by gruesome crime scene photos significantly surged conviction rates. Images used in court that focus on victim harm may trigger socio-moral disgust (Bright and Goodman-Delahunty, 2006). ==Learning features== Interactive learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples describe concepts in action * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citations * Can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]] {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home message ;Quizzes * Using one or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": ==Conclusion== The evidence that moral disgust influences juror's judgements of guilt, blame and punishment is mixed. The evidence mention prior reveals mixed results, some not even measuring disgust specifically. Going further, these theories and hypotheses should be utilised to target disgust, rather than assuming generalisability applies. Dual-process theory describes the experience the brain may experience when determining guilt (Evans & Stanovich, 2013). Under Heider's (1985) attribution theory, there is an expectation that juror's will logically balance personal causality to situational pressures to evaluate blame. There are disruptions to this as CCM reveals that spontaneous emotional reactions can prompt jurors to unconsciously blame the defendant (Alicke, 2000). Moral disgust can function through social categorisation cues as set out in the social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Casting a defendant into the moral outgroup may lead to disgust providing an immediate psychological justification for harsher punishment. Practically, gruesome evidence may carry emotional weight (Bright & Goodman-Delahunty, 2006) but jurors may be able to reconsider their initial reaction so emotional reactions do not determine a verdict (Feigenson, 2016). This area of research could address gaps that would strengthen future studies. Given the mixed results from replication and standalone studies and meta-analytic work, further research should aim to establish how moral disgust works into the legal system. == See also == ==References== <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1=</nowiki> Alicke, M. D. (2000). Culpable Control and the Psychology of Blame. ''Psychological Bulletin'', ''126''(4), 556–574. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.126.4.556</nowiki> Alicke, M. D., & Weigel, S. H. (2021). The reasonable person standard: Psychological and legal perspectives. Annual Review of Law and Social Science, 17(1), 123–138. Bornewasser, M., & Bober, J. (1987). Individual, social group and intergroup behaviour. Some conceptual remarks on the social identity theory. European Journal of Social Psychology, 17(3), 267–276. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1002/ejsp.2420170303 Bright, D. A., & Goodman-Delahunty, J. (2006). Gruesome evidence and emotion: Anger, blame, and jury decision-making. Law and Human Behavior, 30(2), 183–202. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10979-006-9027-y Chapman, H. A., & Anderson, A. K. (2012). Understanding disgust. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 1251(1), 62–76. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.2011.06369.x  Ouellet-Courtois, C., & Radomsky, A. S. (2023). Can immorality be contracted? Appraisals of moral disgust and contamination fear. ''Behaviour Research and Therapy'', ''166'', Article 104336. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2023.104336</nowiki> DeSteno, D., Petty, R. E., Rucker, D. D., Wegener, D. T., & Braverman, J. (2004). Discrete emotions and persuasion: The role of emotion-induced expectancies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 86(1), 43–56. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.86.1.43 Ekman, P. (1992). Are there basic emotions? Psychological Review, 99(3), 550–553. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.99.3.550 Eskine, K. J., Kacinik, N. A., & Prinz, J. J. (2011). A Bad Taste in the Mouth: Gustatory Disgust Influences Moral Judgment. ''Psychological Science'', ''22''(3), 295–299. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797611398497</nowiki> Evans, J. St. B. T., & Stanovich, K. E. (2013). Dual-Process Theories of Higher Cognition: Advancing the Debate. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''8''(3), 223–241. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612460685</nowiki> Feigenson, N. (2016). Jurors’ Emotions and Judgments of Legal Responsibility and Blame: What Does the Experimental Research Tell Us? ''Emotion Review'', ''8''(1), 26-31. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/1754073915601223</nowiki> Fishbein, M., & Ajzen, I. (1975). Belief, attitude, intention, and behavior: an introduction to theory and research. Addison-Wesley Pub. Co. Ghelfi E, Christopherson CD, Urry HL, et al. Reexamining the Effect of Gustatory Disgust on Moral Judgment: A Multilab Direct Replication of Eskine, Kacinik, and Prinz (2011). ''Advances in Methods and Practices in Psychological Science''. 2020;3(1):3-23. doi:10.1177/2515245919881152 Hans, Valerie P. "Jury systems around the world." Annual review of law and social science 4.1 (2008): 275-297. Heider, F. (2020). ''The Psychology of Interpersonal Relations'' (F. Heider, Ed.). Barakaldo Books. Jylkkä, J., Härkönen, J., & Hyönä, J. (2021). Incidental disgust does not cause moral condemnation of neutral actions. ''Cognition & emotion'', ''35''(1), 96–109. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1080/02699931.2020.1810639</nowiki> Rozin, P., & Fallon, A. E. (1987). A perspective on disgust. ''Psychological Review, 94''(1), 23–41. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.94.1.23</nowiki> Rozin, P., Lowery, L., Imada, S., & Haidt, J. (1999). The CAD triad hypothesis: A mapping between three moral emotions (contempt, anger, disgust) and three moral codes (community, autonomy, divinity). ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76''(4), 574–586. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.76.4.574</nowiki> Russell, P. S., & Giner-Sorolla, R. (2013). Bodily moral disgust: What it is, how it is different from anger, and why it is an unreasoned emotion. Psychological Bulletin, 139(2), 328–351. https://doi-org.ezproxy.canberra.edu.au/10.1037/a0029319 Salerno, J. M. (2021). The impact of experienced and expressed emotion on legal factfinding. Annual Review of Law and Social Science, 17(1), 181-203. Salerno, J. M., & Peter-Hagene, L. C. (2013). The Interactive Effect of Anger and Disgust on Moral Outrage and Judgments. ''Psychological Science'', ''24''(10), 2069-2078. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797613486988</nowiki> Semmler, C., & Brewer, N. (2002). Effects of mood and emotion on juror processing and judgments. ''Behavioral sciences & the law'', ''20''(4), 423–436. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1002/bsl.502</nowiki> Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 33–47). {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Wrap the set of references in the [[Template:Hanging indent|hanging indent template]]: ** Use "Edit source" ** <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1= the full list of references}}</nowiki> * Important aspects of APA referencing style ** Author surname, followed by a comma, then the author initials separated by full stops and spaces ** Year of publication in parentheses ** Title of work in lower case (except first letter and proper names), ending in a full-stop ** Journal title in italics, volume number in italics, issue number in parentheses, first and last page numbers separated by an en-dash(–), followed by a full-stop ** doi as a URL which is a working hyperlink (i.e., clickable) * The most common mistakes include: ** Incorrect capitalisation ** Incorrect italicisation ** dois which aren't clickable as working hyperlinks ** Citing sources that haven't been consulted }} ==External links== * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u-TmKo75gJI How Disgust Shapes our Thoughts on Moral Wrong & the Political Right] (David Pizzaro) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Disgust]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Morality]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Legal]] kv9z7pgdf927i6vkv5zau182gb2zcfu 0 331111 2840411 2832859 2026-10-15T06:59:40Z Ella Kay244 3107007 /* Overview */ turned the scenario into a first person perspective for better reader engagment 2840411 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Empathy fatigue and emotional exhaustion:<br>How does sustained empathic engagement contribute to emotional exhaustion?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Exhausted smartphone user.JPG|right|thumb|150px|'''Figure 1'''. An emotionally exhausted Aelin at the end of the work day]] ; Scenario Aelin, a 23-year-old social worker employed at headspace {{ic|Link to the Wikipedia article to help explain what this term means}}, works with approximately 20 {{ic|Explain what sort of}}Imagine you are only 23 years old and are working as a social worker at headspace. You see around 20 clients each week, many of whom have experienced rough living conditions. During your first six months in this role, you felt highly motivated and excited to help people in need. You are an excellent active listener and can easily remember details about your clients Live’s. You are also good at recognising signs of distress in your client’s body language and adjust yours in order to show warmth and understanding. As you progress in your role, you take on more cases that involve complex past traumas. The workload becomes too much for you to get done at work, but you don’t want your clients to miss out, so you take your work home to complete it in the evenings. Your workload increases again and you now start doing work on your weekends as well. After several months of working this way, you start to notice you feel exhausted every morning before you have even started work. You then start to notice you’re responding to people at work differently. Instead of your usual energised active listening response you feel frustrated, empathetic and detached. After work you are too drained to socialise with friends. This begins to worry you. What if you won’t be able to continue working as a social worker? {{RoundBoxBottom}} Aelin is experiencing '''emotional exhaustion''' from a sustained empathic response. Due to the nature of Aelin's work, they are constantly engaged in an empathic response. Empathic responses require cognitive and physical resources to sustain. Because Aelin is taking their work home and not resting on weekends, they do not have a chance to rest. It is important for Aelin to recognise what is happening and why. Not actioning the problem has led to empathy fatigue and emotional exhaustion. Emotional exhaustion is one of the key aspects of burnout, a long-term condition of existing in a constant state of high stress. Psychological science can support Aelin in recognising and mapping the symptoms they are experiencing, understand coping strategies to minimise the current and future effects to improve their wellbeing. Understanding the symptoms will also support their role as a social worker, providing more tools for the people they support on a day-to-day basis. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * Why do we become emotionally exhausted? * What is the relationship between empathy fatigue and emotional exhaustion? * What role does emotional labor play in emotional exhaustion? * What can we {{ic|Use 3rd person perspetive for focus questions}} do if we're experiencing emotional exhaustion? * How can we {{ic|Use 3rd person perspetive for focus questions}} use our understanding of emotional labor and empathy fatigue to reduce the effects of emotional exhaustion? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Emotional Exhaustion == General introduction/definition of emotional exhaustion * Talk about stress and its role in emotional exhaustion * How would you recognise that someone is emotionally exhausted (symptoms) ** Emotional exhaustion as a symptom of burnout (De Beer et al., 2024) ** Introduce theories of emotional exhaustion === Conservation of resources stress model === * Psychological stress occurs when individuals lose valued resources (Halbesleben et al., 2014; Hobfoll, 1989) ** Discuss what resources are (e.g. social relationships) ** Discuss how losing resources leads to increased vulnerability to stress ** discuss gain and loss spirals === Job Demands-Resources model === * Talk about Job demands and job resources (Demerouti et al., 2001) ** Why do we actually feel exhausted after a sustained empathic response? ** Job demands require sustained physical or psychological effort *** Empathic response can be a job demand ** Job resources support achieving work goals or reduce job demands * Discuss how the model looks at prolonged job demands depleting energy leading to exhaustion/burnout (Schaufeli, 2017) * Discuss how the model treats job resources as a mediating factor for reducing the negative effects of job demands == Empathy Fatigue == * Before understanding empathy fatigue, define what empathy is (what are the theories behind empathy? Why do we have empathy? What theory am I using) ** Individual ability to imagine or understand another person's feelings and/or emotions (Riess, 2017; Shao et al., 2024) === What are the types of empathy? === * Affective empathy - emotional reaction to someone else's mental state (Shao et al., 2024) * Cognitive empathy - understand someone's feelings or emotions (Cui et al., 2022) * Integrating the two - "affective component is the essence of empathy, and the cognitive component is a process through which that essence comes into being" (Bošnjaković & Radionov, 2018) ** (Author's note: change quote into paraphrasing) === What is compassion fatigue? (theories of compassion fatigue) === * Distinction between empathy and compassion fatigue * Compassion fatigue is closely related to Secondary traumatic stress usually found in healthcare professionals (Figley, 2002) ** Compassion fatigue is to Empathy fatigue as emotional exhaustion is to burnout * Make it clear that Aelin is experiencing Compassion Fatigue vs Empathy fatigue (they are the same but different) (Author's note: include an update to the scenario here!) '''Empathy fatigue questions'''. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Surface acting is when the observer actually feels the emotion: |type="()"} - True + False {Compassion fatigue and empathy fatigue are synonymous: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> == Emotional labor as a mediating factor between Empathy fatigue and emotional exhaustion == What is emotional labor (Hochschild, 2012) === Types of acting === * Surface acting ** This is where emotive dissonance comes into play ** Leads to emotional exhaustion * Deep acting ** People who 'deep act', as in genuinely change the way they feel (match the feelings they have with the feelings that they need to display) often report positive relationships with emotional labor Discuss the differences in gender norms and expectations in relationships === The mediating effect of emotional labor === Surface acting does not mediate the effect (high surface acting leads to emotional exhaustion) whereas the inverse is true for deep acting (Wrobel, 2013) === Emotional contagion === If space/time permits discuss the role of emotional contagion * Emotional contagion (Panksepp and Lahvis, 2011) ** emotions can spread (expand, combines empathy and acting) ** “the tendency to automatically mimic and synchronize expressions, vocalizations, postures, and movements with those of another person’s and, consequently, to converge emotionally.” (Elaine Hatfield, 1993) == Strategies for combating Empathy fatigue and emotional fatigue == * Talk about emotion regulation (Gross, 1998) and mood regulation strategies as a way to deal with coping (Wrobel, 2013) (Author's note: need more research/references for this section) * Talk about breaks ** Rest and downtime from not performing emotional labor regenerates * How do we reduce the amount of emotional labor we're performing (Jeung et al., 2018) ** Communication/boundaries ** Reducing surface acting (allowing ourselves to feel how we actually feel and reduce emotive dissonance) === Strategies in the workplace === * Discuss types of strategies that are available in the workplace (organisation models) * SCARF model (Aplin-Houtz, 2025) ** Link back to COR and JDR models e.g. praise could be a job resource vs criticism could be a job demand ==Figures (for reference before final assessment)== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Example of an image with a descriptive caption.]] * Use figures to illustrate concepts, add interest, and to serve as examples * Figures can show photos, diagrams, graphs, video, audio, etc. * Embed figures throughout the chapter, starting with the scenario in the Overview section * Caption figures (use '''Figure #'''. and explain the relevance of the image to the text) * Images must be embedded from [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] * Images can be uploaded to [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] if they are openly licensed * Cite each figure at least once in the main text (e.g., see Figure 2) == Learning features (for reference before final assessment) == Interactive learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples describe concepts in action * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citations * Can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]] {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use to tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Which Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing Knowing x Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * Using one or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Long and complex quiz questions are recommended: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Summarise what empathy fatigue is, and why people become emotionally exhausted (+ the role of emotional labor) * Summarise the symptoms and how to recognise them in yourself and someone else * Emphasise and summarise psychological strategies to support someone going through emotional exhaustion * Summarise ways to prevent emotional exhaustion from happening * Overall message is: *# What is emotional exhaustion *# how do you recognise it *# how do you treat it *# how do you prevent it * Link back to the focus questions ==See also== * [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion/Book/2025/Metacognition_and_emotional_regulation&oldid=2756264 Metacognition and emotional regulation] (Book chapter, 2026) {{ic|Use an internal link style as shown in Tutorial 2}} * [[wikipedia:Conservation_of_resources_theory|Conservation of resources theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Job_demands-resources_model|Job demands-resources model]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Aplin-Houtz, M. (2025). Unraveling the SCARF: How dimensions of the SCARF model influence the relationship between workplace exclusion and turnover intentions. Journal of Management & Organization, 31(6), 2699–2725. https://doi.org/10.1017/jmo.2025.10026 Bošnjaković, J., & Radionov, T. (2018). Empathy: Concepts, Theories and Neuroscientific Basis. Alcoholism (Zagreb), 54(2), 123–150. https://doi.org/10.20471/de..2018.54.02.04 Cui, F., Huang, X., Jing, Y., Luo, Y., Liu, J., & Gu, R. (2022). How resource sharing resists scarcity: the role of cognitive empathy and its neurobiological mechanisms. Cerebral Cortex (New York, N.Y. 1991), 32(23), 5330–5342. https://doi.org/10.1093/cercor/bhac017 De Beer, L. T., van der Vaart, L., Escaffi-Schwarz, M., De Witte, H., & Schaufeli, W. B. (2024). Maslach Burnout Inventory - General Survey. European Journal of Psychological Assessment : Official Organ of the European Association of Psychological Assessment, 40(5), 360–375. https://doi.org/10.1027/1015-5759/a000797 Demerouti, E., Bakker, A. B., Nachreiner, F., & Schaufeli, W. B. (2001). The Job Demands-Resources Model of Burnout. Journal of Applied Psychology, 86(3), 499–512. https://doi.org/10.1037/0021-9010.86.3.499 Figley, C. R. (2002). Compassion fatigue: Psychotherapists’ chronic lack of self care. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 58(11), 1433–1441. https://doi.org/10.1002/jclp.10090 Grandey, A. A. (2003). When ‘the show must go on’: surface acting and deep acting as determinants of emotional exhaustion and peer-rated service delivery. Academy of Management Journal, 46(1), 86–96. https://doi.org/10.5465/30040678 Gross, J. J. (1998). The emerging field of emotion regulation: An integrative review. Review of General Psychology, 2(3), 271–299. https://doi.org/10.1037/1089-2680.2.3.271 Halbesleben, J. R. B., Neveu, J.-P., Paustian-Underdahl, S. C., & Westman, M. (2014). Getting to the “COR”: Understanding the Role of Resources in Conservation of Resources Theory. Journal of Management, 40(5), 1334–1364. https://doi.org/10.1177/0149206314527130 Hatfield, E., Cacioppo, J. T., & Rapson, R. L. (1993). Emotional Contagion. Current Directions in Psychological Science : A Journal of the American Psychological Society, 2(3), 96–99. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8721.ep10770953 Hobfoll, S. E. (1989). Conservation of Resources: A New Attempt at Conceptualizing Stress. The American Psychologist, 44(3), 513–524. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.44.3.513 Hochschild, A. R. (2012). The managed heart : commercialization of human feeling (Updated, with a new preface.). University of California Press. Jeung, D.-Y., Kim, C., & Chang, S.-J. (2018). Emotional Labor and Burnout: A Review of the Literature. Yonsei Medical Journal, 59(2), 187–193. https://doi.org/10.3349/ymj.2018.59.2.187 Lavelle, J. J., Rupp, D. E., Herda, D. N., Pandey, A., & Lauck, J. R. (2021). Customer Injustice and Employee Performance: Roles of Emotional Exhaustion, Surface Acting, and Emotional Demands–Abilities Fit. Journal of Management, 47(3), Article 0149206319869426. https://doi.org/10.1177/0149206319869426 Panksepp, J. B., & Lahvis, G. P. (2011). Rodent empathy and affective neuroscience. Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews, 35(9), 1864–1875. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2011.05.013 Riess, H. (2017). The Science of Empathy. Journal of Patient Experience, 4(2), 74–77. https://doi.org/10.1177/2374373517699267 Schaufeli, W. B. (2017). Applying the job demands-resources model: a “how to” guide to measuring and tackling work engagement and burnout. Organizational Dynamics, 46(2), 120–132. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.orgdyn.2017.04.008 Shao, M., Li, L., Li, X., Wei, Z., Wang, J., Hong, M., Liu, X., & Meng, J. (2024). The effect of top-down attention on empathy fatigue. Cerebral Cortex (New York, N.Y. 1991), 34(1), Article bhad441. https://doi.org/10.1093/cercor/bhad441 Wharton, A. S. (2009). The Sociology of Emotional Labor. Annual Review of Sociology, 35(1), 147–165. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-070308-115944 Wrobel, M. (2013). Can empathy lead to emotional exhaustion in teachers? The mediating role of emotional labor. International Journal of Occupational Medicine and Environmental Health, 26(4), 581–592. https://doi.org/10.2478/s13382-013-0123-1 }} ==External links== Provide [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|external links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Only select links to major external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Burnout]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Empathy]] gfof8tlpwdx6vdwu8fu7z7xq2dgdw2e 2840415 2840411 2026-10-15T07:06:22Z Ella Kay244 3107007 linked 'burnout' to a beyond blue page describing symptoms 2840415 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Empathy fatigue and emotional exhaustion:<br>How does sustained empathic engagement contribute to emotional exhaustion?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Exhausted smartphone user.JPG|right|thumb|150px|'''Figure 1'''. An emotionally exhausted Aelin at the end of the work day]] ; Scenario Aelin, a 23-year-old social worker employed at headspace {{ic|Link to the Wikipedia article to help explain what this term means}}, works with approximately 20 {{ic|Explain what sort of}}Imagine you are only 23 years old and are working as a social worker at headspace. You see around 20 clients each week, many of whom have experienced rough living conditions. During your first six months in this role, you felt highly motivated and excited to help people in need. You are an excellent active listener and can easily remember details about your clients Live’s. You are also good at recognising signs of distress in your client’s body language and adjust yours in order to show warmth and understanding. As you progress in your role, you take on more cases that involve complex past traumas. The workload becomes too much for you to get done at work, but you don’t want your clients to miss out, so you take your work home to complete it in the evenings. Your workload increases again and you now start doing work on your weekends as well. After several months of working this way, you start to notice you feel exhausted every morning before you have even started work. You then start to notice you’re responding to people at work differently. Instead of your usual energised active listening response you feel frustrated, empathetic and detached. After work you are too drained to socialise with friends. This begins to worry you. What if you won’t be able to continue working as a social worker? {{RoundBoxBottom}} Aelin is experiencing '''emotional exhaustion''' from a sustained empathic response. Due to the nature of Aelin's work, they are constantly engaged in an empathic response. Empathic responses require cognitive and physical resources to sustain. Because Aelin is taking their work home and not resting on weekends, they do not have a chance to rest. It is important for Aelin to recognise what is happening and why. Not actioning the problem has led to empathy fatigue and emotional exhaustion. Emotional exhaustion is one of the key aspects of [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FEmpathy_fatigue_and_emotional_exhaustion&diff=2840411&oldid=2832859 burnout], a long-term condition of existing in a constant state of high stress. Psychological science can support Aelin in recognising and mapping the symptoms they are experiencing, understand coping strategies to minimise the current and future effects to improve their wellbeing. Understanding the symptoms will also support their role as a social worker, providing more tools for the people they support on a day-to-day basis. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * Why do we become emotionally exhausted? * What is the relationship between empathy fatigue and emotional exhaustion? * What role does emotional labor play in emotional exhaustion? * What can we {{ic|Use 3rd person perspetive for focus questions}} do if we're experiencing emotional exhaustion? * How can we {{ic|Use 3rd person perspetive for focus questions}} use our understanding of emotional labor and empathy fatigue to reduce the effects of emotional exhaustion? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Emotional Exhaustion == General introduction/definition of emotional exhaustion * Talk about stress and its role in emotional exhaustion * How would you recognise that someone is emotionally exhausted (symptoms) ** Emotional exhaustion as a symptom of burnout (De Beer et al., 2024) ** Introduce theories of emotional exhaustion === Conservation of resources stress model === * Psychological stress occurs when individuals lose valued resources (Halbesleben et al., 2014; Hobfoll, 1989) ** Discuss what resources are (e.g. social relationships) ** Discuss how losing resources leads to increased vulnerability to stress ** discuss gain and loss spirals === Job Demands-Resources model === * Talk about Job demands and job resources (Demerouti et al., 2001) ** Why do we actually feel exhausted after a sustained empathic response? ** Job demands require sustained physical or psychological effort *** Empathic response can be a job demand ** Job resources support achieving work goals or reduce job demands * Discuss how the model looks at prolonged job demands depleting energy leading to exhaustion/burnout (Schaufeli, 2017) * Discuss how the model treats job resources as a mediating factor for reducing the negative effects of job demands == Empathy Fatigue == * Before understanding empathy fatigue, define what empathy is (what are the theories behind empathy? Why do we have empathy? What theory am I using) ** Individual ability to imagine or understand another person's feelings and/or emotions (Riess, 2017; Shao et al., 2024) === What are the types of empathy? === * Affective empathy - emotional reaction to someone else's mental state (Shao et al., 2024) * Cognitive empathy - understand someone's feelings or emotions (Cui et al., 2022) * Integrating the two - "affective component is the essence of empathy, and the cognitive component is a process through which that essence comes into being" (Bošnjaković & Radionov, 2018) ** (Author's note: change quote into paraphrasing) === What is compassion fatigue? (theories of compassion fatigue) === * Distinction between empathy and compassion fatigue * Compassion fatigue is closely related to Secondary traumatic stress usually found in healthcare professionals (Figley, 2002) ** Compassion fatigue is to Empathy fatigue as emotional exhaustion is to burnout * Make it clear that Aelin is experiencing Compassion Fatigue vs Empathy fatigue (they are the same but different) (Author's note: include an update to the scenario here!) '''Empathy fatigue questions'''. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Surface acting is when the observer actually feels the emotion: |type="()"} - True + False {Compassion fatigue and empathy fatigue are synonymous: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> == Emotional labor as a mediating factor between Empathy fatigue and emotional exhaustion == What is emotional labor (Hochschild, 2012) === Types of acting === * Surface acting ** This is where emotive dissonance comes into play ** Leads to emotional exhaustion * Deep acting ** People who 'deep act', as in genuinely change the way they feel (match the feelings they have with the feelings that they need to display) often report positive relationships with emotional labor Discuss the differences in gender norms and expectations in relationships === The mediating effect of emotional labor === Surface acting does not mediate the effect (high surface acting leads to emotional exhaustion) whereas the inverse is true for deep acting (Wrobel, 2013) === Emotional contagion === If space/time permits discuss the role of emotional contagion * Emotional contagion (Panksepp and Lahvis, 2011) ** emotions can spread (expand, combines empathy and acting) ** “the tendency to automatically mimic and synchronize expressions, vocalizations, postures, and movements with those of another person’s and, consequently, to converge emotionally.” (Elaine Hatfield, 1993) == Strategies for combating Empathy fatigue and emotional fatigue == * Talk about emotion regulation (Gross, 1998) and mood regulation strategies as a way to deal with coping (Wrobel, 2013) (Author's note: need more research/references for this section) * Talk about breaks ** Rest and downtime from not performing emotional labor regenerates * How do we reduce the amount of emotional labor we're performing (Jeung et al., 2018) ** Communication/boundaries ** Reducing surface acting (allowing ourselves to feel how we actually feel and reduce emotive dissonance) === Strategies in the workplace === * Discuss types of strategies that are available in the workplace (organisation models) * SCARF model (Aplin-Houtz, 2025) ** Link back to COR and JDR models e.g. praise could be a job resource vs criticism could be a job demand ==Figures (for reference before final assessment)== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Example of an image with a descriptive caption.]] * Use figures to illustrate concepts, add interest, and to serve as examples * Figures can show photos, diagrams, graphs, video, audio, etc. * Embed figures throughout the chapter, starting with the scenario in the Overview section * Caption figures (use '''Figure #'''. and explain the relevance of the image to the text) * Images must be embedded from [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] * Images can be uploaded to [[commons:|Wikimedia Commons]] if they are openly licensed * Cite each figure at least once in the main text (e.g., see Figure 2) == Learning features (for reference before final assessment) == Interactive learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples describe concepts in action * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citations * Can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]] {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use to tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Which Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing Knowing x Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * Using one or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Long and complex quiz questions are recommended: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Summarise what empathy fatigue is, and why people become emotionally exhausted (+ the role of emotional labor) * Summarise the symptoms and how to recognise them in yourself and someone else * Emphasise and summarise psychological strategies to support someone going through emotional exhaustion * Summarise ways to prevent emotional exhaustion from happening * Overall message is: *# What is emotional exhaustion *# how do you recognise it *# how do you treat it *# how do you prevent it * Link back to the focus questions ==See also== * [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion/Book/2025/Metacognition_and_emotional_regulation&oldid=2756264 Metacognition and emotional regulation] (Book chapter, 2026) {{ic|Use an internal link style as shown in Tutorial 2}} * [[wikipedia:Conservation_of_resources_theory|Conservation of resources theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Job_demands-resources_model|Job demands-resources model]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Aplin-Houtz, M. (2025). Unraveling the SCARF: How dimensions of the SCARF model influence the relationship between workplace exclusion and turnover intentions. Journal of Management & Organization, 31(6), 2699–2725. https://doi.org/10.1017/jmo.2025.10026 Bošnjaković, J., & Radionov, T. (2018). Empathy: Concepts, Theories and Neuroscientific Basis. Alcoholism (Zagreb), 54(2), 123–150. https://doi.org/10.20471/de..2018.54.02.04 Cui, F., Huang, X., Jing, Y., Luo, Y., Liu, J., & Gu, R. (2022). How resource sharing resists scarcity: the role of cognitive empathy and its neurobiological mechanisms. Cerebral Cortex (New York, N.Y. 1991), 32(23), 5330–5342. https://doi.org/10.1093/cercor/bhac017 De Beer, L. T., van der Vaart, L., Escaffi-Schwarz, M., De Witte, H., & Schaufeli, W. B. (2024). Maslach Burnout Inventory - General Survey. European Journal of Psychological Assessment : Official Organ of the European Association of Psychological Assessment, 40(5), 360–375. https://doi.org/10.1027/1015-5759/a000797 Demerouti, E., Bakker, A. B., Nachreiner, F., & Schaufeli, W. B. (2001). The Job Demands-Resources Model of Burnout. Journal of Applied Psychology, 86(3), 499–512. https://doi.org/10.1037/0021-9010.86.3.499 Figley, C. R. (2002). Compassion fatigue: Psychotherapists’ chronic lack of self care. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 58(11), 1433–1441. https://doi.org/10.1002/jclp.10090 Grandey, A. A. (2003). When ‘the show must go on’: surface acting and deep acting as determinants of emotional exhaustion and peer-rated service delivery. Academy of Management Journal, 46(1), 86–96. https://doi.org/10.5465/30040678 Gross, J. J. (1998). The emerging field of emotion regulation: An integrative review. Review of General Psychology, 2(3), 271–299. https://doi.org/10.1037/1089-2680.2.3.271 Halbesleben, J. R. B., Neveu, J.-P., Paustian-Underdahl, S. C., & Westman, M. (2014). Getting to the “COR”: Understanding the Role of Resources in Conservation of Resources Theory. Journal of Management, 40(5), 1334–1364. https://doi.org/10.1177/0149206314527130 Hatfield, E., Cacioppo, J. T., & Rapson, R. L. (1993). Emotional Contagion. Current Directions in Psychological Science : A Journal of the American Psychological Society, 2(3), 96–99. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8721.ep10770953 Hobfoll, S. E. (1989). Conservation of Resources: A New Attempt at Conceptualizing Stress. The American Psychologist, 44(3), 513–524. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.44.3.513 Hochschild, A. R. (2012). The managed heart : commercialization of human feeling (Updated, with a new preface.). University of California Press. Jeung, D.-Y., Kim, C., & Chang, S.-J. (2018). Emotional Labor and Burnout: A Review of the Literature. Yonsei Medical Journal, 59(2), 187–193. https://doi.org/10.3349/ymj.2018.59.2.187 Lavelle, J. J., Rupp, D. E., Herda, D. N., Pandey, A., & Lauck, J. R. (2021). Customer Injustice and Employee Performance: Roles of Emotional Exhaustion, Surface Acting, and Emotional Demands–Abilities Fit. Journal of Management, 47(3), Article 0149206319869426. https://doi.org/10.1177/0149206319869426 Panksepp, J. B., & Lahvis, G. P. (2011). Rodent empathy and affective neuroscience. Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews, 35(9), 1864–1875. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2011.05.013 Riess, H. (2017). The Science of Empathy. Journal of Patient Experience, 4(2), 74–77. https://doi.org/10.1177/2374373517699267 Schaufeli, W. B. (2017). Applying the job demands-resources model: a “how to” guide to measuring and tackling work engagement and burnout. Organizational Dynamics, 46(2), 120–132. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.orgdyn.2017.04.008 Shao, M., Li, L., Li, X., Wei, Z., Wang, J., Hong, M., Liu, X., & Meng, J. (2024). The effect of top-down attention on empathy fatigue. Cerebral Cortex (New York, N.Y. 1991), 34(1), Article bhad441. https://doi.org/10.1093/cercor/bhad441 Wharton, A. S. (2009). The Sociology of Emotional Labor. Annual Review of Sociology, 35(1), 147–165. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-070308-115944 Wrobel, M. (2013). Can empathy lead to emotional exhaustion in teachers? The mediating role of emotional labor. International Journal of Occupational Medicine and Environmental Health, 26(4), 581–592. https://doi.org/10.2478/s13382-013-0123-1 }} ==External links== Provide [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|external links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Only select links to major external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Burnout]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Empathy]] mpu6vttjwk9a6su2lf4f6v4408t2ql5 0 331262 2840434 2840147 2026-10-15T09:44:46Z U3228742 3005570 /* References */ correcting errors in formatting 2840434 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Dark empathy:<br>What is dark empathy, what are its consequences, and what can be done to address it?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} ;Scenario In a workplace, a new colleague, Addison, joined a close-knit team. He is charming and empathises with each team member. Addison fits in the team very well and many of the colleagues to them for advice. The lead role for a project becomes available and several members of the team decide to apply. One member, Charlie, takes Addison’s offer to help them prepare for the promotion. Charlie shares her fears and her perceived weaknesses for the role. Before the interviews, Addison strategically reminds Charlie about her weaknesses with a supportive twist. ''“Good luck, Charlie. Take a breath and pause to avoid speaking too quickly. Despite your limited leadership experience, your skills speak for themselves. You got this!”'' Charlie felt very nervous and stumbled in the interview. She de-briefed with another colleague who said she never heard her speak quickly when nervous. She was known for keeping a calm front under pressure. After a few weeks, the promotion is given to Addison. No one knew Addison had applied and the team was shocked since they have limited skills in this area of the work. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Empathy can have a bright and dark side (Throop et al., 2020). The concern is when individuals with dark tetrad personality traits leverage their understanding of emotions and feels to manipulate, control, or exploit to others. Dark empathy is a developed skill that uses the understanding of emotion and people's vulnerabilities against them to control and manipulate for their advantage (Throop et al., 2020). To consider the use of dark empathy, we need to understanding why and how people use it. Individuals with high dark tetrads usually struggle to understand body language and emotion. The ability to understand emotion and feelings allow these individuals to go undetected for longer and have better control of those around them. The ability to deceive and hide makes addressing the underlying behavioural problems harder. Their continued strategic and charming manipulation destroy the psychological safety of others around them. Research indicates understanding emotional intelligence, the dark tetrad, and theory of mind could assist with understanding the use of dark empathy (Vonk et al., 2015). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=1}} ;Focus questions *How does dark empathy develop? *What drives an individual to use empathy to control and manipulate other people in their life? *How can psychological theory develop strategies to understand and assist individuals mitigate the negative effects of empathy? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == The development of empathy == [[Empathy]] is is the ability to share feelings and thoughts of others while remaining self-other determination (Håkansson Eklund & Summer Meranius, 2021). Empathy is not an innate, rather learned and developed. It can be cultivated through techniques to understand other's feelings and foster [[wikipedia:Prosocial_behavior|pro-social behaviour]] (Abramson, 2021). Research found adolescences developed empathy through parental influence (Jiang et al., 2024), social context (such as group membership) (Decety, 2015), cultivation through listening to music (Rabinowitch et al., 2013), and reading fiction (Bal & Veltkamp, 2013). === The dark tetrad === [[File:Dark-triad-dark-tetrad-1.webp|thumb|'''Figure 1.''' The dark trait updated to include the fourth element of sadism. This created the dark tetrad of personality. ]] Dark personality traits were called the dark triad (Paulhus & Williams, 2002). An expansion on these traits were to include a fourth element, sadism (Mededovic & Petrovic, 2015). There are four elements to the dark tetrad (see Figure 1): * Narcissism * Machiavellianism * Psychopathy * Sadism These traits demonstrate individuals have limited ability to comprehend other’s emotions and read their mental states (Vonk et al., 2015). Individuals are self-centred, emotionally unstable, and focused on anti-social behaviour which leads to few of them demonstrating empathy (Kaufman et al., 2019). See Table 1 for the breakdown of the personality traits. '''Table 1'''. Dark tetrad personality traits breakdown and behavioural signs {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! Personality traits !! Definition !! Behavioural signs |- | '''Narcissism''' || Self-importance and constant need for admiration || Arrogance, entitlement, and bragging |- | '''Machiavellianism''' || Strategic manipulation, calculated world view and general distrust of motives and integrity || Deception, exploitation, and emotional detachment |- | '''Psychopathy''' || Lack of empathy, poor impulse control, and fearlessness || Reckless, charming, no remorse, and cruel |- | '''Sadism''' || Deriving pleasure or enjoyment from harming others || Bullying, shaming, and humiliating others |} === Theory of Mind (ToM) === Theory of Mind '''i'''s the ability to understand the internal mental states of others, including their beliefs and intentions (Wellman & Liu, 2004). ToM and empathy are both important influences on [[Prosocial behavior|pro-social behaviour]] (Qiu et al., 2024). Prosocial behaviour means sharing, caring, helping, donating, comforting, and cooperating with others (Guo et al., 2023). Dark trait personalities do not demonstrate prosocial behaviours (Hurezan et al., 2026). However, ToM can explain how dark personalities use dark empathy to understand others and their own motives (Qiu et al., 2024). Dark trait individuals use this ability to read other's mental states and exploit for their personal gain (Gojković et al., 2022). Dark empaths use ToM to understand their own mental state to maintain their charming, empathic mask while manipulating others. === Types of empathy === Empathy has bright and dark sides as well two types (Throop et al., 2020): * Affective empathy is physical and emotional sharing of feelings **This empathy is experiencing with the other person which is found more commonly in bright empathy * Cognitive empathy is the intellectual understanding of another’s emotions and thoughts without feeling their pain. **This empathy is the understanding, yet keeping that self-other determination which makes it easier for manipulating by utilising emotions against another Empathy relies on the individual to use it based on their morals and beliefs (Breithaupt & Hamilton, 2019). In a study looking at parent's influence on teenagers morals, empathy was not increased in teens with narcissistic traits (Jiang et al., 2024). This shows that dark traits are strongly than external influences. Therefore, the type of empathy is matters when looking at dark trait individuals. For example, machiavellianism is the strategic manipulation and leads to deception. If the motivation is to deceive and control, then cognitive empathy allows to comprehend how someone thinks and feels without experiencing the emotion. This can explain why individual with dark traits use cognitive empathy for their own interests. === Making of a dark empath === Dark Empathy is understanding those feelings and harnessing them against others (Breithaupt & Hamilton, 2019). Empathy is not inherently good or bad. People must choose how to use their understanding of others' feelings (Throop et al., 2020). The development of dark empathy is when an individual has high levels of dark traits (narcissism, machiavellianism, psychopathy, and sadism) and has retained high cognitive and affective empathy capacity (Gojković et al., 2022). Research assessing individuals with high levels of dark traits found these personality types do not share common societal ethics and morality (Mededovic & Petrovic, 2015). This means these people are less likely to be honest and fair towards others. Dark empath is not a psychological diagnosis. Instead, it distinguishes itself from other dark personality traits by adding the unusual presence of empathy. For example, narcissists are individuals who are self-centred, arrogant, and empathic are dark empaths (Hepper et al., 2014). '''The use of cognitive empathy is''' beneficial to narcissists’ goals and demonstrating empathy allows them to hide (Hepper et al., 2014). Dark empathy is found in individuals with high levels of dark traits and cognitive empathy (Duradoni et al., 2023). Cognitive empathy rather than affective empathy allows the individual to understand emotions and thoughts without having to feel the emotions which in turn makes it easier to manipulate others. Furthermore, an individual with affective dissonance is another indicator of dark empathy. It is having twisted or contradictory emotional reactions, such as feeling happy when someone else is suffering that is present in those with high dark traits (Gojković et al., 2022). Individuals with dark traits have self-centred manipulation behaviours such as chronic lying, superficial charm and lack of remorse (Vonk et al., 2015). Affective dissonance brings joy to the individual from their deception. This means those with high dark traits may develop empathy to suit their self-centred goals. Research demonstrates that experiencing trauma as a child where you had to predict and understand other's emotions to keep safe may lead to the development of dark empathy (Bloxsom et al., 2021). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} ;Quiz <quiz display=simple> {Dark empath is : |type="()"} + True - False {Long and complex quiz questions are recommended: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Consequences of dark empathy == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} ;Scenario continued Charlie was assigned to report to Addison on the project and found herself becoming anxious at their one-on-one performance meetings. Charlie would spend over an hour preparing for the meetings despite keeping meticulous progress notes. She feels exhausted after each interaction and starts doubting her skills. Addison finds it hard to keep up with the workload. Other team members have complained that Addison has not been running the project well. Addison’s boss reviews the work and finds Addison has not been monitoring the project. Charlie’s work had been the only compliment the boss had for the update. Addison takes credit for Charlie's work and claims he has been managing Charlie's failing performance. Addison is to provide an update on the project and Charlie's performance. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Empathy is positively linked with depression (Yan et al., 2021) and can lead to severe emotional distress and burnout (Huang et al., 2025). An individual can use affective empathy  to deceive, manipulate and exploit (Huang et al., 2025). The addition of their dark trait skills such as charm and chronic lying (Gojković et al., 2022) they can manipulate to achieve their goals while pretending to be an ally. The person using dark empathy and those they are manipulating are both impacted by the behaviour and will harm their wellbeing (Heym et al., 2021). For an individual to perceive one’s emotions, plan and consider how to react to control another takes a lot of energy. There is a physical component on controlling their body language and expression to disarm others (Throop et al., 2020). While the use of empathy may bring people together through a shared emotion and experience, dark empathy isolates from community (Throop et al., 2020). === Effects on victims of dark empathy === The immediate impacts on their relationships are startle and unlikely to be noticed. Dark empaths use their charming demeanour and their strategic understanding of other’s emotions and feelings to appear kind and empathic. The ability to gaslight and Over time an individual dealing with a dark empath will develop chronic anxiety, depression, lower self-esteem, emotional dependency (Yan et al., 2021), shame, and humiliation (Throop et al., 2020).Dark traits are often linked to aggressive behaviours which increases the likelihood of intimate partner violence (Galán et al., 2026). === Outcome for dark empaths === An individual using dark empathy may find the indifference and emotional de-attachment to others useful to achieving their goals (Throop et al., 2020). The emotional distance can intervene serve as a protective factor or buffer to psychological distress for the dark empath  (Heym et al., 2021). As empathy combined with self-judgement and/or over-thinking can cause emotional distress (Heym et al., 2021). Therefore, an individual who have dark traits and cognitive empathy (understanding but not sharing emotions) does not experience the same level of distress. The ability to not feel the emotions makes them better at utilising other’s vulnerabilities without the consequences. Though controlling others is effective at first, keeping up the mask leads to burnout (Throop et al., 2020). The thought of losing control can cause aggressive behaviour, driven by fear and shame (di Giacomo et al., 2023). While dark trait individuals are more self-centred and lack the pro-social behaviours, hiding their nature can lead to depression and a loss of identity (Qiu et al., 2024). == Addressing dark empathy == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} ;Scenario continued After talking to another colleague, Charlie notices her mental health is declining. She reaches out to the Employee Assistance Program (EAP) for support about her stress. The counsellor asks Charlie to consider when the anxiety and lower self-esteem started. She starts to realise it links back to Addison. Addison continues to blame Charlie for the project's failures. Addison fails to develop the deliverables in time for the boss’ deadline and a meeting is set up with him up with an EAP counsellor. Addison talks about Charlie's 'failures' and the counsellor asks Addison to consider his behaviour and input into the situation. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Dark empathy is not easily recognised as it can lower the appearance of aggressive behaviours in individuals with dark personalities traits (Heym et al., 2021). For example; a narcissist or sociopath may use understanding of ToM to influence others while a dark empath uses their cognitive empathy to control and most likely enjoy other's vulnerable emotions (Heym et al., 2021). The impacts of dark empathy can be found in the relationships of the dark empath. Person-centred approach assists on recognising patterns, identifying behaviours and setting boundaries (Galán et al., 2026). === Recovering from a dark empath === After dealing with a dark empath, an individual may find it hard to notice the patterns. Individual needs to set healthy emotional boundaries in this relationship which will be assisted by seeking therapy to identify patterns and how to address them. Person-centre framework (also known as client-centred approach) (Rogers, 1951) can assist in developing strategies and understanding the patterns they experienced (Galán et al., 2026). Cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) would be effective for unlearning the patterns of abuse and understanding their trauma (Iverson et al., 2011) from the dark empath. === Unravelling from dark empathy === For the dark empath recognising and acknowledging the pattern of behaviour of controlling those around them and the impacts on theirs and other’s wellbeing is the first step. Carl Roger’s approach of self-concept and understanding who they are and their ideal self is supported which allows them to accept their dark tendencies and focus on better strategies to connect with others to develop stronger interpersonal skills (Galán et al., 2026). Some therapies that would be appropriate and effective for dark empaths are: *Dialectial behaviour therapy **A therapy that allows people to talk through and accept their intense feelings (di Giacomo et al., 2023). *[[w:Cognitive_behavioral_therapy|Cognitive Behaviour Therapy]] (CBT) **This therapy assists in addressing anti-social behaviours and fosters pro-social behaviours (Shukla & Upadhyay, 2025) The steps to acknowledging the behaviours and traits are not easy process. The consideration around the dark traits demonstrates a small desire to participate in therapy for the benefit of others (di Giacomo et al., 2023). Their dark traits cause anti-social behaviours and a disregard the impact of their actions. Their lack self-judgement prevents them seeing themselves as part of the problem. == Conclusion == Dark empathy is becoming more relevant when considering the recognition and treatment of dark trait personalities. Empathy can be developed through parental influence (Jiang et al., 2024), social experience (Decety, 2015), listening to music (Rabinowitch et al., 2013) and reading fiction (Rabinowitch et al., 2013). Dark empathy is developed through the desire to understanding another person’s feelings and emotions. While the use of ToM can help understand one’s mental states and others (Wellman & Liu, 2004), dark traits individuals struggle to notice emotional reactions of other people (Jonason & Kroll, 2015).  Dark empathy gives the perception of sharing the emotion rather than developing it to manipulate and exploit. Dark traits such as psychopathy and sadism are more likely to demonstrate anti-social behaviour, a lack of empathy, and joy of other’s pain (Mededovic & Petrovic, 2015). The development of dark empathy provides a mask to hide the intentions behind social behaviour. These individuals are harder to recognise and with cognitive empathy providing the perception of being emotionally aware and pro-social despite the opposite.  Individuals can use their charm and social intelligence to cover their exploitation and manipulation of others. This increases the difficulty of identifying dark empaths and leaves their victims vulnerable to their gaslighting and emotional abuse. Person-centred frameworks assess the behaviours and patterns assist those effected by the exposure to dark empathy and develop boundaries to provide them with coping mechanisms (Galán et al., 2026). ==See also== *[[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Dark triad personality and emotion|Dark triad personality and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2020) *[[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/Emotional intelligence and anti-social behaviour|Emotional intelligence and antisocial behaviour]] (Book chapter, 2019) *[[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Emotional intelligence and the dark triad|Emotional intelligence and the dark triad]] (Book chapter, 2021) *[[wikipedia:Machiavellianism_(psychology)|Machiavellianism]] (Wikipedia) *[[wikipedia:Narcissism|Narcissism]] (Wikipedia) *[[wikipedia:Psychopathy|Psychopathy]] (Wikipedia) *[[wikipedia:Dark_triad|The Dark Triad]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Abramson, A. (2021, November 1). Cultivating empathy. Monitor on Psychology, 52(8). https://www.apa.org/monitor/2021/11/feature-cultivating-empathy Bal, P. M., & Veltkamp, M. (2013). How Does Fiction Reading Influence Empathy? An Experimental Investigation on the Role of Emotional Transportation. PloS one, 8(1), e55341. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0055341 Bloxsom, C. A. J., Firth, J., Kibowski, F., Egan, V., Sumich, A. L., & Heym, N. (2021). Dark shadow of the self: How the dark triad and empathy impact parental and intimate adult attachment relationships in women. Forensic Science International: Mind and Law, 2, 100045. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1016/j.fsiml.2021.100045 Breithaupt, F., & Hamilton, A. B. B. (2019). The dark sides of empathy (1st edition. ed.). Cornell University Press. https://doi.org/10.7591/9781501735608 Decety, J. (2015). The neural pathways, development and functions of empathy. Current opinion in behavioral sciences, 3, 1-6. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cobeha.2014.12.001 di Giacomo, E., Andreini, E., Lorusso, O., & Clerici, M. (2023). The dark side of empathy in narcissistic personality disorder. Front Psychiatry, 14, 1074558. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2023.1074558 Duradoni, M., Gursesli, M. C., Fiorenza, M., Donati, A., & Guazzini, A. (2023). Cognitive Empathy and the Dark Triad: A Literature Review. European Journal of Investigation in Health, Psychology and Education (EJIHPE), 13(11), 2642-2680. https://doi.org/10.3390/ejihpe13110184 Galán, M., Gerber, N., Valls, L., Molina, S., & Pineda, D. (2026). Dark Empaths and Intimate Partner Violence: A Latent Profile Analysis of Dark Tetrad Traits and Empathy Dimensions in Face-to-Face and Cyber Violence Perpetration. Behavioural sciences, 16(10), 1780. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs16101780 Gojković, V., Dostanić, J. S., & Đurić, V. (2022). Structure of darkness: The Dark Triad, the ‘Dark’ Empathy and the ‘Dark’ Narcissism. Primenjena psihologija (Online), 15(2), 237-268. https://doi.org/10.19090/pp.v15i2.2380 Guo, Q., Li, S., Liang, J., Yu, X., & Lv, Y. (2023). Mindfulness may be associated with less prosocial engagement among high intelligence individuals. Scientific reports, 13(1), 4208. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-023-31039-3 Hepper, E. G., Hart, C. M., & Sedikides, C. (2014). Moving Narcissus: Can Narcissists Be Empathic? Personality & social psychology bulletin, 40(9), 1079-1091. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167214535812 Heym, N., Firth, J., Kibowski, F., Sumich, A., Egan, V., & Bloxsom, C. A. (2019). Empathy at the heart of darkness: Empathy deficits that bind the dark triad and those that mediate indirect relational aggression. Frontiers in psychiatry, 10, 95. Heym, N., Kibowski, F., Bloxsom, C. A. J., Blanchard, A., Harper, A., Wallace, L., Firth, J., & Sumich, A. (2021). The Dark Empath: Characterising dark traits in the presence of empathy. Personality and Individual Differences, 169, 110172-110172. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2020.110172 Huang, C., Wu, Z., Sha, S., Liu, C., Yang, L., Jiang, P., Zhang, H., & Yang, C. (2025). The Dark Side of Empathy: The Role of Excessive Affective Empathy in Mental Health Disorders. Biological psychiatry (1969), 98(5), 404-415. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsych.2024.12.020 Hurezan, L., Miu, A. C., Costea, A., & Visu-Petra, L. (2026). Dark Personality, Empathy, and Prosocial Behaviour in Convicted Offenders. Scientific reports, 16(1), 4117-4177. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-025-34229-3 Iverson, K. M., Gradus, J. L., Resick, P. A., Suvak, M. K., Smith, K. F., & Monson, C. M. (2011). Cognitive-Behavioural Therapy for PTSD and Depression Symptoms Reduces Risk for Future Intimate Partner Violence Among Interpersonal Trauma Survivors. Journal of consulting and clinical psychology, 79(2), 193-202. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0022512 Jiang, X., Liu, C., Xiao, X., & Zhan, Y. (2024). Role of narcissism and empathy in the relationship between parental attachment and moral response patterns. European journal of developmental psychology, 21(3), 365-387. https://doi.org/10.1080/17405629.2024.2325173 Jonason, P. K., & Kroll, C. H. (2015). A Multidimensional View of the Relationship Between Empathy and the Dark Triad. Journal of individual differences, 36(3), 150-156. https://doi.org/10.1027/1614-0001/a000166 Kaufman, S. B., Yaden, D. B., Hyde, E., & Tsukayama, E. (2019). The Light vs. Dark Triad of Personality: Contrasting Two Very Different Profiles of Human Nature [Original Research]. Frontiers in psychology, Volume 10 - 2019. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00467 Mededovic, J., & Petrovic, B. (2015). The Dark Tetrad: Structural Properties and Location in the Personality Space. Journal of individual differences, 36(4), 228-236. https://doi.org/10.1027/1614-0001/a000179 Qiu, X., Gao, M., Zhu, H., Li, W., & Jiang, R. (2024). Theory of mind, empathy, and prosocial behaviour in children and adolescent: A meta-analysis. Current psychology (New Brunswick, N.J.), 43(22), 19690-19707. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-024-05762-7 Rabinowitch, T.-C., Cross, I., & Burnard, P. (2013). Long-term musical group interaction has a positive influence on empathy in children. Psychology of music, 41(4), 484-498. https://doi.org/10.1177/0305735612440609 Rogers, C. R. (1951). Client-centered therapy; its current practice, implications, and theory. Houghton Mifflin. Shukla, M., & Upadhyay, N. (2025). Cold hearts and dark minds: A systematic review and meta-analysis of empathy across dark triad personalities. Frontiers in psychiatry, 16, 1546917. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2025.1546917 Throop, C. J., Zahavi, D., de Lucas Freitas, J., Groark, K. P., Maibom, H., Satne, G. L., Stueber, K. R., & Trnka, S. (2020). Dark and Bright Empathy: Phenomenological and Anthropological Reflections. Current anthropology, 61(3), 283-303. https://doi.org/10.1086/708844 Vonk, J., Zeigler-Hill, V., Ewing, D., Mercer, S., & Noser, A. E. (2015). Mindreading in the dark: Dark personality features and theory of mind. Personality and Individual Differences, 87, 50-54. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2015.07.025 Wellman, H. M., & Liu, D. (2004). Scaling of Theory-of-Mind Tasks. Child development, 75(2), 523-541. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2004.00691.x Yan, Z., Zeng, X., Su, J., & Zhang, X. (2021). The dark side of empathy: Meta‐analysis evidence of the relationship between empathy and depression. PsyCh journal (Victoria, Australia), 10(5), 794-804. https://doi.org/10.1002/pchj.482 }} ==External links== * [https://www.sciencefocus.com/wellbeing/dark-empaths Dark Empaths] (Science Focus) * [https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/basics/dark-tetrad Dark Tetrad] (Psychology Today) * [https://www.theguardian.com/science/2024/nov/10/narcissists-only-more-devious-the-truth-about-dark-empaths 'Narcissists - only more devious': the truth about dark empaths] (the Guardian) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Empathy]] md19juojiy79rkf12ft8t92mpfm6rgn 2840435 2840434 2026-10-15T09:45:34Z U3228742 3005570 /* References */ 2840435 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Dark empathy:<br>What is dark empathy, what are its consequences, and what can be done to address it?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} ;Scenario In a workplace, a new colleague, Addison, joined a close-knit team. He is charming and empathises with each team member. Addison fits in the team very well and many of the colleagues to them for advice. The lead role for a project becomes available and several members of the team decide to apply. One member, Charlie, takes Addison’s offer to help them prepare for the promotion. Charlie shares her fears and her perceived weaknesses for the role. Before the interviews, Addison strategically reminds Charlie about her weaknesses with a supportive twist. ''“Good luck, Charlie. Take a breath and pause to avoid speaking too quickly. Despite your limited leadership experience, your skills speak for themselves. You got this!”'' Charlie felt very nervous and stumbled in the interview. She de-briefed with another colleague who said she never heard her speak quickly when nervous. She was known for keeping a calm front under pressure. After a few weeks, the promotion is given to Addison. No one knew Addison had applied and the team was shocked since they have limited skills in this area of the work. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Empathy can have a bright and dark side (Throop et al., 2020). The concern is when individuals with dark tetrad personality traits leverage their understanding of emotions and feels to manipulate, control, or exploit to others. Dark empathy is a developed skill that uses the understanding of emotion and people's vulnerabilities against them to control and manipulate for their advantage (Throop et al., 2020). To consider the use of dark empathy, we need to understanding why and how people use it. Individuals with high dark tetrads usually struggle to understand body language and emotion. The ability to understand emotion and feelings allow these individuals to go undetected for longer and have better control of those around them. The ability to deceive and hide makes addressing the underlying behavioural problems harder. Their continued strategic and charming manipulation destroy the psychological safety of others around them. Research indicates understanding emotional intelligence, the dark tetrad, and theory of mind could assist with understanding the use of dark empathy (Vonk et al., 2015). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=1}} ;Focus questions *How does dark empathy develop? *What drives an individual to use empathy to control and manipulate other people in their life? *How can psychological theory develop strategies to understand and assist individuals mitigate the negative effects of empathy? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == The development of empathy == [[Empathy]] is is the ability to share feelings and thoughts of others while remaining self-other determination (Håkansson Eklund & Summer Meranius, 2021). Empathy is not an innate, rather learned and developed. It can be cultivated through techniques to understand other's feelings and foster [[wikipedia:Prosocial_behavior|pro-social behaviour]] (Abramson, 2021). Research found adolescences developed empathy through parental influence (Jiang et al., 2024), social context (such as group membership) (Decety, 2015), cultivation through listening to music (Rabinowitch et al., 2013), and reading fiction (Bal & Veltkamp, 2013). === The dark tetrad === [[File:Dark-triad-dark-tetrad-1.webp|thumb|'''Figure 1.''' The dark trait updated to include the fourth element of sadism. This created the dark tetrad of personality. ]] Dark personality traits were called the dark triad (Paulhus & Williams, 2002). An expansion on these traits were to include a fourth element, sadism (Mededovic & Petrovic, 2015). There are four elements to the dark tetrad (see Figure 1): * Narcissism * Machiavellianism * Psychopathy * Sadism These traits demonstrate individuals have limited ability to comprehend other’s emotions and read their mental states (Vonk et al., 2015). Individuals are self-centred, emotionally unstable, and focused on anti-social behaviour which leads to few of them demonstrating empathy (Kaufman et al., 2019). See Table 1 for the breakdown of the personality traits. '''Table 1'''. Dark tetrad personality traits breakdown and behavioural signs {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! Personality traits !! Definition !! Behavioural signs |- | '''Narcissism''' || Self-importance and constant need for admiration || Arrogance, entitlement, and bragging |- | '''Machiavellianism''' || Strategic manipulation, calculated world view and general distrust of motives and integrity || Deception, exploitation, and emotional detachment |- | '''Psychopathy''' || Lack of empathy, poor impulse control, and fearlessness || Reckless, charming, no remorse, and cruel |- | '''Sadism''' || Deriving pleasure or enjoyment from harming others || Bullying, shaming, and humiliating others |} === Theory of Mind (ToM) === Theory of Mind '''i'''s the ability to understand the internal mental states of others, including their beliefs and intentions (Wellman & Liu, 2004). ToM and empathy are both important influences on [[Prosocial behavior|pro-social behaviour]] (Qiu et al., 2024). Prosocial behaviour means sharing, caring, helping, donating, comforting, and cooperating with others (Guo et al., 2023). Dark trait personalities do not demonstrate prosocial behaviours (Hurezan et al., 2026). However, ToM can explain how dark personalities use dark empathy to understand others and their own motives (Qiu et al., 2024). Dark trait individuals use this ability to read other's mental states and exploit for their personal gain (Gojković et al., 2022). Dark empaths use ToM to understand their own mental state to maintain their charming, empathic mask while manipulating others. === Types of empathy === Empathy has bright and dark sides as well two types (Throop et al., 2020): * Affective empathy is physical and emotional sharing of feelings **This empathy is experiencing with the other person which is found more commonly in bright empathy * Cognitive empathy is the intellectual understanding of another’s emotions and thoughts without feeling their pain. **This empathy is the understanding, yet keeping that self-other determination which makes it easier for manipulating by utilising emotions against another Empathy relies on the individual to use it based on their morals and beliefs (Breithaupt & Hamilton, 2019). In a study looking at parent's influence on teenagers morals, empathy was not increased in teens with narcissistic traits (Jiang et al., 2024). This shows that dark traits are strongly than external influences. Therefore, the type of empathy is matters when looking at dark trait individuals. For example, machiavellianism is the strategic manipulation and leads to deception. If the motivation is to deceive and control, then cognitive empathy allows to comprehend how someone thinks and feels without experiencing the emotion. This can explain why individual with dark traits use cognitive empathy for their own interests. === Making of a dark empath === Dark Empathy is understanding those feelings and harnessing them against others (Breithaupt & Hamilton, 2019). Empathy is not inherently good or bad. People must choose how to use their understanding of others' feelings (Throop et al., 2020). The development of dark empathy is when an individual has high levels of dark traits (narcissism, machiavellianism, psychopathy, and sadism) and has retained high cognitive and affective empathy capacity (Gojković et al., 2022). Research assessing individuals with high levels of dark traits found these personality types do not share common societal ethics and morality (Mededovic & Petrovic, 2015). This means these people are less likely to be honest and fair towards others. Dark empath is not a psychological diagnosis. Instead, it distinguishes itself from other dark personality traits by adding the unusual presence of empathy. For example, narcissists are individuals who are self-centred, arrogant, and empathic are dark empaths (Hepper et al., 2014). '''The use of cognitive empathy is''' beneficial to narcissists’ goals and demonstrating empathy allows them to hide (Hepper et al., 2014). Dark empathy is found in individuals with high levels of dark traits and cognitive empathy (Duradoni et al., 2023). Cognitive empathy rather than affective empathy allows the individual to understand emotions and thoughts without having to feel the emotions which in turn makes it easier to manipulate others. Furthermore, an individual with affective dissonance is another indicator of dark empathy. It is having twisted or contradictory emotional reactions, such as feeling happy when someone else is suffering that is present in those with high dark traits (Gojković et al., 2022). Individuals with dark traits have self-centred manipulation behaviours such as chronic lying, superficial charm and lack of remorse (Vonk et al., 2015). Affective dissonance brings joy to the individual from their deception. This means those with high dark traits may develop empathy to suit their self-centred goals. Research demonstrates that experiencing trauma as a child where you had to predict and understand other's emotions to keep safe may lead to the development of dark empathy (Bloxsom et al., 2021). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} ;Quiz <quiz display=simple> {Dark empath is : |type="()"} + True - False {Long and complex quiz questions are recommended: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Consequences of dark empathy == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} ;Scenario continued Charlie was assigned to report to Addison on the project and found herself becoming anxious at their one-on-one performance meetings. Charlie would spend over an hour preparing for the meetings despite keeping meticulous progress notes. She feels exhausted after each interaction and starts doubting her skills. Addison finds it hard to keep up with the workload. Other team members have complained that Addison has not been running the project well. Addison’s boss reviews the work and finds Addison has not been monitoring the project. Charlie’s work had been the only compliment the boss had for the update. Addison takes credit for Charlie's work and claims he has been managing Charlie's failing performance. Addison is to provide an update on the project and Charlie's performance. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Empathy is positively linked with depression (Yan et al., 2021) and can lead to severe emotional distress and burnout (Huang et al., 2025). An individual can use affective empathy  to deceive, manipulate and exploit (Huang et al., 2025). The addition of their dark trait skills such as charm and chronic lying (Gojković et al., 2022) they can manipulate to achieve their goals while pretending to be an ally. The person using dark empathy and those they are manipulating are both impacted by the behaviour and will harm their wellbeing (Heym et al., 2021). For an individual to perceive one’s emotions, plan and consider how to react to control another takes a lot of energy. There is a physical component on controlling their body language and expression to disarm others (Throop et al., 2020). While the use of empathy may bring people together through a shared emotion and experience, dark empathy isolates from community (Throop et al., 2020). === Effects on victims of dark empathy === The immediate impacts on their relationships are startle and unlikely to be noticed. Dark empaths use their charming demeanour and their strategic understanding of other’s emotions and feelings to appear kind and empathic. The ability to gaslight and Over time an individual dealing with a dark empath will develop chronic anxiety, depression, lower self-esteem, emotional dependency (Yan et al., 2021), shame, and humiliation (Throop et al., 2020).Dark traits are often linked to aggressive behaviours which increases the likelihood of intimate partner violence (Galán et al., 2026). === Outcome for dark empaths === An individual using dark empathy may find the indifference and emotional de-attachment to others useful to achieving their goals (Throop et al., 2020). The emotional distance can intervene serve as a protective factor or buffer to psychological distress for the dark empath  (Heym et al., 2021). As empathy combined with self-judgement and/or over-thinking can cause emotional distress (Heym et al., 2021). Therefore, an individual who have dark traits and cognitive empathy (understanding but not sharing emotions) does not experience the same level of distress. The ability to not feel the emotions makes them better at utilising other’s vulnerabilities without the consequences. Though controlling others is effective at first, keeping up the mask leads to burnout (Throop et al., 2020). The thought of losing control can cause aggressive behaviour, driven by fear and shame (di Giacomo et al., 2023). While dark trait individuals are more self-centred and lack the pro-social behaviours, hiding their nature can lead to depression and a loss of identity (Qiu et al., 2024). == Addressing dark empathy == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} ;Scenario continued After talking to another colleague, Charlie notices her mental health is declining. She reaches out to the Employee Assistance Program (EAP) for support about her stress. The counsellor asks Charlie to consider when the anxiety and lower self-esteem started. She starts to realise it links back to Addison. Addison continues to blame Charlie for the project's failures. Addison fails to develop the deliverables in time for the boss’ deadline and a meeting is set up with him up with an EAP counsellor. Addison talks about Charlie's 'failures' and the counsellor asks Addison to consider his behaviour and input into the situation. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Dark empathy is not easily recognised as it can lower the appearance of aggressive behaviours in individuals with dark personalities traits (Heym et al., 2021). For example; a narcissist or sociopath may use understanding of ToM to influence others while a dark empath uses their cognitive empathy to control and most likely enjoy other's vulnerable emotions (Heym et al., 2021). The impacts of dark empathy can be found in the relationships of the dark empath. Person-centred approach assists on recognising patterns, identifying behaviours and setting boundaries (Galán et al., 2026). === Recovering from a dark empath === After dealing with a dark empath, an individual may find it hard to notice the patterns. Individual needs to set healthy emotional boundaries in this relationship which will be assisted by seeking therapy to identify patterns and how to address them. Person-centre framework (also known as client-centred approach) (Rogers, 1951) can assist in developing strategies and understanding the patterns they experienced (Galán et al., 2026). Cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) would be effective for unlearning the patterns of abuse and understanding their trauma (Iverson et al., 2011) from the dark empath. === Unravelling from dark empathy === For the dark empath recognising and acknowledging the pattern of behaviour of controlling those around them and the impacts on theirs and other’s wellbeing is the first step. Carl Roger’s approach of self-concept and understanding who they are and their ideal self is supported which allows them to accept their dark tendencies and focus on better strategies to connect with others to develop stronger interpersonal skills (Galán et al., 2026). Some therapies that would be appropriate and effective for dark empaths are: *Dialectial behaviour therapy **A therapy that allows people to talk through and accept their intense feelings (di Giacomo et al., 2023). *[[w:Cognitive_behavioral_therapy|Cognitive Behaviour Therapy]] (CBT) **This therapy assists in addressing anti-social behaviours and fosters pro-social behaviours (Shukla & Upadhyay, 2025) The steps to acknowledging the behaviours and traits are not easy process. The consideration around the dark traits demonstrates a small desire to participate in therapy for the benefit of others (di Giacomo et al., 2023). Their dark traits cause anti-social behaviours and a disregard the impact of their actions. Their lack self-judgement prevents them seeing themselves as part of the problem. == Conclusion == Dark empathy is becoming more relevant when considering the recognition and treatment of dark trait personalities. Empathy can be developed through parental influence (Jiang et al., 2024), social experience (Decety, 2015), listening to music (Rabinowitch et al., 2013) and reading fiction (Rabinowitch et al., 2013). Dark empathy is developed through the desire to understanding another person’s feelings and emotions. While the use of ToM can help understand one’s mental states and others (Wellman & Liu, 2004), dark traits individuals struggle to notice emotional reactions of other people (Jonason & Kroll, 2015).  Dark empathy gives the perception of sharing the emotion rather than developing it to manipulate and exploit. Dark traits such as psychopathy and sadism are more likely to demonstrate anti-social behaviour, a lack of empathy, and joy of other’s pain (Mededovic & Petrovic, 2015). The development of dark empathy provides a mask to hide the intentions behind social behaviour. These individuals are harder to recognise and with cognitive empathy providing the perception of being emotionally aware and pro-social despite the opposite.  Individuals can use their charm and social intelligence to cover their exploitation and manipulation of others. This increases the difficulty of identifying dark empaths and leaves their victims vulnerable to their gaslighting and emotional abuse. Person-centred frameworks assess the behaviours and patterns assist those effected by the exposure to dark empathy and develop boundaries to provide them with coping mechanisms (Galán et al., 2026). ==See also== *[[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Dark triad personality and emotion|Dark triad personality and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2020) *[[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/Emotional intelligence and anti-social behaviour|Emotional intelligence and antisocial behaviour]] (Book chapter, 2019) *[[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Emotional intelligence and the dark triad|Emotional intelligence and the dark triad]] (Book chapter, 2021) *[[wikipedia:Machiavellianism_(psychology)|Machiavellianism]] (Wikipedia) *[[wikipedia:Narcissism|Narcissism]] (Wikipedia) *[[wikipedia:Psychopathy|Psychopathy]] (Wikipedia) *[[wikipedia:Dark_triad|The Dark Triad]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Abramson, A. (2021, November 1). Cultivating empathy. Monitor on Psychology, 52(8). https://www.apa.org/monitor/2021/11/feature-cultivating-empathy Bal, P. M., & Veltkamp, M. (2013). How Does Fiction Reading Influence Empathy? An Experimental Investigation on the Role of Emotional Transportation. PloS one, 8(1), e55341. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0055341 Bloxsom, C. A. J., Firth, J., Kibowski, F., Egan, V., Sumich, A. L., & Heym, N. (2021). Dark shadow of the self: How the dark triad and empathy impact parental and intimate adult attachment relationships in women. Forensic Science International: Mind and Law, 2, 100045. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1016/j.fsiml.2021.100045 Breithaupt, F., & Hamilton, A. B. B. (2019). The dark sides of empathy (1st edition. ed.). Cornell University Press. https://doi.org/10.7591/9781501735608 Decety, J. (2015). The neural pathways, development and functions of empathy. Current opinion in behavioural sciences, 3, 1-6. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cobeha.2014.12.001 di Giacomo, E., Andreini, E., Lorusso, O., & Clerici, M. (2023). The dark side of empathy in narcissistic personality disorder. Front Psychiatry, 14, 1074558. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2023.1074558 Duradoni, M., Gursesli, M. C., Fiorenza, M., Donati, A., & Guazzini, A. (2023). Cognitive Empathy and the Dark Triad: A Literature Review. European Journal of Investigation in Health, Psychology and Education (EJIHPE), 13(11), 2642-2680. https://doi.org/10.3390/ejihpe13110184 Galán, M., Gerber, N., Valls, L., Molina, S., & Pineda, D. (2026). Dark Empaths and Intimate Partner Violence: A Latent Profile Analysis of Dark Tetrad Traits and Empathy Dimensions in Face-to-Face and Cyber Violence Perpetration. Behavioural sciences, 16(10), 1780. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs16101780 Gojković, V., Dostanić, J. S., & Đurić, V. (2022). Structure of darkness: The Dark Triad, the ‘Dark’ Empathy and the ‘Dark’ Narcissism. Primenjena psihologija (Online), 15(2), 237-268. https://doi.org/10.19090/pp.v15i2.2380 Guo, Q., Li, S., Liang, J., Yu, X., & Lv, Y. (2023). Mindfulness may be associated with less prosocial engagement among high intelligence individuals. Scientific reports, 13(1), 4208. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-023-31039-3 Hepper, E. G., Hart, C. M., & Sedikides, C. (2014). Moving Narcissus: Can Narcissists Be Empathic? Personality & social psychology bulletin, 40(9), 1079-1091. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167214535812 Heym, N., Firth, J., Kibowski, F., Sumich, A., Egan, V., & Bloxsom, C. A. (2019). Empathy at the heart of darkness: Empathy deficits that bind the dark triad and those that mediate indirect relational aggression. Frontiers in psychiatry, 10, 95. Heym, N., Kibowski, F., Bloxsom, C. A. J., Blanchard, A., Harper, A., Wallace, L., Firth, J., & Sumich, A. (2021). The Dark Empath: Characterising dark traits in the presence of empathy. Personality and Individual Differences, 169, 110172-110172. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2020.110172 Huang, C., Wu, Z., Sha, S., Liu, C., Yang, L., Jiang, P., Zhang, H., & Yang, C. (2025). The Dark Side of Empathy: The Role of Excessive Affective Empathy in Mental Health Disorders. Biological psychiatry (1969), 98(5), 404-415. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsych.2024.12.020 Hurezan, L., Miu, A. C., Costea, A., & Visu-Petra, L. (2026). Dark Personality, Empathy, and Prosocial Behaviour in Convicted Offenders. Scientific reports, 16(1), 4117-4177. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-025-34229-3 Iverson, K. M., Gradus, J. L., Resick, P. A., Suvak, M. K., Smith, K. F., & Monson, C. M. (2011). Cognitive-Behavioural Therapy for PTSD and Depression Symptoms Reduces Risk for Future Intimate Partner Violence Among Interpersonal Trauma Survivors. Journal of consulting and clinical psychology, 79(2), 193-202. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0022512 Jiang, X., Liu, C., Xiao, X., & Zhan, Y. (2024). Role of narcissism and empathy in the relationship between parental attachment and moral response patterns. European journal of developmental psychology, 21(3), 365-387. https://doi.org/10.1080/17405629.2024.2325173 Jonason, P. K., & Kroll, C. H. (2015). A Multidimensional View of the Relationship Between Empathy and the Dark Triad. Journal of individual differences, 36(3), 150-156. https://doi.org/10.1027/1614-0001/a000166 Kaufman, S. B., Yaden, D. B., Hyde, E., & Tsukayama, E. (2019). The Light vs. Dark Triad of Personality: Contrasting Two Very Different Profiles of Human Nature [Original Research]. Frontiers in psychology, Volume 10 - 2019. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00467 Mededovic, J., & Petrovic, B. (2015). The Dark Tetrad: Structural Properties and Location in the Personality Space. Journal of individual differences, 36(4), 228-236. https://doi.org/10.1027/1614-0001/a000179 Qiu, X., Gao, M., Zhu, H., Li, W., & Jiang, R. (2024). Theory of mind, empathy, and prosocial behaviour in children and adolescent: A meta-analysis. Current psychology (New Brunswick, N.J.), 43(22), 19690-19707. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-024-05762-7 Rabinowitch, T.-C., Cross, I., & Burnard, P. (2013). Long-term musical group interaction has a positive influence on empathy in children. Psychology of music, 41(4), 484-498. https://doi.org/10.1177/0305735612440609 Rogers, C. R. (1951). Client-centered therapy; its current practice, implications, and theory. Houghton Mifflin. Shukla, M., & Upadhyay, N. (2025). Cold hearts and dark minds: A systematic review and meta-analysis of empathy across dark triad personalities. Frontiers in psychiatry, 16, 1546917. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2025.1546917 Throop, C. J., Zahavi, D., de Lucas Freitas, J., Groark, K. P., Maibom, H., Satne, G. L., Stueber, K. R., & Trnka, S. (2020). Dark and Bright Empathy: Phenomenological and Anthropological Reflections. Current anthropology, 61(3), 283-303. https://doi.org/10.1086/708844 Vonk, J., Zeigler-Hill, V., Ewing, D., Mercer, S., & Noser, A. E. (2015). Mindreading in the dark: Dark personality features and theory of mind. Personality and Individual Differences, 87, 50-54. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2015.07.025 Wellman, H. M., & Liu, D. (2004). Scaling of Theory-of-Mind Tasks. Child development, 75(2), 523-541. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2004.00691.x Yan, Z., Zeng, X., Su, J., & Zhang, X. (2021). The dark side of empathy: Meta‐analysis evidence of the relationship between empathy and depression. PsyCh journal (Victoria, Australia), 10(5), 794-804. https://doi.org/10.1002/pchj.482 }} ==External links== * [https://www.sciencefocus.com/wellbeing/dark-empaths Dark Empaths] (Science Focus) * [https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/basics/dark-tetrad Dark Tetrad] (Psychology Today) * [https://www.theguardian.com/science/2024/nov/10/narcissists-only-more-devious-the-truth-about-dark-empaths 'Narcissists - only more devious': the truth about dark empaths] (the Guardian) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Empathy]] sajwfvwfuevafcuzgel542gyt46aa07 2840460 2840435 2026-10-15T10:47:17Z U3228742 3005570 updating changes to grammar 2840460 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Dark empathy:<br>What is dark empathy, what are its consequences, and what can be done to address it?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} ;Scenario In a workplace, a new colleague, Addison, joined a close-knit team. He is charming and empathises with each team member. Addison fits in the team very well and many of the colleagues to him for advice. The lead role for a project becomes available and several members of the team decide to apply. One member, Charlie, takes Addison’s offer to help them prepare for the promotion. Charlie shares her fears and her perceived weaknesses for the role. Before the interviews, Addison strategically reminds Charlie about her weaknesses with a supportive twist. ''“Good luck, Charlie. Take a breath and pause to avoid speaking too quickly. Despite your limited leadership experience, your skills speak for themselves. You got this!”'' Charlie felt very nervous and stumbled in the interview. She de-briefed with another colleague who said she never heard her speak quickly when nervous. She was known for keeping a calm front under pressure. After a few weeks, the promotion is given to Addison. No one knew Addison had applied and the team was shocked since they have limited skills in this area of the work. {{RoundBoxBottom}} '''Empathy can have a bright and dark side (Throop et al., 2020). The concern is when individuals with dark tetrad personality traits leverage their understanding of emotions and feels to manipulate, control, or exploit to others.''' '''Dark empathy is a developed skill that uses the understanding of emotion and people's vulnerabilities against them to control and manipulate for their advantage (Throop et al., 2020). To consider the use of dark empathy, we need to understanding why and how people use it. Individuals with high dark tetrads usually struggle to understand body language and emotion. The ability to understand emotion and feelings allow these individuals to go undetected for longer and have better control of those around them.''' '''The ability to deceive and hide makes addressing the underlying behavioural problems harder. Their continued strategic and charming manipulation destroy the psychological safety of others around them. Research indicates understanding emotional intelligence, the dark tetrad, and theory of mind could assist with understanding the use of dark empathy (Vonk et al., 2015).''' {{RoundBoxTop|theme=1}} ;Focus questions *How does dark empathy develop? *What drives an individual to use empathy to control and manipulate other people in their life? *How can psychological theory develop strategies to understand and assist individuals mitigate the negative effects of empathy? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == The development of empathy == [[Empathy]] is is the ability to share feelings and thoughts of others while remaining self-other determination (Håkansson Eklund & Summer Meranius, 2021). Empathy is not an innate, rather learned and developed. It can be cultivated through techniques to understand other's feelings and foster [[wikipedia:Prosocial_behavior|pro-social behaviour]] (Abramson, 2021). Research found adolescences developed empathy through parental influence (Jiang et al., 2024), social context (such as group membership) (Decety, 2015), cultivation through listening to music (Rabinowitch et al., 2013), and reading fiction (Bal & Veltkamp, 2013). === The dark tetrad === [[File:Dark-triad-dark-tetrad-1.webp|thumb|'''Figure 1.''' The dark trait updated to include the fourth element of sadism. This created the dark tetrad of personality. ]] Dark personality traits were called the dark triad (Paulhus & Williams, 2002). An expansion on these traits were to include a fourth element, sadism (Mededovic & Petrovic, 2015). There are four elements to the dark tetrad (see Figure 1): * Narcissism * Machiavellianism * Psychopathy * Sadism These traits demonstrate individuals have limited ability to comprehend other’s emotions and read their mental states (Vonk et al., 2015). Individuals are self-centred, emotionally unstable, and focused on anti-social behaviour which leads to few of them demonstrating empathy (Kaufman et al., 2019). See Table 1 for the breakdown of the personality traits. '''Table 1'''. Dark tetrad personality traits breakdown and behavioural signs {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! Personality traits !! Definition !! Behavioural signs |- | '''Narcissism''' || Self-importance and constant need for admiration || Arrogance, entitlement, and bragging |- | '''Machiavellianism''' || Strategic manipulation, calculated world view and general distrust of motives and integrity || Deception, exploitation, and emotional detachment |- | '''Psychopathy''' || Lack of empathy, poor impulse control, and fearlessness || Reckless, charming, no remorse, and cruel |- | '''Sadism''' || Deriving pleasure or enjoyment from harming others || Bullying, shaming, and humiliating others |} === Theory of Mind (ToM) === Theory of Mind '''i'''s the ability to understand the internal mental states of others, including their beliefs and intentions (Wellman & Liu, 2004). ToM and empathy are both important influences on [[Prosocial behavior|pro-social behaviour]] (Qiu et al., 2024). Prosocial behaviour means sharing, caring, helping, donating, comforting, and cooperating with others (Guo et al., 2023). Dark trait personalities do not demonstrate prosocial behaviours (Hurezan et al., 2026). However, ToM can explain how dark personalities use dark empathy to understand others and their own motives (Qiu et al., 2024). Dark trait individuals use this ability to read other's mental states and exploit for their personal gain (Gojković et al., 2022). Dark empaths use ToM to understand their own mental state to maintain their charming, empathic mask while manipulating others. === Types of empathy === Empathy has bright and dark sides as well two types (Throop et al., 2020): * Affective empathy is physical and emotional sharing of feelings **This empathy is experiencing with the other person which is found more commonly in bright empathy * Cognitive empathy is the intellectual understanding of another’s emotions and thoughts without feeling their pain. **This empathy is the understanding, yet keeping that self-other determination which makes it easier for manipulating by utilising emotions against another Empathy relies on the individual to use it based on their morals and beliefs (Breithaupt & Hamilton, 2019). In a study looking at parent's influence on teenagers morals, empathy was not increased in teens with narcissistic traits (Jiang et al., 2024). This shows that dark traits are strongly than external influences. Therefore, the type of empathy is matters when looking at dark trait individuals. For example, machiavellianism is the strategic manipulation and leads to deception. If the motivation is to deceive and control, then cognitive empathy allows to comprehend how someone thinks and feels without experiencing the emotion. This can explain why individual with dark traits use cognitive empathy for their own interests. === Making of a dark empath === Dark Empathy is understanding those feelings and harnessing them against others (Breithaupt & Hamilton, 2019). Empathy is not inherently good or bad. People must choose how to use their understanding of others' feelings (Throop et al., 2020). The development of dark empathy is when an individual has high levels of dark traits (narcissism, machiavellianism, psychopathy, and sadism) and has retained high cognitive and affective empathy capacity (Gojković et al., 2022). Research assessing individuals with high levels of dark traits found these personality types do not share common societal ethics and morality (Mededovic & Petrovic, 2015). This means these people are less likely to be honest and fair towards others. Dark empath is not a psychological diagnosis. Instead, it distinguishes itself from other dark personality traits by adding the unusual presence of empathy. For example, narcissists are individuals who are self-centred, arrogant, and empathic are dark empaths (Hepper et al., 2014). '''The use of cognitive empathy is''' beneficial to narcissists’ goals and demonstrating empathy allows them to hide (Hepper et al., 2014). Dark empathy is found in individuals with high levels of dark traits and cognitive empathy (Duradoni et al., 2023). Cognitive empathy rather than affective empathy allows the individual to understand emotions and thoughts without having to feel the emotions which in turn makes it easier to manipulate others. Furthermore, an individual with affective dissonance is another indicator of dark empathy. It is having twisted or contradictory emotional reactions, such as feeling happy when someone else is suffering that is present in those with high dark traits (Gojković et al., 2022). Individuals with dark traits have self-centred manipulation behaviours such as chronic lying, superficial charm and lack of remorse (Vonk et al., 2015). Affective dissonance brings joy to the individual from their deception. This means those with high dark traits may develop empathy to suit their self-centred goals. Research demonstrates that experiencing trauma as a child where you had to predict and understand other's emotions to keep safe may lead to the development of dark empathy (Bloxsom et al., 2021). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} ;Quiz <quiz display=simple> {Dark empath is : |type="()"} + True - False {Long and complex quiz questions are recommended: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Consequences of dark empathy == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} ;Scenario continued Charlie was assigned to report to Addison on the project and found herself becoming anxious at their one-on-one performance meetings. Charlie would spend over an hour preparing for the meetings despite keeping meticulous progress notes. She feels exhausted after each interaction and starts doubting her skills. Addison finds it hard to keep up with the workload. Other team members have complained that Addison has not been running the project well. Addison’s boss reviews the work and finds Addison has not been monitoring the project. Charlie’s work had been the only compliment the boss had for the update. Addison takes credit for Charlie's work and claims he has been managing Charlie's failing performance. Addison is to provide an update on the project and Charlie's performance. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Empathy is positively linked with depression (Yan et al., 2021) and can lead to severe emotional distress and burnout (Huang et al., 2025). An individual can use affective empathy  to deceive, manipulate and exploit (Huang et al., 2025). The addition of their dark trait skills such as charm and chronic lying (Gojković et al., 2022) they can manipulate to achieve their goals while pretending to be an ally. The person using dark empathy and those they are manipulating are both impacted by the behaviour and will harm their wellbeing (Heym et al., 2021). For an individual to perceive one’s emotions, plan and consider how to react to control another takes a lot of energy. There is a physical component on controlling their body language and expression to disarm others (Throop et al., 2020). While the use of empathy may bring people together through a shared emotion and experience, dark empathy isolates from community (Throop et al., 2020). === Effects on victims of dark empathy === The immediate impacts on their relationships are startle and unlikely to be noticed. Dark empaths use their charming demeanour and their strategic understanding of other’s emotions and feelings to appear kind and empathic. The ability to gaslight and Over time an individual dealing with a dark empath will develop chronic anxiety, depression, lower self-esteem, emotional dependency (Yan et al., 2021), shame, and humiliation (Throop et al., 2020).Dark traits are often linked to aggressive behaviours which increases the likelihood of intimate partner violence (Galán et al., 2026). === Outcome for dark empaths === An individual using dark empathy may find the indifference and emotional de-attachment to others useful to achieving their goals (Throop et al., 2020). The emotional distance can intervene serve as a protective factor or buffer to psychological distress for the dark empath  (Heym et al., 2021). As empathy combined with self-judgement and/or over-thinking can cause emotional distress (Heym et al., 2021). Therefore, an individual who have dark traits and cognitive empathy (understanding but not sharing emotions) does not experience the same level of distress. The ability to not feel the emotions makes them better at utilising other’s vulnerabilities without the consequences. Though controlling others is effective at first, keeping up the mask leads to burnout (Throop et al., 2020). The thought of losing control can cause aggressive behaviour, driven by fear and shame (di Giacomo et al., 2023). While dark trait individuals are more self-centred and lack the pro-social behaviours, hiding their nature can lead to depression and a loss of identity (Qiu et al., 2024). == Addressing dark empathy == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} ;Scenario continued After talking to another colleague, Charlie notices her mental health is declining. She reaches out to the Employee Assistance Program (EAP) for support about her stress. The counsellor asks Charlie to consider when the anxiety and lower self-esteem started. She starts to realise it links back to Addison. Addison continues to blame Charlie for the project's failures. Addison fails to develop the deliverables in time for the boss’ deadline and a meeting is set up with him up with an EAP counsellor. Addison talks about Charlie's 'failures' and the counsellor asks Addison to consider his behaviour and input into the situation. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Dark empathy is not easily recognised as it can lower the appearance of aggressive behaviours in individuals with dark personalities traits (Heym et al., 2021). For example; a narcissist or sociopath may use understanding of ToM to influence others while a dark empath uses their cognitive empathy to control and most likely enjoy other's vulnerable emotions (Heym et al., 2021). The impacts of dark empathy can be found in the relationships of the dark empath. Person-centred approach assists on recognising patterns, identifying behaviours and setting boundaries (Galán et al., 2026). === Recovering from a dark empath === After dealing with a dark empath, an individual may find it hard to notice the patterns. Individual needs to set healthy emotional boundaries in this relationship which will be assisted by seeking therapy to identify patterns and how to address them. Person-centre framework (also known as client-centred approach) (Rogers, 1951) can assist in developing strategies and understanding the patterns they experienced (Galán et al., 2026). Cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) would be effective for unlearning the patterns of abuse and understanding their trauma (Iverson et al., 2011) from the dark empath. === Unravelling from dark empathy === For the dark empath recognising and acknowledging the pattern of behaviour of controlling those around them and the impacts on theirs and other’s wellbeing is the first step. Carl Roger’s approach of self-concept and understanding who they are and their ideal self is supported which allows them to accept their dark tendencies and focus on better strategies to connect with others to develop stronger interpersonal skills (Galán et al., 2026). Some therapies that would be appropriate and effective for dark empaths are: *Dialectial behaviour therapy **A therapy that allows people to talk through and accept their intense feelings (di Giacomo et al., 2023). *[[w:Cognitive_behavioral_therapy|Cognitive Behaviour Therapy]] (CBT) **This therapy assists in addressing anti-social behaviours and fosters pro-social behaviours (Shukla & Upadhyay, 2025) The steps to acknowledging the behaviours and traits are not easy process. The consideration around the dark traits demonstrates a small desire to participate in therapy for the benefit of others (di Giacomo et al., 2023). Their dark traits cause anti-social behaviours and a disregard the impact of their actions. Their lack self-judgement prevents them seeing themselves as part of the problem. == Conclusion == Dark empathy is becoming more relevant when considering the recognition and treatment of dark trait personalities. Empathy can be developed through parental influence (Jiang et al., 2024), social experience (Decety, 2015), listening to music (Rabinowitch et al., 2013) and reading fiction (Rabinowitch et al., 2013). Dark empathy is developed through the desire to understanding another person’s feelings and emotions. While the use of ToM can help understand one’s mental states and others (Wellman & Liu, 2004), dark traits individuals struggle to notice emotional reactions of other people (Jonason & Kroll, 2015).  Dark empathy gives the perception of sharing the emotion rather than developing it to manipulate and exploit. Dark traits such as psychopathy and sadism are more likely to demonstrate anti-social behaviour, a lack of empathy, and joy of other’s pain (Mededovic & Petrovic, 2015). The development of dark empathy provides a mask to hide the intentions behind social behaviour. These individuals are harder to recognise and with cognitive empathy providing the perception of being emotionally aware and pro-social despite the opposite.  Individuals can use their charm and social intelligence to cover their exploitation and manipulation of others. This increases the difficulty of identifying dark empaths and leaves their victims vulnerable to their gaslighting and emotional abuse. Person-centred frameworks assess the behaviours and patterns assist those effected by the exposure to dark empathy and develop boundaries to provide them with coping mechanisms (Galán et al., 2026). ==See also== *[[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Dark triad personality and emotion|Dark triad personality and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2020) *[[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/Emotional intelligence and anti-social behaviour|Emotional intelligence and antisocial behaviour]] (Book chapter, 2019) *[[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Emotional intelligence and the dark triad|Emotional intelligence and the dark triad]] (Book chapter, 2021) *[[wikipedia:Machiavellianism_(psychology)|Machiavellianism]] (Wikipedia) *[[wikipedia:Narcissism|Narcissism]] (Wikipedia) *[[wikipedia:Psychopathy|Psychopathy]] (Wikipedia) *[[wikipedia:Dark_triad|The Dark Triad]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Abramson, A. (2021, November 1). Cultivating empathy. Monitor on Psychology, 52(8). https://www.apa.org/monitor/2021/11/feature-cultivating-empathy Bal, P. M., & Veltkamp, M. (2013). How Does Fiction Reading Influence Empathy? An Experimental Investigation on the Role of Emotional Transportation. PloS one, 8(1), e55341. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0055341 Bloxsom, C. A. J., Firth, J., Kibowski, F., Egan, V., Sumich, A. L., & Heym, N. (2021). Dark shadow of the self: How the dark triad and empathy impact parental and intimate adult attachment relationships in women. Forensic Science International: Mind and Law, 2, 100045. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1016/j.fsiml.2021.100045 Breithaupt, F., & Hamilton, A. B. B. (2019). The dark sides of empathy (1st edition. ed.). Cornell University Press. https://doi.org/10.7591/9781501735608 Decety, J. (2015). The neural pathways, development and functions of empathy. Current opinion in behavioural sciences, 3, 1-6. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cobeha.2014.12.001 di Giacomo, E., Andreini, E., Lorusso, O., & Clerici, M. (2023). The dark side of empathy in narcissistic personality disorder. Front Psychiatry, 14, 1074558. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2023.1074558 Duradoni, M., Gursesli, M. C., Fiorenza, M., Donati, A., & Guazzini, A. (2023). Cognitive Empathy and the Dark Triad: A Literature Review. European Journal of Investigation in Health, Psychology and Education (EJIHPE), 13(11), 2642-2680. https://doi.org/10.3390/ejihpe13110184 Galán, M., Gerber, N., Valls, L., Molina, S., & Pineda, D. (2026). Dark Empaths and Intimate Partner Violence: A Latent Profile Analysis of Dark Tetrad Traits and Empathy Dimensions in Face-to-Face and Cyber Violence Perpetration. Behavioural sciences, 16(10), 1780. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs16101780 Gojković, V., Dostanić, J. S., & Đurić, V. (2022). Structure of darkness: The Dark Triad, the ‘Dark’ Empathy and the ‘Dark’ Narcissism. Primenjena psihologija (Online), 15(2), 237-268. https://doi.org/10.19090/pp.v15i2.2380 Guo, Q., Li, S., Liang, J., Yu, X., & Lv, Y. (2023). Mindfulness may be associated with less prosocial engagement among high intelligence individuals. Scientific reports, 13(1), 4208. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-023-31039-3 Hepper, E. G., Hart, C. M., & Sedikides, C. (2014). Moving Narcissus: Can Narcissists Be Empathic? Personality & social psychology bulletin, 40(9), 1079-1091. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167214535812 Heym, N., Firth, J., Kibowski, F., Sumich, A., Egan, V., & Bloxsom, C. A. (2019). Empathy at the heart of darkness: Empathy deficits that bind the dark triad and those that mediate indirect relational aggression. Frontiers in psychiatry, 10, 95. Heym, N., Kibowski, F., Bloxsom, C. A. J., Blanchard, A., Harper, A., Wallace, L., Firth, J., & Sumich, A. (2021). The Dark Empath: Characterising dark traits in the presence of empathy. Personality and Individual Differences, 169, 110172-110172. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2020.110172 Huang, C., Wu, Z., Sha, S., Liu, C., Yang, L., Jiang, P., Zhang, H., & Yang, C. (2025). The Dark Side of Empathy: The Role of Excessive Affective Empathy in Mental Health Disorders. Biological psychiatry (1969), 98(5), 404-415. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsych.2024.12.020 Hurezan, L., Miu, A. C., Costea, A., & Visu-Petra, L. (2026). Dark Personality, Empathy, and Prosocial Behaviour in Convicted Offenders. Scientific reports, 16(1), 4117-4177. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-025-34229-3 Iverson, K. M., Gradus, J. L., Resick, P. A., Suvak, M. K., Smith, K. F., & Monson, C. M. (2011). Cognitive-Behavioural Therapy for PTSD and Depression Symptoms Reduces Risk for Future Intimate Partner Violence Among Interpersonal Trauma Survivors. Journal of consulting and clinical psychology, 79(2), 193-202. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0022512 Jiang, X., Liu, C., Xiao, X., & Zhan, Y. (2024). Role of narcissism and empathy in the relationship between parental attachment and moral response patterns. European journal of developmental psychology, 21(3), 365-387. https://doi.org/10.1080/17405629.2024.2325173 Jonason, P. K., & Kroll, C. H. (2015). A Multidimensional View of the Relationship Between Empathy and the Dark Triad. Journal of individual differences, 36(3), 150-156. https://doi.org/10.1027/1614-0001/a000166 Kaufman, S. B., Yaden, D. B., Hyde, E., & Tsukayama, E. (2019). The Light vs. Dark Triad of Personality: Contrasting Two Very Different Profiles of Human Nature [Original Research]. Frontiers in psychology, Volume 10 - 2019. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00467 Mededovic, J., & Petrovic, B. (2015). The Dark Tetrad: Structural Properties and Location in the Personality Space. Journal of individual differences, 36(4), 228-236. https://doi.org/10.1027/1614-0001/a000179 Qiu, X., Gao, M., Zhu, H., Li, W., & Jiang, R. (2024). Theory of mind, empathy, and prosocial behaviour in children and adolescent: A meta-analysis. Current psychology (New Brunswick, N.J.), 43(22), 19690-19707. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-024-05762-7 Rabinowitch, T.-C., Cross, I., & Burnard, P. (2013). Long-term musical group interaction has a positive influence on empathy in children. Psychology of music, 41(4), 484-498. https://doi.org/10.1177/0305735612440609 Rogers, C. R. (1951). Client-centered therapy; its current practice, implications, and theory. Houghton Mifflin. Shukla, M., & Upadhyay, N. (2025). Cold hearts and dark minds: A systematic review and meta-analysis of empathy across dark triad personalities. Frontiers in psychiatry, 16, 1546917. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2025.1546917 Throop, C. J., Zahavi, D., de Lucas Freitas, J., Groark, K. P., Maibom, H., Satne, G. L., Stueber, K. R., & Trnka, S. (2020). Dark and Bright Empathy: Phenomenological and Anthropological Reflections. Current anthropology, 61(3), 283-303. https://doi.org/10.1086/708844 Vonk, J., Zeigler-Hill, V., Ewing, D., Mercer, S., & Noser, A. E. (2015). Mindreading in the dark: Dark personality features and theory of mind. Personality and Individual Differences, 87, 50-54. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2015.07.025 Wellman, H. M., & Liu, D. (2004). Scaling of Theory-of-Mind Tasks. Child development, 75(2), 523-541. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2004.00691.x Yan, Z., Zeng, X., Su, J., & Zhang, X. (2021). The dark side of empathy: Meta‐analysis evidence of the relationship between empathy and depression. PsyCh journal (Victoria, Australia), 10(5), 794-804. https://doi.org/10.1002/pchj.482 }} ==External links== * [https://www.sciencefocus.com/wellbeing/dark-empaths Dark Empaths] (Science Focus) * [https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/basics/dark-tetrad Dark Tetrad] (Psychology Today) * [https://www.theguardian.com/science/2024/nov/10/narcissists-only-more-devious-the-truth-about-dark-empaths 'Narcissists - only more devious': the truth about dark empaths] (the Guardian) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Empathy]] tulazyu6vhepr3g7i2j1scxfq1q8l5u 2840466 2840460 2026-10-15T10:57:01Z U3228742 3005570 updating grammar and simplfying the language 2840466 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Dark empathy:<br>What is dark empathy, what are its consequences, and what can be done to address it?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} ;Scenario In a workplace, a new colleague, Addison, joined a close-knit team. He is charming and empathises with each team member. Addison fits in the team very well and many of the colleagues to him for advice. The lead role for a project becomes available and several members of the team decide to apply. One member, Charlie, takes Addison’s offer to help them prepare for the promotion. Charlie shares her fears and her perceived weaknesses for the role. Before the interviews, Addison strategically reminds Charlie about her weaknesses with a supportive twist. ''“Good luck, Charlie. Take a breath and pause to avoid speaking too quickly. Despite your limited leadership experience, your skills speak for themselves. You got this!”'' Charlie felt very nervous and stumbled in the interview. She de-briefed with another colleague who said she never heard her speak quickly when nervous. She was known for keeping a calm front under pressure. After a few weeks, the promotion is given to Addison. No one knew Addison had applied and the team was shocked since they have limited skills in this area of the work. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Empathy can have a bright and dark side (Throop et al., 2020). The concern is when individuals with dark tetrad personality traits leverage their understanding of emotions and feels to manipulate, control, or exploit to others. Dark empathy is a developed skill that uses the understanding of emotion and people's vulnerabilities against them to control and manipulate for their advantage (Throop et al., 2020). To consider the use of dark empathy, we need to understanding why and how people use it. Individuals with high dark tetrads usually struggle to understand body language and emotion. The ability to understand emotion and feelings allow these individuals to go undetected for longer and have better control of those around them. The ability to deceive and hide makes addressing the underlying behavioural problems harder. Their continued strategic and charming manipulation destroy the psychological safety of others around them. Research indicates understanding emotional intelligence, the dark tetrad, and theory of mind could assist with understanding the use of dark empathy (Vonk et al., 2015). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=1}} ;Focus questions *How does dark empathy develop? *What drives an individual to use empathy to control and manipulate other people in their life? *How can psychological theory develop strategies to understand and assist individuals mitigate the negative effects of empathy? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == The development of empathy == [[Empathy]] is the ability to share feelings and thoughts of others while remaining self-other distinction (Håkansson Eklund & Summer Meranius, 2021). This means a person can understand someone else’s experience while maintaining their identity. Empathy is not an innate but learned and developed. It can be cultivated through techniques to understand other's feelings and foster [[wikipedia:Prosocial_behavior|pro-social behaviour]] (Abramson, 2021). Research found that teenagers learn empathy through their parent’s (Jiang et al., 2024), social groups (Decety, 2015), listening to music (Rabinowitch et al., 2013), and reading books particularly fiction (Bal & Veltkamp, 2013). Understanding how this foundational trait is normally developed provides a necessary baseline for examining how dark personalities can subvert empathy into a tool for manipulation. === The dark tetrad === [[File:Dark-triad-dark-tetrad-1.webp|thumb|'''Figure 1.''' The dark trait updated to include the fourth element of sadism. This created the dark tetrad of personality. ]] Dark personality traits were called the dark triad (Paulhus & Williams, 2002). An expansion on these traits were to include a fourth element, sadism (Mededovic & Petrovic, 2015). There are four elements to the dark tetrad (see Figure 1): * Narcissism * Machiavellianism * Psychopathy * Sadism These traits demonstrate individuals have limited ability to comprehend other’s emotions and read their mental states (Vonk et al., 2015). Individuals are self-centred, emotionally unstable, and focused on anti-social behaviour which leads to few of them demonstrating empathy (Kaufman et al., 2019). See Table 1 for the breakdown of the personality traits. '''Table 1'''. Dark tetrad personality traits breakdown and behavioural signs {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! Personality traits !! Definition !! Behavioural signs |- | '''Narcissism''' || Self-importance and constant need for admiration || Arrogance, entitlement, and bragging |- | '''Machiavellianism''' || Strategic manipulation, calculated world view and general distrust of motives and integrity || Deception, exploitation, and emotional detachment |- | '''Psychopathy''' || Lack of empathy, poor impulse control, and fearlessness || Reckless, charming, no remorse, and cruel |- | '''Sadism''' || Deriving pleasure or enjoyment from harming others || Bullying, shaming, and humiliating others |} === Theory of Mind (ToM) === Theory of Mind is the ability to understand the internal mental states of others, including their beliefs and intentions (Wellman & Liu, 2004). ToM plays an important role in understanding how dark understand internal mental states to successfully navigate social environments. ToM and empathy are both important influences on [[Prosocial behavior|pro-social behaviour]] (Qiu et al., 2024), which involves sharing, caring, helping, donating, comforting, and cooperating (Guo et al., 2023). While individuals with Dark trait do not demonstrate these behaviours (Hurezan et al., 2026), ToM explains how dark empathy assists to understand others and their own motives (Qiu et al., 2024). Dark trait individuals use this ability to read other's mental states and exploit for their personal gain (Gojković et al., 2022). Recognising other’s vulnerablitlities while monitoring their own mental state, makes strategically exploiting easier. Ultimately, dark empaths use ToM to understand their own mental state to maintain their charming, empathic mask while concealing their manipulation of their victims. === Types of empathy === Empathy has bright and dark sides as well two types (Throop et al., 2020): * Affective empathy is physical and emotional sharing of feelings **This involves experiencing with the other person which is found more commonly in bright empathy * Cognitive empathy is the intellectual understanding of another’s emotions and thoughts without feeling their pain. **This involves understanding, yet keeping that self-other determination which makes it easier for manipulating by utilising emotions against another Empathy relies on the individual to use it based on their morals and beliefs (Breithaupt & Hamilton, 2019). A study on parent's influence found that empathy was not increased in teens with narcissistic traits (Jiang et al., 2024). This shows that dark traits personalities are not affected by external influences. Therefore, understanding the specific type of empathy is key to understanding dark empathy. Cognitive empathy allows them to comprehend feelings and thoughts without experiencing the burden, it suits strategic manipulation tactics like Machiavellianism (Gojković et al., 2022). When the motivation is to deceive and control, cognitive empathy provides the tools to serve their interests. === Making of a dark empath === Dark empathy is understanding those feelings and harnessing them against others (Breithaupt & Hamilton, 2019). It often develops when children experience trauma that forces them to predict and understand others' emotions just to stay safe (Bloxsom et al., 2021). Later in life, dark traits (narcissism, Machiavellianism, psychopathy, and sadism) use this skill to deceive and control (Gojković et al.,2022). Research assessing these personalities does not share common societal ethics and morality (Mededovic & Petrovic, 2015). Because they are less likely to be honest and fair, they use dark empathy and their flexible morals to justify manipulating vulnerabilities for their own advantage (Throop et al., 2020). This helps to achieve their goals. Dark empath is not a formal medical diagnosis. Instead, it is a term that mixes dark personality traits with high cognitive empathy (Duradoni et al., 2023). Cognitive empathy allows people to understand others’ thoughts and feelings without feeling them. This helps people with dark traits hide behind superficial charm, chronic lying, and a lack of remorse (Hepper et al., 2014; Vonk et al., 2015). For example, narcissists can create a mask to hide their self-centred goals and better manipulate others (Hepper et al., 2014). Another sign is affective dissonance. This is a twisted emotional reaction, such as feeling happy when someone else suffers (Gojković et al., 2022). In the end, people with high dark traits may develop dark empathy to serve their goals. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} ;Quiz <quiz display=simple> {Dark empath is : |type="()"} + True - False {Long and complex quiz questions are recommended: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Consequences of dark empathy == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} ;Scenario continued Charlie was assigned to report to Addison on the project and found herself becoming anxious at their one-on-one performance meetings. Charlie would spend over an hour preparing for the meetings despite keeping meticulous progress notes. She feels exhausted after each interaction and starts doubting her skills. Addison finds it hard to keep up with the workload. Other team members have complained that Addison has not been running the project well. Addison’s boss reviews the work and finds Addison has not been monitoring the project. Charlie’s work had been the only compliment the boss had for the update. Addison takes credit for Charlie's work and claims he has been managing Charlie's failing performance. Addison is to provide an update on the project and Charlie's performance. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Empathy can lead to depression (Yan et al., 2021) as well as severe emotional distress and burnout (Huang et al., 2025). An individual can use cognitive empathy to deceive, manipulate and exploit (Huang et al., 2025). Using dark traits like charm and chronic lying (Gojković et al., 2022), dark empaths manipulate others to reach their goals while pretending to be an ally. Both the person using dark empathy and their victims suffer harm to their wellbeing (Heym et al., 2021). Perceiving emotions, planning a response, and controlling reactions take considerable energy. There is a physical component in controlling their body language and expression to disarm others (Throop et al., 2020). While bright empathy brings people together. dark empathy isolates individuals from others and communities (Throop et al., 2020). === Effects on victims of dark empathy === The immediate impacts on their relationships are subtle and unlikely to be noticed. Dark empaths use their charming demeanour and their strategic understanding of other’s emotions and feelings to appear kind and empathic. After gaslighting an individual, they will develop chronic anxiety, depression, lower self-esteem, emotional dependency (Yan et al., 2021), shame, and humiliation (Throop et al., 2020). The dark traits are often linked to aggressive behaviours which increases the likelihood of intimate partner violence (Galán et al., 2026). === Outcome for dark empaths === An individual using dark empathy may find the indifference and emotional de-attachment to others useful for achieving their goals (Throop et al., 2020). The emotional distance can intervene serve as a protective factor or buffer to psychological distress for the dark empath (Heym et al., 2021). As empathy combined with self-judgement and/or over-thinking can cause emotional distress (Heym et al., 2021). Therefore, an individual who have dark traits and cognitive empathy (understanding but not sharing emotions) does not experience the same level of distress. The ability to not feel the emotions makes them better at utilising other’s vulnerabilities without the consequences. Though controlling others is effective at first, keeping up the mask leads to burnout (Throop et al., 2020). The thought of losing control can cause aggressive behaviour, driven by fear and shame (di Giacomo et al., 2023). While dark trait individuals are more self-centred and lack the pro-social behaviours, hiding their nature can lead to depression and a loss of identity (Qiu et al., 2024). == Addressing dark empathy == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} ;Scenario continued After talking to another colleague, Charlie notices her mental health is declining. She reaches out to the Employee Assistance Program (EAP) for support about her stress. The counsellor asks Charlie to consider when the anxiety and lower self-esteem started. She starts to realise it links back to Addison. Addison continues to blame Charlie for the project's failures. Addison fails to develop the deliverables in time for the boss’ deadline and a meeting is set up with him up with an EAP counsellor. Addison talks about Charlie's 'failures' and the counsellor asks Addison to consider his behaviour and input into the situation. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Dark empathy is not easily recognised as it can lower the appearance of aggressive behaviours in individuals with dark personalities traits (Heym et al., 2021). For example; a narcissist or sociopath may use understanding of ToM to influence others while a dark empath uses their cognitive empathy to control and most likely enjoy other's vulnerable emotions (Heym et al., 2021). The impacts of dark empathy can be found in the relationships of the dark empath. Person-centred approach assists in recognising patterns, identifying behaviours and setting boundaries (Galán et al., 2026). === Recovering from a dark empath === After dealing with a dark empath, an individual may find it hard to notice the patterns. Individual needs to set healthy emotional boundaries in this relationship which can be assisted by seeking therapy to identify patterns and how to address them. Person-centre framework (also known as client-centred approach) (Rogers, 1951) can assist in developing strategies and understanding the patterns they experienced (Galán et al., 2026). Cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) would be effective for unlearning the patterns of abuse and understanding their trauma (Iverson et al., 2011) from the dark empath. === Unravelling from dark empathy === For a dark empath, the first step is recognizing their controlling behaviour and how it harms everyone's well-being. Carl Rogers' approach helps people understand who they are and who they want to be. This self-awareness lets them accept their dark traits and build stronger social skills (Galán et al., 2026). Some therapies that would be appropriate and effective for dark empaths are: *Dialectial behaviour therapy **This therapy allows people to talk through and accept their intense feelings (di Giacomo et al., 2023). *[[w:Cognitive_behavioral_therapy|Cognitive Behaviour Therapy]] (CBT) **This therapy assists in addressing anti-social behaviours and fosters pro-social behaviours (Shukla & Upadhyay, 2025) The steps to acknowledging the behaviours and traits are not easy process. Considering their dark traits shows a small desire to go to therapy for the sake of others (di Giacomo et al., 2023). Their dark traits cause anti-social behaviours and a disregard the impact of their actions. Their lack self-judgement prevents them seeing themselves as part of the problem. == Conclusion == Dark empathy is a demonstration of how learning can be adapted to suit one’s desires. While it can develop through parental influence (Jiang et al., 2024), social experience (Decety, 2015), listening to music (Rabinowitch et al., 2013), and reading fiction (Bal & Veltkamp, 2013). It depends on morality of the individual. Understanding dark empathy is crucial for identifying and treating people with dark personality traits. Rather than genuinely sharing feelings, dark empaths use cognitive empathy as a tool to trick, manipulate, and exploit others (Heym et al., 2021). While traits like psychopathy and sadism usually involve anti-social behaviour, a lack of empathy, and joy in others' pain (Mededovic & Petrovic, 2015), dark empaths fake emotional awareness and pro-social behaviour (Hurezan et al., 2026). This makes them difficult to spot, leaving victims vulnerable to gaslighting and emotional abuse. Consequently, standard person-centred frameworks are limited in effectiveness because these individuals rarely self-identify or seek help. ==See also== *[[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Dark triad personality and emotion|Dark triad personality and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2020) *[[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/Emotional intelligence and anti-social behaviour|Emotional intelligence and antisocial behaviour]] (Book chapter, 2019) *[[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Emotional intelligence and the dark triad|Emotional intelligence and the dark triad]] (Book chapter, 2021) *[[wikipedia:Machiavellianism_(psychology)|Machiavellianism]] (Wikipedia) *[[wikipedia:Narcissism|Narcissism]] (Wikipedia) *[[wikipedia:Psychopathy|Psychopathy]] (Wikipedia) *[[wikipedia:Dark_triad|The Dark Triad]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Abramson, A. (2021, November 1). Cultivating empathy. Monitor on Psychology, 52(8). https://www.apa.org/monitor/2021/11/feature-cultivating-empathy Bal, P. M., & Veltkamp, M. (2013). How Does Fiction Reading Influence Empathy? An Experimental Investigation on the Role of Emotional Transportation. PloS one, 8(1), e55341. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0055341 Bloxsom, C. A. J., Firth, J., Kibowski, F., Egan, V., Sumich, A. L., & Heym, N. (2021). Dark shadow of the self: How the dark triad and empathy impact parental and intimate adult attachment relationships in women. Forensic Science International: Mind and Law, 2, 100045. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1016/j.fsiml.2021.100045 Breithaupt, F., & Hamilton, A. B. B. (2019). The dark sides of empathy (1st edition. ed.). Cornell University Press. https://doi.org/10.7591/9781501735608 Decety, J. (2015). The neural pathways, development and functions of empathy. Current opinion in behavioural sciences, 3, 1-6. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cobeha.2014.12.001 di Giacomo, E., Andreini, E., Lorusso, O., & Clerici, M. (2023). The dark side of empathy in narcissistic personality disorder. Front Psychiatry, 14, 1074558. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2023.1074558 Duradoni, M., Gursesli, M. C., Fiorenza, M., Donati, A., & Guazzini, A. (2023). Cognitive Empathy and the Dark Triad: A Literature Review. European Journal of Investigation in Health, Psychology and Education (EJIHPE), 13(11), 2642-2680. https://doi.org/10.3390/ejihpe13110184 Galán, M., Gerber, N., Valls, L., Molina, S., & Pineda, D. (2026). Dark Empaths and Intimate Partner Violence: A Latent Profile Analysis of Dark Tetrad Traits and Empathy Dimensions in Face-to-Face and Cyber Violence Perpetration. Behavioural sciences, 16(10), 1780. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs16101780 Gojković, V., Dostanić, J. S., & Đurić, V. (2022). Structure of darkness: The Dark Triad, the ‘Dark’ Empathy and the ‘Dark’ Narcissism. Primenjena psihologija (Online), 15(2), 237-268. https://doi.org/10.19090/pp.v15i2.2380 Guo, Q., Li, S., Liang, J., Yu, X., & Lv, Y. (2023). Mindfulness may be associated with less prosocial engagement among high intelligence individuals. Scientific reports, 13(1), 4208. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-023-31039-3 Hepper, E. G., Hart, C. M., & Sedikides, C. (2014). Moving Narcissus: Can Narcissists Be Empathic? Personality & social psychology bulletin, 40(9), 1079-1091. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167214535812 Heym, N., Firth, J., Kibowski, F., Sumich, A., Egan, V., & Bloxsom, C. A. (2019). Empathy at the heart of darkness: Empathy deficits that bind the dark triad and those that mediate indirect relational aggression. Frontiers in psychiatry, 10, 95. Heym, N., Kibowski, F., Bloxsom, C. A. J., Blanchard, A., Harper, A., Wallace, L., Firth, J., & Sumich, A. (2021). The Dark Empath: Characterising dark traits in the presence of empathy. Personality and Individual Differences, 169, 110172-110172. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2020.110172 Huang, C., Wu, Z., Sha, S., Liu, C., Yang, L., Jiang, P., Zhang, H., & Yang, C. (2025). The Dark Side of Empathy: The Role of Excessive Affective Empathy in Mental Health Disorders. Biological psychiatry (1969), 98(5), 404-415. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsych.2024.12.020 Hurezan, L., Miu, A. C., Costea, A., & Visu-Petra, L. (2026). Dark Personality, Empathy, and Prosocial Behaviour in Convicted Offenders. Scientific reports, 16(1), 4117-4177. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-025-34229-3 Iverson, K. M., Gradus, J. L., Resick, P. A., Suvak, M. K., Smith, K. F., & Monson, C. M. (2011). Cognitive-Behavioural Therapy for PTSD and Depression Symptoms Reduces Risk for Future Intimate Partner Violence Among Interpersonal Trauma Survivors. Journal of consulting and clinical psychology, 79(2), 193-202. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0022512 Jiang, X., Liu, C., Xiao, X., & Zhan, Y. (2024). Role of narcissism and empathy in the relationship between parental attachment and moral response patterns. European journal of developmental psychology, 21(3), 365-387. https://doi.org/10.1080/17405629.2024.2325173 Jonason, P. K., & Kroll, C. H. (2015). A Multidimensional View of the Relationship Between Empathy and the Dark Triad. Journal of individual differences, 36(3), 150-156. https://doi.org/10.1027/1614-0001/a000166 Kaufman, S. B., Yaden, D. B., Hyde, E., & Tsukayama, E. (2019). The Light vs. Dark Triad of Personality: Contrasting Two Very Different Profiles of Human Nature [Original Research]. Frontiers in psychology, Volume 10 - 2019. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00467 Mededovic, J., & Petrovic, B. (2015). The Dark Tetrad: Structural Properties and Location in the Personality Space. Journal of individual differences, 36(4), 228-236. https://doi.org/10.1027/1614-0001/a000179 Qiu, X., Gao, M., Zhu, H., Li, W., & Jiang, R. (2024). Theory of mind, empathy, and prosocial behaviour in children and adolescent: A meta-analysis. Current psychology (New Brunswick, N.J.), 43(22), 19690-19707. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-024-05762-7 Rabinowitch, T.-C., Cross, I., & Burnard, P. (2013). Long-term musical group interaction has a positive influence on empathy in children. Psychology of music, 41(4), 484-498. https://doi.org/10.1177/0305735612440609 Rogers, C. R. (1951). Client-centered therapy; its current practice, implications, and theory. Houghton Mifflin. Shukla, M., & Upadhyay, N. (2025). Cold hearts and dark minds: A systematic review and meta-analysis of empathy across dark triad personalities. Frontiers in psychiatry, 16, 1546917. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2025.1546917 Throop, C. J., Zahavi, D., de Lucas Freitas, J., Groark, K. P., Maibom, H., Satne, G. L., Stueber, K. R., & Trnka, S. (2020). Dark and Bright Empathy: Phenomenological and Anthropological Reflections. Current anthropology, 61(3), 283-303. https://doi.org/10.1086/708844 Vonk, J., Zeigler-Hill, V., Ewing, D., Mercer, S., & Noser, A. E. (2015). Mindreading in the dark: Dark personality features and theory of mind. Personality and Individual Differences, 87, 50-54. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2015.07.025 Wellman, H. M., & Liu, D. (2004). Scaling of Theory-of-Mind Tasks. Child development, 75(2), 523-541. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2004.00691.x Yan, Z., Zeng, X., Su, J., & Zhang, X. (2021). The dark side of empathy: Meta‐analysis evidence of the relationship between empathy and depression. PsyCh journal (Victoria, Australia), 10(5), 794-804. https://doi.org/10.1002/pchj.482 }} ==External links== * [https://www.sciencefocus.com/wellbeing/dark-empaths Dark Empaths] (Science Focus) * [https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/basics/dark-tetrad Dark Tetrad] (Psychology Today) * [https://www.theguardian.com/science/2024/nov/10/narcissists-only-more-devious-the-truth-about-dark-empaths 'Narcissists - only more devious': the truth about dark empaths] (the Guardian) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Empathy]] 4294ithvz8y52kzytditvl38sbkrfs4 2840469 2840466 2026-10-15T10:58:37Z U3228742 3005570 removed quiz template 2840469 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Dark empathy:<br>What is dark empathy, what are its consequences, and what can be done to address it?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} ;Scenario In a workplace, a new colleague, Addison, joined a close-knit team. He is charming and empathises with each team member. Addison fits in the team very well and many of the colleagues to him for advice. The lead role for a project becomes available and several members of the team decide to apply. One member, Charlie, takes Addison’s offer to help them prepare for the promotion. Charlie shares her fears and her perceived weaknesses for the role. Before the interviews, Addison strategically reminds Charlie about her weaknesses with a supportive twist. ''“Good luck, Charlie. Take a breath and pause to avoid speaking too quickly. Despite your limited leadership experience, your skills speak for themselves. You got this!”'' Charlie felt very nervous and stumbled in the interview. She de-briefed with another colleague who said she never heard her speak quickly when nervous. She was known for keeping a calm front under pressure. After a few weeks, the promotion is given to Addison. No one knew Addison had applied and the team was shocked since they have limited skills in this area of the work. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Empathy can have a bright and dark side (Throop et al., 2020). The concern is when individuals with dark tetrad personality traits leverage their understanding of emotions and feels to manipulate, control, or exploit to others. Dark empathy is a developed skill that uses the understanding of emotion and people's vulnerabilities against them to control and manipulate for their advantage (Throop et al., 2020). To consider the use of dark empathy, we need to understanding why and how people use it. Individuals with high dark tetrads usually struggle to understand body language and emotion. The ability to understand emotion and feelings allow these individuals to go undetected for longer and have better control of those around them. The ability to deceive and hide makes addressing the underlying behavioural problems harder. Their continued strategic and charming manipulation destroy the psychological safety of others around them. Research indicates understanding emotional intelligence, the dark tetrad, and theory of mind could assist with understanding the use of dark empathy (Vonk et al., 2015). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=1}} ;Focus questions *How does dark empathy develop? *What drives an individual to use empathy to control and manipulate other people in their life? *How can psychological theory develop strategies to understand and assist individuals mitigate the negative effects of empathy? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == The development of empathy == [[Empathy]] is the ability to share feelings and thoughts of others while remaining self-other distinction (Håkansson Eklund & Summer Meranius, 2021). This means a person can understand someone else’s experience while maintaining their identity. Empathy is not an innate but learned and developed. It can be cultivated through techniques to understand other's feelings and foster [[wikipedia:Prosocial_behavior|pro-social behaviour]] (Abramson, 2021). Research found that teenagers learn empathy through their parent’s (Jiang et al., 2024), social groups (Decety, 2015), listening to music (Rabinowitch et al., 2013), and reading books particularly fiction (Bal & Veltkamp, 2013). Understanding how this foundational trait is normally developed provides a necessary baseline for examining how dark personalities can subvert empathy into a tool for manipulation. === The dark tetrad === [[File:Dark-triad-dark-tetrad-1.webp|thumb|'''Figure 1.''' The dark trait updated to include the fourth element of sadism. This created the dark tetrad of personality. ]] Dark personality traits were called the dark triad (Paulhus & Williams, 2002). An expansion on these traits were to include a fourth element, sadism (Mededovic & Petrovic, 2015). There are four elements to the dark tetrad (see Figure 1): * Narcissism * Machiavellianism * Psychopathy * Sadism These traits demonstrate individuals have limited ability to comprehend other’s emotions and read their mental states (Vonk et al., 2015). Individuals are self-centred, emotionally unstable, and focused on anti-social behaviour which leads to few of them demonstrating empathy (Kaufman et al., 2019). See Table 1 for the breakdown of the personality traits. '''Table 1'''. Dark tetrad personality traits breakdown and behavioural signs {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! Personality traits !! Definition !! Behavioural signs |- | '''Narcissism''' || Self-importance and constant need for admiration || Arrogance, entitlement, and bragging |- | '''Machiavellianism''' || Strategic manipulation, calculated world view and general distrust of motives and integrity || Deception, exploitation, and emotional detachment |- | '''Psychopathy''' || Lack of empathy, poor impulse control, and fearlessness || Reckless, charming, no remorse, and cruel |- | '''Sadism''' || Deriving pleasure or enjoyment from harming others || Bullying, shaming, and humiliating others |} === Theory of Mind (ToM) === Theory of Mind is the ability to understand the internal mental states of others, including their beliefs and intentions (Wellman & Liu, 2004). ToM plays an important role in understanding how dark understand internal mental states to successfully navigate social environments. ToM and empathy are both important influences on [[Prosocial behavior|pro-social behaviour]] (Qiu et al., 2024), which involves sharing, caring, helping, donating, comforting, and cooperating (Guo et al., 2023). While individuals with Dark trait do not demonstrate these behaviours (Hurezan et al., 2026), ToM explains how dark empathy assists to understand others and their own motives (Qiu et al., 2024). Dark trait individuals use this ability to read other's mental states and exploit for their personal gain (Gojković et al., 2022). Recognising other’s vulnerablitlities while monitoring their own mental state, makes strategically exploiting easier. Ultimately, dark empaths use ToM to understand their own mental state to maintain their charming, empathic mask while concealing their manipulation of their victims. === Types of empathy === Empathy has bright and dark sides as well two types (Throop et al., 2020): * Affective empathy is physical and emotional sharing of feelings **This involves experiencing with the other person which is found more commonly in bright empathy * Cognitive empathy is the intellectual understanding of another’s emotions and thoughts without feeling their pain. **This involves understanding, yet keeping that self-other determination which makes it easier for manipulating by utilising emotions against another Empathy relies on the individual to use it based on their morals and beliefs (Breithaupt & Hamilton, 2019). A study on parent's influence found that empathy was not increased in teens with narcissistic traits (Jiang et al., 2024). This shows that dark traits personalities are not affected by external influences. Therefore, understanding the specific type of empathy is key to understanding dark empathy. Cognitive empathy allows them to comprehend feelings and thoughts without experiencing the burden, it suits strategic manipulation tactics like Machiavellianism (Gojković et al., 2022). When the motivation is to deceive and control, cognitive empathy provides the tools to serve their interests. === Making of a dark empath === Dark empathy is understanding those feelings and harnessing them against others (Breithaupt & Hamilton, 2019). It often develops when children experience trauma that forces them to predict and understand others' emotions just to stay safe (Bloxsom et al., 2021). Later in life, dark traits (narcissism, Machiavellianism, psychopathy, and sadism) use this skill to deceive and control (Gojković et al.,2022). Research assessing these personalities does not share common societal ethics and morality (Mededovic & Petrovic, 2015). Because they are less likely to be honest and fair, they use dark empathy and their flexible morals to justify manipulating vulnerabilities for their own advantage (Throop et al., 2020). This helps to achieve their goals. Dark empath is not a formal medical diagnosis. Instead, it is a term that mixes dark personality traits with high cognitive empathy (Duradoni et al., 2023). Cognitive empathy allows people to understand others’ thoughts and feelings without feeling them. This helps people with dark traits hide behind superficial charm, chronic lying, and a lack of remorse (Hepper et al., 2014; Vonk et al., 2015). For example, narcissists can create a mask to hide their self-centred goals and better manipulate others (Hepper et al., 2014). Another sign is affective dissonance. This is a twisted emotional reaction, such as feeling happy when someone else suffers (Gojković et al., 2022). In the end, people with high dark traits may develop dark empathy to serve their goals. == Consequences of dark empathy == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} ;Scenario continued Charlie was assigned to report to Addison on the project and found herself becoming anxious at their one-on-one performance meetings. Charlie would spend over an hour preparing for the meetings despite keeping meticulous progress notes. She feels exhausted after each interaction and starts doubting her skills. Addison finds it hard to keep up with the workload. Other team members have complained that Addison has not been running the project well. Addison’s boss reviews the work and finds Addison has not been monitoring the project. Charlie’s work had been the only compliment the boss had for the update. Addison takes credit for Charlie's work and claims he has been managing Charlie's failing performance. Addison is to provide an update on the project and Charlie's performance. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Empathy can lead to depression (Yan et al., 2021) as well as severe emotional distress and burnout (Huang et al., 2025). An individual can use cognitive empathy to deceive, manipulate and exploit (Huang et al., 2025). Using dark traits like charm and chronic lying (Gojković et al., 2022), dark empaths manipulate others to reach their goals while pretending to be an ally. Both the person using dark empathy and their victims suffer harm to their wellbeing (Heym et al., 2021). Perceiving emotions, planning a response, and controlling reactions take considerable energy. There is a physical component in controlling their body language and expression to disarm others (Throop et al., 2020). While bright empathy brings people together. dark empathy isolates individuals from others and communities (Throop et al., 2020). === Effects on victims of dark empathy === The immediate impacts on their relationships are subtle and unlikely to be noticed. Dark empaths use their charming demeanour and their strategic understanding of other’s emotions and feelings to appear kind and empathic. After gaslighting an individual, they will develop chronic anxiety, depression, lower self-esteem, emotional dependency (Yan et al., 2021), shame, and humiliation (Throop et al., 2020). The dark traits are often linked to aggressive behaviours which increases the likelihood of intimate partner violence (Galán et al., 2026). === Outcome for dark empaths === An individual using dark empathy may find the indifference and emotional de-attachment to others useful for achieving their goals (Throop et al., 2020). The emotional distance can intervene serve as a protective factor or buffer to psychological distress for the dark empath (Heym et al., 2021). As empathy combined with self-judgement and/or over-thinking can cause emotional distress (Heym et al., 2021). Therefore, an individual who have dark traits and cognitive empathy (understanding but not sharing emotions) does not experience the same level of distress. The ability to not feel the emotions makes them better at utilising other’s vulnerabilities without the consequences. Though controlling others is effective at first, keeping up the mask leads to burnout (Throop et al., 2020). The thought of losing control can cause aggressive behaviour, driven by fear and shame (di Giacomo et al., 2023). While dark trait individuals are more self-centred and lack the pro-social behaviours, hiding their nature can lead to depression and a loss of identity (Qiu et al., 2024). == Addressing dark empathy == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} ;Scenario continued After talking to another colleague, Charlie notices her mental health is declining. She reaches out to the Employee Assistance Program (EAP) for support about her stress. The counsellor asks Charlie to consider when the anxiety and lower self-esteem started. She starts to realise it links back to Addison. Addison continues to blame Charlie for the project's failures. Addison fails to develop the deliverables in time for the boss’ deadline and a meeting is set up with him up with an EAP counsellor. Addison talks about Charlie's 'failures' and the counsellor asks Addison to consider his behaviour and input into the situation. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Dark empathy is not easily recognised as it can lower the appearance of aggressive behaviours in individuals with dark personalities traits (Heym et al., 2021). For example; a narcissist or sociopath may use understanding of ToM to influence others while a dark empath uses their cognitive empathy to control and most likely enjoy other's vulnerable emotions (Heym et al., 2021). The impacts of dark empathy can be found in the relationships of the dark empath. Person-centred approach assists in recognising patterns, identifying behaviours and setting boundaries (Galán et al., 2026). === Recovering from a dark empath === After dealing with a dark empath, an individual may find it hard to notice the patterns. Individual needs to set healthy emotional boundaries in this relationship which can be assisted by seeking therapy to identify patterns and how to address them. Person-centre framework (also known as client-centred approach) (Rogers, 1951) can assist in developing strategies and understanding the patterns they experienced (Galán et al., 2026). Cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) would be effective for unlearning the patterns of abuse and understanding their trauma (Iverson et al., 2011) from the dark empath. === Unravelling from dark empathy === For a dark empath, the first step is recognizing their controlling behaviour and how it harms everyone's well-being. Carl Rogers' approach helps people understand who they are and who they want to be. This self-awareness lets them accept their dark traits and build stronger social skills (Galán et al., 2026). Some therapies that would be appropriate and effective for dark empaths are: *Dialectial behaviour therapy **This therapy allows people to talk through and accept their intense feelings (di Giacomo et al., 2023). *[[w:Cognitive_behavioral_therapy|Cognitive Behaviour Therapy]] (CBT) **This therapy assists in addressing anti-social behaviours and fosters pro-social behaviours (Shukla & Upadhyay, 2025) The steps to acknowledging the behaviours and traits are not easy process. Considering their dark traits shows a small desire to go to therapy for the sake of others (di Giacomo et al., 2023). Their dark traits cause anti-social behaviours and a disregard the impact of their actions. Their lack self-judgement prevents them seeing themselves as part of the problem. == Conclusion == Dark empathy is a demonstration of how learning can be adapted to suit one’s desires. While it can develop through parental influence (Jiang et al., 2024), social experience (Decety, 2015), listening to music (Rabinowitch et al., 2013), and reading fiction (Bal & Veltkamp, 2013). It depends on morality of the individual. Understanding dark empathy is crucial for identifying and treating people with dark personality traits. Rather than genuinely sharing feelings, dark empaths use cognitive empathy as a tool to trick, manipulate, and exploit others (Heym et al., 2021). While traits like psychopathy and sadism usually involve anti-social behaviour, a lack of empathy, and joy in others' pain (Mededovic & Petrovic, 2015), dark empaths fake emotional awareness and pro-social behaviour (Hurezan et al., 2026). This makes them difficult to spot, leaving victims vulnerable to gaslighting and emotional abuse. Consequently, standard person-centred frameworks are limited in effectiveness because these individuals rarely self-identify or seek help. ==See also== *[[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Dark triad personality and emotion|Dark triad personality and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2020) *[[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/Emotional intelligence and anti-social behaviour|Emotional intelligence and antisocial behaviour]] (Book chapter, 2019) *[[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Emotional intelligence and the dark triad|Emotional intelligence and the dark triad]] (Book chapter, 2021) *[[wikipedia:Machiavellianism_(psychology)|Machiavellianism]] (Wikipedia) *[[wikipedia:Narcissism|Narcissism]] (Wikipedia) *[[wikipedia:Psychopathy|Psychopathy]] (Wikipedia) *[[wikipedia:Dark_triad|The Dark Triad]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Abramson, A. (2021, November 1). Cultivating empathy. Monitor on Psychology, 52(8). https://www.apa.org/monitor/2021/11/feature-cultivating-empathy Bal, P. M., & Veltkamp, M. (2013). How Does Fiction Reading Influence Empathy? An Experimental Investigation on the Role of Emotional Transportation. PloS one, 8(1), e55341. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0055341 Bloxsom, C. A. J., Firth, J., Kibowski, F., Egan, V., Sumich, A. L., & Heym, N. (2021). Dark shadow of the self: How the dark triad and empathy impact parental and intimate adult attachment relationships in women. Forensic Science International: Mind and Law, 2, 100045. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1016/j.fsiml.2021.100045 Breithaupt, F., & Hamilton, A. B. B. (2019). The dark sides of empathy (1st edition. ed.). Cornell University Press. https://doi.org/10.7591/9781501735608 Decety, J. (2015). The neural pathways, development and functions of empathy. Current opinion in behavioural sciences, 3, 1-6. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cobeha.2014.12.001 di Giacomo, E., Andreini, E., Lorusso, O., & Clerici, M. (2023). The dark side of empathy in narcissistic personality disorder. Front Psychiatry, 14, 1074558. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2023.1074558 Duradoni, M., Gursesli, M. C., Fiorenza, M., Donati, A., & Guazzini, A. (2023). Cognitive Empathy and the Dark Triad: A Literature Review. European Journal of Investigation in Health, Psychology and Education (EJIHPE), 13(11), 2642-2680. https://doi.org/10.3390/ejihpe13110184 Galán, M., Gerber, N., Valls, L., Molina, S., & Pineda, D. (2026). Dark Empaths and Intimate Partner Violence: A Latent Profile Analysis of Dark Tetrad Traits and Empathy Dimensions in Face-to-Face and Cyber Violence Perpetration. Behavioural sciences, 16(10), 1780. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs16101780 Gojković, V., Dostanić, J. S., & Đurić, V. (2022). Structure of darkness: The Dark Triad, the ‘Dark’ Empathy and the ‘Dark’ Narcissism. Primenjena psihologija (Online), 15(2), 237-268. https://doi.org/10.19090/pp.v15i2.2380 Guo, Q., Li, S., Liang, J., Yu, X., & Lv, Y. (2023). Mindfulness may be associated with less prosocial engagement among high intelligence individuals. Scientific reports, 13(1), 4208. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-023-31039-3 Hepper, E. G., Hart, C. M., & Sedikides, C. (2014). Moving Narcissus: Can Narcissists Be Empathic? Personality & social psychology bulletin, 40(9), 1079-1091. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167214535812 Heym, N., Firth, J., Kibowski, F., Sumich, A., Egan, V., & Bloxsom, C. A. (2019). Empathy at the heart of darkness: Empathy deficits that bind the dark triad and those that mediate indirect relational aggression. Frontiers in psychiatry, 10, 95. Heym, N., Kibowski, F., Bloxsom, C. A. J., Blanchard, A., Harper, A., Wallace, L., Firth, J., & Sumich, A. (2021). The Dark Empath: Characterising dark traits in the presence of empathy. Personality and Individual Differences, 169, 110172-110172. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2020.110172 Huang, C., Wu, Z., Sha, S., Liu, C., Yang, L., Jiang, P., Zhang, H., & Yang, C. (2025). The Dark Side of Empathy: The Role of Excessive Affective Empathy in Mental Health Disorders. Biological psychiatry (1969), 98(5), 404-415. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsych.2024.12.020 Hurezan, L., Miu, A. C., Costea, A., & Visu-Petra, L. (2026). Dark Personality, Empathy, and Prosocial Behaviour in Convicted Offenders. Scientific reports, 16(1), 4117-4177. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-025-34229-3 Iverson, K. M., Gradus, J. L., Resick, P. A., Suvak, M. K., Smith, K. F., & Monson, C. M. (2011). Cognitive-Behavioural Therapy for PTSD and Depression Symptoms Reduces Risk for Future Intimate Partner Violence Among Interpersonal Trauma Survivors. Journal of consulting and clinical psychology, 79(2), 193-202. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0022512 Jiang, X., Liu, C., Xiao, X., & Zhan, Y. (2024). Role of narcissism and empathy in the relationship between parental attachment and moral response patterns. European journal of developmental psychology, 21(3), 365-387. https://doi.org/10.1080/17405629.2024.2325173 Jonason, P. K., & Kroll, C. H. (2015). A Multidimensional View of the Relationship Between Empathy and the Dark Triad. Journal of individual differences, 36(3), 150-156. https://doi.org/10.1027/1614-0001/a000166 Kaufman, S. B., Yaden, D. B., Hyde, E., & Tsukayama, E. (2019). The Light vs. Dark Triad of Personality: Contrasting Two Very Different Profiles of Human Nature [Original Research]. Frontiers in psychology, Volume 10 - 2019. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00467 Mededovic, J., & Petrovic, B. (2015). The Dark Tetrad: Structural Properties and Location in the Personality Space. Journal of individual differences, 36(4), 228-236. https://doi.org/10.1027/1614-0001/a000179 Qiu, X., Gao, M., Zhu, H., Li, W., & Jiang, R. (2024). Theory of mind, empathy, and prosocial behaviour in children and adolescent: A meta-analysis. Current psychology (New Brunswick, N.J.), 43(22), 19690-19707. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-024-05762-7 Rabinowitch, T.-C., Cross, I., & Burnard, P. (2013). Long-term musical group interaction has a positive influence on empathy in children. Psychology of music, 41(4), 484-498. https://doi.org/10.1177/0305735612440609 Rogers, C. R. (1951). Client-centered therapy; its current practice, implications, and theory. Houghton Mifflin. Shukla, M., & Upadhyay, N. (2025). Cold hearts and dark minds: A systematic review and meta-analysis of empathy across dark triad personalities. Frontiers in psychiatry, 16, 1546917. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2025.1546917 Throop, C. J., Zahavi, D., de Lucas Freitas, J., Groark, K. P., Maibom, H., Satne, G. L., Stueber, K. R., & Trnka, S. (2020). Dark and Bright Empathy: Phenomenological and Anthropological Reflections. Current anthropology, 61(3), 283-303. https://doi.org/10.1086/708844 Vonk, J., Zeigler-Hill, V., Ewing, D., Mercer, S., & Noser, A. E. (2015). Mindreading in the dark: Dark personality features and theory of mind. Personality and Individual Differences, 87, 50-54. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2015.07.025 Wellman, H. M., & Liu, D. (2004). Scaling of Theory-of-Mind Tasks. Child development, 75(2), 523-541. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8624.2004.00691.x Yan, Z., Zeng, X., Su, J., & Zhang, X. (2021). The dark side of empathy: Meta‐analysis evidence of the relationship between empathy and depression. PsyCh journal (Victoria, Australia), 10(5), 794-804. https://doi.org/10.1002/pchj.482 }} ==External links== * [https://www.sciencefocus.com/wellbeing/dark-empaths Dark Empaths] (Science Focus) * [https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/basics/dark-tetrad Dark Tetrad] (Psychology Today) * [https://www.theguardian.com/science/2024/nov/10/narcissists-only-more-devious-the-truth-about-dark-empaths 'Narcissists - only more devious': the truth about dark empaths] (the Guardian) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Empathy]] skv46cpggi6jom012yczn827eimgos6 1 331279 2840333 2839077 2026-10-14T21:38:58Z Jtneill 10242 Book chapter feedback 2840333 wikitext text/x-wiki == Focus questions == Promising progress. Remember to use bullet-points for the focus questions. See Tutorial 2. ---- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 08:09, 19 August 2026 (UTC) Really enjoyed this chapter! Curious since positive urgency and negative urgency are both part of the UPPS-P model, do you think one is more strongly linked to alcohol related consequences than the other, or does the research not really distinguish between them in that way? <!-- Official topic development feedback --> {{METF/2026 |1= <!-- Title --> # Title and subtitle were almost correctly worded and use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] (fixed) |2= <!-- Heading structure --> <!-- 1-level --> # Promising [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Major project/Structure|1-level heading structure]] – could benefit from further development (e.g., consider using subheadings) <!-- Alignment with focus questions --> # Excellent alignment between sub-title, focus questions, and heading structure # Note that it isn't necessary to focus on alcohol (this is not part of the question), but alcohol can provide a useful case study/scenario/example |3= <!-- Overview--> # Very good <!-- GenAI ---> # Does this section include [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|genAI content]]? If so, it needs to be acknowledged as such in the edit summaries, otherwise it violates academic integrity. <!-- Scenario --> # A scenario or case study is presented in a feature box with an image at the start of this section <!-- Description --> # An overaly detailed description of the problem/topic is planned or presented; most citations are best used in subsequent sections # Simplify/abbreviate the description of the problem/topic. Move detail into subsequent sections. <!-- Focus questions --> # Focus questions are aligned with sub-title and top-level headings |4= <!-- Key points--> <!-- Overall --> # Promising development <!-- Scope --> # The scope is excellent (i.e., not too little/narrow or too big/broad), but note that the question is not about alcohol per se <!-- Theory and research --> # Promising balance of theory and research # Select the best theories about this topic # Select the best research about this topic <!-- Citations --> # Excellent use of citations # Provide more detailed edit summaries <!-- GenAI ---> # Do these key points include [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|genAI content]]? If so, this needs to be acknowledged in the edit summaries, otherwise it violates academic integrity. <!-- Conclusion --> # Conclusion is underway # Reduce emphasis on citations (these should be in previous sections); provide user-friendly, practical, take-home messages (address the focus questions) |5= <!-- Figure --> # Relevant figure(s) presented and captioned, but not cited <!-- Cite --> # Cite each figure at least once in the main text using APA style (e.g., see Figure 1) |6= <!-- Learning feature --> <!-- Interwiki links ---> # Add in-text [[m:Help:Interwiki linking|interwiki links]] for first mention of key terms to [[w:|Wikipedia]] and/or [[Motivation and emotion/Book|book chapters]] (see [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 2]]) <!-- Scenarios/examples/case studies --> # Consider use of more scenarios/examples/case studies <!-- Quiz --> # Promising use of quiz question(s) # Place quiz each question in the most relevant section <!-- Tables --> # Promising use of table(s) |7= <!-- References --> <!-- Overall --> # Excellent <!-- Systematic reviews --> # Well done on identifying relevant systematic reviews and/or meta-analyses |8= <!-- Resources --> <!-- See also --> # See also ## Very good <!-- External links --> # External links ## Very good ## Move academic sources into the "References" sections and provide in-text citation ## Links to measurement instruments are probably not the best resources about this topic; link to the most relevant external resources about this topic |9= <!-- User page --> # Excellent <!-- Description about self --> # Excellent description about self provided <!-- Links to profile(s) --> # Consider linking to your [https://portfolio.canberra.edu.au/ eportfolio] page and/or any other professional online profile or resume such as [https://www.linkedin.com/ LinkedIn]. This is not required, but it can be useful to interlink your professional networks. <!-- Link to book chapter --> # A link to the book chapter is provided |10= <!-- Social contribution --> # Excellent – at least three different types of contributions with direct link(s) to evidence }} -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 22:18, 29 August 2026 (UTC) == Suggestion to add a table == Hi there I read over your chapter and it is looking really good! In reading the UPPS-P introduction, I noticed the sentence detailing each dimension was quite long. To help readers' comprehension, I translated this sentence into a table. You may like to consider now condensing the sentence where you explain each dimension of the UPPS model and instead refer readers to Table 1. I hope that helps! All the best, Pepper. [[User:U3253363|U3253363]] ([[User talk:U3253363|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/U3253363|contribs]]) 09:33, 29 September 2026 (UTC) == Discussion on chapter and Feedback == Hello! just taking a peek at your work and I am loving the structure and the flow especially the UPPS table as it gives me an understanding when I have no knowledge of it, one thing to note is id maybe try a make your figure 1 a bit shorter as with the long description people may see that and could be drawn away from the long description. Id also like to add to try to do external Wikiversity links or Wikipedia links for some words in the chapter such as impulsivity, sensation-seeking, motivation and emotion as a couple example. I'll send some links from Wikipedia for these terms. Because with these if readers are wanting to understand a term they can click on it and learn more from your chapter! https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Impulsivity https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sensation_seeking https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Motivation https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Emotion Here is also a example of how to place the external links into your chapter https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Motivation_and_emotion/Book/2025/Autonomy_and_intrinsic_motivation_in_self-determination_theory - Paige [[User:U3262868|U3262868]] ([[User talk:U3262868|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/U3262868|contribs]]) 22:36, 11 October 2026 (UTC) <!-- Official book chapter feedback --> {{MEBF/2026 |1= <!-- Overall comments... --> # This is an excellent chapter that successfully uses psychological theory and research to address a practical, real-world phenomenon or problem <!-- Overall – Citations --> # Very good to excellent use of academic, peer-reviewed citations to support claims <!-- Overall – Copyedits --> # For additional feedback, see the following comments and [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FImpulsivity_versus_sensation-seeking&diff=2840332&oldid=2838776 these copyedits] |2= <!-- Overview – Comments... --> # Excellent <!-- Overview – Scenario --> <!-- Overview – Scenario - Description --> # Engaging scenario or case study <!-- Overview – Scenario - Feature --> # Figure 1 is relevant to the scenario <!-- Overview – Scenario - Feature --> # Scenario uses an appropriate feature box <!-- Overview – Explains problem --> # Clearly explains the psychological problem or phenomenon <!-- Overview – Focus questions --> # The focus questions are excellent (clear and relevant)/very good/good/reasonably good/basic/promising/insufficient |3= <!-- Theory comments... --> <!-- Theory – Breadth --> # Excellent—key theories are very well explained and applied <!-- Theory – Builds on --> # Doesn't build on [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and/or/but not related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms <!-- Theory – Depth --> # Insightful is provided about key theory(ies) <!-- Theory – Tables/Figures/Lists --> # Excellent use of tables, figures, and/or lists to clearly convey key theoretical information <!-- Theory – Citations --> # Key citations are well used <!-- Theory – Examples --> # Good use of examples to illustrate theoretical concepts # Consider using more examples to illustrate theoretical concepts |4= <!-- Research comments... --> <!-- Research – Key findings --> # Very good review of relevant research # It could be helpful to provide the strength of relationships identified through meta-analyses # Claims are mostly well referenced <!-- Research – Critical thinking --> # Excellent [[w:Critical thinking|critical thinking]] about relevant research is evident # [[w:Critical thinking|Critical thinking]] about research could be further evidenced by: ## describing the methodology (e.g., sample, measures) in important studies ## considering the strength of relationships ## acknowledging limitations ## suggesting ''specific'' directions for future research |5= <!-- Integration comments... --> # Excellent integration between the most relevant theory(ies) and the best research |6= <!-- Conclusion comments... --> # Very good summary and conclusion <!-- Conclusion – Key points --> # Key points are well summarised <!-- Conclusion – Focus questions --> # The take-away messages for each focus question could be spelt out more clearly <!-- Conclusion – Take-home messages --> # Add practical, take-home message(s) |7= <!-- Written expression – Style comments... --> <!-- Written expression – Written expression --> # Written expression ## The quality of written expression is excellent <!-- Written expression – Proofreading --> # Proofreading ## Use consistent spelling for "sensation-seeking" vs. "sensation seeking" <!-- Written expression – Figures --> ## Figures ### Very well captioned ### Figure 3 is missing a space between "dimensions" and "Venn" <!-- Written expression – Figures - Citations --> ### Each Figure is referred to at least once within the main text using APA style <!-- Written expression – Tables --> ## Tables ### Very well captioned ### Each Table is referred to at least once within the main text using APA style <!-- Written expression – References --> ## References use excellent APA style: <!-- Feedback responsiveness ---> ## No evidence of responsiveness to feedback on talk page |8= <!-- Learning features comments... --> # Excellent use of learning features <!-- Learning features – Wikipedia embedded links --> # Add embedded in-text [[m:Help:Interwiki linking|interwiki links]] to Wikipedia articles. Adding interwiki links for the first mention of key words and technical concepts would make the text more interactive. See [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Nutrition and anxiety|example]]. <!-- Learning features – Wikiversity embedded links --> # Add embedded in-text links to related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|book chapters]]. Embedding in-text links to related book chapters helps to integrate this chapter into the broader book project. <!-- Learning features – Figures, tables, feature boxes, scenarios --> # Excellent use of figure(s) # Excellent use of table(s) <!-- Learning features – Quizzes --> # Excellent use of quiz(zes) and/or reflection question(s) <!-- Learning features – See also --> # Basic use of the [[{{PAGENAME}}#See also|See also]] section <!-- Learning features – External links --> # Good use of the [[{{PAGENAME}}#External links|External links]] section |9= <!-- Social contribution comments... --> # ~3 logged, useful, talk page contributions with [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter/Summarising social contributions#How to add direct links to contributions|direct links to evidence]] # ~3 logged contributions without [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter/Summarising social contributions#How to add direct links to contributions|direct links to evidence]], so unable to easily verify and assess. See [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials|tutorials]] for guidance about how to get direct links to evidence. }} -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 21:38, 14 October 2026 (UTC) gjq9azfj8cgi21lv4q24trfjoobhkdn 2840334 2840333 2026-10-14T21:40:29Z Jtneill 10242 2840334 wikitext text/x-wiki == Focus questions == Promising progress. Remember to use bullet-points for the focus questions. See Tutorial 2. ---- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 08:09, 19 August 2026 (UTC) Really enjoyed this chapter! Curious since positive urgency and negative urgency are both part of the UPPS-P model, do you think one is more strongly linked to alcohol related consequences than the other, or does the research not really distinguish between them in that way? <!-- Official topic development feedback --> {{METF/2026 |1= <!-- Title --> # Title and subtitle were almost correctly worded and use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] (fixed) |2= <!-- Heading structure --> <!-- 1-level --> # Promising [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Major project/Structure|1-level heading structure]] – could benefit from further development (e.g., consider using subheadings) <!-- Alignment with focus questions --> # Excellent alignment between sub-title, focus questions, and heading structure # Note that it isn't necessary to focus on alcohol (this is not part of the question), but alcohol can provide a useful case study/scenario/example |3= <!-- Overview--> # Very good <!-- GenAI ---> # Does this section include [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|genAI content]]? If so, it needs to be acknowledged as such in the edit summaries, otherwise it violates academic integrity. <!-- Scenario --> # A scenario or case study is presented in a feature box with an image at the start of this section <!-- Description --> # An overaly detailed description of the problem/topic is planned or presented; most citations are best used in subsequent sections # Simplify/abbreviate the description of the problem/topic. Move detail into subsequent sections. <!-- Focus questions --> # Focus questions are aligned with sub-title and top-level headings |4= <!-- Key points--> <!-- Overall --> # Promising development <!-- Scope --> # The scope is excellent (i.e., not too little/narrow or too big/broad), but note that the question is not about alcohol per se <!-- Theory and research --> # Promising balance of theory and research # Select the best theories about this topic # Select the best research about this topic <!-- Citations --> # Excellent use of citations # Provide more detailed edit summaries <!-- GenAI ---> # Do these key points include [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|genAI content]]? If so, this needs to be acknowledged in the edit summaries, otherwise it violates academic integrity. <!-- Conclusion --> # Conclusion is underway # Reduce emphasis on citations (these should be in previous sections); provide user-friendly, practical, take-home messages (address the focus questions) |5= <!-- Figure --> # Relevant figure(s) presented and captioned, but not cited <!-- Cite --> # Cite each figure at least once in the main text using APA style (e.g., see Figure 1) |6= <!-- Learning feature --> <!-- Interwiki links ---> # Add in-text [[m:Help:Interwiki linking|interwiki links]] for first mention of key terms to [[w:|Wikipedia]] and/or [[Motivation and emotion/Book|book chapters]] (see [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 2]]) <!-- Scenarios/examples/case studies --> # Consider use of more scenarios/examples/case studies <!-- Quiz --> # Promising use of quiz question(s) # Place quiz each question in the most relevant section <!-- Tables --> # Promising use of table(s) |7= <!-- References --> <!-- Overall --> # Excellent <!-- Systematic reviews --> # Well done on identifying relevant systematic reviews and/or meta-analyses |8= <!-- Resources --> <!-- See also --> # See also ## Very good <!-- External links --> # External links ## Very good ## Move academic sources into the "References" sections and provide in-text citation ## Links to measurement instruments are probably not the best resources about this topic; link to the most relevant external resources about this topic |9= <!-- User page --> # Excellent <!-- Description about self --> # Excellent description about self provided <!-- Links to profile(s) --> # Consider linking to your [https://portfolio.canberra.edu.au/ eportfolio] page and/or any other professional online profile or resume such as [https://www.linkedin.com/ LinkedIn]. This is not required, but it can be useful to interlink your professional networks. <!-- Link to book chapter --> # A link to the book chapter is provided |10= <!-- Social contribution --> # Excellent – at least three different types of contributions with direct link(s) to evidence }} -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 22:18, 29 August 2026 (UTC) == Suggestion to add a table == Hi there I read over your chapter and it is looking really good! In reading the UPPS-P introduction, I noticed the sentence detailing each dimension was quite long. To help readers' comprehension, I translated this sentence into a table. You may like to consider now condensing the sentence where you explain each dimension of the UPPS model and instead refer readers to Table 1. I hope that helps! All the best, Pepper. [[User:U3253363|U3253363]] ([[User talk:U3253363|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/U3253363|contribs]]) 09:33, 29 September 2026 (UTC) == Discussion on chapter and Feedback == Hello! just taking a peek at your work and I am loving the structure and the flow especially the UPPS table as it gives me an understanding when I have no knowledge of it, one thing to note is id maybe try a make your figure 1 a bit shorter as with the long description people may see that and could be drawn away from the long description. Id also like to add to try to do external Wikiversity links or Wikipedia links for some words in the chapter such as impulsivity, sensation-seeking, motivation and emotion as a couple example. I'll send some links from Wikipedia for these terms. Because with these if readers are wanting to understand a term they can click on it and learn more from your chapter! https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Impulsivity https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sensation_seeking https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Motivation https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Emotion Here is also a example of how to place the external links into your chapter https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Motivation_and_emotion/Book/2025/Autonomy_and_intrinsic_motivation_in_self-determination_theory - Paige [[User:U3262868|U3262868]] ([[User talk:U3262868|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/U3262868|contribs]]) 22:36, 11 October 2026 (UTC) <!-- Official book chapter feedback --> {{MEBF/2026 |1= <!-- Overall comments... --> # This is an excellent chapter that successfully uses psychological theory and research to address a practical, real-world phenomenon or problem <!-- Overall – Citations --> # Very good to excellent use of academic, peer-reviewed citations to support claims <!-- Overall – Copyedits --> # For additional feedback, see the following comments and [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FImpulsivity_versus_sensation-seeking&diff=2840332&oldid=2838776 these copyedits] |2= <!-- Overview – Comments... --> # Excellent <!-- Overview – Scenario --> <!-- Overview – Scenario - Description --> # Engaging scenario or case study <!-- Overview – Scenario - Feature --> # Figure 1 is relevant to the scenario <!-- Overview – Scenario - Feature --> # Scenario uses an appropriate feature box <!-- Overview – Explains problem --> # Clearly explains the psychological problem or phenomenon <!-- Overview – Focus questions --> # The focus questions are excellent (clear and relevant)/very good/good/reasonably good/basic/promising/insufficient |3= <!-- Theory comments... --> <!-- Theory – Breadth --> # Excellent—key theories are very well explained and applied <!-- Theory – Builds on --> # Doesn't build on [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and/or/but not related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms <!-- Theory – Depth --> # Insightful is provided about key theory(ies) <!-- Theory – Tables/Figures/Lists --> # Excellent use of tables, figures, and/or lists to clearly convey key theoretical information <!-- Theory – Citations --> # Key citations are well used <!-- Theory – Examples --> # Good use of examples to illustrate theoretical concepts # Consider using more examples to illustrate theoretical concepts |4= <!-- Research comments... --> <!-- Research – Key findings --> # Very good review of relevant research # It could be helpful to provide the strength of relationships identified through meta-analyses # Claims are mostly well referenced <!-- Research – Critical thinking --> # Excellent [[w:Critical thinking|critical thinking]] about relevant research is evident # [[w:Critical thinking|Critical thinking]] about research could be further evidenced by: ## describing the methodology (e.g., sample, measures) in important studies ## considering the strength of relationships ## acknowledging limitations ## suggesting ''specific'' directions for future research |5= <!-- Integration comments... --> # Excellent integration between the most relevant theory(ies) and the best research |6= <!-- Conclusion comments... --> # Very good summary and conclusion <!-- Conclusion – Key points --> # Key points are well summarised <!-- Conclusion – Focus questions --> # The take-away messages for each focus question could be spelt out more clearly <!-- Conclusion – Take-home messages --> # Add practical, take-home message(s) |7= <!-- Written expression – Style comments... --> <!-- Written expression – Written expression --> # Written expression ## The quality of written expression is excellent <!-- Written expression – Proofreading --> # Proofreading ## Use consistent spelling for "sensation-seeking" vs. "sensation seeking" <!-- Written expression – Figures --> ## Figures ### Very well captioned ### Figure 3 is missing a space between "dimensions" and "Venn" <!-- Written expression – Figures - Citations --> ### Each Figure is referred to at least once within the main text using APA style <!-- Written expression – Tables --> ## Tables ### Very well captioned ### Each Table is referred to at least once within the main text using APA style <!-- Written expression – References --> ## References use excellent APA style: <!-- Feedback responsiveness ---> ## No evidence of responsiveness to feedback on talk page |8= <!-- Learning features comments... --> # Excellent use of learning features <!-- Learning features – Wikipedia embedded links --> # Add embedded in-text [[m:Help:Interwiki linking|interwiki links]] to Wikipedia articles. Adding interwiki links for the first mention of key words and technical concepts would make the text more interactive. See [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Nutrition and anxiety|example]]. <!-- Learning features – Wikiversity embedded links --> # Add embedded in-text links to related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|book chapters]]. Embedding in-text links to related book chapters helps to integrate this chapter into the broader book project. <!-- Learning features – Figures, tables, feature boxes, scenarios --> # Excellent use of figure(s) # Excellent use of table(s) <!-- Learning features – Quizzes --> # Excellent use of quiz(zes) and/or reflection question(s) <!-- Learning features – See also --> # Basic use of the [[{{PAGENAME}}#See also|See also]] section <!-- Learning features – External links --> # Good use of the [[{{PAGENAME}}#External links|External links]] section |9= <!-- Social contribution comments... --> # ~3 logged, useful, talk page contributions with [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter/Summarising social contributions#How to add direct links to contributions|direct links to evidence]] # ~3 logged contributions without [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter/Summarising social contributions#How to add direct links to contributions|direct links to evidence]], so unable to easily verify and assess. See [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials|tutorials]] for guidance about how to get direct links to evidence. # ~2 imagse uploaded but no direct links to evidence provided }} -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 21:38, 14 October 2026 (UTC) m29htcpud56ll2vh2p82h0r8q8zwnnx 2840342 2840334 2026-10-14T23:10:55Z Jtneill 10242 2840342 wikitext text/x-wiki == Focus questions == Promising progress. Remember to use bullet-points for the focus questions. See Tutorial 2. ---- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 08:09, 19 August 2026 (UTC) Really enjoyed this chapter! Curious since positive urgency and negative urgency are both part of the UPPS-P model, do you think one is more strongly linked to alcohol related consequences than the other, or does the research not really distinguish between them in that way? <!-- Official topic development feedback --> {{METF/2026 |1= <!-- Title --> # Title and subtitle were almost correctly worded and use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] (fixed) |2= <!-- Heading structure --> <!-- 1-level --> # Promising [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Major project/Structure|1-level heading structure]] – could benefit from further development (e.g., consider using subheadings) <!-- Alignment with focus questions --> # Excellent alignment between sub-title, focus questions, and heading structure # Note that it isn't necessary to focus on alcohol (this is not part of the question), but alcohol can provide a useful case study/scenario/example |3= <!-- Overview--> # Very good <!-- GenAI ---> # Does this section include [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|genAI content]]? If so, it needs to be acknowledged as such in the edit summaries, otherwise it violates academic integrity. <!-- Scenario --> # A scenario or case study is presented in a feature box with an image at the start of this section <!-- Description --> # An overaly detailed description of the problem/topic is planned or presented; most citations are best used in subsequent sections # Simplify/abbreviate the description of the problem/topic. Move detail into subsequent sections. <!-- Focus questions --> # Focus questions are aligned with sub-title and top-level headings |4= <!-- Key points--> <!-- Overall --> # Promising development <!-- Scope --> # The scope is excellent (i.e., not too little/narrow or too big/broad), but note that the question is not about alcohol per se <!-- Theory and research --> # Promising balance of theory and research # Select the best theories about this topic # Select the best research about this topic <!-- Citations --> # Excellent use of citations # Provide more detailed edit summaries <!-- GenAI ---> # Do these key points include [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|genAI content]]? If so, this needs to be acknowledged in the edit summaries, otherwise it violates academic integrity. <!-- Conclusion --> # Conclusion is underway # Reduce emphasis on citations (these should be in previous sections); provide user-friendly, practical, take-home messages (address the focus questions) |5= <!-- Figure --> # Relevant figure(s) presented and captioned, but not cited <!-- Cite --> # Cite each figure at least once in the main text using APA style (e.g., see Figure 1) |6= <!-- Learning feature --> <!-- Interwiki links ---> # Add in-text [[m:Help:Interwiki linking|interwiki links]] for first mention of key terms to [[w:|Wikipedia]] and/or [[Motivation and emotion/Book|book chapters]] (see [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 2]]) <!-- Scenarios/examples/case studies --> # Consider use of more scenarios/examples/case studies <!-- Quiz --> # Promising use of quiz question(s) # Place quiz each question in the most relevant section <!-- Tables --> # Promising use of table(s) |7= <!-- References --> <!-- Overall --> # Excellent <!-- Systematic reviews --> # Well done on identifying relevant systematic reviews and/or meta-analyses |8= <!-- Resources --> <!-- See also --> # See also ## Very good <!-- External links --> # External links ## Very good ## Move academic sources into the "References" sections and provide in-text citation ## Links to measurement instruments are probably not the best resources about this topic; link to the most relevant external resources about this topic |9= <!-- User page --> # Excellent <!-- Description about self --> # Excellent description about self provided <!-- Links to profile(s) --> # Consider linking to your [https://portfolio.canberra.edu.au/ eportfolio] page and/or any other professional online profile or resume such as [https://www.linkedin.com/ LinkedIn]. This is not required, but it can be useful to interlink your professional networks. <!-- Link to book chapter --> # A link to the book chapter is provided |10= <!-- Social contribution --> # Excellent – at least three different types of contributions with direct link(s) to evidence }} -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 22:18, 29 August 2026 (UTC) == Suggestion to add a table == Hi there I read over your chapter and it is looking really good! In reading the UPPS-P introduction, I noticed the sentence detailing each dimension was quite long. To help readers' comprehension, I translated this sentence into a table. You may like to consider now condensing the sentence where you explain each dimension of the UPPS model and instead refer readers to Table 1. I hope that helps! All the best, Pepper. [[User:U3253363|U3253363]] ([[User talk:U3253363|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/U3253363|contribs]]) 09:33, 29 September 2026 (UTC) == Discussion on chapter and Feedback == Hello! just taking a peek at your work and I am loving the structure and the flow especially the UPPS table as it gives me an understanding when I have no knowledge of it, one thing to note is id maybe try a make your figure 1 a bit shorter as with the long description people may see that and could be drawn away from the long description. Id also like to add to try to do external Wikiversity links or Wikipedia links for some words in the chapter such as impulsivity, sensation-seeking, motivation and emotion as a couple example. I'll send some links from Wikipedia for these terms. Because with these if readers are wanting to understand a term they can click on it and learn more from your chapter! https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Impulsivity https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sensation_seeking https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Motivation https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Emotion Here is also a example of how to place the external links into your chapter https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Motivation_and_emotion/Book/2025/Autonomy_and_intrinsic_motivation_in_self-determination_theory - Paige [[User:U3262868|U3262868]] ([[User talk:U3262868|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/U3262868|contribs]]) 22:36, 11 October 2026 (UTC) <!-- Official book chapter feedback --> {{MEBF/2026 |1= <!-- Overall comments... --> # This is an excellent chapter that successfully uses psychological theory and research to address a practical, real-world phenomenon or problem <!-- Overall – Citations --> # Very good to excellent use of academic, peer-reviewed citations to support claims <!-- Overall – Copyedits --> # For additional feedback, see the following comments and [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FImpulsivity_versus_sensation-seeking&diff=2840332&oldid=2838776 these copyedits] |2= <!-- Overview – Comments... --> # Excellent <!-- Overview – Scenario --> <!-- Overview – Scenario - Description --> # Engaging scenario or case study <!-- Overview – Scenario - Feature --> # Figure 1 is relevant to the scenario <!-- Overview – Scenario - Feature --> # Scenario uses an appropriate feature box <!-- Overview – Explains problem --> # Clearly explains the psychological problem or phenomenon <!-- Overview – Focus questions --> # The focus questions are excellent (clear and relevant)/very good/good/reasonably good/basic/promising/insufficient |3= <!-- Theory comments... --> <!-- Theory – Breadth --> # Excellent—key theories are very well explained and applied <!-- Theory – Builds on --> # Doesn't build on [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and/or/but not related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms <!-- Theory – Depth --> # Insightful is provided about key theory(ies) <!-- Theory – Tables/Figures/Lists --> # Excellent use of tables, figures, and/or lists to clearly convey key theoretical information <!-- Theory – Citations --> # Key citations are well used <!-- Theory – Examples --> # Good use of alcohol at party example to illustrate theoretical concepts # Consider using more examples to illustrate theoretical concepts in action in other domains |4= <!-- Research comments... --> <!-- Research – Key findings --> # Very good review of relevant research # It could be helpful to provide the strength of relationships identified through meta-analyses # Claims are mostly well referenced <!-- Research – Critical thinking --> # Excellent [[w:Critical thinking|critical thinking]] about relevant research is evident # [[w:Critical thinking|Critical thinking]] about research could be further evidenced by: ## describing the methodology (e.g., sample, measures) in important studies ## considering the strength of relationships ## acknowledging limitations ## suggesting ''specific'' directions for future research |5= <!-- Integration comments... --> # Excellent integration between the most relevant theory(ies) and the best research |6= <!-- Conclusion comments... --> # Very good summary and conclusion <!-- Conclusion – Key points --> # Key points are well summarised <!-- Conclusion – Focus questions --> # The take-away messages for each focus question could be spelt out more clearly <!-- Conclusion – Take-home messages --> # Add practical, take-home message(s) |7= <!-- Written expression – Style comments... --> <!-- Written expression – Written expression --> # Written expression ## The quality of written expression is excellent <!-- Written expression – Proofreading --> # Proofreading ## Use consistent spelling for "sensation-seeking" vs. "sensation seeking" <!-- Written expression – Figures --> ## Figures ### Very well captioned ### Figure 3 is missing a space between "dimensions" and "Venn" <!-- Written expression – Figures - Citations --> ### Each Figure is referred to at least once within the main text using APA style <!-- Written expression – Tables --> ## Tables ### Very well captioned ### Each Table is referred to at least once within the main text using APA style <!-- Written expression – References --> ## References use excellent APA style: <!-- Feedback responsiveness ---> ## No evidence of responsiveness to feedback on talk page |8= <!-- Learning features comments... --> # Excellent use of learning features <!-- Learning features – Wikipedia embedded links --> # Add embedded in-text [[m:Help:Interwiki linking|interwiki links]] to Wikipedia articles. Adding interwiki links for the first mention of key words and technical concepts would make the text more interactive. See [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Nutrition and anxiety|example]]. <!-- Learning features – Wikiversity embedded links --> # Add embedded in-text links to related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|book chapters]]. Embedding in-text links to related book chapters helps to integrate this chapter into the broader book project. <!-- Learning features – Figures, tables, feature boxes, scenarios --> # Excellent use of figure(s) # Excellent use of table(s) <!-- Learning features – Quizzes --> # Excellent use of quiz(zes) and/or reflection question(s) <!-- Learning features – See also --> # Basic use of the [[{{PAGENAME}}#See also|See also]] section <!-- Learning features – External links --> # Good use of the [[{{PAGENAME}}#External links|External links]] section |9= <!-- Social contribution comments... --> # ~3 logged, useful, talk page contributions with [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter/Summarising social contributions#How to add direct links to contributions|direct links to evidence]] # ~3 logged contributions without [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter/Summarising social contributions#How to add direct links to contributions|direct links to evidence]], so unable to easily verify and assess. See [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials|tutorials]] for guidance about how to get direct links to evidence. # ~2 imagse uploaded but no direct links to evidence provided }} -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 21:38, 14 October 2026 (UTC) aokxhgode1yybsrz5kok5h0f79adpjp 2 331314 2840412 2829580 2026-10-15T07:02:26Z Ella Kay244 3107007 /* Social Contributions */ 2840412 wikitext text/x-wiki == About me == I am a 3rd year student. Who is studying [[Motivation and emotion|Motivation and Emotion]] at the [https://www.canberra.edu.au/ University of Canberra.] [[File:Snowboarding.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. man snowboarding ]] My hobbies: * [[w:Snowboarding|Snowboarding]] * rock climbing * cooking == Book Chapter I'm Working On == [[File:Elderly man tending to trees in a garden.jpg|thumb|200x200px|'''Figure 2'''. elderly man tending to his tree ]] [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2026/Self-determination theory and dementia care|Self-determination theory and dementia care]] == Social Contributions == # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Talk:Motivation_and_emotion/Book/2026/Mental_health_first_aid_and_helping_behaviour&oldid=2825506 Added a starter articel for the page] Mental health first aid and helping behaviour What motivates people to recognise, approach, and support someone with a mental health problem? # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Talk%3AMotivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FEmpathy_fatigue_and_emotional_exhaustion&diff=2825516&oldid=2823527 Added a starter artical for the page:] Empathy fatigue and emotional exhaustion: How does sustained empathic engagement contribute to emotional exhaustion? # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FAdolescent_risk-taking_and_reward-system_development&diff=2825526&oldid=2825376 Changed casing to a heading on the page]: Adolescent risk-taking and reward-system development. How does reward circuit maturation influence adolescent sensation-seeking and impulsive behaviours? # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Talk%3AMotivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FAdolescent_risk-taking_and_reward-system_development&diff=2825529&oldid=2822945 Started a discussion topic to discuss correct formatting.] # Turned the scenario into a first person perspective for better reader engament 1qluqzjswjsckvh5jdec8v83j8bil9z 2840413 2840412 2026-10-15T07:02:56Z Ella Kay244 3107007 /* Social Contributions */ 2840413 wikitext text/x-wiki == About me == I am a 3rd year student. Who is studying [[Motivation and emotion|Motivation and Emotion]] at the [https://www.canberra.edu.au/ University of Canberra.] [[File:Snowboarding.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. man snowboarding ]] My hobbies: * [[w:Snowboarding|Snowboarding]] * rock climbing * cooking == Book Chapter I'm Working On == [[File:Elderly man tending to trees in a garden.jpg|thumb|200x200px|'''Figure 2'''. elderly man tending to his tree ]] [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2026/Self-determination theory and dementia care|Self-determination theory and dementia care]] == Social Contributions == # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Talk:Motivation_and_emotion/Book/2026/Mental_health_first_aid_and_helping_behaviour&oldid=2825506 Added a starter articel for the page] Mental health first aid and helping behaviour What motivates people to recognise, approach, and support someone with a mental health problem? # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Talk%3AMotivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FEmpathy_fatigue_and_emotional_exhaustion&diff=2825516&oldid=2823527 Added a starter artical for the page:] Empathy fatigue and emotional exhaustion: How does sustained empathic engagement contribute to emotional exhaustion? # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FAdolescent_risk-taking_and_reward-system_development&diff=2825526&oldid=2825376 Changed casing to a heading on the page]: Adolescent risk-taking and reward-system development. How does reward circuit maturation influence adolescent sensation-seeking and impulsive behaviours? # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Talk%3AMotivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FAdolescent_risk-taking_and_reward-system_development&diff=2825529&oldid=2822945 Started a discussion topic to discuss correct formatting.] # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FEmpathy_fatigue_and_emotional_exhaustion&diff=2840411&oldid=2832859 Turned the scenario into a first person perspective] for better reader engament o96elw1rquz8fwxrd01t8k5mphka7qj 2840417 2840413 2026-10-15T07:14:29Z Ella Kay244 3107007 /* Social Contributions */ 2840417 wikitext text/x-wiki == About me == I am a 3rd year student. Who is studying [[Motivation and emotion|Motivation and Emotion]] at the [https://www.canberra.edu.au/ University of Canberra.] [[File:Snowboarding.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. man snowboarding ]] My hobbies: * [[w:Snowboarding|Snowboarding]] * rock climbing * cooking == Book Chapter I'm Working On == [[File:Elderly man tending to trees in a garden.jpg|thumb|200x200px|'''Figure 2'''. elderly man tending to his tree ]] [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2026/Self-determination theory and dementia care|Self-determination theory and dementia care]] == Social Contributions == # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Talk:Motivation_and_emotion/Book/2026/Mental_health_first_aid_and_helping_behaviour&oldid=2825506 Added a starter articel for the page] Mental health first aid and helping behaviour What motivates people to recognise, approach, and support someone with a mental health problem? # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Talk%3AMotivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FEmpathy_fatigue_and_emotional_exhaustion&diff=2825516&oldid=2823527 Added a starter artical for the page:] Empathy fatigue and emotional exhaustion: How does sustained empathic engagement contribute to emotional exhaustion? # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FAdolescent_risk-taking_and_reward-system_development&diff=2825526&oldid=2825376 Changed casing to a heading on the page]: Adolescent risk-taking and reward-system development. How does reward circuit maturation influence adolescent sensation-seeking and impulsive behaviours? # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Talk%3AMotivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FAdolescent_risk-taking_and_reward-system_development&diff=2825529&oldid=2822945 Started a discussion topic to discuss correct formatting.] # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FEmpathy_fatigue_and_emotional_exhaustion&diff=2840411&oldid=2832859 Turned the scenario into a first person perspective] for better reader engament # Hperlinked 'burnout' to a [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FEmpathy_fatigue_and_emotional_exhaustion&diff=2840415&oldid=2840411 beyond blue page] that describes symptoms pn1545vuj8vfi1194d5j2p5vwy03mmj 2840418 2840417 2026-10-15T07:15:29Z Ella Kay244 3107007 2840418 wikitext text/x-wiki == About me == I am a 3rd year student. Who is studying [[Motivation and emotion|Motivation and Emotion]] at the [https://www.canberra.edu.au/ University of Canberra.] [[File:Snowboarding.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. man snowboarding ]] My hobbies: * [[w:Snowboarding|Snowboarding]] * rock climbing * cooking == Book Chapter I'm Working On == [[File:Elderly man tending to trees in a garden.jpg|thumb|200x200px|'''Figure 2'''. elderly man tending to his tree ]] [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2026/Self-determination theory and dementia care|Self-determination theory and dementia care]] == Social Contributions == # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Talk:Motivation_and_emotion/Book/2026/Mental_health_first_aid_and_helping_behaviour&oldid=2825506 Added a starter articel for the page] Mental health first aid and helping behaviour What motivates people to recognise, approach, and support someone with a mental health problem? # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Talk%3AMotivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FEmpathy_fatigue_and_emotional_exhaustion&diff=2825516&oldid=2823527 Added a starter artical for the page:] Empathy fatigue and emotional exhaustion: How does sustained empathic engagement contribute to emotional exhaustion? # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FAdolescent_risk-taking_and_reward-system_development&diff=2825526&oldid=2825376 Changed casing to a heading on the page]: Adolescent risk-taking and reward-system development. How does reward circuit maturation influence adolescent sensation-seeking and impulsive behaviours? # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Talk%3AMotivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FAdolescent_risk-taking_and_reward-system_development&diff=2825529&oldid=2822945 Started a discussion topic to discuss correct formatting.] # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FEmpathy_fatigue_and_emotional_exhaustion&diff=2840411&oldid=2832859 Turned the scenario into a first person perspective] for better reader engament # Hperlinked 'burnout' to a [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FEmpathy_fatigue_and_emotional_exhaustion&diff=2840415&oldid=2840411 beyond blue page] that describes symptoms # Gave [https://uclearn.canberra.edu.au/courses/20143/discussion_topics/465374 feedback] on book chapter Emotion regulation though exercise kwf2zroou3o0izbrctrt9x0hurmmtjf 2840420 2840418 2026-10-15T07:27:55Z Ella Kay244 3107007 /* Social Contributions */ 2840420 wikitext text/x-wiki == About me == I am a 3rd year student. Who is studying [[Motivation and emotion|Motivation and Emotion]] at the [https://www.canberra.edu.au/ University of Canberra.] [[File:Snowboarding.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. man snowboarding ]] My hobbies: * [[w:Snowboarding|Snowboarding]] * rock climbing * cooking == Book Chapter I'm Working On == [[File:Elderly man tending to trees in a garden.jpg|thumb|200x200px|'''Figure 2'''. elderly man tending to his tree ]] [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2026/Self-determination theory and dementia care|Self-determination theory and dementia care]] == Social Contributions == # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Talk:Motivation_and_emotion/Book/2026/Mental_health_first_aid_and_helping_behaviour&oldid=2825506 Added a starter articel for the page] Mental health first aid and helping behaviour What motivates people to recognise, approach, and support someone with a mental health problem? # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Talk%3AMotivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FEmpathy_fatigue_and_emotional_exhaustion&diff=2825516&oldid=2823527 Added a starter artical for the page:] Empathy fatigue and emotional exhaustion: How does sustained empathic engagement contribute to emotional exhaustion? # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FAdolescent_risk-taking_and_reward-system_development&diff=2825526&oldid=2825376 Changed casing to a heading on the page]: Adolescent risk-taking and reward-system development. How does reward circuit maturation influence adolescent sensation-seeking and impulsive behaviours? # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Talk%3AMotivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FAdolescent_risk-taking_and_reward-system_development&diff=2825529&oldid=2822945 Started a discussion topic to discuss correct formatting.] # [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FEmpathy_fatigue_and_emotional_exhaustion&diff=2840411&oldid=2832859 Turned the scenario into a first person perspective] for better reader engament # Hperlinked 'burnout' to a [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FEmpathy_fatigue_and_emotional_exhaustion&diff=2840415&oldid=2840411 beyond blue page] that describes symptoms # Gave [https://uclearn.canberra.edu.au/courses/20143/discussion_topics/465374 feedback] on book chapter Emotion regulation though exercise # linked '[https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FAutomaticity_and_goal_pursuit&diff=2840419&oldid=2840265 higher-order thinking'] to an artical describing the meanging k0f1t27vbnyk7uik03s9dp5rxk4hjfx 0 331386 2840378 2839971 2026-10-15T05:04:21Z Ella Kay244 3107007 2840378 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-determination theory and dementia care:<br>How can autonomy, competence, and relatedness be supported in people living with dementia?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}}[[File:Wolf Creek NFH nursing home fishing event October 2024.png|thumb|'''Figure 1:''' Residence of an aged care home enjoying an outside activity ]] ;Imagine this ... Imagine you are an elderly resident with dementia living in a psychogeriatric ward in the beautiful countryside of the Netherlands. On your walk from your bedroom to the communal dining room, you pass many people; staff, other residents and resident’s family members but you do not know any of them. You take your breakfast to a table that looks out over the garden. As you eat your breakfast you imagine yourself walking around the gardens, taking in the sun and smelling the flowers. Despite your longing to do just that, you know that it is not up to you if you get to enjoy the gardens today. You have been told it is unsafe and you must wait to see if one of those staff members you walked past this morning will have the time to take you outside. {{RoundBoxBottom}} How would this scenario make you feel? Trapped? Unsafe? This scenario was taken from experiences shared by residents of a [[wikipedia:Geriatric_psychiatry|psychogeriatric]] ward in the Netherlands. These experiences were shared with researchers to help them understand what made residents feel a sense of freedom and safety. They identified that time in nature, knowing the staff and spending time with others all contributed to sense of freedom and safety (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Scenarios like this are common within aged care homes for residents living with [[dementia]]. A review of 1158 articles published between 2000 and 2018 found that residents felt a lack of freedom, belonging and connection with some residents even describing their living situation as 'living in a prison camp'. Many residents describe their well-being as low with reports of poor self-esteem, connection, value and independence (Shiells et al., 2020). [[Self-determination theory]] uses three elements to explain motivation and wellbeing. These elements can help us understand the experiences of people living with dementia and how to improve their well-being. Self-determination theory (SDT) highlights 3 core psychological needs that impact well-being, autonomy, competence, and relatedness (Dombestein et al., 2020). * Autonomy is the need to feel ownership and agency over your own actions. * Competence is the need to be able to feel confident in performing tasks * Relatedness is the need to feel a sense of belonging. The feeling that you are supported by others and that you intern support them This book chapter addresses the question, how can self-determination theory help us understand and support the psychological needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness in people living with dementia, by first looking at a quick overview of dementia and the main models of care, then introducing SDT as a framework for understanding motivation and well-being. It then examines how autonomy, competence, and relatedness can be supported for people living with dementia in both in-home and institutional care settings, and highlights where the evidence is still limited. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is dementia, and what care options exsist to support people living with it? * What does self-determination theory propose about human motivation and well-being, and why is it a useful framework for understanding dementia care? * What benefit does increasing psychological needs have for people with dementia? * What interventions are effective for increasing competency, autonomy and relatedness * How does person-centred care impact psychological well-being {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding dementia and models of care == '''Focuse quetion: What is dementia, and what care options exist to support people living with it?''' Dementia is a neurodegenerative disease that progresses over time (Cipriani et l., 2020). It is the 7^th leading cause of death across the globe as 57 million people were living with dementia in 2021 (World Health Organisation, 2026). Dementia disproportionately affects women as they are both more likely to get dementia and more likely to look after people with it (World Health Organisation, 2026). There are four types of dementia: Alzheimer’s disease, vascular dementia, frontotemporal dementia and dementia Lewy body (Maclin et al., 2019). Alzheimer’s It is the most common type of dementia occurring in 69% of the population over 75; it is characterised by the gradual loss of memory and cognition that impacts the loss of performing daily life activities. The second most common is frontotemporal dementia and is distinguished by a distorted personality along with loss of social and executive functioning, including in some cases the loss of speech (Maclin et al., 2019). Support is often needed for complex daily activities like organising transportation in the early stages of dementia. As the disease progresses, help with basic activities like getting dressed or going to the bathroom is needed too (Cipriani et al., 2020). Providing care and support for people living with dementia comes in many forms including in-home care and institutionalised care. Families and patients will choose between these models based on cultural values, knowledge of dementia, access to services, financial position and geographic location (Singh et al 2014; Knight et al., 2024; Giebel et al., 2021). In-home care refers to situations where dementia patients live in their home. People receiving in-home care may be looked after by informal caregivers such as family members, formal caregivers or a mix of both (Singh et al 2014). Institutionalised care is referring to the model of care where patients move into a facility where they can be monitored and looked after entirely by professionals or formal caregivers (Knight et al., 2024). In Australia most people living with dementia choose in-home care however, there are still over 1 million people living in institutionalised settings (Singh et al 2014). == Self-determination theory as a framework == '''Focus question: What does self-determination theory propose about human motivation and well-being, and why is it a useful framework for understanding dementia care?''' Self-determination theory (SDT) is a theory of motivation. SDT predicts motivation by explaining why people are intrinsically or extrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour (Dombestein et at, 2020), (Ryan & Deci, 2020). If someone is intrinsically motivated to do a behaviour it means they are motivated by internal factors with no influence from the environment. This could be learning to dance purely for the enjoyment of it. On the other hand, extrinsic motivation is when someone behaves in response to environmental factors (Van den Broeck et al., 2021). This could mean walking around an electric fence, instead of jumping over the fence to avoid getting shocked. People are very rarely motivated entirely for internal or external reasons; therefore extrinsic motivation is on a continuum. The continuum starts with: * External regulation (behaviours are regulated from environmental cues, rewards and punishments) * Introjection (environmental cues are being injected internally for instance the “punishment” of doing something wrong is feeling guilty * Identified (you identify with your behaviours for example you identify with being a good student so you show up to class but do not enjoy class) * Integration (there is less conflict between your identity and your behaviour. For example, you show up to class because you value being a good student and think it’s the right thing to do) (Dombestein et al, 2020). Motivation is complex and multidimensional as people often have different forms of motivation for performing the same task (Ryan & Deci, 2020). For example, someone might have an identification motived to run because their doctor told them it is a good way to reduce blood pressure and they want to stay healthy. They might also be intrinsically motivated to run because they get to see their friends who they enjoy spending time with. SDT offers an explanation as to where on the motivation continuum people operate. SDT says that for people to be intrinsically motivated or on the upper end of the extrinsic motivation scale you must satisfy all three critical psychological needs. These needs are Autonomy (feeling ownership over actions and life circumstances) competence (a sense of confidence or mastery over performing tasks) and relatedness (this is the need to feel like you belong to a group, that you are supported by others and in return people feel supported by you). Achievement of the three psychological needs is not automatic, and people often require support to achieve these needs. Organismic SDT states that people have a natural drive towards obtaining the basic psychological needs (Rayan & Deci, 2020). This is demonstrated in a qualitative study looking into how young girls in China choose menstrual products. They found the girls chose options that helped them to feel more bodily autonomy, confident in the areas of life they identified with, and helped them to feel close to their sisters, mothers and people in the media. The girls were only able to choose products that aligned with gaining autonomy, competence and relatedness if they could afford the products (Zou et al.,2026). This reflects the theory that people have a natural desire to achieve the three psychological needs but need support from their environment. There is some debate in motivation research as to whether the different types of motivation describe distinct qualitative forms of motivation or if they point to different quantitative points along a scale of motivation (Van den Broeck et al., 2021). In the eyes of self-determination theory, motivation is a scale or a continuum. Research into SDT backs up this idea of a scale. Multiple studies have found that when students have higher levels of autonomy, competence and relatedness they have better wellbeing and higher school grades. They also found that as people obtain high levels of the psychological needs their motivations come from the intrinsic side of the motivation continuum. This research gives evidence for motivation to be a continuum. SDT provides a framework to understand the type of motivation people perform tasks with. As people gain more autonomy, competence and relatedness they move across the motivation continuum from extrinsically to intrinsically motivated. People who have high levels of autonomy, competence and relatedness and who are on the upper end of the motivation continuum have better outcomes from their behaviour and better overall well-being. {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''types of motivation''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} * {{tip|key points * SDT is a theory of motivation. Extrinsic motivation sits on a continuum: external regulation, introjection, identified and integration. * Autonomy, competence and relatedness must all be met for people to be intrinsically motivated or at the upper end of the continuum. * People have a natural drive towards these needs but need support from their environment }} == Putting Self-Determination Theory into Practice: Meeting Psychological Needs in Dementia == '''Focus question: What benefit does increasing psychological needs have for people with dementia?''' '''what interventions are effective for increasing competency, autonomy and relatedness?''' Supporting autonomy, competence, and relatedness in people living with dementia leads to better well-being, but these needs cannot be given directly to a person. Instead, the environment must create the conditions for them to develop (Ryan & Deci, 2020). Most people have a natural tendency toward psychological well-being if given the opportunity (Zou et al., 2026; Ryan & Deci, 2020), so the strategies discussed below are best understood as shaping conditions rather than delivering outcomes. Facilitating decision-making is one of the most well-documented examples. Colclough et al. (2026) found that it did not improve well-being directly but did so by increasing all three needs, which is consistent with SDT’s claim that need satisfaction underlies well-being. Decision-making is not the only pathway, however, as several interventions target each need independently. This section examines how competence, autonomy, and relatedness can be supported in home and aged care settings, and then considers the role of carers, whose own well-being shapes the care they can provide === Competency === Competency, which is the ability to feel a sense of mastery and control over one’s environment, has been seen to be supported by carers assisting or allowing patients were possible to perform tasks independently (Custer et al., 2011). When adults with dementia cannot perform simple tasks by themselves like eating, they report feeling ashamed and embarrassed (Estrada, 2021). The ability to perform tasks independently is one reason most people prefer to stay in their home (cit). Both formal and informal caregivers help people with dementia feel competent and safe in their own home with patients reporting that their informal caregivers help them with daily living tasks, navigating the health system and organising social activities (Warmmes et al., 2021). Similar sentiments have been shared around formal caregivers helping with medical information and daily tasks (Hoel et al., 2021). Aside from carers, aids that help with everyday activities are also highly cited as interventions that help people feel competency when living at home (Rapaport et al., 2020; Wammers et al., 2021). The importance of the environment for allowing psychological needs to flourish is evident in respect to competency as people living in aged care homes are less likely to complete tasks independently as cognitive decline progresses, compared to people receiving informal care (Anselmo et al., 2025). Residents often report having little control over daily routines, such as what they eat, when they shower or go to bed and may can only go outside when a staff member has time to accompany them (Shiells et al., 2020). Interventions for increasing feelings of competency in aged care homes should revolve around ways that residents can safely execute tasks and have more control around their routine like accesses to a kitchen with simple to prepare food. === Autonomy === Supporting autonomy in people with dementia is best understood through Self-determination theory’s definition of autonomy which is having a sense of agency over one’s life rather than the physical ability to act independently (Ryan & Deci, 2020). A study by Stemfph and colleagues (2025) found that people with dementia did not mind if they did not contribute much to decision making if they were included. 90% of people living with mild forms of dementia can articulate preferences and even give reasons for their preferences based on their values (Stumpf et al., 2025). Despite this healthcare professional will often defer all questions to patient’s family members (Stumpf et al., 2025). People with dementia are generally ok with the gradual loss of independence that comes with the progression of the disease as long as the decisions they do make around everyday things like going for a walk or dying their hair are respected (Estrada, 2021). Interventions that help to increase decision making by applying advance care planning to everyday situations, simplifying and visualising choices and staff getting to know the residents have all helped increase autonomy (Van der Weide et al., 2023). Van der Weide and collggees (2023) did warn that offering fewer choices does increase the risk of staff accidently letting their preference dictate residence choices. They also found autonomy interventions only appeared valuable within trusting relationships with family and staff (Van der Weide et al., 2023). === Relatedness === The need for relatedness is often clearly expressed by people living in aged care homes with many residence reporting love and connection as important values (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Residence also expresses a desire to spend more time with other residents (Shiells et al., 2020). Shiells and colleeges(2020) have discovered that reading groups, exercising and helping other residents with problems have all been linked to feeling valued. Formal caregivers that provide in-home care have been seen to increase feelings of relatedness as people report appreciating the conversation and liking when they got the same person as they understood their preferences (Hole et al., 2021).  Lastly decision-making has also been seen to increase relatedness if ideas are heard and respected (Stumpf et al., 2025). Estrada (2021) offers a richer understanding as to why decision-making might increase relatedness through the principles of person-centres care. Although competence, autonomy, and relatedness each make a unique contribution to motivation and well-being (Slemp et al., 2024), the strategies above show that they are closely interconnected. Interventions aimed at one need often support others. For example, feeling genuinely listened to and respected increases both relatedness and autonomy (Stumpf et al., 2025; Estrada, 2021). Because the needs overlap and cannot be supplied directly, the most effective interventions are those that change the environment to allow them to develop. Allowing more time to communicate, creating spaces where people can act more independently, and increasing collaboration in decision-making all support well-being through the three needs. Many of these strategies depend on carers having the time, energy, and support to deliver them. Carer well-being therefore remains an important area for future research, particularly as person-centred care has not yet been shown to improve staff satisfaction. * {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant internal resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses }} ==References== Provide the references for all citations in [[w:APA style|APA style]] (7th ed.) or [[w:Wikipedia:Citing sources|wiki style]]. Alternatively, you can use wiki style (as used on Wikipedia), as long as the information is complete and the formatting is consistent. APA style example: {{Hanging indent|1= Rosenberg, B. D., & Siegel, J. T. (2018). A 50-year review of psychological reactance theory: Do not read this article. ''Motivation Science'', ''4''(4), 281–300. https://doi.org/10.1037/mot0000091 Sacks, O. (1985). ''The man who mistook his wife for a hat and other clinical tales''. Harper & Row. }} {{tip|1=Review time!<div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {How many types of dementia are there?} - 2 - 3 + 4 </quiz> </div> <quiz display=simple> what interventions can be used to help increase well-being in people with dementia?} + genuine participation in decsion-making - spending more time outside + Aids that help with independent completion of tasks - taking over day to day responsibilites </quiz> <quiz display=simple> {Can a person-centred care approach help improve the well-being of formal caregivers?} - yes + no </quiz> </div>}} == See also == * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Basic psychological need theory|Basic psychological need theory]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Dementia care motivation|Dementia care motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Dementia]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Neurodegenerative disease]] (Wikiversity) ==External links== * [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK551552/ Behavioural and psychological symptoms in dementia] (National library of medicine) * [https://newsroom.ucla.edu/releases/dementia-care-study-highlights-importance-of-caregiver-self-efficacy Dementia care study highlights importance of caregiver self-efficacy] (UCLA newsroom) * [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory Older] [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory adults using technology for meaningful activities during COVID-19: an analysis through the lens of self-determination theory] (University of Melbourne) ==References== <div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Cipriani, G., Danti, S., Picchi, L., Nuti, A., & Fiorino, M. D. (2020). Daily functioning and dementia. ''Dementia & Neuropsychologia'', ''14''(2), 93–102. https://doi.org/10.1590/1980-57642020dn14-020001 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Colclough, C., Perach, R., Harris, P., Rusted, J., Banerjee, S., & Miles, E. (2026). Decision-making involvement and quality of life in people with dementia: the mediating role of psychological needs. ''Aging & Mental Health'', ''30''(2), 267–276. https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2025.2541188 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Dombestein, H., Norheim, A., & Lunde Husebø, A. M. (2020). Understanding informal caregivers’ motivation from the perspective of self‐determination theory: an integrative review. ''Scandinavian Journal of Caring Sciences'', ''34''(2), 267–279. https://doi.org/10.1111/scs.12735 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Shiells, K., Pivodic, L., Holmerová, I., & Van den Block, L. (2020). Self-reported needs and experiences of people with dementia living in nursing homes: a scoping review. ''Aging & Mental Health'', ''24''(10), 1553–1568. https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2019.1625303 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> van Andel, S., & Holkenborg, A. (2024). From the perspective of people with dementia: Using creative qualitative measures to assess the values and opinions on freedom and safety among people living with dementia. ''Healthcare (Basel)'', ''12''(14), 1412. https://doi.org/10.3390/healthcare12141412 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> van der Weide, H., Lovink, M. H., Luijkx, K. G., & Gerritsen, D. L. (2023). Supporting autonomy for people with dementia living in nursing homes: A rapid realist review. ''International Journal of Nursing Studies'', ''137'', Article 104382. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijnurstu.2022.104382 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> World Health Organization. (2026). ''Dementia''. https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/dementia </div>{{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] {{title|Self-determination theory and dementia care:<br>How can autonomy, competence, and relatedness be supported in people living with dementia?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Wolf Creek NFH nursing home fishing event October 2024.png|thumb|'''Figure 1:''' Residence of an aged care home enjoying an outside activity ]] ;Imagine this ... Imagine you are an elderly resident with dementia living in a psychogeriatric ward in the beautiful countryside of the Netherlands. On your walk from your bedroom to the communal dining room, you pass many people; staff, other residents and resident’s family members but you do not know any of them. You take your breakfast to a table that looks out over the garden. As you eat your breakfast you imagine yourself walking around the gardens, taking in the sun and smelling the flowers. Despite your longing to do just that, you know that it is not up to you if you get to enjoy the gardens today. You have been told it is unsafe and you must wait to see if one of those staff members you walked past this morning will have the time to take you outside. {{RoundBoxBottom}} How would this scenario make you feel? Trapped? Unsafe? This scenario was taken from experiences shared by residents of a [[wikipedia:Geriatric_psychiatry|psychogeriatric]] ward in the Netherlands. These experiences were shared with researchers to help them understand what made residents feel a sense of freedom and safety. They identified that time in nature, knowing the staff and spending time with others all contributed to sense of freedom and safety (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Scenarios like this are common within aged care homes for residents living with [[dementia]]. A review of 1158 articles published between 2000 and 2018 found that residents felt a lack of freedom, belonging and connection with some residents even describing their living situation as 'living in a prison camp'. Many residents describe their well-being as low with reports of poor self-esteem, connection, value and independence (Shiells et al., 2020). [[Self-determination theory]] uses three elements to explain motivation and wellbeing. These elements can help us understand the experiences of people living with dementia and how to improve their well-being. Self-determination theory (SDT) highlights 3 core psychological needs that impact well-being, autonomy, competence, and relatedness (Dombestein et al., 2020). * Autonomy is the need to feel ownership and agency over your own actions. * Competence is the need to be able to feel confident in performing tasks * Relatedness is the need to feel a sense of belonging. The feeling that you are supported by others and that you intern support them This book chapter addresses the question, how can self-determination theory help us understand and support the psychological needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness in people living with dementia, by first looking at a quick overview of dementia and the main models of care, then introducing SDT as a framework for understanding motivation and well-being. It then examines how autonomy, competence, and relatedness can be supported for people living with dementia in both in-home and institutional care settings, and highlights where the evidence is still limited. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is dementia, and what care options exsist to support people living with it? * What does self-determination theory propose about human motivation and well-being, and why is it a useful framework for understanding dementia care? * What benefit does increasing psychological needs have for people with dementia? * What interventions are effective for increasing competency, autonomy and relatedness * How does person-centred care impact psychological well-being {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding dementia and models of care == '''Focuse quetion: What is dementia, and what care options exist to support people living with it?''' Dementia is a neurodegenerative disease that progresses over time (Cipriani et l., 2020). It is the 7^th leading cause of death across the globe as 57 million people were living with dementia in 2021 (World Health Organisation, 2026). Dementia disproportionately affects women as they are both more likely to get dementia and more likely to look after people with it (World Health Organisation, 2026). There are four types of dementia: Alzheimer’s disease, vascular dementia, frontotemporal dementia and dementia Lewy body (Maclin et al., 2019). Alzheimer’s It is the most common type of dementia occurring in 69% of the population over 75; it is characterised by the gradual loss of memory and cognition that impacts the loss of performing daily life activities. The second most common is frontotemporal dementia and is distinguished by a distorted personality along with loss of social and executive functioning, including in some cases the loss of speech (Maclin et al., 2019). Support is often needed for complex daily activities like organising transportation in the early stages of dementia. As the disease progresses, help with basic activities like getting dressed or going to the bathroom is needed too (Cipriani et al., 2020). Providing care and support for people living with dementia comes in many forms including in-home care and institutionalised care. Families and patients will choose between these models based on cultural values, knowledge of dementia, access to services, financial position and geographic location (Singh et al 2014; Knight et al., 2024; Giebel et al., 2021). In-home care refers to situations where dementia patients live in their home. People receiving in-home care may be looked after by informal caregivers such as family members, formal caregivers or a mix of both (Singh et al 2014). Institutionalised care is referring to the model of care where patients move into a facility where they can be monitored and looked after entirely by professionals or formal caregivers (Knight et al., 2024). In Australia most people living with dementia choose in-home care however, there are still over 1 million people living in institutionalised settings (Singh et al 2014). == Self-determination theory as a framework == '''Focus question: What does self-determination theory propose about human motivation and well-being, and why is it a useful framework for understanding dementia care?''' Self-determination theory (SDT) is a theory of motivation. SDT predicts motivation by explaining why people are intrinsically or extrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour (Dombestein et at, 2020), (Ryan & Deci, 2020). If someone is intrinsically motivated to do a behaviour it means they are motivated by internal factors with no influence from the environment. This could be learning to dance purely for the enjoyment of it. On the other hand, extrinsic motivation is when someone behaves in response to environmental factors (Van den Broeck et al., 2021). This could mean walking around an electric fence, instead of jumping over the fence to avoid getting shocked. People are very rarely motivated entirely for internal or external reasons; therefore extrinsic motivation is on a continuum. The continuum starts with: * External regulation (behaviours are regulated from environmental cues, rewards and punishments) * Introjection (environmental cues are being injected internally for instance the “punishment” of doing something wrong is feeling guilty * Identified (you identify with your behaviours for example you identify with being a good student so you show up to class but do not enjoy class) * Integration (there is less conflict between your identity and your behaviour. For example, you show up to class because you value being a good student and think it’s the right thing to do) (Dombestein et al, 2020). [[File:Motivation continuum cartoon.png|thumb|'''Figure 2:''' motivation continuum]] Motivation is complex and multidimensional as people often have different forms of motivation for performing the same task (Ryan & Deci, 2020). For example, someone might have an identification motived to run because their doctor told them it is a good way to reduce blood pressure and they want to stay healthy. They might also be intrinsically motivated to run because they get to see their friends who they enjoy spending time with. SDT offers an explanation as to where on the motivation continuum people operate. SDT says that for people to be intrinsically motivated or on the upper end of the extrinsic motivation scale you must satisfy all three critical psychological needs. These needs are Autonomy (feeling ownership over actions and life circumstances) competence (a sense of confidence or mastery over performing tasks) and relatedness (this is the need to feel like you belong to a group, that you are supported by others and in return people feel supported by you). Achievement of the three psychological needs is not automatic, and people often require support to achieve these needs. Organismic SDT states that people have a natural drive towards obtaining the basic psychological needs (Rayan & Deci, 2020). This is demonstrated in a qualitative study looking into how young girls in China choose menstrual products. They found the girls chose options that helped them to feel more bodily autonomy, confident in the areas of life they identified with, and helped them to feel close to their sisters, mothers and people in the media. The girls were only able to choose products that aligned with gaining autonomy, competence and relatedness if they could afford the products (Zou et al.,2026). This reflects the theory that people have a natural desire to achieve the three psychological needs but need support from their environment. There is some debate in motivation research as to whether the different types of motivation describe distinct qualitative forms of motivation or if they point to different quantitative points along a scale of motivation (Van den Broeck et al., 2021). In the eyes of self-determination theory, motivation is a scale or a continuum. Research into SDT backs up this idea of a scale. Multiple studies have found that when students have higher levels of autonomy, competence and relatedness they have better wellbeing and higher school grades. They also found that as people obtain high levels of the psychological needs their motivations come from the intrinsic side of the motivation continuum. This research gives evidence for motivation to be a continuum. SDT provides a framework to understand the type of motivation people perform tasks with. As people gain more autonomy, competence and relatedness they move across the motivation continuum from extrinsically to intrinsically motivated. People who have high levels of autonomy, competence and relatedness and who are on the upper end of the motivation continuum have better outcomes from their behaviour and better overall well-being. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} Key points <nowiki>*</nowiki> SDT is a theory of motivation. Extrinsic motivation sits on a continuum: external regulation, introjection, identified and integration. <nowiki>*</nowiki> Autonomy, competence and relatedness must all be met for people to be intrinsically motivated or at the upper end of the continuum. <nowiki>*</nowiki> People have a natural drive towards these needs but need support from their environment. <nowiki>*</nowiki> Higher need satisfaction is linked to better well-being. {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Putting Self-Determination Theory into Practice: Meeting Psychological Needs in Dementia == '''Focus question: What benefit does increasing psychological needs have for people with dementia?''' '''what interventions are effective for increasing competency, autonomy and relatedness?''' Supporting autonomy, competence, and relatedness in people living with dementia leads to better well-being, but these needs cannot be given directly to a person. Instead, the environment must create the conditions for them to develop (Ryan & Deci, 2020). Most people have a natural tendency toward psychological well-being if given the opportunity (Zou et al., 2026; Ryan & Deci, 2020), so the strategies discussed below are best understood as shaping conditions rather than delivering outcomes. Facilitating decision-making is one of the most well-documented examples. Colclough et al. (2026) found that it did not improve well-being directly but did so by increasing all three needs, which is consistent with SDT’s claim that need satisfaction underlies well-being. Decision-making is not the only pathway, however, as several interventions target each need independently. This section examines how competence, autonomy, and relatedness can be supported in home and aged care settings, and then considers the role of carers, whose own well-being shapes the care they can provide === '''Competency''' === Competency, which is the ability to feel a sense of mastery and control over one’s environment, has been seen to be supported by carers assisting or allowing patients were possible to perform tasks independently (Custer et al., 2011). When adults with dementia cannot perform simple tasks by themselves like eating, they report feeling ashamed and embarrassed (Estrada, 2021). The ability to perform tasks independently is one reason most people prefer to stay in their home (cit). Both formal and informal caregivers help people with dementia feel competent and safe in their own home with patients reporting that their informal caregivers help them with daily living tasks, navigating the health system and organising social activities (Warmmes et al., 2021). Similar sentiments have been shared around formal caregivers helping with medical information and daily tasks (Hoel et al., 2021). Aside from carers, aids that help with everyday activities are also highly cited as interventions that help people feel competency when living at home (Rapaport et al., 2020; Wammers et al., 2021). The importance of the environment for allowing psychological needs to flourish is evident in respect to competency as people living in aged care homes are less likely to complete tasks independently as cognitive decline progresses, compared to people receiving informal care (Anselmo et al., 2025). Residents often report having little control over daily routines, such as what they eat, when they shower or go to bed and may can only go outside when a staff member has time to accompany them (Shiells et al., 2020). Interventions for increasing feelings of competency in aged care homes should revolve around ways that residents can safely execute tasks and have more control around their routine like accesses to a kitchen with simple to prepare food.   === Autonomy === Supporting autonomy in people with dementia is best understood through Self-determination theory’s definition of autonomy which is having a sense of agency over one’s life rather than the physical ability to act independently (Ryan & Deci, 2020). A study by Stemfph and colleagues (2025) found that people with dementia did not mind if they did not contribute much to decision making if they were included. 90% of people living with mild forms of dementia can articulate preferences and even give reasons for their preferences based on their values (Stumpf et al., 2025). Despite this healthcare professional will often defer all questions to patient’s family members (Stumpf et al., 2025). People with dementia are generally ok with the gradual loss of independence that comes with the progression of the disease as long as the decisions they do make around everyday things like going for a walk or dying their hair are respected (Estrada, 2021). Interventions that help to increase decision making by applying advance care planning to everyday situations, simplifying and visualising choices and staff getting to know the residents have all helped increase autonomy (Van der Weide et al., 2023). Van der Weide and collggees (2023) did warn that offering fewer choices does increase the risk of staff accidently letting their preference dictate residence choices. They also found autonomy interventions only appeared valuable within trusting relationships with family and staff (Van der Weide et al., 2023). === Relatedness === The need for relatedness is often clearly expressed by people living in aged care homes with many residence reporting love and connection as important values (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Residence also expresses a desire to spend more time with other residents (Shiells et al., 2020). Shiells and colleeges(2020) have discovered that reading groups, exercising and helping other residents with problems have all been linked to feeling valued. Formal caregivers that provide in-home care have been seen to increase feelings of relatedness as people report appreciating the conversation and liking when they got the same person as they understood their preferences (Hole et al., 2021).  Lastly decision-making has also been seen to increase relatedness if ideas are heard and respected (Stumpf et al., 2025).  Estrada (2021) offers a richer understanding as to why decision-making might increase relatedness through the principles of person-centres care. Although competence, autonomy, and relatedness each make a unique contribution to motivation and well-being (Slemp et al., 2024), the strategies above show that they are closely interconnected. Interventions aimed at one need often support others. For example, feeling genuinely listened to and respected increases both relatedness and autonomy (Stumpf et al., 2025; Estrada, 2021). Because the needs overlap and cannot be supplied directly, the most effective interventions are those that change the environment to allow them to develop. Allowing more time to communicate, creating spaces where people can act more independently, and increasing collaboration in decision-making all support well-being through the three needs. Many of these strategies depend on carers having the time, energy, and support to deliver them. Carer well-being therefore remains an important area for future research, particularly as person-centred care has not yet been shown to improve staff satisfaction. == Person-centred care impacts on promoting psychological well-being == '''Questions: How does person centred care impact psychological-well being''' Person or client centred care is an approach to care that puts the focus on maintaining a person’s sense of self by putting them and their needs at the forefront of importance when delivering care (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Person centred care has been investigated for solutions to increase staff satisfaction in aged care homes and in-home services as well as help to increase well-being in people with dementia. One of the principles of person-centred care is to ‘enter the persons world’ through communication to develop a better connection (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Estrada (2021) revealed that one way you can increase connection with dementia patients is by simply allowing more time for conversations. People with dementia need more time to communicate because as they age and their disease progresses their processing speed and short-term memory capacity decreases (Estrada, 2021; Huntley & Howard, 2010). Short-term memory is the very quick temporary storge of information and is often referred to as working memory (Huntley & Howard, 2010). In a normal adult short-term memory can only hold about seven pieces of information (Huntley & Howard, 2010). Allowing enough time for communicating is important as many people express frustrations when they feel rushed (Estada, 2021). Even in people with non-fluent dementia, communication can increase relatedness threw the encouragement of non-verbal communication like smiling, waving or touch (Estrada, 2021). Although it is well established that increased and better-quality communication between nursing home staff and residents is needed, nursing staff report not having enough time to get to know residents (Van Adel & Holkenborg, 2024) and most staff therefore place more importance on basic survival needs over psychological needs (Estrada, 2021). In-home care staff have also reported that the lack of time to addresses patients’ needs is also a reason for high turnover (Lama et al., 2021). A study wanted to address this by seeing if the implementation of a person-centre care approach could not only increase thriving and self-determination in people with dementia but also formal in-home caregivers. The study revealed that this was not a successful intervention for formal caregivers and found that while thriving went up in people with dementia, self-determination went down. A few things to note with this study are they did not have enough caregivers to detect a meaningful effect from the intervention as with a small sample size individual life events can have large impacts on results. The measure the study used for self-determination focused on feelings of autonomy. The measure for thriving looked at attitudes towards their home, care they received and their relationships. Based on these measures thriving may have accurately measured all the psychological needs in self-determination theory better than the self-determination measure. A notable study that recruited a large number of participants (341) thereby increasing their ability to detect an effect, looked at the effects of a person-centred intervention over 14 months. The study found that it had no effect on job satisfaction. (Vassbø et al., 2020). Person-centred care therefore does not appear to be a solution to increase staff satisfaction in the hopes of getting staff to deliver better care. However, there are promising results that may help increase the well-being for people with dementia. The psychological well-being of Informal caregivers also effects the well-being of the people they care for. informal caregivers report needing more emotional support, finding caring increasingly more difficult as they become older and report navigating the health care system on their own as challenging (Wammers et al., 2021). Interventions, based on self-determination theory that focus on increasing coping skills, communication skills and improving relationships made carers more intrinsically motivated to care for their loved one.  This led to increased wellbeing (Dombestein et al., 2020). Carers also reported that being able to drop their loved ones off at day-care centres allowed them to socialise with others, thereby increasing relatedness and aids that helped them complete home tasks helps them feel competent (Wammers et al., 2021). == Implications for practice == * overview ** Quality of life and cognitive decline are not associated. ** Decision making involvement was positively associated with quality of life and all 3 psychological needs ** Decision-making does not directly contribute to quality of life ** Decision-making helps with self-determination ** (Colclough et al., 2026) * Tools like talking matts can help people with dementia to communicate to improve decision making ** Recommendations for informal caregivers *** focus on self-care, stress and coping strategies *** Helth professionals recognise informal caregivers strengths and view as partners in the patient's health journey ** Recommendations for formal care staff and services *** Understand own biases *** Give fewer options *** Understand patients cultural background *** Get to know the patients ** Gaps in current research ==Conclusion== * People with dementia progressively need more support with daily functioning as their condition progresses * Increased support from others can lead to greater feelings of being out of control of one’s own life * When people with dementia are restricted from doing basic daily tasks like preparing their own food, showering or going for a walk they can feel a lack of autonomy, competence and relatedness. * A lack of autonomy, competence and relatedness negatively impacts well-being *Review time!<div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> {{Robelbox|theme=13|icon=Nuvola_apps_korganizer.svg|iconwidth=48px|title=Review time!<div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {How many types of dementia are there?} - 2 - 3 + 4 </quiz> </div> <quiz display=simple> what interventions can be used to help increase well-being in people with dementia?} + genuine participation in decsion-making - spending more time outside + Aids that help with independent completion of tasks - taking over day to day responsibilites </quiz> <quiz display=simple> {Can a person-centred care approach help improve the well-being of formal caregivers?} - yes + no </quiz> </div> {{RoundBoxBottom}} }} == External links == * [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK551552/ Behavioural and psychological symptoms in dementia] (National library of medicine) * [https://newsroom.ucla.edu/releases/dementia-care-study-highlights-importance-of-caregiver-self-efficacy Dementia care study highlights importance of caregiver self-efficacy] (UCLA newsroom) * [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory Older] [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory adults using technology for meaningful activities during COVID-19: an analysis through the lens of self-determination theory] (University of Melbourne) == See also == * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Basic psychological need theory|Basic psychological need theory]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Dementia care motivation|Dementia care motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Dementia]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Neurodegenerative disease]] (Wikiversity) == References == <div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Cipriani, G., Danti, S., Picchi, L., Nuti, A., & Fiorino, M. D. (2020). Daily functioning and dementia. ''Dementia & Neuropsychologia'', ''14''(2), 93–102. https://doi.org/10.1590/1980-57642020dn14-020001 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Colclough, C., Perach, R., Harris, P., Rusted, J., Banerjee, S., & Miles, E. (2026). Decision-making involvement and quality of life in people with dementia: the mediating role of psychological needs. ''Aging & Mental Health'', ''30''(2), 267–276. https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2025.2541188 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Dombestein, H., Norheim, A., & Lunde Husebø, A. M. (2020). Understanding informal caregivers’ motivation from the perspective of self‐determination theory: an integrative review. ''Scandinavian Journal of Caring Sciences'', ''34''(2), 267–279. https://doi.org/10.1111/scs.12735 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Shiells, K., Pivodic, L., Holmerová, I., & Van den Block, L. (2020). Self-reported needs and experiences of people with dementia living in nursing homes: a scoping review. ''Aging & Mental Health'', ''24''(10), 1553–1568. https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2019.1625303 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> van Andel, S., & Holkenborg, A. (2024). From the perspective of people with dementia: Using creative qualitative measures to assess the values and opinions on freedom and safety among people living with dementia. ''Healthcare (Basel)'', ''12''(14), 1412. https://doi.org/10.3390/healthcare12141412 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> van der Weide, H., Lovink, M. H., Luijkx, K. G., & Gerritsen, D. L. (2023). Supporting autonomy for people with dementia living in nursing homes: A rapid realist review. ''International Journal of Nursing Studies'', ''137'', Article 104382. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijnurstu.2022.104382 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> World Health Organization. (2026). ''Dementia''. https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/dementia </div> 70shpjdgk7muecvjwaywwcn1kpy8ghl 2840382 2840378 2026-10-15T05:07:34Z Ella Kay244 3107007 2840382 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__ [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] {{title|Self-determination theory and dementia care:<br>How can autonomy, competence, and relatedness be supported in people living with dementia?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Wolf Creek NFH nursing home fishing event October 2024.png|thumb|'''Figure 1:''' Residence of an aged care home enjoying an outside activity ]] ;Imagine this ... Imagine you are an elderly resident with dementia living in a psychogeriatric ward in the beautiful Dutch countryside. On the walk from your bedroom to the communal dining room, you pass many people; staff, other residents and resident’s family members, but you do not recognise any of them. You take your breakfast to a table overlooking the garden and imagine walking outside, feeling the sun and smelling the flowers. Despite your longing to enjoy the garden, whether you get outside today is not up to you. You have been told it is unsafe, and you may only go out when a staff member has time to take you. How would this scenario make you feel? Trapped? Unsafe? {{RoundBoxBottom}} How would this scenario make you feel? Trapped? Unsafe? This scenario was taken from experiences shared by residents of a [[wikipedia:Geriatric_psychiatry|psychogeriatric]] ward in the Netherlands. These experiences were shared with researchers to help them understand what made residents feel a sense of freedom and safety. They identified that time in nature, knowing the staff and spending time with others all contributed to sense of freedom and safety (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Scenarios like this are common within aged care homes for residents living with [[dementia]]. A review of 1158 articles published between 2000 and 2018 found that residents felt a lack of freedom, belonging and connection with some residents even describing their living situation as 'living in a prison camp'. Many residents describe their well-being as low with reports of poor self-esteem, connection, value and independence (Shiells et al., 2020). [[Self-determination theory]] uses three elements to explain motivation and wellbeing. These elements can help us understand the experiences of people living with dementia and how to improve their well-being. Self-determination theory (SDT) highlights 3 core psychological needs that impact well-being, autonomy, competence, and relatedness (Dombestein et al., 2020). * Autonomy is the need to feel ownership and agency over your own actions. * Competence is the need to be able to feel confident in performing tasks * Relatedness is the need to feel a sense of belonging. The feeling that you are supported by others and that you intern support them This book chapter addresses the question, how can self-determination theory help us understand and support the psychological needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness in people living with dementia, by first looking at a quick overview of dementia and the main models of care, then introducing SDT as a framework for understanding motivation and well-being. It then examines how autonomy, competence, and relatedness can be supported for people living with dementia in both in-home and institutional care settings, and highlights where the evidence is still limited. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is dementia, and what care options exsist to support people living with it? * What does self-determination theory propose about human motivation and well-being, and why is it a useful framework for understanding dementia care? * What benefit does increasing psychological needs have for people with dementia? * What interventions are effective for increasing competency, autonomy and relatedness * How does person-centred care impact psychological well-being {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding dementia and models of care == '''Focuse quetion: What is dementia, and what care options exist to support people living with it?''' Dementia is a neurodegenerative disease that progresses over time (Cipriani et l., 2020). It is the 7^th leading cause of death across the globe as 57 million people were living with dementia in 2021 (World Health Organisation, 2026). Dementia disproportionately affects women as they are both more likely to get dementia and more likely to look after people with it (World Health Organisation, 2026). There are four types of dementia: Alzheimer’s disease, vascular dementia, frontotemporal dementia and dementia Lewy body (Maclin et al., 2019). Alzheimer’s It is the most common type of dementia occurring in 69% of the population over 75; it is characterised by the gradual loss of memory and cognition that impacts the loss of performing daily life activities. The second most common is frontotemporal dementia and is distinguished by a distorted personality along with loss of social and executive functioning, including in some cases the loss of speech (Maclin et al., 2019). Support is often needed for complex daily activities like organising transportation in the early stages of dementia. As the disease progresses, help with basic activities like getting dressed or going to the bathroom is needed too (Cipriani et al., 2020). Providing care and support for people living with dementia comes in many forms including in-home care and institutionalised care. Families and patients will choose between these models based on cultural values, knowledge of dementia, access to services, financial position and geographic location (Singh et al 2014; Knight et al., 2024; Giebel et al., 2021). In-home care refers to situations where dementia patients live in their home. People receiving in-home care may be looked after by informal caregivers such as family members, formal caregivers or a mix of both (Singh et al 2014). Institutionalised care is referring to the model of care where patients move into a facility where they can be monitored and looked after entirely by professionals or formal caregivers (Knight et al., 2024). In Australia most people living with dementia choose in-home care however, there are still over 1 million people living in institutionalised settings (Singh et al 2014). == Self-determination theory as a framework == '''Focus question: What does self-determination theory propose about human motivation and well-being, and why is it a useful framework for understanding dementia care?''' Self-determination theory (SDT) is a theory of motivation. SDT predicts motivation by explaining why people are intrinsically or extrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour (Dombestein et at, 2020), (Ryan & Deci, 2020). If someone is intrinsically motivated to do a behaviour it means they are motivated by internal factors with no influence from the environment. This could be learning to dance purely for the enjoyment of it. On the other hand, extrinsic motivation is when someone behaves in response to environmental factors (Van den Broeck et al., 2021). This could mean walking around an electric fence, instead of jumping over the fence to avoid getting shocked. People are very rarely motivated entirely for internal or external reasons; therefore extrinsic motivation is on a continuum. The continuum starts with: * External regulation (behaviours are regulated from environmental cues, rewards and punishments) * Introjection (environmental cues are being injected internally for instance the “punishment” of doing something wrong is feeling guilty * Identified (you identify with your behaviours for example you identify with being a good student so you show up to class but do not enjoy class) * Integration (there is less conflict between your identity and your behaviour. For example, you show up to class because you value being a good student and think it’s the right thing to do) (Dombestein et al, 2020). [[File:Motivation continuum cartoon.png|thumb|'''Figure 2:''' motivation continuum]] Motivation is complex and multidimensional as people often have different forms of motivation for performing the same task (Ryan & Deci, 2020). For example, someone might have an identification motived to run because their doctor told them it is a good way to reduce blood pressure and they want to stay healthy. They might also be intrinsically motivated to run because they get to see their friends who they enjoy spending time with. SDT offers an explanation as to where on the motivation continuum people operate. SDT says that for people to be intrinsically motivated or on the upper end of the extrinsic motivation scale you must satisfy all three critical psychological needs. These needs are Autonomy (feeling ownership over actions and life circumstances) competence (a sense of confidence or mastery over performing tasks) and relatedness (this is the need to feel like you belong to a group, that you are supported by others and in return people feel supported by you). Achievement of the three psychological needs is not automatic, and people often require support to achieve these needs. Organismic SDT states that people have a natural drive towards obtaining the basic psychological needs (Rayan & Deci, 2020). This is demonstrated in a qualitative study looking into how young girls in China choose menstrual products. They found the girls chose options that helped them to feel more bodily autonomy, confident in the areas of life they identified with, and helped them to feel close to their sisters, mothers and people in the media. The girls were only able to choose products that aligned with gaining autonomy, competence and relatedness if they could afford the products (Zou et al.,2026). This reflects the theory that people have a natural desire to achieve the three psychological needs but need support from their environment. There is some debate in motivation research as to whether the different types of motivation describe distinct qualitative forms of motivation or if they point to different quantitative points along a scale of motivation (Van den Broeck et al., 2021). In the eyes of self-determination theory, motivation is a scale or a continuum. Research into SDT backs up this idea of a scale. Multiple studies have found that when students have higher levels of autonomy, competence and relatedness they have better wellbeing and higher school grades. They also found that as people obtain high levels of the psychological needs their motivations come from the intrinsic side of the motivation continuum. This research gives evidence for motivation to be a continuum. SDT provides a framework to understand the type of motivation people perform tasks with. As people gain more autonomy, competence and relatedness they move across the motivation continuum from extrinsically to intrinsically motivated. People who have high levels of autonomy, competence and relatedness and who are on the upper end of the motivation continuum have better outcomes from their behaviour and better overall well-being. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} Key points <nowiki>*</nowiki> SDT is a theory of motivation. Extrinsic motivation sits on a continuum: external regulation, introjection, identified and integration. <nowiki>*</nowiki> Autonomy, competence and relatedness must all be met for people to be intrinsically motivated or at the upper end of the continuum. <nowiki>*</nowiki> People have a natural drive towards these needs but need support from their environment. <nowiki>*</nowiki> Higher need satisfaction is linked to better well-being. {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Putting Self-Determination Theory into Practice: Meeting Psychological Needs in Dementia == '''Focus question: What benefit does increasing psychological needs have for people with dementia?''' '''what interventions are effective for increasing competency, autonomy and relatedness?''' Supporting autonomy, competence, and relatedness in people living with dementia leads to better well-being, but these needs cannot be given directly to a person. Instead, the environment must create the conditions for them to develop (Ryan & Deci, 2020). Most people have a natural tendency toward psychological well-being if given the opportunity (Zou et al., 2026; Ryan & Deci, 2020), so the strategies discussed below are best understood as shaping conditions rather than delivering outcomes. Facilitating decision-making is one of the most well-documented examples. Colclough et al. (2026) found that it did not improve well-being directly but did so by increasing all three needs, which is consistent with SDT’s claim that need satisfaction underlies well-being. Decision-making is not the only pathway, however, as several interventions target each need independently. This section examines how competence, autonomy, and relatedness can be supported in home and aged care settings, and then considers the role of carers, whose own well-being shapes the care they can provide === '''Competency''' === Competency, which is the ability to feel a sense of mastery and control over one’s environment, has been seen to be supported by carers assisting or allowing patients were possible to perform tasks independently (Custer et al., 2011). When adults with dementia cannot perform simple tasks by themselves like eating, they report feeling ashamed and embarrassed (Estrada, 2021). The ability to perform tasks independently is one reason most people prefer to stay in their home (cit). Both formal and informal caregivers help people with dementia feel competent and safe in their own home with patients reporting that their informal caregivers help them with daily living tasks, navigating the health system and organising social activities (Warmmes et al., 2021). Similar sentiments have been shared around formal caregivers helping with medical information and daily tasks (Hoel et al., 2021). Aside from carers, aids that help with everyday activities are also highly cited as interventions that help people feel competency when living at home (Rapaport et al., 2020; Wammers et al., 2021). The importance of the environment for allowing psychological needs to flourish is evident in respect to competency as people living in aged care homes are less likely to complete tasks independently as cognitive decline progresses, compared to people receiving informal care (Anselmo et al., 2025). Residents often report having little control over daily routines, such as what they eat, when they shower or go to bed and may can only go outside when a staff member has time to accompany them (Shiells et al., 2020). Interventions for increasing feelings of competency in aged care homes should revolve around ways that residents can safely execute tasks and have more control around their routine like accesses to a kitchen with simple to prepare food.   === Autonomy === Supporting autonomy in people with dementia is best understood through Self-determination theory’s definition of autonomy which is having a sense of agency over one’s life rather than the physical ability to act independently (Ryan & Deci, 2020). A study by Stemfph and colleagues (2025) found that people with dementia did not mind if they did not contribute much to decision making if they were included. 90% of people living with mild forms of dementia can articulate preferences and even give reasons for their preferences based on their values (Stumpf et al., 2025). Despite this healthcare professional will often defer all questions to patient’s family members (Stumpf et al., 2025). People with dementia are generally ok with the gradual loss of independence that comes with the progression of the disease as long as the decisions they do make around everyday things like going for a walk or dying their hair are respected (Estrada, 2021). Interventions that help to increase decision making by applying advance care planning to everyday situations, simplifying and visualising choices and staff getting to know the residents have all helped increase autonomy (Van der Weide et al., 2023). Van der Weide and collggees (2023) did warn that offering fewer choices does increase the risk of staff accidently letting their preference dictate residence choices. They also found autonomy interventions only appeared valuable within trusting relationships with family and staff (Van der Weide et al., 2023). === Relatedness === The need for relatedness is often clearly expressed by people living in aged care homes with many residence reporting love and connection as important values (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Residence also expresses a desire to spend more time with other residents (Shiells et al., 2020). Shiells and colleeges(2020) have discovered that reading groups, exercising and helping other residents with problems have all been linked to feeling valued. Formal caregivers that provide in-home care have been seen to increase feelings of relatedness as people report appreciating the conversation and liking when they got the same person as they understood their preferences (Hole et al., 2021).  Lastly decision-making has also been seen to increase relatedness if ideas are heard and respected (Stumpf et al., 2025).  Estrada (2021) offers a richer understanding as to why decision-making might increase relatedness through the principles of person-centres care. Although competence, autonomy, and relatedness each make a unique contribution to motivation and well-being (Slemp et al., 2024), the strategies above show that they are closely interconnected. Interventions aimed at one need often support others. For example, feeling genuinely listened to and respected increases both relatedness and autonomy (Stumpf et al., 2025; Estrada, 2021). Because the needs overlap and cannot be supplied directly, the most effective interventions are those that change the environment to allow them to develop. Allowing more time to communicate, creating spaces where people can act more independently, and increasing collaboration in decision-making all support well-being through the three needs. Many of these strategies depend on carers having the time, energy, and support to deliver them. Carer well-being therefore remains an important area for future research, particularly as person-centred care has not yet been shown to improve staff satisfaction. == Person-centred care impacts on promoting psychological well-being == '''Questions: How does person centred care impact psychological-well being''' Person or client centred care is an approach to care that puts the focus on maintaining a person’s sense of self by putting them and their needs at the forefront of importance when delivering care (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Person centred care has been investigated for solutions to increase staff satisfaction in aged care homes and in-home services as well as help to increase well-being in people with dementia. One of the principles of person-centred care is to ‘enter the persons world’ through communication to develop a better connection (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Estrada (2021) revealed that one way you can increase connection with dementia patients is by simply allowing more time for conversations. People with dementia need more time to communicate because as they age and their disease progresses their processing speed and short-term memory capacity decreases (Estrada, 2021; Huntley & Howard, 2010). Short-term memory is the very quick temporary storge of information and is often referred to as working memory (Huntley & Howard, 2010). In a normal adult short-term memory can only hold about seven pieces of information (Huntley & Howard, 2010). Allowing enough time for communicating is important as many people express frustrations when they feel rushed (Estada, 2021). Even in people with non-fluent dementia, communication can increase relatedness threw the encouragement of non-verbal communication like smiling, waving or touch (Estrada, 2021). Although it is well established that increased and better-quality communication between nursing home staff and residents is needed, nursing staff report not having enough time to get to know residents (Van Adel & Holkenborg, 2024) and most staff therefore place more importance on basic survival needs over psychological needs (Estrada, 2021). In-home care staff have also reported that the lack of time to addresses patients’ needs is also a reason for high turnover (Lama et al., 2021). A study wanted to address this by seeing if the implementation of a person-centre care approach could not only increase thriving and self-determination in people with dementia but also formal in-home caregivers. The study revealed that this was not a successful intervention for formal caregivers and found that while thriving went up in people with dementia, self-determination went down. A few things to note with this study are they did not have enough caregivers to detect a meaningful effect from the intervention as with a small sample size individual life events can have large impacts on results. The measure the study used for self-determination focused on feelings of autonomy. The measure for thriving looked at attitudes towards their home, care they received and their relationships. Based on these measures thriving may have accurately measured all the psychological needs in self-determination theory better than the self-determination measure. A notable study that recruited a large number of participants (341) thereby increasing their ability to detect an effect, looked at the effects of a person-centred intervention over 14 months. The study found that it had no effect on job satisfaction. (Vassbø et al., 2020). Person-centred care therefore does not appear to be a solution to increase staff satisfaction in the hopes of getting staff to deliver better care. However, there are promising results that may help increase the well-being for people with dementia. The psychological well-being of Informal caregivers also effects the well-being of the people they care for. informal caregivers report needing more emotional support, finding caring increasingly more difficult as they become older and report navigating the health care system on their own as challenging (Wammers et al., 2021). Interventions, based on self-determination theory that focus on increasing coping skills, communication skills and improving relationships made carers more intrinsically motivated to care for their loved one.  This led to increased wellbeing (Dombestein et al., 2020). Carers also reported that being able to drop their loved ones off at day-care centres allowed them to socialise with others, thereby increasing relatedness and aids that helped them complete home tasks helps them feel competent (Wammers et al., 2021). == Implications for practice == * overview ** Quality of life and cognitive decline are not associated. ** Decision making involvement was positively associated with quality of life and all 3 psychological needs ** Decision-making does not directly contribute to quality of life ** Decision-making helps with self-determination ** (Colclough et al., 2026) * Tools like talking matts can help people with dementia to communicate to improve decision making ** Recommendations for informal caregivers *** focus on self-care, stress and coping strategies *** Helth professionals recognise informal caregivers strengths and view as partners in the patient's health journey ** Recommendations for formal care staff and services *** Understand own biases *** Give fewer options *** Understand patients cultural background *** Get to know the patients ** Gaps in current research ==Conclusion== * People with dementia progressively need more support with daily functioning as their condition progresses * Increased support from others can lead to greater feelings of being out of control of one’s own life * When people with dementia are restricted from doing basic daily tasks like preparing their own food, showering or going for a walk they can feel a lack of autonomy, competence and relatedness. * A lack of autonomy, competence and relatedness negatively impacts well-being *Review time!<div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> {{Robelbox|theme=13|icon=Nuvola_apps_korganizer.svg|iconwidth=48px|title=Review time!<div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {How many types of dementia are there?} - 2 - 3 + 4 </quiz> </div> <quiz display=simple> what interventions can be used to help increase well-being in people with dementia?} + genuine participation in decsion-making - spending more time outside + Aids that help with independent completion of tasks - taking over day to day responsibilites </quiz> <quiz display=simple> {Can a person-centred care approach help improve the well-being of formal caregivers?} - yes + no </quiz> </div> {{RoundBoxBottom}} }} == External links == * [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK551552/ Behavioural and psychological symptoms in dementia] (National library of medicine) * [https://newsroom.ucla.edu/releases/dementia-care-study-highlights-importance-of-caregiver-self-efficacy Dementia care study highlights importance of caregiver self-efficacy] (UCLA newsroom) * [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory Older] [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory adults using technology for meaningful activities during COVID-19: an analysis through the lens of self-determination theory] (University of Melbourne) == See also == * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Basic psychological need theory|Basic psychological need theory]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Dementia care motivation|Dementia care motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Dementia]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Neurodegenerative disease]] (Wikiversity) == References == <div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Cipriani, G., Danti, S., Picchi, L., Nuti, A., & Fiorino, M. D. (2020). Daily functioning and dementia. ''Dementia & Neuropsychologia'', ''14''(2), 93–102. https://doi.org/10.1590/1980-57642020dn14-020001 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Colclough, C., Perach, R., Harris, P., Rusted, J., Banerjee, S., & Miles, E. (2026). Decision-making involvement and quality of life in people with dementia: the mediating role of psychological needs. ''Aging & Mental Health'', ''30''(2), 267–276. https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2025.2541188 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Dombestein, H., Norheim, A., & Lunde Husebø, A. M. (2020). Understanding informal caregivers’ motivation from the perspective of self‐determination theory: an integrative review. ''Scandinavian Journal of Caring Sciences'', ''34''(2), 267–279. https://doi.org/10.1111/scs.12735 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Shiells, K., Pivodic, L., Holmerová, I., & Van den Block, L. (2020). Self-reported needs and experiences of people with dementia living in nursing homes: a scoping review. ''Aging & Mental Health'', ''24''(10), 1553–1568. https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2019.1625303 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> van Andel, S., & Holkenborg, A. (2024). From the perspective of people with dementia: Using creative qualitative measures to assess the values and opinions on freedom and safety among people living with dementia. ''Healthcare (Basel)'', ''12''(14), 1412. https://doi.org/10.3390/healthcare12141412 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> van der Weide, H., Lovink, M. H., Luijkx, K. G., & Gerritsen, D. L. (2023). Supporting autonomy for people with dementia living in nursing homes: A rapid realist review. ''International Journal of Nursing Studies'', ''137'', Article 104382. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijnurstu.2022.104382 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> World Health Organization. (2026). ''Dementia''. https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/dementia </div> 6el0lfndaizntvw5rlvrfvh4h1dqykk 2840383 2840382 2026-10-15T05:11:26Z Ella Kay244 3107007 2840383 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__ [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] {{title|Self-determination theory and dementia care:<br>How can autonomy, competence, and relatedness be supported in people living with dementia?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Wolf Creek NFH nursing home fishing event October 2024.png|thumb|'''Figure 1:''' Residence of an aged care home enjoying an outside activity ]] ;Imagine this ... Imagine you are an elderly resident with dementia living in a psychogeriatric ward in the beautiful Dutch countryside. On the walk from your bedroom to the communal dining room, you pass many people; staff, other residents and resident’s family members, but you do not recognise any of them. You take your breakfast to a table overlooking the garden and imagine walking outside, feeling the sun and smelling the flowers. Despite your longing to enjoy the garden, whether you get outside today is not up to you. You have been told it is unsafe, and you may only go out when a staff member has time to take you. How would this scenario make you feel? Trapped? Unsafe? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This scenario draws on experiences that residents of a Dutch psychogeriatric ward shared with researchers studying what gives residents a sense of freedom and safety. They identified that time in nature, knowing the staff and spending time with others all contributed positively to a sense of personal freedom and safety in the ward (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Scenarios like this are common within aged care homes for residents living with dementia. A review of 1158 articles published between 2000 and 2018 found that residents felt a lack of freedom, belonging, and connection, with some residents even describing their living situation as “living in a prison camp” (Shiells et al., 2020, p 1563). Many residents describe their well-being as low with reports of poor self-esteem, connection, value and independence (Shiells et al., 2020). This chapter asks how Self-Determination Theory (SDT) can help understand and support the psychological needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness (ACR) in people with dementia. It begins with an overview of dementia and models of care, introduces SDT as a framework for understanding motivation and well-being, then examines how ACR can be supported for people living with dementia and highlights where the evidence is still limited. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus Questions''' # What is dementia, and what care options exists to support people living with it? # What does SDT propose about human motivation and well-being, and why is it a useful framework for understanding dementia care? # What interventions increase well-being for dementia patients? # How does person-centred care impact psychological well-being? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding dementia and models of care == '''Focuse quetion: What is dementia, and what care options exist to support people living with it?''' Dementia is a neurodegenerative disease that progresses over time (Cipriani et l., 2020). It is the 7^th leading cause of death across the globe as 57 million people were living with dementia in 2021 (World Health Organisation, 2026). Dementia disproportionately affects women as they are both more likely to get dementia and more likely to look after people with it (World Health Organisation, 2026). There are four types of dementia: Alzheimer’s disease, vascular dementia, frontotemporal dementia and dementia Lewy body (Maclin et al., 2019). Alzheimer’s It is the most common type of dementia occurring in 69% of the population over 75; it is characterised by the gradual loss of memory and cognition that impacts the loss of performing daily life activities. The second most common is frontotemporal dementia and is distinguished by a distorted personality along with loss of social and executive functioning, including in some cases the loss of speech (Maclin et al., 2019). Support is often needed for complex daily activities like organising transportation in the early stages of dementia. As the disease progresses, help with basic activities like getting dressed or going to the bathroom is needed too (Cipriani et al., 2020). Providing care and support for people living with dementia comes in many forms including in-home care and institutionalised care. Families and patients will choose between these models based on cultural values, knowledge of dementia, access to services, financial position and geographic location (Singh et al 2014; Knight et al., 2024; Giebel et al., 2021). In-home care refers to situations where dementia patients live in their home. People receiving in-home care may be looked after by informal caregivers such as family members, formal caregivers or a mix of both (Singh et al 2014). Institutionalised care is referring to the model of care where patients move into a facility where they can be monitored and looked after entirely by professionals or formal caregivers (Knight et al., 2024). In Australia most people living with dementia choose in-home care however, there are still over 1 million people living in institutionalised settings (Singh et al 2014). == Self-determination theory as a framework == '''Focus question: What does self-determination theory propose about human motivation and well-being, and why is it a useful framework for understanding dementia care?''' Self-determination theory (SDT) is a theory of motivation. SDT predicts motivation by explaining why people are intrinsically or extrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour (Dombestein et at, 2020), (Ryan & Deci, 2020). If someone is intrinsically motivated to do a behaviour it means they are motivated by internal factors with no influence from the environment. This could be learning to dance purely for the enjoyment of it. On the other hand, extrinsic motivation is when someone behaves in response to environmental factors (Van den Broeck et al., 2021). This could mean walking around an electric fence, instead of jumping over the fence to avoid getting shocked. People are very rarely motivated entirely for internal or external reasons; therefore extrinsic motivation is on a continuum. The continuum starts with: * External regulation (behaviours are regulated from environmental cues, rewards and punishments) * Introjection (environmental cues are being injected internally for instance the “punishment” of doing something wrong is feeling guilty * Identified (you identify with your behaviours for example you identify with being a good student so you show up to class but do not enjoy class) * Integration (there is less conflict between your identity and your behaviour. For example, you show up to class because you value being a good student and think it’s the right thing to do) (Dombestein et al, 2020). [[File:Motivation continuum cartoon.png|thumb|'''Figure 2:''' motivation continuum]] Motivation is complex and multidimensional as people often have different forms of motivation for performing the same task (Ryan & Deci, 2020). For example, someone might have an identification motived to run because their doctor told them it is a good way to reduce blood pressure and they want to stay healthy. They might also be intrinsically motivated to run because they get to see their friends who they enjoy spending time with. SDT offers an explanation as to where on the motivation continuum people operate. SDT says that for people to be intrinsically motivated or on the upper end of the extrinsic motivation scale you must satisfy all three critical psychological needs. These needs are Autonomy (feeling ownership over actions and life circumstances) competence (a sense of confidence or mastery over performing tasks) and relatedness (this is the need to feel like you belong to a group, that you are supported by others and in return people feel supported by you). Achievement of the three psychological needs is not automatic, and people often require support to achieve these needs. Organismic SDT states that people have a natural drive towards obtaining the basic psychological needs (Rayan & Deci, 2020). This is demonstrated in a qualitative study looking into how young girls in China choose menstrual products. They found the girls chose options that helped them to feel more bodily autonomy, confident in the areas of life they identified with, and helped them to feel close to their sisters, mothers and people in the media. The girls were only able to choose products that aligned with gaining autonomy, competence and relatedness if they could afford the products (Zou et al.,2026). This reflects the theory that people have a natural desire to achieve the three psychological needs but need support from their environment. There is some debate in motivation research as to whether the different types of motivation describe distinct qualitative forms of motivation or if they point to different quantitative points along a scale of motivation (Van den Broeck et al., 2021). In the eyes of self-determination theory, motivation is a scale or a continuum. Research into SDT backs up this idea of a scale. Multiple studies have found that when students have higher levels of autonomy, competence and relatedness they have better wellbeing and higher school grades. They also found that as people obtain high levels of the psychological needs their motivations come from the intrinsic side of the motivation continuum. This research gives evidence for motivation to be a continuum. SDT provides a framework to understand the type of motivation people perform tasks with. As people gain more autonomy, competence and relatedness they move across the motivation continuum from extrinsically to intrinsically motivated. People who have high levels of autonomy, competence and relatedness and who are on the upper end of the motivation continuum have better outcomes from their behaviour and better overall well-being. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} Key points <nowiki>*</nowiki> SDT is a theory of motivation. Extrinsic motivation sits on a continuum: external regulation, introjection, identified and integration. <nowiki>*</nowiki> Autonomy, competence and relatedness must all be met for people to be intrinsically motivated or at the upper end of the continuum. <nowiki>*</nowiki> People have a natural drive towards these needs but need support from their environment. <nowiki>*</nowiki> Higher need satisfaction is linked to better well-being. {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Putting Self-Determination Theory into Practice: Meeting Psychological Needs in Dementia == '''Focus question: What benefit does increasing psychological needs have for people with dementia?''' '''what interventions are effective for increasing competency, autonomy and relatedness?''' Supporting autonomy, competence, and relatedness in people living with dementia leads to better well-being, but these needs cannot be given directly to a person. Instead, the environment must create the conditions for them to develop (Ryan & Deci, 2020). Most people have a natural tendency toward psychological well-being if given the opportunity (Zou et al., 2026; Ryan & Deci, 2020), so the strategies discussed below are best understood as shaping conditions rather than delivering outcomes. Facilitating decision-making is one of the most well-documented examples. Colclough et al. (2026) found that it did not improve well-being directly but did so by increasing all three needs, which is consistent with SDT’s claim that need satisfaction underlies well-being. Decision-making is not the only pathway, however, as several interventions target each need independently. This section examines how competence, autonomy, and relatedness can be supported in home and aged care settings, and then considers the role of carers, whose own well-being shapes the care they can provide === '''Competency''' === Competency, which is the ability to feel a sense of mastery and control over one’s environment, has been seen to be supported by carers assisting or allowing patients were possible to perform tasks independently (Custer et al., 2011). When adults with dementia cannot perform simple tasks by themselves like eating, they report feeling ashamed and embarrassed (Estrada, 2021). The ability to perform tasks independently is one reason most people prefer to stay in their home (cit). Both formal and informal caregivers help people with dementia feel competent and safe in their own home with patients reporting that their informal caregivers help them with daily living tasks, navigating the health system and organising social activities (Warmmes et al., 2021). Similar sentiments have been shared around formal caregivers helping with medical information and daily tasks (Hoel et al., 2021). Aside from carers, aids that help with everyday activities are also highly cited as interventions that help people feel competency when living at home (Rapaport et al., 2020; Wammers et al., 2021). The importance of the environment for allowing psychological needs to flourish is evident in respect to competency as people living in aged care homes are less likely to complete tasks independently as cognitive decline progresses, compared to people receiving informal care (Anselmo et al., 2025). Residents often report having little control over daily routines, such as what they eat, when they shower or go to bed and may can only go outside when a staff member has time to accompany them (Shiells et al., 2020). Interventions for increasing feelings of competency in aged care homes should revolve around ways that residents can safely execute tasks and have more control around their routine like accesses to a kitchen with simple to prepare food.   === Autonomy === Supporting autonomy in people with dementia is best understood through Self-determination theory’s definition of autonomy which is having a sense of agency over one’s life rather than the physical ability to act independently (Ryan & Deci, 2020). A study by Stemfph and colleagues (2025) found that people with dementia did not mind if they did not contribute much to decision making if they were included. 90% of people living with mild forms of dementia can articulate preferences and even give reasons for their preferences based on their values (Stumpf et al., 2025). Despite this healthcare professional will often defer all questions to patient’s family members (Stumpf et al., 2025). People with dementia are generally ok with the gradual loss of independence that comes with the progression of the disease as long as the decisions they do make around everyday things like going for a walk or dying their hair are respected (Estrada, 2021). Interventions that help to increase decision making by applying advance care planning to everyday situations, simplifying and visualising choices and staff getting to know the residents have all helped increase autonomy (Van der Weide et al., 2023). Van der Weide and collggees (2023) did warn that offering fewer choices does increase the risk of staff accidently letting their preference dictate residence choices. They also found autonomy interventions only appeared valuable within trusting relationships with family and staff (Van der Weide et al., 2023). === Relatedness === The need for relatedness is often clearly expressed by people living in aged care homes with many residence reporting love and connection as important values (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Residence also expresses a desire to spend more time with other residents (Shiells et al., 2020). Shiells and colleeges(2020) have discovered that reading groups, exercising and helping other residents with problems have all been linked to feeling valued. Formal caregivers that provide in-home care have been seen to increase feelings of relatedness as people report appreciating the conversation and liking when they got the same person as they understood their preferences (Hole et al., 2021).  Lastly decision-making has also been seen to increase relatedness if ideas are heard and respected (Stumpf et al., 2025).  Estrada (2021) offers a richer understanding as to why decision-making might increase relatedness through the principles of person-centres care. Although competence, autonomy, and relatedness each make a unique contribution to motivation and well-being (Slemp et al., 2024), the strategies above show that they are closely interconnected. Interventions aimed at one need often support others. For example, feeling genuinely listened to and respected increases both relatedness and autonomy (Stumpf et al., 2025; Estrada, 2021). Because the needs overlap and cannot be supplied directly, the most effective interventions are those that change the environment to allow them to develop. Allowing more time to communicate, creating spaces where people can act more independently, and increasing collaboration in decision-making all support well-being through the three needs. Many of these strategies depend on carers having the time, energy, and support to deliver them. Carer well-being therefore remains an important area for future research, particularly as person-centred care has not yet been shown to improve staff satisfaction. == Person-centred care impacts on promoting psychological well-being == '''Questions: How does person centred care impact psychological-well being''' Person or client centred care is an approach to care that puts the focus on maintaining a person’s sense of self by putting them and their needs at the forefront of importance when delivering care (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Person centred care has been investigated for solutions to increase staff satisfaction in aged care homes and in-home services as well as help to increase well-being in people with dementia. One of the principles of person-centred care is to ‘enter the persons world’ through communication to develop a better connection (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Estrada (2021) revealed that one way you can increase connection with dementia patients is by simply allowing more time for conversations. People with dementia need more time to communicate because as they age and their disease progresses their processing speed and short-term memory capacity decreases (Estrada, 2021; Huntley & Howard, 2010). Short-term memory is the very quick temporary storge of information and is often referred to as working memory (Huntley & Howard, 2010). In a normal adult short-term memory can only hold about seven pieces of information (Huntley & Howard, 2010). Allowing enough time for communicating is important as many people express frustrations when they feel rushed (Estada, 2021). Even in people with non-fluent dementia, communication can increase relatedness threw the encouragement of non-verbal communication like smiling, waving or touch (Estrada, 2021). Although it is well established that increased and better-quality communication between nursing home staff and residents is needed, nursing staff report not having enough time to get to know residents (Van Adel & Holkenborg, 2024) and most staff therefore place more importance on basic survival needs over psychological needs (Estrada, 2021). In-home care staff have also reported that the lack of time to addresses patients’ needs is also a reason for high turnover (Lama et al., 2021). A study wanted to address this by seeing if the implementation of a person-centre care approach could not only increase thriving and self-determination in people with dementia but also formal in-home caregivers. The study revealed that this was not a successful intervention for formal caregivers and found that while thriving went up in people with dementia, self-determination went down. A few things to note with this study are they did not have enough caregivers to detect a meaningful effect from the intervention as with a small sample size individual life events can have large impacts on results. The measure the study used for self-determination focused on feelings of autonomy. The measure for thriving looked at attitudes towards their home, care they received and their relationships. Based on these measures thriving may have accurately measured all the psychological needs in self-determination theory better than the self-determination measure. A notable study that recruited a large number of participants (341) thereby increasing their ability to detect an effect, looked at the effects of a person-centred intervention over 14 months. The study found that it had no effect on job satisfaction. (Vassbø et al., 2020). Person-centred care therefore does not appear to be a solution to increase staff satisfaction in the hopes of getting staff to deliver better care. However, there are promising results that may help increase the well-being for people with dementia. The psychological well-being of Informal caregivers also effects the well-being of the people they care for. informal caregivers report needing more emotional support, finding caring increasingly more difficult as they become older and report navigating the health care system on their own as challenging (Wammers et al., 2021). Interventions, based on self-determination theory that focus on increasing coping skills, communication skills and improving relationships made carers more intrinsically motivated to care for their loved one.  This led to increased wellbeing (Dombestein et al., 2020). Carers also reported that being able to drop their loved ones off at day-care centres allowed them to socialise with others, thereby increasing relatedness and aids that helped them complete home tasks helps them feel competent (Wammers et al., 2021). == Implications for practice == * overview ** Quality of life and cognitive decline are not associated. ** Decision making involvement was positively associated with quality of life and all 3 psychological needs ** Decision-making does not directly contribute to quality of life ** Decision-making helps with self-determination ** (Colclough et al., 2026) * Tools like talking matts can help people with dementia to communicate to improve decision making ** Recommendations for informal caregivers *** focus on self-care, stress and coping strategies *** Helth professionals recognise informal caregivers strengths and view as partners in the patient's health journey ** Recommendations for formal care staff and services *** Understand own biases *** Give fewer options *** Understand patients cultural background *** Get to know the patients ** Gaps in current research ==Conclusion== * People with dementia progressively need more support with daily functioning as their condition progresses * Increased support from others can lead to greater feelings of being out of control of one’s own life * When people with dementia are restricted from doing basic daily tasks like preparing their own food, showering or going for a walk they can feel a lack of autonomy, competence and relatedness. * A lack of autonomy, competence and relatedness negatively impacts well-being *Review time!<div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> {{Robelbox|theme=13|icon=Nuvola_apps_korganizer.svg|iconwidth=48px|title=Review time!<div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {How many types of dementia are there?} - 2 - 3 + 4 </quiz> </div> <quiz display=simple> what interventions can be used to help increase well-being in people with dementia?} + genuine participation in decsion-making - spending more time outside + Aids that help with independent completion of tasks - taking over day to day responsibilites </quiz> <quiz display=simple> {Can a person-centred care approach help improve the well-being of formal caregivers?} - yes + no </quiz> </div> {{RoundBoxBottom}} }} == External links == * [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK551552/ Behavioural and psychological symptoms in dementia] (National library of medicine) * [https://newsroom.ucla.edu/releases/dementia-care-study-highlights-importance-of-caregiver-self-efficacy Dementia care study highlights importance of caregiver self-efficacy] (UCLA newsroom) * [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory Older] [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory adults using technology for meaningful activities during COVID-19: an analysis through the lens of self-determination theory] (University of Melbourne) == See also == * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Basic psychological need theory|Basic psychological need theory]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Dementia care motivation|Dementia care motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Dementia]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Neurodegenerative disease]] (Wikiversity) == References == <div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Cipriani, G., Danti, S., Picchi, L., Nuti, A., & Fiorino, M. D. (2020). Daily functioning and dementia. ''Dementia & Neuropsychologia'', ''14''(2), 93–102. https://doi.org/10.1590/1980-57642020dn14-020001 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Colclough, C., Perach, R., Harris, P., Rusted, J., Banerjee, S., & Miles, E. (2026). Decision-making involvement and quality of life in people with dementia: the mediating role of psychological needs. ''Aging & Mental Health'', ''30''(2), 267–276. https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2025.2541188 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Dombestein, H., Norheim, A., & Lunde Husebø, A. M. (2020). Understanding informal caregivers’ motivation from the perspective of self‐determination theory: an integrative review. ''Scandinavian Journal of Caring Sciences'', ''34''(2), 267–279. https://doi.org/10.1111/scs.12735 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Shiells, K., Pivodic, L., Holmerová, I., & Van den Block, L. (2020). Self-reported needs and experiences of people with dementia living in nursing homes: a scoping review. ''Aging & Mental Health'', ''24''(10), 1553–1568. https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2019.1625303 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> van Andel, S., & Holkenborg, A. (2024). From the perspective of people with dementia: Using creative qualitative measures to assess the values and opinions on freedom and safety among people living with dementia. ''Healthcare (Basel)'', ''12''(14), 1412. https://doi.org/10.3390/healthcare12141412 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> van der Weide, H., Lovink, M. H., Luijkx, K. G., & Gerritsen, D. L. (2023). Supporting autonomy for people with dementia living in nursing homes: A rapid realist review. ''International Journal of Nursing Studies'', ''137'', Article 104382. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijnurstu.2022.104382 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> World Health Organization. (2026). ''Dementia''. https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/dementia </div> ngrnulz1h64azpgd4vq31bg49b1k3h0 2840385 2840383 2026-10-15T05:13:35Z Ella Kay244 3107007 2840385 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__ [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] {{title|Self-determination theory and dementia care:<br>How can autonomy, competence, and relatedness be supported in people living with dementia?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Wolf Creek NFH nursing home fishing event October 2024.png|thumb|'''Figure 1:''' Residence of an aged care home enjoying an outside activity ]] ;Imagine this ... Imagine you are an elderly resident with dementia living in a psychogeriatric ward in the beautiful Dutch countryside. On the walk from your bedroom to the communal dining room, you pass many people; staff, other residents and resident’s family members, but you do not recognise any of them. You take your breakfast to a table overlooking the garden and imagine walking outside, feeling the sun and smelling the flowers. Despite your longing to enjoy the garden, whether you get outside today is not up to you. You have been told it is unsafe, and you may only go out when a staff member has time to take you. How would this scenario make you feel? Trapped? Unsafe? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This scenario draws on experiences that residents of a Dutch psychogeriatric ward shared with researchers studying what gives residents a sense of freedom and safety. They identified that time in nature, knowing the staff and spending time with others all contributed positively to a sense of personal freedom and safety in the ward (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Scenarios like this are common within aged care homes for residents living with dementia. A review of 1158 articles published between 2000 and 2018 found that residents felt a lack of freedom, belonging, and connection, with some residents even describing their living situation as “living in a prison camp” (Shiells et al., 2020, p 1563). Many residents describe their well-being as low with reports of poor self-esteem, connection, value and independence (Shiells et al., 2020). This chapter asks how Self-Determination Theory (SDT) can help understand and support the psychological needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness (ACR) in people with dementia. It begins with an overview of dementia and models of care, introduces SDT as a framework for understanding motivation and well-being, then examines how ACR can be supported for people living with dementia and highlights where the evidence is still limited. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus Questions''' # What is dementia, and what care options exists to support people living with it? # What does SDT propose about human motivation and well-being, and why is it a useful framework for understanding dementia care? # What interventions increase well-being for dementia patients? # How does person-centred care impact psychological well-being? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding dementia and models of care == '''Addresses focus question 1''' Dementia is a neurodegenerative disease (Cipriani et al., 2020). 57 million people across the globe live with dementia as of 2021, making it the seventh most common cause of death globally (World Health Organisation, 2026). Dementia disproportionately affects women as they are both more likely to get dementia and more likely to look after people with it (World Health Organisation, 2026). There are four types of dementia: Alzheimer’s disease, vascular dementia, frontotemporal dementia and dementia Lewy body (Maclin et al., 2019). Alzheimer’s is the most common type of dementia, occurring in 69% of the population over 75. Alzheimer’s involves gradual memory and cognitive loss that impairs daily activities. The second most common is frontotemporal dementia and is distinguished by a distorted personality, along with loss of social and executive function, including in some cases the loss of speech (Maclin et al., 2019). Vascular dementia affects cognition from blood vessels in the brain becoming blocked resulting in deficits in the sensory and motor systems. Lewy bodies is characterised by cellular inclusions in the brain that cause fluctuations in cognitive function, hallucinations and behavioural problems. Support is often needed for people with dementia in the early stages for complex daily activities such as organising transportation. As the disease progresses, help with basic activities like getting dressed is needed too (Cipriani et al., 2020). Providing care and support for people living with dementia comes in many forms including in-home and institutionalised care. Families and patients choose between models based on a number of factors, including cultural values, knowledge of dementia, access to services, financial position and geographic location (Singh et al., 2014; Giebel et al., 2021). People receiving in-home care may be looked after by informal caregivers such as family members, formal caregivers or a mix of both, who are able to provide services at the home of the patient (Singh et al., 2014). Institutionalised care refers to the model of care where patients move into a facility where they can be monitored and looked after entirely by professionals or formal caregivers. In Australia, most people living with dementia choose in-home care. ---- [TH1]Do you need to include the other two types in here? [EG2]I do think it would probably make sense for me to add all of them but if I am going over my word count ill cut it because there isn't a lot of marks allocated to it == Self-determination theory as a framework == '''Focus question: What does self-determination theory propose about human motivation and well-being, and why is it a useful framework for understanding dementia care?''' Self-determination theory (SDT) is a theory of motivation. SDT predicts motivation by explaining why people are intrinsically or extrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour (Dombestein et at, 2020), (Ryan & Deci, 2020). If someone is intrinsically motivated to do a behaviour it means they are motivated by internal factors with no influence from the environment. This could be learning to dance purely for the enjoyment of it. On the other hand, extrinsic motivation is when someone behaves in response to environmental factors (Van den Broeck et al., 2021). This could mean walking around an electric fence, instead of jumping over the fence to avoid getting shocked. People are very rarely motivated entirely for internal or external reasons; therefore extrinsic motivation is on a continuum. The continuum starts with: * External regulation (behaviours are regulated from environmental cues, rewards and punishments) * Introjection (environmental cues are being injected internally for instance the “punishment” of doing something wrong is feeling guilty * Identified (you identify with your behaviours for example you identify with being a good student so you show up to class but do not enjoy class) * Integration (there is less conflict between your identity and your behaviour. For example, you show up to class because you value being a good student and think it’s the right thing to do) (Dombestein et al, 2020). [[File:Motivation continuum cartoon.png|thumb|'''Figure 2:''' motivation continuum]] Motivation is complex and multidimensional as people often have different forms of motivation for performing the same task (Ryan & Deci, 2020). For example, someone might have an identification motived to run because their doctor told them it is a good way to reduce blood pressure and they want to stay healthy. They might also be intrinsically motivated to run because they get to see their friends who they enjoy spending time with. SDT offers an explanation as to where on the motivation continuum people operate. SDT says that for people to be intrinsically motivated or on the upper end of the extrinsic motivation scale you must satisfy all three critical psychological needs. These needs are Autonomy (feeling ownership over actions and life circumstances) competence (a sense of confidence or mastery over performing tasks) and relatedness (this is the need to feel like you belong to a group, that you are supported by others and in return people feel supported by you). Achievement of the three psychological needs is not automatic, and people often require support to achieve these needs. Organismic SDT states that people have a natural drive towards obtaining the basic psychological needs (Rayan & Deci, 2020). This is demonstrated in a qualitative study looking into how young girls in China choose menstrual products. They found the girls chose options that helped them to feel more bodily autonomy, confident in the areas of life they identified with, and helped them to feel close to their sisters, mothers and people in the media. The girls were only able to choose products that aligned with gaining autonomy, competence and relatedness if they could afford the products (Zou et al.,2026). This reflects the theory that people have a natural desire to achieve the three psychological needs but need support from their environment. There is some debate in motivation research as to whether the different types of motivation describe distinct qualitative forms of motivation or if they point to different quantitative points along a scale of motivation (Van den Broeck et al., 2021). In the eyes of self-determination theory, motivation is a scale or a continuum. Research into SDT backs up this idea of a scale. Multiple studies have found that when students have higher levels of autonomy, competence and relatedness they have better wellbeing and higher school grades. They also found that as people obtain high levels of the psychological needs their motivations come from the intrinsic side of the motivation continuum. This research gives evidence for motivation to be a continuum. SDT provides a framework to understand the type of motivation people perform tasks with. As people gain more autonomy, competence and relatedness they move across the motivation continuum from extrinsically to intrinsically motivated. People who have high levels of autonomy, competence and relatedness and who are on the upper end of the motivation continuum have better outcomes from their behaviour and better overall well-being. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} Key points <nowiki>*</nowiki> SDT is a theory of motivation. Extrinsic motivation sits on a continuum: external regulation, introjection, identified and integration. <nowiki>*</nowiki> Autonomy, competence and relatedness must all be met for people to be intrinsically motivated or at the upper end of the continuum. <nowiki>*</nowiki> People have a natural drive towards these needs but need support from their environment. <nowiki>*</nowiki> Higher need satisfaction is linked to better well-being. {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Putting Self-Determination Theory into Practice: Meeting Psychological Needs in Dementia == '''Focus question: What benefit does increasing psychological needs have for people with dementia?''' '''what interventions are effective for increasing competency, autonomy and relatedness?''' Supporting autonomy, competence, and relatedness in people living with dementia leads to better well-being, but these needs cannot be given directly to a person. Instead, the environment must create the conditions for them to develop (Ryan & Deci, 2020). Most people have a natural tendency toward psychological well-being if given the opportunity (Zou et al., 2026; Ryan & Deci, 2020), so the strategies discussed below are best understood as shaping conditions rather than delivering outcomes. Facilitating decision-making is one of the most well-documented examples. Colclough et al. (2026) found that it did not improve well-being directly but did so by increasing all three needs, which is consistent with SDT’s claim that need satisfaction underlies well-being. Decision-making is not the only pathway, however, as several interventions target each need independently. This section examines how competence, autonomy, and relatedness can be supported in home and aged care settings, and then considers the role of carers, whose own well-being shapes the care they can provide === '''Competency''' === Competency, which is the ability to feel a sense of mastery and control over one’s environment, has been seen to be supported by carers assisting or allowing patients were possible to perform tasks independently (Custer et al., 2011). When adults with dementia cannot perform simple tasks by themselves like eating, they report feeling ashamed and embarrassed (Estrada, 2021). The ability to perform tasks independently is one reason most people prefer to stay in their home (cit). Both formal and informal caregivers help people with dementia feel competent and safe in their own home with patients reporting that their informal caregivers help them with daily living tasks, navigating the health system and organising social activities (Warmmes et al., 2021). Similar sentiments have been shared around formal caregivers helping with medical information and daily tasks (Hoel et al., 2021). Aside from carers, aids that help with everyday activities are also highly cited as interventions that help people feel competency when living at home (Rapaport et al., 2020; Wammers et al., 2021). The importance of the environment for allowing psychological needs to flourish is evident in respect to competency as people living in aged care homes are less likely to complete tasks independently as cognitive decline progresses, compared to people receiving informal care (Anselmo et al., 2025). Residents often report having little control over daily routines, such as what they eat, when they shower or go to bed and may can only go outside when a staff member has time to accompany them (Shiells et al., 2020). Interventions for increasing feelings of competency in aged care homes should revolve around ways that residents can safely execute tasks and have more control around their routine like accesses to a kitchen with simple to prepare food.   === Autonomy === Supporting autonomy in people with dementia is best understood through Self-determination theory’s definition of autonomy which is having a sense of agency over one’s life rather than the physical ability to act independently (Ryan & Deci, 2020). A study by Stemfph and colleagues (2025) found that people with dementia did not mind if they did not contribute much to decision making if they were included. 90% of people living with mild forms of dementia can articulate preferences and even give reasons for their preferences based on their values (Stumpf et al., 2025). Despite this healthcare professional will often defer all questions to patient’s family members (Stumpf et al., 2025). People with dementia are generally ok with the gradual loss of independence that comes with the progression of the disease as long as the decisions they do make around everyday things like going for a walk or dying their hair are respected (Estrada, 2021). Interventions that help to increase decision making by applying advance care planning to everyday situations, simplifying and visualising choices and staff getting to know the residents have all helped increase autonomy (Van der Weide et al., 2023). Van der Weide and collggees (2023) did warn that offering fewer choices does increase the risk of staff accidently letting their preference dictate residence choices. They also found autonomy interventions only appeared valuable within trusting relationships with family and staff (Van der Weide et al., 2023). === Relatedness === The need for relatedness is often clearly expressed by people living in aged care homes with many residence reporting love and connection as important values (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Residence also expresses a desire to spend more time with other residents (Shiells et al., 2020). Shiells and colleeges(2020) have discovered that reading groups, exercising and helping other residents with problems have all been linked to feeling valued. Formal caregivers that provide in-home care have been seen to increase feelings of relatedness as people report appreciating the conversation and liking when they got the same person as they understood their preferences (Hole et al., 2021).  Lastly decision-making has also been seen to increase relatedness if ideas are heard and respected (Stumpf et al., 2025).  Estrada (2021) offers a richer understanding as to why decision-making might increase relatedness through the principles of person-centres care. Although competence, autonomy, and relatedness each make a unique contribution to motivation and well-being (Slemp et al., 2024), the strategies above show that they are closely interconnected. Interventions aimed at one need often support others. For example, feeling genuinely listened to and respected increases both relatedness and autonomy (Stumpf et al., 2025; Estrada, 2021). Because the needs overlap and cannot be supplied directly, the most effective interventions are those that change the environment to allow them to develop. Allowing more time to communicate, creating spaces where people can act more independently, and increasing collaboration in decision-making all support well-being through the three needs. Many of these strategies depend on carers having the time, energy, and support to deliver them. Carer well-being therefore remains an important area for future research, particularly as person-centred care has not yet been shown to improve staff satisfaction. == Person-centred care impacts on promoting psychological well-being == '''Questions: How does person centred care impact psychological-well being''' Person or client centred care is an approach to care that puts the focus on maintaining a person’s sense of self by putting them and their needs at the forefront of importance when delivering care (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Person centred care has been investigated for solutions to increase staff satisfaction in aged care homes and in-home services as well as help to increase well-being in people with dementia. One of the principles of person-centred care is to ‘enter the persons world’ through communication to develop a better connection (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Estrada (2021) revealed that one way you can increase connection with dementia patients is by simply allowing more time for conversations. People with dementia need more time to communicate because as they age and their disease progresses their processing speed and short-term memory capacity decreases (Estrada, 2021; Huntley & Howard, 2010). Short-term memory is the very quick temporary storge of information and is often referred to as working memory (Huntley & Howard, 2010). In a normal adult short-term memory can only hold about seven pieces of information (Huntley & Howard, 2010). Allowing enough time for communicating is important as many people express frustrations when they feel rushed (Estada, 2021). Even in people with non-fluent dementia, communication can increase relatedness threw the encouragement of non-verbal communication like smiling, waving or touch (Estrada, 2021). Although it is well established that increased and better-quality communication between nursing home staff and residents is needed, nursing staff report not having enough time to get to know residents (Van Adel & Holkenborg, 2024) and most staff therefore place more importance on basic survival needs over psychological needs (Estrada, 2021). In-home care staff have also reported that the lack of time to addresses patients’ needs is also a reason for high turnover (Lama et al., 2021). A study wanted to address this by seeing if the implementation of a person-centre care approach could not only increase thriving and self-determination in people with dementia but also formal in-home caregivers. The study revealed that this was not a successful intervention for formal caregivers and found that while thriving went up in people with dementia, self-determination went down. A few things to note with this study are they did not have enough caregivers to detect a meaningful effect from the intervention as with a small sample size individual life events can have large impacts on results. The measure the study used for self-determination focused on feelings of autonomy. The measure for thriving looked at attitudes towards their home, care they received and their relationships. Based on these measures thriving may have accurately measured all the psychological needs in self-determination theory better than the self-determination measure. A notable study that recruited a large number of participants (341) thereby increasing their ability to detect an effect, looked at the effects of a person-centred intervention over 14 months. The study found that it had no effect on job satisfaction. (Vassbø et al., 2020). Person-centred care therefore does not appear to be a solution to increase staff satisfaction in the hopes of getting staff to deliver better care. However, there are promising results that may help increase the well-being for people with dementia. The psychological well-being of Informal caregivers also effects the well-being of the people they care for. informal caregivers report needing more emotional support, finding caring increasingly more difficult as they become older and report navigating the health care system on their own as challenging (Wammers et al., 2021). Interventions, based on self-determination theory that focus on increasing coping skills, communication skills and improving relationships made carers more intrinsically motivated to care for their loved one.  This led to increased wellbeing (Dombestein et al., 2020). Carers also reported that being able to drop their loved ones off at day-care centres allowed them to socialise with others, thereby increasing relatedness and aids that helped them complete home tasks helps them feel competent (Wammers et al., 2021). == Implications for practice == * overview ** Quality of life and cognitive decline are not associated. ** Decision making involvement was positively associated with quality of life and all 3 psychological needs ** Decision-making does not directly contribute to quality of life ** Decision-making helps with self-determination ** (Colclough et al., 2026) * Tools like talking matts can help people with dementia to communicate to improve decision making ** Recommendations for informal caregivers *** focus on self-care, stress and coping strategies *** Helth professionals recognise informal caregivers strengths and view as partners in the patient's health journey ** Recommendations for formal care staff and services *** Understand own biases *** Give fewer options *** Understand patients cultural background *** Get to know the patients ** Gaps in current research ==Conclusion== * People with dementia progressively need more support with daily functioning as their condition progresses * Increased support from others can lead to greater feelings of being out of control of one’s own life * When people with dementia are restricted from doing basic daily tasks like preparing their own food, showering or going for a walk they can feel a lack of autonomy, competence and relatedness. * A lack of autonomy, competence and relatedness negatively impacts well-being *Review time!<div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> {{Robelbox|theme=13|icon=Nuvola_apps_korganizer.svg|iconwidth=48px|title=Review time!<div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {How many types of dementia are there?} - 2 - 3 + 4 </quiz> </div> <quiz display=simple> what interventions can be used to help increase well-being in people with dementia?} + genuine participation in decsion-making - spending more time outside + Aids that help with independent completion of tasks - taking over day to day responsibilites </quiz> <quiz display=simple> {Can a person-centred care approach help improve the well-being of formal caregivers?} - yes + no </quiz> </div> {{RoundBoxBottom}} }} == External links == * [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK551552/ Behavioural and psychological symptoms in dementia] (National library of medicine) * [https://newsroom.ucla.edu/releases/dementia-care-study-highlights-importance-of-caregiver-self-efficacy Dementia care study highlights importance of caregiver self-efficacy] (UCLA newsroom) * [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory Older] [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory adults using technology for meaningful activities during COVID-19: an analysis through the lens of self-determination theory] (University of Melbourne) == See also == * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Basic psychological need theory|Basic psychological need theory]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Dementia care motivation|Dementia care motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Dementia]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Neurodegenerative disease]] (Wikiversity) == References == <div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Cipriani, G., Danti, S., Picchi, L., Nuti, A., & Fiorino, M. D. (2020). Daily functioning and dementia. ''Dementia & Neuropsychologia'', ''14''(2), 93–102. https://doi.org/10.1590/1980-57642020dn14-020001 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Colclough, C., Perach, R., Harris, P., Rusted, J., Banerjee, S., & Miles, E. (2026). Decision-making involvement and quality of life in people with dementia: the mediating role of psychological needs. ''Aging & Mental Health'', ''30''(2), 267–276. https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2025.2541188 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Dombestein, H., Norheim, A., & Lunde Husebø, A. M. (2020). Understanding informal caregivers’ motivation from the perspective of self‐determination theory: an integrative review. ''Scandinavian Journal of Caring Sciences'', ''34''(2), 267–279. https://doi.org/10.1111/scs.12735 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Shiells, K., Pivodic, L., Holmerová, I., & Van den Block, L. (2020). Self-reported needs and experiences of people with dementia living in nursing homes: a scoping review. ''Aging & Mental Health'', ''24''(10), 1553–1568. https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2019.1625303 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> van Andel, S., & Holkenborg, A. (2024). From the perspective of people with dementia: Using creative qualitative measures to assess the values and opinions on freedom and safety among people living with dementia. ''Healthcare (Basel)'', ''12''(14), 1412. https://doi.org/10.3390/healthcare12141412 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> van der Weide, H., Lovink, M. H., Luijkx, K. G., & Gerritsen, D. L. (2023). Supporting autonomy for people with dementia living in nursing homes: A rapid realist review. ''International Journal of Nursing Studies'', ''137'', Article 104382. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijnurstu.2022.104382 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> World Health Organization. (2026). ''Dementia''. https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/dementia </div> 5rwqgjxtrrqsm9na5crwrqtnmglkv2i 2840387 2840385 2026-10-15T05:19:48Z Ella Kay244 3107007 2840387 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__ [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] {{title|Self-determination theory and dementia care:<br>How can autonomy, competence, and relatedness be supported in people living with dementia?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Wolf Creek NFH nursing home fishing event October 2024.png|thumb|'''Figure 1:''' Residence of an aged care home enjoying an outside activity ]] ;Imagine this ... Imagine you are an elderly resident with dementia living in a psychogeriatric ward in the beautiful Dutch countryside. On the walk from your bedroom to the communal dining room, you pass many people; staff, other residents and resident’s family members, but you do not recognise any of them. You take your breakfast to a table overlooking the garden and imagine walking outside, feeling the sun and smelling the flowers. Despite your longing to enjoy the garden, whether you get outside today is not up to you. You have been told it is unsafe, and you may only go out when a staff member has time to take you. How would this scenario make you feel? Trapped? Unsafe? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This scenario draws on experiences that residents of a Dutch psychogeriatric ward shared with researchers studying what gives residents a sense of freedom and safety. They identified that time in nature, knowing the staff and spending time with others all contributed positively to a sense of personal freedom and safety in the ward (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Scenarios like this are common within aged care homes for residents living with dementia. A review of 1158 articles published between 2000 and 2018 found that residents felt a lack of freedom, belonging, and connection, with some residents even describing their living situation as “living in a prison camp” (Shiells et al., 2020, p 1563). Many residents describe their well-being as low with reports of poor self-esteem, connection, value and independence (Shiells et al., 2020). This chapter asks how Self-Determination Theory (SDT) can help understand and support the psychological needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness (ACR) in people with dementia. It begins with an overview of dementia and models of care, introduces SDT as a framework for understanding motivation and well-being, then examines how ACR can be supported for people living with dementia and highlights where the evidence is still limited. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus Questions''' # What is dementia, and what care options exists to support people living with it? # What does SDT propose about human motivation and well-being, and why is it a useful framework for understanding dementia care? # What interventions increase well-being for dementia patients? # How does person-centred care impact psychological well-being? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding dementia and models of care == '''Addresses focus question 1''' Dementia is a neurodegenerative disease (Cipriani et al., 2020). 57 million people across the globe live with dementia as of 2021, making it the seventh most common cause of death globally (World Health Organisation, 2026). Dementia disproportionately affects women as they are both more likely to get dementia and more likely to look after people with it (World Health Organisation, 2026). There are four types of dementia: Alzheimer’s disease, vascular dementia, frontotemporal dementia and dementia Lewy body (Maclin et al., 2019). Alzheimer’s is the most common type of dementia, occurring in 69% of the population over 75. Alzheimer’s involves gradual memory and cognitive loss that impairs daily activities. The second most common is frontotemporal dementia and is distinguished by a distorted personality, along with loss of social and executive function, including in some cases the loss of speech (Maclin et al., 2019). Vascular dementia affects cognition from blood vessels in the brain becoming blocked resulting in deficits in the sensory and motor systems. Lewy bodies is characterised by cellular inclusions in the brain that cause fluctuations in cognitive function, hallucinations and behavioural problems. Support is often needed for people with dementia in the early stages for complex daily activities such as organising transportation. As the disease progresses, help with basic activities like getting dressed is needed too (Cipriani et al., 2020). Providing care and support for people living with dementia comes in many forms including in-home and institutionalised care. Families and patients choose between models based on a number of factors, including cultural values, knowledge of dementia, access to services, financial position and geographic location (Singh et al., 2014; Giebel et al., 2021). People receiving in-home care may be looked after by informal caregivers such as family members, formal caregivers or a mix of both, who are able to provide services at the home of the patient (Singh et al., 2014). Institutionalised care refers to the model of care where patients move into a facility where they can be monitored and looked after entirely by professionals or formal caregivers. In Australia, most people living with dementia choose in-home care. However, there are still over one million people living in institutionalised settings (Singh et al., 2014). == Self-Determination theory == '''Addresses focus question 2''' Self-determination Theory (SDT) is a theory of motivation. SDT predicts motivation by explaining why people are intrinsically or extrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour (Dombestein et at, 2020; Ryan & Deci, 2020). If someone is intrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour it means they find motivation from internal factors with no influence from the environment. This could be learning to dance purely for the enjoyment of it. On the other hand, extrinsic motivation is when someone behaves in response to environmental factors (Ryan & Deci, 2020). This could be learning to dance because all their friends are dancing. People are very rarely motivated entirely for internal or external reasons therefore, extrinsic motivation is considered to be a continuum, starting with external regulation and finishing at integration: * External regulation (behaviours are regulated from environmental cues, rewards and punishments) * Introjection (environmental cues are being injected internally for instance the “punishment” of doing something wrong is feeling guilty * Identified (you identify with your behaviours for example you identify with being a good student, so you show up to class but do not enjoy class) * Integration (there is less conflict between your identity and your behaviour. For example, you show up to class because you value being a good student and think it’s the right thing to do) (Dombestein et al, 2020). Motivation is multidimensional, as people often have several forms of motivation for the same task (Ryan & Deci, 2020). For example, someone might run because their doctor advised it (identified) and because they enjoy seeing friends there (intrinsic). SDT offers an explanation as to where on the motivation continuum people operate. SDT says that for people to be intrinsically motivated or on the upper end of the extrinsic motivation scale you must satisfy all three critical psychological needs. These needs are:   * Autonomy - feeling ownership over actions and life circumstances * Competence - a sense of confidence or mastery over performing tasks * Relatedness - the need to feel like you belong to a group, that you are supported by others and in return people feel supported by you. Achievement of these three psychological needs is not automatic, and people often require support to achieve these needs. Organismic SDT states that people have a natural drive towards obtaining the critical psychological needs (Ryan & Deci, 2020). Zou et al, (2026) found that Chinese girls chose menstrual products that increased bodily autonomy, confidence in areas they identified with, and closeness to family and media figures, but could only do so if they could afford them. This reflects the theory that people have a natural desire to achieve the three psychological needs but need support from their environment. There is some debate in motivation research as to whether the different types of motivation describe distinct qualitative forms of motivation or if they point to different quantitative points along a scale of motivation (Van den Broeck et al., 2021). SDT theorists view motivation as a continuum, supported by findings that students with higher ACR have better wellbeing, higher grades and more intrinsic motivation. (Bureau et al., 2022; Ryan & Deci, 2020). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}}'''Key points''' * SDT is a theory of motivation. Extrinsic motivation sits on a continuum: external regulation, introjection, identified and integration. * Autonomy, competence and relatedness must all be met for people to be intrinsically motivated or at the upper end of the continuum. * People have a natural drive towards these needs but require support from their environment. * Higher need satisfaction is linked to better wellbeing. {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Putting Self-Determination Theory into Practice: Meeting Psychological Needs in Dementia == '''Focus question: What benefit does increasing psychological needs have for people with dementia?''' '''what interventions are effective for increasing competency, autonomy and relatedness?''' Supporting autonomy, competence, and relatedness in people living with dementia leads to better well-being, but these needs cannot be given directly to a person. Instead, the environment must create the conditions for them to develop (Ryan & Deci, 2020). Most people have a natural tendency toward psychological well-being if given the opportunity (Zou et al., 2026; Ryan & Deci, 2020), so the strategies discussed below are best understood as shaping conditions rather than delivering outcomes. Facilitating decision-making is one of the most well-documented examples. Colclough et al. (2026) found that it did not improve well-being directly but did so by increasing all three needs, which is consistent with SDT’s claim that need satisfaction underlies well-being. Decision-making is not the only pathway, however, as several interventions target each need independently. This section examines how competence, autonomy, and relatedness can be supported in home and aged care settings, and then considers the role of carers, whose own well-being shapes the care they can provide === '''Competency''' === Competency, which is the ability to feel a sense of mastery and control over one’s environment, has been seen to be supported by carers assisting or allowing patients were possible to perform tasks independently (Custer et al., 2011). When adults with dementia cannot perform simple tasks by themselves like eating, they report feeling ashamed and embarrassed (Estrada, 2021). The ability to perform tasks independently is one reason most people prefer to stay in their home (cit). Both formal and informal caregivers help people with dementia feel competent and safe in their own home with patients reporting that their informal caregivers help them with daily living tasks, navigating the health system and organising social activities (Warmmes et al., 2021). Similar sentiments have been shared around formal caregivers helping with medical information and daily tasks (Hoel et al., 2021). Aside from carers, aids that help with everyday activities are also highly cited as interventions that help people feel competency when living at home (Rapaport et al., 2020; Wammers et al., 2021). The importance of the environment for allowing psychological needs to flourish is evident in respect to competency as people living in aged care homes are less likely to complete tasks independently as cognitive decline progresses, compared to people receiving informal care (Anselmo et al., 2025). Residents often report having little control over daily routines, such as what they eat, when they shower or go to bed and may can only go outside when a staff member has time to accompany them (Shiells et al., 2020). Interventions for increasing feelings of competency in aged care homes should revolve around ways that residents can safely execute tasks and have more control around their routine like accesses to a kitchen with simple to prepare food.   === Autonomy === Supporting autonomy in people with dementia is best understood through Self-determination theory’s definition of autonomy which is having a sense of agency over one’s life rather than the physical ability to act independently (Ryan & Deci, 2020). A study by Stemfph and colleagues (2025) found that people with dementia did not mind if they did not contribute much to decision making if they were included. 90% of people living with mild forms of dementia can articulate preferences and even give reasons for their preferences based on their values (Stumpf et al., 2025). Despite this healthcare professional will often defer all questions to patient’s family members (Stumpf et al., 2025). People with dementia are generally ok with the gradual loss of independence that comes with the progression of the disease as long as the decisions they do make around everyday things like going for a walk or dying their hair are respected (Estrada, 2021). Interventions that help to increase decision making by applying advance care planning to everyday situations, simplifying and visualising choices and staff getting to know the residents have all helped increase autonomy (Van der Weide et al., 2023). Van der Weide and collggees (2023) did warn that offering fewer choices does increase the risk of staff accidently letting their preference dictate residence choices. They also found autonomy interventions only appeared valuable within trusting relationships with family and staff (Van der Weide et al., 2023). === Relatedness === The need for relatedness is often clearly expressed by people living in aged care homes with many residence reporting love and connection as important values (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Residence also expresses a desire to spend more time with other residents (Shiells et al., 2020). Shiells and colleeges(2020) have discovered that reading groups, exercising and helping other residents with problems have all been linked to feeling valued. Formal caregivers that provide in-home care have been seen to increase feelings of relatedness as people report appreciating the conversation and liking when they got the same person as they understood their preferences (Hole et al., 2021).  Lastly decision-making has also been seen to increase relatedness if ideas are heard and respected (Stumpf et al., 2025).  Estrada (2021) offers a richer understanding as to why decision-making might increase relatedness through the principles of person-centres care. Although competence, autonomy, and relatedness each make a unique contribution to motivation and well-being (Slemp et al., 2024), the strategies above show that they are closely interconnected. Interventions aimed at one need often support others. For example, feeling genuinely listened to and respected increases both relatedness and autonomy (Stumpf et al., 2025; Estrada, 2021). Because the needs overlap and cannot be supplied directly, the most effective interventions are those that change the environment to allow them to develop. Allowing more time to communicate, creating spaces where people can act more independently, and increasing collaboration in decision-making all support well-being through the three needs. Many of these strategies depend on carers having the time, energy, and support to deliver them. Carer well-being therefore remains an important area for future research, particularly as person-centred care has not yet been shown to improve staff satisfaction. == Person-centred care impacts on promoting psychological well-being == '''Questions: How does person centred care impact psychological-well being''' Person or client centred care is an approach to care that puts the focus on maintaining a person’s sense of self by putting them and their needs at the forefront of importance when delivering care (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Person centred care has been investigated for solutions to increase staff satisfaction in aged care homes and in-home services as well as help to increase well-being in people with dementia. One of the principles of person-centred care is to ‘enter the persons world’ through communication to develop a better connection (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Estrada (2021) revealed that one way you can increase connection with dementia patients is by simply allowing more time for conversations. People with dementia need more time to communicate because as they age and their disease progresses their processing speed and short-term memory capacity decreases (Estrada, 2021; Huntley & Howard, 2010). Short-term memory is the very quick temporary storge of information and is often referred to as working memory (Huntley & Howard, 2010). In a normal adult short-term memory can only hold about seven pieces of information (Huntley & Howard, 2010). Allowing enough time for communicating is important as many people express frustrations when they feel rushed (Estada, 2021). Even in people with non-fluent dementia, communication can increase relatedness threw the encouragement of non-verbal communication like smiling, waving or touch (Estrada, 2021). Although it is well established that increased and better-quality communication between nursing home staff and residents is needed, nursing staff report not having enough time to get to know residents (Van Adel & Holkenborg, 2024) and most staff therefore place more importance on basic survival needs over psychological needs (Estrada, 2021). In-home care staff have also reported that the lack of time to addresses patients’ needs is also a reason for high turnover (Lama et al., 2021). A study wanted to address this by seeing if the implementation of a person-centre care approach could not only increase thriving and self-determination in people with dementia but also formal in-home caregivers. The study revealed that this was not a successful intervention for formal caregivers and found that while thriving went up in people with dementia, self-determination went down. A few things to note with this study are they did not have enough caregivers to detect a meaningful effect from the intervention as with a small sample size individual life events can have large impacts on results. The measure the study used for self-determination focused on feelings of autonomy. The measure for thriving looked at attitudes towards their home, care they received and their relationships. Based on these measures thriving may have accurately measured all the psychological needs in self-determination theory better than the self-determination measure. A notable study that recruited a large number of participants (341) thereby increasing their ability to detect an effect, looked at the effects of a person-centred intervention over 14 months. The study found that it had no effect on job satisfaction. (Vassbø et al., 2020). Person-centred care therefore does not appear to be a solution to increase staff satisfaction in the hopes of getting staff to deliver better care. However, there are promising results that may help increase the well-being for people with dementia. The psychological well-being of Informal caregivers also effects the well-being of the people they care for. informal caregivers report needing more emotional support, finding caring increasingly more difficult as they become older and report navigating the health care system on their own as challenging (Wammers et al., 2021). Interventions, based on self-determination theory that focus on increasing coping skills, communication skills and improving relationships made carers more intrinsically motivated to care for their loved one.  This led to increased wellbeing (Dombestein et al., 2020). Carers also reported that being able to drop their loved ones off at day-care centres allowed them to socialise with others, thereby increasing relatedness and aids that helped them complete home tasks helps them feel competent (Wammers et al., 2021). == Implications for practice == * overview ** Quality of life and cognitive decline are not associated. ** Decision making involvement was positively associated with quality of life and all 3 psychological needs ** Decision-making does not directly contribute to quality of life ** Decision-making helps with self-determination ** (Colclough et al., 2026) * Tools like talking matts can help people with dementia to communicate to improve decision making ** Recommendations for informal caregivers *** focus on self-care, stress and coping strategies *** Helth professionals recognise informal caregivers strengths and view as partners in the patient's health journey ** Recommendations for formal care staff and services *** Understand own biases *** Give fewer options *** Understand patients cultural background *** Get to know the patients ** Gaps in current research ==Conclusion== * People with dementia progressively need more support with daily functioning as their condition progresses * Increased support from others can lead to greater feelings of being out of control of one’s own life * When people with dementia are restricted from doing basic daily tasks like preparing their own food, showering or going for a walk they can feel a lack of autonomy, competence and relatedness. * A lack of autonomy, competence and relatedness negatively impacts well-being *Review time!<div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> {{Robelbox|theme=13|icon=Nuvola_apps_korganizer.svg|iconwidth=48px|title=Review time!<div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {How many types of dementia are there?} - 2 - 3 + 4 </quiz> </div> <quiz display=simple> what interventions can be used to help increase well-being in people with dementia?} + genuine participation in decsion-making - spending more time outside + Aids that help with independent completion of tasks - taking over day to day responsibilites </quiz> <quiz display=simple> {Can a person-centred care approach help improve the well-being of formal caregivers?} - yes + no </quiz> </div> {{RoundBoxBottom}} }} == External links == * [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK551552/ Behavioural and psychological symptoms in dementia] (National library of medicine) * [https://newsroom.ucla.edu/releases/dementia-care-study-highlights-importance-of-caregiver-self-efficacy Dementia care study highlights importance of caregiver self-efficacy] (UCLA newsroom) * [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory Older] [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory adults using technology for meaningful activities during COVID-19: an analysis through the lens of self-determination theory] (University of Melbourne) == See also == * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Basic psychological need theory|Basic psychological need theory]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Dementia care motivation|Dementia care motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Dementia]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Neurodegenerative disease]] (Wikiversity) == References == <div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Cipriani, G., Danti, S., Picchi, L., Nuti, A., & Fiorino, M. D. (2020). Daily functioning and dementia. ''Dementia & Neuropsychologia'', ''14''(2), 93–102. https://doi.org/10.1590/1980-57642020dn14-020001 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Colclough, C., Perach, R., Harris, P., Rusted, J., Banerjee, S., & Miles, E. (2026). Decision-making involvement and quality of life in people with dementia: the mediating role of psychological needs. ''Aging & Mental Health'', ''30''(2), 267–276. https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2025.2541188 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Dombestein, H., Norheim, A., & Lunde Husebø, A. M. (2020). Understanding informal caregivers’ motivation from the perspective of self‐determination theory: an integrative review. ''Scandinavian Journal of Caring Sciences'', ''34''(2), 267–279. https://doi.org/10.1111/scs.12735 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Shiells, K., Pivodic, L., Holmerová, I., & Van den Block, L. (2020). Self-reported needs and experiences of people with dementia living in nursing homes: a scoping review. ''Aging & Mental Health'', ''24''(10), 1553–1568. https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2019.1625303 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> van Andel, S., & Holkenborg, A. (2024). From the perspective of people with dementia: Using creative qualitative measures to assess the values and opinions on freedom and safety among people living with dementia. ''Healthcare (Basel)'', ''12''(14), 1412. https://doi.org/10.3390/healthcare12141412 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> van der Weide, H., Lovink, M. H., Luijkx, K. G., & Gerritsen, D. L. (2023). Supporting autonomy for people with dementia living in nursing homes: A rapid realist review. ''International Journal of Nursing Studies'', ''137'', Article 104382. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijnurstu.2022.104382 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> World Health Organization. (2026). ''Dementia''. https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/dementia </div> pzb7lgwpyh7izqz8tqju2kcuyu09z4b 2840389 2840387 2026-10-15T05:29:17Z Ella Kay244 3107007 /* Putting Self-Determination Theory into Practice: Meeting Psychological Needs in Dementia */ 2840389 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__ [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] {{title|Self-determination theory and dementia care:<br>How can autonomy, competence, and relatedness be supported in people living with dementia?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Wolf Creek NFH nursing home fishing event October 2024.png|thumb|'''Figure 1:''' Residence of an aged care home enjoying an outside activity ]] ;Imagine this ... Imagine you are an elderly resident with dementia living in a psychogeriatric ward in the beautiful Dutch countryside. On the walk from your bedroom to the communal dining room, you pass many people; staff, other residents and resident’s family members, but you do not recognise any of them. You take your breakfast to a table overlooking the garden and imagine walking outside, feeling the sun and smelling the flowers. Despite your longing to enjoy the garden, whether you get outside today is not up to you. You have been told it is unsafe, and you may only go out when a staff member has time to take you. How would this scenario make you feel? Trapped? Unsafe? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This scenario draws on experiences that residents of a Dutch psychogeriatric ward shared with researchers studying what gives residents a sense of freedom and safety. They identified that time in nature, knowing the staff and spending time with others all contributed positively to a sense of personal freedom and safety in the ward (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Scenarios like this are common within aged care homes for residents living with dementia. A review of 1158 articles published between 2000 and 2018 found that residents felt a lack of freedom, belonging, and connection, with some residents even describing their living situation as “living in a prison camp” (Shiells et al., 2020, p 1563). Many residents describe their well-being as low with reports of poor self-esteem, connection, value and independence (Shiells et al., 2020). This chapter asks how Self-Determination Theory (SDT) can help understand and support the psychological needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness (ACR) in people with dementia. It begins with an overview of dementia and models of care, introduces SDT as a framework for understanding motivation and well-being, then examines how ACR can be supported for people living with dementia and highlights where the evidence is still limited. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus Questions''' # What is dementia, and what care options exists to support people living with it? # What does SDT propose about human motivation and well-being, and why is it a useful framework for understanding dementia care? # What interventions increase well-being for dementia patients? # How does person-centred care impact psychological well-being? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding dementia and models of care == '''Addresses focus question 1''' Dementia is a neurodegenerative disease (Cipriani et al., 2020). 57 million people across the globe live with dementia as of 2021, making it the seventh most common cause of death globally (World Health Organisation, 2026). Dementia disproportionately affects women as they are both more likely to get dementia and more likely to look after people with it (World Health Organisation, 2026). There are four types of dementia: Alzheimer’s disease, vascular dementia, frontotemporal dementia and dementia Lewy body (Maclin et al., 2019). Alzheimer’s is the most common type of dementia, occurring in 69% of the population over 75. Alzheimer’s involves gradual memory and cognitive loss that impairs daily activities. The second most common is frontotemporal dementia and is distinguished by a distorted personality, along with loss of social and executive function, including in some cases the loss of speech (Maclin et al., 2019). Vascular dementia affects cognition from blood vessels in the brain becoming blocked resulting in deficits in the sensory and motor systems. Lewy bodies is characterised by cellular inclusions in the brain that cause fluctuations in cognitive function, hallucinations and behavioural problems. Support is often needed for people with dementia in the early stages for complex daily activities such as organising transportation. As the disease progresses, help with basic activities like getting dressed is needed too (Cipriani et al., 2020). Providing care and support for people living with dementia comes in many forms including in-home and institutionalised care. Families and patients choose between models based on a number of factors, including cultural values, knowledge of dementia, access to services, financial position and geographic location (Singh et al., 2014; Giebel et al., 2021). People receiving in-home care may be looked after by informal caregivers such as family members, formal caregivers or a mix of both, who are able to provide services at the home of the patient (Singh et al., 2014). Institutionalised care refers to the model of care where patients move into a facility where they can be monitored and looked after entirely by professionals or formal caregivers. In Australia, most people living with dementia choose in-home care. However, there are still over one million people living in institutionalised settings (Singh et al., 2014). == Self-Determination theory == '''Addresses focus question 2''' Self-determination Theory (SDT) is a theory of motivation. SDT predicts motivation by explaining why people are intrinsically or extrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour (Dombestein et at, 2020; Ryan & Deci, 2020). If someone is intrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour it means they find motivation from internal factors with no influence from the environment. This could be learning to dance purely for the enjoyment of it. On the other hand, extrinsic motivation is when someone behaves in response to environmental factors (Ryan & Deci, 2020). This could be learning to dance because all their friends are dancing. People are very rarely motivated entirely for internal or external reasons therefore, extrinsic motivation is considered to be a continuum, starting with external regulation and finishing at integration: * External regulation (behaviours are regulated from environmental cues, rewards and punishments) * Introjection (environmental cues are being injected internally for instance the “punishment” of doing something wrong is feeling guilty * Identified (you identify with your behaviours for example you identify with being a good student, so you show up to class but do not enjoy class) * Integration (there is less conflict between your identity and your behaviour. For example, you show up to class because you value being a good student and think it’s the right thing to do) (Dombestein et al, 2020). Motivation is multidimensional, as people often have several forms of motivation for the same task (Ryan & Deci, 2020). For example, someone might run because their doctor advised it (identified) and because they enjoy seeing friends there (intrinsic). SDT offers an explanation as to where on the motivation continuum people operate. SDT says that for people to be intrinsically motivated or on the upper end of the extrinsic motivation scale you must satisfy all three critical psychological needs. These needs are:   * Autonomy - feeling ownership over actions and life circumstances * Competence - a sense of confidence or mastery over performing tasks * Relatedness - the need to feel like you belong to a group, that you are supported by others and in return people feel supported by you. Achievement of these three psychological needs is not automatic, and people often require support to achieve these needs. Organismic SDT states that people have a natural drive towards obtaining the critical psychological needs (Ryan & Deci, 2020). Zou et al, (2026) found that Chinese girls chose menstrual products that increased bodily autonomy, confidence in areas they identified with, and closeness to family and media figures, but could only do so if they could afford them. This reflects the theory that people have a natural desire to achieve the three psychological needs but need support from their environment. There is some debate in motivation research as to whether the different types of motivation describe distinct qualitative forms of motivation or if they point to different quantitative points along a scale of motivation (Van den Broeck et al., 2021). SDT theorists view motivation as a continuum, supported by findings that students with higher ACR have better wellbeing, higher grades and more intrinsic motivation. (Bureau et al., 2022; Ryan & Deci, 2020). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}}'''Key points''' * SDT is a theory of motivation. Extrinsic motivation sits on a continuum: external regulation, introjection, identified and integration. * Autonomy, competence and relatedness must all be met for people to be intrinsically motivated or at the upper end of the continuum. * People have a natural drive towards these needs but require support from their environment. * Higher need satisfaction is linked to better wellbeing. {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Putting Self-Determination Theory into Practice: Meeting Psychological Needs in Dementia Patients == '''Addresses focus questions 3''' SDT posits that supporting ACR in people living with dementia leads to better well-being, but these needs cannot just be given directly to a person. Therefore, the strategies discussed below are best understood as shaping conditions rather than delivering outcomes One of the most well-documented examples of SDT in practice is the process of facilitating patient decision-making. Colclough et al (2026) found that it did not improve well-being directly but did so by separately increasing satisfaction levels of all three needs, which is consistent with SDT’s claim that need satisfaction underlies well-being. Decision-making is not the only pathway to increase ACR. [[File:Self-determination theory diagrame.png|347x347px]] === '''Competency''' === Competency, which is the ability to feel a sense of mastery and control over one’s environment, has been seen to be supported by carers assisting or allowing patients were possible to perform tasks independently (Custer et al., 2011). When adults with dementia cannot perform simple tasks by themselves like eating, they report feeling ashamed and embarrassed (Estrada, 2021). The ability to perform tasks independently is one reason most people prefer to stay in their home (cit). Both formal and informal caregivers help people with dementia feel competent and safe in their own home with patients reporting that their informal caregivers help them with daily living tasks, navigating the health system and organising social activities (Warmmes et al., 2021). Similar sentiments have been shared around formal caregivers helping with medical information and daily tasks (Hoel et al., 2021). Aside from carers, aids that help with everyday activities are also highly cited as interventions that help people feel competency when living at home (Rapaport et al., 2020; Wammers et al., 2021). The importance of the environment for allowing psychological needs to flourish is evident in respect to competency as people living in aged care homes are less likely to complete tasks independently as cognitive decline progresses, compared to people receiving informal care (Anselmo et al., 2025). Residents often report having little control over daily routines, such as what they eat, when they shower or go to bed and may can only go outside when a staff member has time to accompany them (Shiells et al., 2020). Interventions for increasing feelings of competency in aged care homes should revolve around ways that residents can safely execute tasks and have more control around their routine like accesses to a kitchen with simple to prepare food.   === Autonomy === Supporting autonomy in people with dementia is best understood through Self-determination theory’s definition of autonomy which is having a sense of agency over one’s life rather than the physical ability to act independently (Ryan & Deci, 2020). A study by Stemfph and colleagues (2025) found that people with dementia did not mind if they did not contribute much to decision making if they were included. 90% of people living with mild forms of dementia can articulate preferences and even give reasons for their preferences based on their values (Stumpf et al., 2025). Despite this healthcare professional will often defer all questions to patient’s family members (Stumpf et al., 2025). People with dementia are generally ok with the gradual loss of independence that comes with the progression of the disease as long as the decisions they do make around everyday things like going for a walk or dying their hair are respected (Estrada, 2021). Interventions that help to increase decision making by applying advance care planning to everyday situations, simplifying and visualising choices and staff getting to know the residents have all helped increase autonomy (Van der Weide et al., 2023). Van der Weide and collggees (2023) did warn that offering fewer choices does increase the risk of staff accidently letting their preference dictate residence choices. They also found autonomy interventions only appeared valuable within trusting relationships with family and staff (Van der Weide et al., 2023). === Relatedness === The need for relatedness is often clearly expressed by people living in aged care homes with many residence reporting love and connection as important values (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Residence also expresses a desire to spend more time with other residents (Shiells et al., 2020). Shiells and colleeges(2020) have discovered that reading groups, exercising and helping other residents with problems have all been linked to feeling valued. Formal caregivers that provide in-home care have been seen to increase feelings of relatedness as people report appreciating the conversation and liking when they got the same person as they understood their preferences (Hole et al., 2021).  Lastly decision-making has also been seen to increase relatedness if ideas are heard and respected (Stumpf et al., 2025).  Estrada (2021) offers a richer understanding as to why decision-making might increase relatedness through the principles of person-centres care. Although competence, autonomy, and relatedness each make a unique contribution to motivation and well-being (Slemp et al., 2024), the strategies above show that they are closely interconnected. Interventions aimed at one need often support others. For example, feeling genuinely listened to and respected increases both relatedness and autonomy (Stumpf et al., 2025; Estrada, 2021). Because the needs overlap and cannot be supplied directly, the most effective interventions are those that change the environment to allow them to develop. Allowing more time to communicate, creating spaces where people can act more independently, and increasing collaboration in decision-making all support well-being through the three needs. Many of these strategies depend on carers having the time, energy, and support to deliver them. Carer well-being therefore remains an important area for future research, particularly as person-centred care has not yet been shown to improve staff satisfaction. == Person-centred care impacts on promoting psychological well-being == '''Questions: How does person centred care impact psychological-well being''' Person or client centred care is an approach to care that puts the focus on maintaining a person’s sense of self by putting them and their needs at the forefront of importance when delivering care (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Person centred care has been investigated for solutions to increase staff satisfaction in aged care homes and in-home services as well as help to increase well-being in people with dementia. One of the principles of person-centred care is to ‘enter the persons world’ through communication to develop a better connection (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Estrada (2021) revealed that one way you can increase connection with dementia patients is by simply allowing more time for conversations. People with dementia need more time to communicate because as they age and their disease progresses their processing speed and short-term memory capacity decreases (Estrada, 2021; Huntley & Howard, 2010). Short-term memory is the very quick temporary storge of information and is often referred to as working memory (Huntley & Howard, 2010). In a normal adult short-term memory can only hold about seven pieces of information (Huntley & Howard, 2010). Allowing enough time for communicating is important as many people express frustrations when they feel rushed (Estada, 2021). Even in people with non-fluent dementia, communication can increase relatedness threw the encouragement of non-verbal communication like smiling, waving or touch (Estrada, 2021). Although it is well established that increased and better-quality communication between nursing home staff and residents is needed, nursing staff report not having enough time to get to know residents (Van Adel & Holkenborg, 2024) and most staff therefore place more importance on basic survival needs over psychological needs (Estrada, 2021). In-home care staff have also reported that the lack of time to addresses patients’ needs is also a reason for high turnover (Lama et al., 2021). A study wanted to address this by seeing if the implementation of a person-centre care approach could not only increase thriving and self-determination in people with dementia but also formal in-home caregivers. The study revealed that this was not a successful intervention for formal caregivers and found that while thriving went up in people with dementia, self-determination went down. A few things to note with this study are they did not have enough caregivers to detect a meaningful effect from the intervention as with a small sample size individual life events can have large impacts on results. The measure the study used for self-determination focused on feelings of autonomy. The measure for thriving looked at attitudes towards their home, care they received and their relationships. Based on these measures thriving may have accurately measured all the psychological needs in self-determination theory better than the self-determination measure. A notable study that recruited a large number of participants (341) thereby increasing their ability to detect an effect, looked at the effects of a person-centred intervention over 14 months. The study found that it had no effect on job satisfaction. (Vassbø et al., 2020). Person-centred care therefore does not appear to be a solution to increase staff satisfaction in the hopes of getting staff to deliver better care. However, there are promising results that may help increase the well-being for people with dementia. The psychological well-being of Informal caregivers also effects the well-being of the people they care for. informal caregivers report needing more emotional support, finding caring increasingly more difficult as they become older and report navigating the health care system on their own as challenging (Wammers et al., 2021). Interventions, based on self-determination theory that focus on increasing coping skills, communication skills and improving relationships made carers more intrinsically motivated to care for their loved one.  This led to increased wellbeing (Dombestein et al., 2020). Carers also reported that being able to drop their loved ones off at day-care centres allowed them to socialise with others, thereby increasing relatedness and aids that helped them complete home tasks helps them feel competent (Wammers et al., 2021). == Implications for practice == * overview ** Quality of life and cognitive decline are not associated. ** Decision making involvement was positively associated with quality of life and all 3 psychological needs ** Decision-making does not directly contribute to quality of life ** Decision-making helps with self-determination ** (Colclough et al., 2026) * Tools like talking matts can help people with dementia to communicate to improve decision making ** Recommendations for informal caregivers *** focus on self-care, stress and coping strategies *** Helth professionals recognise informal caregivers strengths and view as partners in the patient's health journey ** Recommendations for formal care staff and services *** Understand own biases *** Give fewer options *** Understand patients cultural background *** Get to know the patients ** Gaps in current research ==Conclusion== * People with dementia progressively need more support with daily functioning as their condition progresses * Increased support from others can lead to greater feelings of being out of control of one’s own life * When people with dementia are restricted from doing basic daily tasks like preparing their own food, showering or going for a walk they can feel a lack of autonomy, competence and relatedness. * A lack of autonomy, competence and relatedness negatively impacts well-being *Review time!<div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> {{Robelbox|theme=13|icon=Nuvola_apps_korganizer.svg|iconwidth=48px|title=Review time!<div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {How many types of dementia are there?} - 2 - 3 + 4 </quiz> </div> <quiz display=simple> what interventions can be used to help increase well-being in people with dementia?} + genuine participation in decsion-making - spending more time outside + Aids that help with independent completion of tasks - taking over day to day responsibilites </quiz> <quiz display=simple> {Can a person-centred care approach help improve the well-being of formal caregivers?} - yes + no </quiz> </div> {{RoundBoxBottom}} }} == External links == * [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK551552/ Behavioural and psychological symptoms in dementia] (National library of medicine) * [https://newsroom.ucla.edu/releases/dementia-care-study-highlights-importance-of-caregiver-self-efficacy Dementia care study highlights importance of caregiver self-efficacy] (UCLA newsroom) * [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory Older] [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory adults using technology for meaningful activities during COVID-19: an analysis through the lens of self-determination theory] (University of Melbourne) == See also == * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Basic psychological need theory|Basic psychological need theory]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Dementia care motivation|Dementia care motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Dementia]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Neurodegenerative disease]] (Wikiversity) == References == <div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Cipriani, G., Danti, S., Picchi, L., Nuti, A., & Fiorino, M. D. (2020). Daily functioning and dementia. ''Dementia & Neuropsychologia'', ''14''(2), 93–102. https://doi.org/10.1590/1980-57642020dn14-020001 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Colclough, C., Perach, R., Harris, P., Rusted, J., Banerjee, S., & Miles, E. (2026). Decision-making involvement and quality of life in people with dementia: the mediating role of psychological needs. ''Aging & Mental Health'', ''30''(2), 267–276. https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2025.2541188 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Dombestein, H., Norheim, A., & Lunde Husebø, A. M. (2020). Understanding informal caregivers’ motivation from the perspective of self‐determination theory: an integrative review. ''Scandinavian Journal of Caring Sciences'', ''34''(2), 267–279. https://doi.org/10.1111/scs.12735 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Shiells, K., Pivodic, L., Holmerová, I., & Van den Block, L. (2020). Self-reported needs and experiences of people with dementia living in nursing homes: a scoping review. ''Aging & Mental Health'', ''24''(10), 1553–1568. https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2019.1625303 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> van Andel, S., & Holkenborg, A. (2024). From the perspective of people with dementia: Using creative qualitative measures to assess the values and opinions on freedom and safety among people living with dementia. ''Healthcare (Basel)'', ''12''(14), 1412. https://doi.org/10.3390/healthcare12141412 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> van der Weide, H., Lovink, M. H., Luijkx, K. G., & Gerritsen, D. L. (2023). Supporting autonomy for people with dementia living in nursing homes: A rapid realist review. ''International Journal of Nursing Studies'', ''137'', Article 104382. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijnurstu.2022.104382 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> World Health Organization. (2026). ''Dementia''. https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/dementia </div> 7yutfx8feekxkbdv1n83irh88kkvxd4 2840390 2840389 2026-10-15T05:36:20Z Ella Kay244 3107007 /* Competency */ 2840390 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__ [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] {{title|Self-determination theory and dementia care:<br>How can autonomy, competence, and relatedness be supported in people living with dementia?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Wolf Creek NFH nursing home fishing event October 2024.png|thumb|'''Figure 1:''' Residence of an aged care home enjoying an outside activity ]] ;Imagine this ... Imagine you are an elderly resident with dementia living in a psychogeriatric ward in the beautiful Dutch countryside. On the walk from your bedroom to the communal dining room, you pass many people; staff, other residents and resident’s family members, but you do not recognise any of them. You take your breakfast to a table overlooking the garden and imagine walking outside, feeling the sun and smelling the flowers. Despite your longing to enjoy the garden, whether you get outside today is not up to you. You have been told it is unsafe, and you may only go out when a staff member has time to take you. How would this scenario make you feel? Trapped? Unsafe? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This scenario draws on experiences that residents of a Dutch psychogeriatric ward shared with researchers studying what gives residents a sense of freedom and safety. They identified that time in nature, knowing the staff and spending time with others all contributed positively to a sense of personal freedom and safety in the ward (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Scenarios like this are common within aged care homes for residents living with dementia. A review of 1158 articles published between 2000 and 2018 found that residents felt a lack of freedom, belonging, and connection, with some residents even describing their living situation as “living in a prison camp” (Shiells et al., 2020, p 1563). Many residents describe their well-being as low with reports of poor self-esteem, connection, value and independence (Shiells et al., 2020). This chapter asks how Self-Determination Theory (SDT) can help understand and support the psychological needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness (ACR) in people with dementia. It begins with an overview of dementia and models of care, introduces SDT as a framework for understanding motivation and well-being, then examines how ACR can be supported for people living with dementia and highlights where the evidence is still limited. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus Questions''' # What is dementia, and what care options exists to support people living with it? # What does SDT propose about human motivation and well-being, and why is it a useful framework for understanding dementia care? # What interventions increase well-being for dementia patients? # How does person-centred care impact psychological well-being? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding dementia and models of care == '''Addresses focus question 1''' Dementia is a neurodegenerative disease (Cipriani et al., 2020). 57 million people across the globe live with dementia as of 2021, making it the seventh most common cause of death globally (World Health Organisation, 2026). Dementia disproportionately affects women as they are both more likely to get dementia and more likely to look after people with it (World Health Organisation, 2026). There are four types of dementia: Alzheimer’s disease, vascular dementia, frontotemporal dementia and dementia Lewy body (Maclin et al., 2019). Alzheimer’s is the most common type of dementia, occurring in 69% of the population over 75. Alzheimer’s involves gradual memory and cognitive loss that impairs daily activities. The second most common is frontotemporal dementia and is distinguished by a distorted personality, along with loss of social and executive function, including in some cases the loss of speech (Maclin et al., 2019). Vascular dementia affects cognition from blood vessels in the brain becoming blocked resulting in deficits in the sensory and motor systems. Lewy bodies is characterised by cellular inclusions in the brain that cause fluctuations in cognitive function, hallucinations and behavioural problems. Support is often needed for people with dementia in the early stages for complex daily activities such as organising transportation. As the disease progresses, help with basic activities like getting dressed is needed too (Cipriani et al., 2020). Providing care and support for people living with dementia comes in many forms including in-home and institutionalised care. Families and patients choose between models based on a number of factors, including cultural values, knowledge of dementia, access to services, financial position and geographic location (Singh et al., 2014; Giebel et al., 2021). People receiving in-home care may be looked after by informal caregivers such as family members, formal caregivers or a mix of both, who are able to provide services at the home of the patient (Singh et al., 2014). Institutionalised care refers to the model of care where patients move into a facility where they can be monitored and looked after entirely by professionals or formal caregivers. In Australia, most people living with dementia choose in-home care. However, there are still over one million people living in institutionalised settings (Singh et al., 2014). == Self-Determination theory == '''Addresses focus question 2''' Self-determination Theory (SDT) is a theory of motivation. SDT predicts motivation by explaining why people are intrinsically or extrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour (Dombestein et at, 2020; Ryan & Deci, 2020). If someone is intrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour it means they find motivation from internal factors with no influence from the environment. This could be learning to dance purely for the enjoyment of it. On the other hand, extrinsic motivation is when someone behaves in response to environmental factors (Ryan & Deci, 2020). This could be learning to dance because all their friends are dancing. People are very rarely motivated entirely for internal or external reasons therefore, extrinsic motivation is considered to be a continuum, starting with external regulation and finishing at integration: * External regulation (behaviours are regulated from environmental cues, rewards and punishments) * Introjection (environmental cues are being injected internally for instance the “punishment” of doing something wrong is feeling guilty * Identified (you identify with your behaviours for example you identify with being a good student, so you show up to class but do not enjoy class) * Integration (there is less conflict between your identity and your behaviour. For example, you show up to class because you value being a good student and think it’s the right thing to do) (Dombestein et al, 2020). Motivation is multidimensional, as people often have several forms of motivation for the same task (Ryan & Deci, 2020). For example, someone might run because their doctor advised it (identified) and because they enjoy seeing friends there (intrinsic). SDT offers an explanation as to where on the motivation continuum people operate. SDT says that for people to be intrinsically motivated or on the upper end of the extrinsic motivation scale you must satisfy all three critical psychological needs. These needs are:   * Autonomy - feeling ownership over actions and life circumstances * Competence - a sense of confidence or mastery over performing tasks * Relatedness - the need to feel like you belong to a group, that you are supported by others and in return people feel supported by you. Achievement of these three psychological needs is not automatic, and people often require support to achieve these needs. Organismic SDT states that people have a natural drive towards obtaining the critical psychological needs (Ryan & Deci, 2020). Zou et al, (2026) found that Chinese girls chose menstrual products that increased bodily autonomy, confidence in areas they identified with, and closeness to family and media figures, but could only do so if they could afford them. This reflects the theory that people have a natural desire to achieve the three psychological needs but need support from their environment. There is some debate in motivation research as to whether the different types of motivation describe distinct qualitative forms of motivation or if they point to different quantitative points along a scale of motivation (Van den Broeck et al., 2021). SDT theorists view motivation as a continuum, supported by findings that students with higher ACR have better wellbeing, higher grades and more intrinsic motivation. (Bureau et al., 2022; Ryan & Deci, 2020). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}}'''Key points''' * SDT is a theory of motivation. Extrinsic motivation sits on a continuum: external regulation, introjection, identified and integration. * Autonomy, competence and relatedness must all be met for people to be intrinsically motivated or at the upper end of the continuum. * People have a natural drive towards these needs but require support from their environment. * Higher need satisfaction is linked to better wellbeing. {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Putting Self-Determination Theory into Practice: Meeting Psychological Needs in Dementia Patients == '''Addresses focus questions 3''' SDT posits that supporting ACR in people living with dementia leads to better well-being, but these needs cannot just be given directly to a person. Therefore, the strategies discussed below are best understood as shaping conditions rather than delivering outcomes One of the most well-documented examples of SDT in practice is the process of facilitating patient decision-making. Colclough et al (2026) found that it did not improve well-being directly but did so by separately increasing satisfaction levels of all three needs, which is consistent with SDT’s claim that need satisfaction underlies well-being. Decision-making is not the only pathway to increase ACR. [[File:Self-determination theory diagrame.png|347x347px]] === '''Competency''' === Competency has been seen to be supported by carers assisting or allowing patients were possible to perform tasks independently (Custers et al., 2011). When adults with dementia cannot perform simple tasks by themselves like eating, they report feeling ashamed and embarrassed (Estrada, 2021). The ability to perform tasks independently is one reason most people prefer to stay in their home (Wammes et al., 2021). Both formal and informal caregivers help people with dementia feel competent and safe in their own home with patients reporting that their informal caregivers help them with daily living tasks, navigating the health system and organising social activities (Wammes et al., 2021). Similar sentiments have been shared around formal caregivers helping with medical information and daily tasks (Hoel et al., 2021). Aides for everyday activities are also cited as supporting competence (Rapaport et al., 2020; Wammes et al., 2021). The importance of the environment for allowing psychological needs to flourish is evident in respect to competency as people living in aged care homes are less likely to complete tasks independently as cognitive decline progresses, compared to people receiving informal care (Anselmo et al., 2025). Residents often report having little control over daily routines, such as what they eat or when they shower (Shiells et al., 2020). Assisting dementia patients to Identify personal strengths and meaningful activities have been seen to increase self-direction (Döpp et al., 2021). Although the correlations are unclear, these studies suggest that helping residents identify personal strengths and meaningful activities could show caregivers where to allow more independence, such as control over daily routines. === Autonomy === Supporting autonomy in people with dementia is best understood through SDT’s definition of autonomy which is having a sense of agency over one’s life rather than the physical ability to act independently (Ryan & Deci, 2020). A study by Stumpf et al (2025) found that people with dementia did not mind if they did not contribute much to decision making, as long as they were included in the process. 90% of people living with mild forms of dementia can articulate preferences and provide reasons for their preferences based on their values (Stumpf et al., 2025). Despite this, healthcare professionals will often defer all questions to patient’s family members (Stumpf et al., 2025). People with dementia generally accept the gradual loss of independence that comes with the progression of the disease if the decisions they do make around everyday things like going for a walk or dyeing their hair are respected (Estrada, 2021). Interventions that help to increase decision-making capacity by applying advance care planning to everyday situations, simplifying and visualising options, and staff knowing the residents have all helped increase autonomy (Van Der Weide et al., 2023). Van Der Weide et al (2023) did warn that offering fewer choices increases the risk of staff accidently letting their preferences dictate the options available to residents. They also found autonomy interventions only appeared valuable within trusting relationships with family and staff (Van Der Weide et al., 2023). === Relatedness === The need for relatedness is often clearly expressed by people living in aged care homes with many residents reporting love and connection as important values (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Shiells et al (2020) have discovered that reading groups, exercising, and helping other residents with problems have all been linked to feeling valued. The provision of in-home care by formal caregivers has been seen to increase feelings of relatedness, as people report appreciating the conversation and liking when they had regular contact with the same carer, as that carer better understood their preferences (Hoel et al., 2021).  Lastly, decision-making has also been seen to increase relatedness if ideas are heard and respected (Stumpf et al., 2025).  Estrada (2021) offers a richer understanding as to why decision-making might increase relatedness through the principles of person-centres care, by which you can develop a deeper connection through conversation. Many of these strategies depend on carers having the time, energy and support to deliver them. Therefore, Person-centred care has also been explored as an intervention to help increase the well-being of carers. == Person-centred care impacts on promoting psychological well-being == '''Addresses focus question 4''' Person or client-centred care is an approach to care that focuses on maintaining a person’s sense of self by putting them and their needs at the forefront of importance when delivering care (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Person-centred care has been investigated for solutions to increase staff satisfaction in aged care homes and in-home services and to help to increase well-being in people with dementia. One of the principles of person-centred care is to ‘enter the person’s world’ through communication to develop a better connection (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Estrada (2021) revealed that one way you can increase connection with dementia patients is by simply allowing more time for conversations. People with dementia need more time to communicate because as their disease progresses their processing speed and short-term memory capacity decreases (Estrada, 2021). Allowing enough time for communicating is important as many people express frustrations when they feel rushed (Estrada, 2021). Even in people with non-fluent dementia, communication can increase relatedness through the encouragement of non-verbal communication like smiling, waving or touch (Estrada, 2021). Although it is well established that increased and better-quality communication between nursing home staff and residents is needed, nursing staff report not having enough time to get to know residents (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024) and therefore place more importance on basic survival needs over psychological needs (Estrada, 2021). In-home care staff have also reported that the lack of time to addresses patients’ needs is also a reason for high staff turnover (Lämås et al., 2021). Lämås et al. (2021) tested person-centred care in home care services. Thriving rose among people with dementia, but self-determination fell and formal caregivers did not benefit. However, the caregiver sample was too small to detect an effect, and the self-determination measure captured only autonomy, whereas the thriving measure (attitudes to home, care and relationships) likely reflected all three needs better. A study with a larger sample size by Vassbø et al (2020) looked at the effects of a person-centred intervention over 14 months and also found no effect on job satisfaction. Person-centred care therefore does not appear to be a solution to increase staff satisfaction. However, there are promising sings it may increase well-being dementia patients. The psychological well-being of informal caregivers also affects the well-being of the people they care for. Informal caregivers report needing more emotional support, finding caring increasingly difficult as they become older, and report navigating the healthcare system on their own as challenging (Wammes et al., 2021). Interventions, based on SDT, that focus on increasing coping skills, communication skills and improving relationships made carers more intrinsically motivated to care for their loved one, which led to increased wellbeing (Dombestein et al., 2020). Carers also reported that being able to drop their loved ones off at day-care centres allowed them to socialise with others, thereby increasing relatedness, and provision of at-home aides that helped them complete domestic tasks helped them feel competent (Wammes et al., 2021). ==Conclusion== Dementia makes independent living challenging, but it does not mean that agency should be taken away. As shown above, dementia patients are capable of decision-making even in severe cases.  SDT seeks to explain well-being through the prism of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. To become intrinsically motivated an individual must satisfy all three psychological needs. The strategies for increasing psychology well-being disgust in this paper are most successful when the interconnected nature of the needs are understood (Slemp et al., 2024). Interventions aimed at one need often support others. For example, feeling genuinely listened-to and respected increases both relatedness and autonomy (Stumpf et al., 2025; Estrada, 2021). Because these needs overlap and cannot be supplied directly, the most effective interventions are those that change the environment to allow them to develop. Allowing more time to communicate, creating spaces where people can act more independently, and increasing collaboration in decision-making all support the satisfaction of one or more needs, which in turn supports the satisfaction of other needs. Carer well-being remains an important area for future research to help increase well-being for dementia patients. <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}">{{Robelbox|theme=13|icon=Nuvola_apps_korganizer.svg|iconwidth=48px|title=Review time!<div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {You operate a dementia care live-in clinic. Two of your employees come to you with competing ideas of how to make the lives of your patients better. Employee A suggests that you should provide the patients with a larger variety of food. Employee B suggests that you should allow patients to choose what they want to eat. Assuming you can implement either option, which would you choose?} - A. Larger variety of food + B. Choosing the Weekly Menu </quiz> </div> {{RoundBoxBottom}} }} == External links == * [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK551552/ Behavioural and psychological symptoms in dementia] (National library of medicine) * [https://newsroom.ucla.edu/releases/dementia-care-study-highlights-importance-of-caregiver-self-efficacy Dementia care study highlights importance of caregiver self-efficacy] (UCLA newsroom) * [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory Older] [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory adults using technology for meaningful activities during COVID-19: an analysis through the lens of self-determination theory] (University of Melbourne) == See also == * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Basic psychological need theory|Basic psychological need theory]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Dementia care motivation|Dementia care motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Dementia]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Neurodegenerative disease]] (Wikiversity) == References == <div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Cipriani, G., Danti, S., Picchi, L., Nuti, A., & Fiorino, M. D. (2020). Daily functioning and dementia. ''Dementia & Neuropsychologia'', ''14''(2), 93–102. https://doi.org/10.1590/1980-57642020dn14-020001 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Colclough, C., Perach, R., Harris, P., Rusted, J., Banerjee, S., & Miles, E. (2026). Decision-making involvement and quality of life in people with dementia: the mediating role of psychological needs. ''Aging & Mental Health'', ''30''(2), 267–276. https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2025.2541188 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Dombestein, H., Norheim, A., & Lunde Husebø, A. M. (2020). Understanding informal caregivers’ motivation from the perspective of self‐determination theory: an integrative review. ''Scandinavian Journal of Caring Sciences'', ''34''(2), 267–279. https://doi.org/10.1111/scs.12735 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Shiells, K., Pivodic, L., Holmerová, I., & Van den Block, L. (2020). Self-reported needs and experiences of people with dementia living in nursing homes: a scoping review. ''Aging & Mental Health'', ''24''(10), 1553–1568. https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2019.1625303 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> van Andel, S., & Holkenborg, A. (2024). From the perspective of people with dementia: Using creative qualitative measures to assess the values and opinions on freedom and safety among people living with dementia. ''Healthcare (Basel)'', ''12''(14), 1412. https://doi.org/10.3390/healthcare12141412 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> van der Weide, H., Lovink, M. H., Luijkx, K. G., & Gerritsen, D. L. (2023). Supporting autonomy for people with dementia living in nursing homes: A rapid realist review. ''International Journal of Nursing Studies'', ''137'', Article 104382. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijnurstu.2022.104382 </div><div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> World Health Organization. (2026). ''Dementia''. https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/dementia </div> 7smnhn1uw2wfgtqcbh32vznexcnw0ox 2840394 2840390 2026-10-15T05:43:50Z Ella Kay244 3107007 /* References */ 2840394 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__ [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] {{title|Self-determination theory and dementia care:<br>How can autonomy, competence, and relatedness be supported in people living with dementia?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Wolf Creek NFH nursing home fishing event October 2024.png|thumb|'''Figure 1:''' Residence of an aged care home enjoying an outside activity ]] ;Imagine this ... Imagine you are an elderly resident with dementia living in a psychogeriatric ward in the beautiful Dutch countryside. On the walk from your bedroom to the communal dining room, you pass many people; staff, other residents and resident’s family members, but you do not recognise any of them. You take your breakfast to a table overlooking the garden and imagine walking outside, feeling the sun and smelling the flowers. Despite your longing to enjoy the garden, whether you get outside today is not up to you. You have been told it is unsafe, and you may only go out when a staff member has time to take you. How would this scenario make you feel? Trapped? Unsafe? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This scenario draws on experiences that residents of a Dutch psychogeriatric ward shared with researchers studying what gives residents a sense of freedom and safety. They identified that time in nature, knowing the staff and spending time with others all contributed positively to a sense of personal freedom and safety in the ward (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Scenarios like this are common within aged care homes for residents living with dementia. A review of 1158 articles published between 2000 and 2018 found that residents felt a lack of freedom, belonging, and connection, with some residents even describing their living situation as “living in a prison camp” (Shiells et al., 2020, p 1563). Many residents describe their well-being as low with reports of poor self-esteem, connection, value and independence (Shiells et al., 2020). This chapter asks how Self-Determination Theory (SDT) can help understand and support the psychological needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness (ACR) in people with dementia. It begins with an overview of dementia and models of care, introduces SDT as a framework for understanding motivation and well-being, then examines how ACR can be supported for people living with dementia and highlights where the evidence is still limited. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus Questions''' # What is dementia, and what care options exists to support people living with it? # What does SDT propose about human motivation and well-being, and why is it a useful framework for understanding dementia care? # What interventions increase well-being for dementia patients? # How does person-centred care impact psychological well-being? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding dementia and models of care == '''Addresses focus question 1''' Dementia is a neurodegenerative disease (Cipriani et al., 2020). 57 million people across the globe live with dementia as of 2021, making it the seventh most common cause of death globally (World Health Organisation, 2026). Dementia disproportionately affects women as they are both more likely to get dementia and more likely to look after people with it (World Health Organisation, 2026). There are four types of dementia: Alzheimer’s disease, vascular dementia, frontotemporal dementia and dementia Lewy body (Maclin et al., 2019). Alzheimer’s is the most common type of dementia, occurring in 69% of the population over 75. Alzheimer’s involves gradual memory and cognitive loss that impairs daily activities. The second most common is frontotemporal dementia and is distinguished by a distorted personality, along with loss of social and executive function, including in some cases the loss of speech (Maclin et al., 2019). Vascular dementia affects cognition from blood vessels in the brain becoming blocked resulting in deficits in the sensory and motor systems. Lewy bodies is characterised by cellular inclusions in the brain that cause fluctuations in cognitive function, hallucinations and behavioural problems. Support is often needed for people with dementia in the early stages for complex daily activities such as organising transportation. As the disease progresses, help with basic activities like getting dressed is needed too (Cipriani et al., 2020). Providing care and support for people living with dementia comes in many forms including in-home and institutionalised care. Families and patients choose between models based on a number of factors, including cultural values, knowledge of dementia, access to services, financial position and geographic location (Singh et al., 2014; Giebel et al., 2021). People receiving in-home care may be looked after by informal caregivers such as family members, formal caregivers or a mix of both, who are able to provide services at the home of the patient (Singh et al., 2014). Institutionalised care refers to the model of care where patients move into a facility where they can be monitored and looked after entirely by professionals or formal caregivers. In Australia, most people living with dementia choose in-home care. However, there are still over one million people living in institutionalised settings (Singh et al., 2014). == Self-Determination theory == '''Addresses focus question 2''' Self-determination Theory (SDT) is a theory of motivation. SDT predicts motivation by explaining why people are intrinsically or extrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour (Dombestein et at, 2020; Ryan & Deci, 2020). If someone is intrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour it means they find motivation from internal factors with no influence from the environment. This could be learning to dance purely for the enjoyment of it. On the other hand, extrinsic motivation is when someone behaves in response to environmental factors (Ryan & Deci, 2020). This could be learning to dance because all their friends are dancing. People are very rarely motivated entirely for internal or external reasons therefore, extrinsic motivation is considered to be a continuum, starting with external regulation and finishing at integration: * External regulation (behaviours are regulated from environmental cues, rewards and punishments) * Introjection (environmental cues are being injected internally for instance the “punishment” of doing something wrong is feeling guilty * Identified (you identify with your behaviours for example you identify with being a good student, so you show up to class but do not enjoy class) * Integration (there is less conflict between your identity and your behaviour. For example, you show up to class because you value being a good student and think it’s the right thing to do) (Dombestein et al, 2020). Motivation is multidimensional, as people often have several forms of motivation for the same task (Ryan & Deci, 2020). For example, someone might run because their doctor advised it (identified) and because they enjoy seeing friends there (intrinsic). SDT offers an explanation as to where on the motivation continuum people operate. SDT says that for people to be intrinsically motivated or on the upper end of the extrinsic motivation scale you must satisfy all three critical psychological needs. These needs are:   * Autonomy - feeling ownership over actions and life circumstances * Competence - a sense of confidence or mastery over performing tasks * Relatedness - the need to feel like you belong to a group, that you are supported by others and in return people feel supported by you. Achievement of these three psychological needs is not automatic, and people often require support to achieve these needs. Organismic SDT states that people have a natural drive towards obtaining the critical psychological needs (Ryan & Deci, 2020). Zou et al, (2026) found that Chinese girls chose menstrual products that increased bodily autonomy, confidence in areas they identified with, and closeness to family and media figures, but could only do so if they could afford them. This reflects the theory that people have a natural desire to achieve the three psychological needs but need support from their environment. There is some debate in motivation research as to whether the different types of motivation describe distinct qualitative forms of motivation or if they point to different quantitative points along a scale of motivation (Van den Broeck et al., 2021). SDT theorists view motivation as a continuum, supported by findings that students with higher ACR have better wellbeing, higher grades and more intrinsic motivation. (Bureau et al., 2022; Ryan & Deci, 2020). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}}'''Key points''' * SDT is a theory of motivation. Extrinsic motivation sits on a continuum: external regulation, introjection, identified and integration. * Autonomy, competence and relatedness must all be met for people to be intrinsically motivated or at the upper end of the continuum. * People have a natural drive towards these needs but require support from their environment. * Higher need satisfaction is linked to better wellbeing. {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Putting Self-Determination Theory into Practice: Meeting Psychological Needs in Dementia Patients == '''Addresses focus questions 3''' SDT posits that supporting ACR in people living with dementia leads to better well-being, but these needs cannot just be given directly to a person. Therefore, the strategies discussed below are best understood as shaping conditions rather than delivering outcomes One of the most well-documented examples of SDT in practice is the process of facilitating patient decision-making. Colclough et al (2026) found that it did not improve well-being directly but did so by separately increasing satisfaction levels of all three needs, which is consistent with SDT’s claim that need satisfaction underlies well-being. Decision-making is not the only pathway to increase ACR. [[File:Self-determination theory diagrame.png|347x347px]] === '''Competency''' === Competency has been seen to be supported by carers assisting or allowing patients were possible to perform tasks independently (Custers et al., 2011). When adults with dementia cannot perform simple tasks by themselves like eating, they report feeling ashamed and embarrassed (Estrada, 2021). The ability to perform tasks independently is one reason most people prefer to stay in their home (Wammes et al., 2021). Both formal and informal caregivers help people with dementia feel competent and safe in their own home with patients reporting that their informal caregivers help them with daily living tasks, navigating the health system and organising social activities (Wammes et al., 2021). Similar sentiments have been shared around formal caregivers helping with medical information and daily tasks (Hoel et al., 2021). Aides for everyday activities are also cited as supporting competence (Rapaport et al., 2020; Wammes et al., 2021). The importance of the environment for allowing psychological needs to flourish is evident in respect to competency as people living in aged care homes are less likely to complete tasks independently as cognitive decline progresses, compared to people receiving informal care (Anselmo et al., 2025). Residents often report having little control over daily routines, such as what they eat or when they shower (Shiells et al., 2020). Assisting dementia patients to Identify personal strengths and meaningful activities have been seen to increase self-direction (Döpp et al., 2021). Although the correlations are unclear, these studies suggest that helping residents identify personal strengths and meaningful activities could show caregivers where to allow more independence, such as control over daily routines. === Autonomy === Supporting autonomy in people with dementia is best understood through SDT’s definition of autonomy which is having a sense of agency over one’s life rather than the physical ability to act independently (Ryan & Deci, 2020). A study by Stumpf et al (2025) found that people with dementia did not mind if they did not contribute much to decision making, as long as they were included in the process. 90% of people living with mild forms of dementia can articulate preferences and provide reasons for their preferences based on their values (Stumpf et al., 2025). Despite this, healthcare professionals will often defer all questions to patient’s family members (Stumpf et al., 2025). People with dementia generally accept the gradual loss of independence that comes with the progression of the disease if the decisions they do make around everyday things like going for a walk or dyeing their hair are respected (Estrada, 2021). Interventions that help to increase decision-making capacity by applying advance care planning to everyday situations, simplifying and visualising options, and staff knowing the residents have all helped increase autonomy (Van Der Weide et al., 2023). Van Der Weide et al (2023) did warn that offering fewer choices increases the risk of staff accidently letting their preferences dictate the options available to residents. They also found autonomy interventions only appeared valuable within trusting relationships with family and staff (Van Der Weide et al., 2023). === Relatedness === The need for relatedness is often clearly expressed by people living in aged care homes with many residents reporting love and connection as important values (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Shiells et al (2020) have discovered that reading groups, exercising, and helping other residents with problems have all been linked to feeling valued. The provision of in-home care by formal caregivers has been seen to increase feelings of relatedness, as people report appreciating the conversation and liking when they had regular contact with the same carer, as that carer better understood their preferences (Hoel et al., 2021).  Lastly, decision-making has also been seen to increase relatedness if ideas are heard and respected (Stumpf et al., 2025).  Estrada (2021) offers a richer understanding as to why decision-making might increase relatedness through the principles of person-centres care, by which you can develop a deeper connection through conversation. Many of these strategies depend on carers having the time, energy and support to deliver them. Therefore, Person-centred care has also been explored as an intervention to help increase the well-being of carers. == Person-centred care impacts on promoting psychological well-being == '''Addresses focus question 4''' Person or client-centred care is an approach to care that focuses on maintaining a person’s sense of self by putting them and their needs at the forefront of importance when delivering care (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Person-centred care has been investigated for solutions to increase staff satisfaction in aged care homes and in-home services and to help to increase well-being in people with dementia. One of the principles of person-centred care is to ‘enter the person’s world’ through communication to develop a better connection (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Estrada (2021) revealed that one way you can increase connection with dementia patients is by simply allowing more time for conversations. People with dementia need more time to communicate because as their disease progresses their processing speed and short-term memory capacity decreases (Estrada, 2021). Allowing enough time for communicating is important as many people express frustrations when they feel rushed (Estrada, 2021). Even in people with non-fluent dementia, communication can increase relatedness through the encouragement of non-verbal communication like smiling, waving or touch (Estrada, 2021). Although it is well established that increased and better-quality communication between nursing home staff and residents is needed, nursing staff report not having enough time to get to know residents (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024) and therefore place more importance on basic survival needs over psychological needs (Estrada, 2021). In-home care staff have also reported that the lack of time to addresses patients’ needs is also a reason for high staff turnover (Lämås et al., 2021). Lämås et al. (2021) tested person-centred care in home care services. Thriving rose among people with dementia, but self-determination fell and formal caregivers did not benefit. However, the caregiver sample was too small to detect an effect, and the self-determination measure captured only autonomy, whereas the thriving measure (attitudes to home, care and relationships) likely reflected all three needs better. A study with a larger sample size by Vassbø et al (2020) looked at the effects of a person-centred intervention over 14 months and also found no effect on job satisfaction. Person-centred care therefore does not appear to be a solution to increase staff satisfaction. However, there are promising sings it may increase well-being dementia patients. The psychological well-being of informal caregivers also affects the well-being of the people they care for. Informal caregivers report needing more emotional support, finding caring increasingly difficult as they become older, and report navigating the healthcare system on their own as challenging (Wammes et al., 2021). Interventions, based on SDT, that focus on increasing coping skills, communication skills and improving relationships made carers more intrinsically motivated to care for their loved one, which led to increased wellbeing (Dombestein et al., 2020). Carers also reported that being able to drop their loved ones off at day-care centres allowed them to socialise with others, thereby increasing relatedness, and provision of at-home aides that helped them complete domestic tasks helped them feel competent (Wammes et al., 2021). ==Conclusion== Dementia makes independent living challenging, but it does not mean that agency should be taken away. As shown above, dementia patients are capable of decision-making even in severe cases.  SDT seeks to explain well-being through the prism of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. To become intrinsically motivated an individual must satisfy all three psychological needs. The strategies for increasing psychology well-being disgust in this paper are most successful when the interconnected nature of the needs are understood (Slemp et al., 2024). Interventions aimed at one need often support others. For example, feeling genuinely listened-to and respected increases both relatedness and autonomy (Stumpf et al., 2025; Estrada, 2021). Because these needs overlap and cannot be supplied directly, the most effective interventions are those that change the environment to allow them to develop. Allowing more time to communicate, creating spaces where people can act more independently, and increasing collaboration in decision-making all support the satisfaction of one or more needs, which in turn supports the satisfaction of other needs. Carer well-being remains an important area for future research to help increase well-being for dementia patients. <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}">{{Robelbox|theme=13|icon=Nuvola_apps_korganizer.svg|iconwidth=48px|title=Review time!<div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {You operate a dementia care live-in clinic. Two of your employees come to you with competing ideas of how to make the lives of your patients better. Employee A suggests that you should provide the patients with a larger variety of food. Employee B suggests that you should allow patients to choose what they want to eat. Assuming you can implement either option, which would you choose?} - A. Larger variety of food + B. Choosing the Weekly Menu </quiz> </div> {{RoundBoxBottom}} }} == External links == * [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK551552/ Behavioural and psychological symptoms in dementia] (National library of medicine) * [https://newsroom.ucla.edu/releases/dementia-care-study-highlights-importance-of-caregiver-self-efficacy Dementia care study highlights importance of caregiver self-efficacy] (UCLA newsroom) * [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory Older] [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory adults using technology for meaningful activities during COVID-19: an analysis through the lens of self-determination theory] (University of Melbourne) == See also == * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Basic psychological need theory|Basic psychological need theory]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Dementia care motivation|Dementia care motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Dementia]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Neurodegenerative disease]] (Wikiversity) == References == <div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Anselmo, A., Corallo, F., Pagano, M., Cardile, D., Marra, A., Maresca, G., De Luca, R., Alagna, A., Quartarone, A., Calabrò, R. 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H., Luijkx, K. G., & Gerritsen, D. L. (2023). Supporting autonomy for people with dementia living in nursing homes: A rapid realist review. ''International Journal of Nursing Studies'',137, Article 104382. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijnurstu.2022.104382</nowiki> Van Den Broeck, A., Howard, J. L., Van Vaerenbergh, Y., Leroy, H., & Gagné, M. (2021). Beyond intrinsic and extrinsic motivation: A meta-analysis on self-determination theory’s multidimensional conceptualization of work motivation. ''Organizational Psychology Review, 11''(3), 240–273. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/20413866211006173</nowiki> Vassbø, T. K., Bergland, Å., Kirkevold, M., Lindkvist, M., Lood, Q., Sandman, P., Sjögren, K., & Edvardsson, D. (2020). Effects of a person‐centred and thriving‐promoting intervention on nursing home staff job satisfaction: A multi‐centre, non‐equivalent controlled before–after study. ''Nursing Open, 7''(6), 1787–1797. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1002/nop2.565</nowiki> Wammes, J. D., Labrie, N. H. M., Agogo, G. O., Monin, J. K., Bekker‐Grob, E. W., & MacNeil Vroomen, J. L. (2021). Persons with dementia and informal caregivers prioritizing care: A mixed‐methods study. Alzheimer’s & Dementia : ''Translational Research & Clinical Interventions, 7''(1), Article e12193 <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1002/trc2.12193</nowiki> World Health Organisation. (2026). Dementia <nowiki>https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/dementia</nowiki> Zou, W., Meadows, C. C. Z., Huang, L., & Wang, B. (2026). Psychological determinants of menstrual product preferences: Applying self-determination theory to women’s reproductive health decision-making. J''ournal of Health Psychology, 31''(9), 3512–3527. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/13591053251407843</nowiki> </div> swolj82qw9w0j99md3f1qgswa00hw4x 2840399 2840394 2026-10-15T06:10:28Z Ella Kay244 3107007 2840399 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__ [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] {{title|Self-determination theory and dementia care:<br>How can autonomy, competence, and relatedness be supported in people living with dementia?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Wolf Creek NFH nursing home fishing event October 2024.png|thumb|'''Figure 1:''' Residence of an aged care home enjoying an outside activity ]] ;Imagine this ... Imagine you are an elderly resident with dementia living in a psychogeriatric ward in the beautiful Dutch countryside. On the walk from your bedroom to the communal dining room, you pass many people; staff, other residents and resident’s family members, but you do not recognise any of them. You take your breakfast to a table overlooking the garden and imagine walking outside, feeling the sun and smelling the flowers. Despite your longing to enjoy the garden, whether you get outside today is not up to you. You have been told it is unsafe, and you may only go out when a staff member has time to take you. How would this scenario make you feel? Trapped? Unsafe? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This scenario draws on experiences that residents of a Dutch psychogeriatric ward shared with researchers studying what gives residents a sense of freedom and safety. They identified that time in nature, knowing the staff and spending time with others all contributed positively to a sense of personal freedom and safety in the ward (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Scenarios like this are common within aged care homes for residents living with dementia. A review of 1158 articles published between 2000 and 2018 found that residents felt a lack of freedom, belonging, and connection, with some residents even describing their living situation as “living in a prison camp” (Shiells et al., 2020, p 1563). Many residents describe their well-being as low with reports of poor self-esteem, connection, value and independence (Shiells et al., 2020). This chapter asks how Self-Determination Theory (SDT) can help understand and support the psychological needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness (ACR) in people with dementia. It begins with an overview of dementia and models of care, introduces SDT as a framework for understanding motivation and well-being, then examines how ACR can be supported for people living with dementia and highlights where the evidence is still limited. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus Questions''' # What is dementia, and what care options exists to support people living with it? # What does SDT propose about human motivation and well-being, and why is it a useful framework for understanding dementia care? # What interventions increase well-being for dementia patients? # How does person-centred care impact psychological well-being? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding dementia and models of care == '''Addresses focus question 1''' Dementia is a neurodegenerative disease (Cipriani et al., 2020). 57 million people across the globe live with dementia as of 2021, making it the seventh most common cause of death globally (World Health Organisation, 2026). Dementia disproportionately affects women as they are both more likely to get dementia and more likely to look after people with it (World Health Organisation, 2026). There are four types of dementia: Alzheimer’s disease, vascular dementia, frontotemporal dementia and dementia Lewy body (Maclin et al., 2019). Alzheimer’s is the most common type of dementia, occurring in 69% of the population over 75. Alzheimer’s involves gradual memory and cognitive loss that impairs daily activities. The second most common is frontotemporal dementia and is distinguished by a distorted personality, along with loss of social and executive function, including in some cases the loss of speech (Maclin et al., 2019). Vascular dementia affects cognition from blood vessels in the brain becoming blocked resulting in deficits in the sensory and motor systems. Lewy bodies is characterised by cellular inclusions in the brain that cause fluctuations in cognitive function, hallucinations and behavioural problems. Support is often needed for people with dementia in the early stages for complex daily activities such as organising transportation. As the disease progresses, help with basic activities like getting dressed is needed too (Cipriani et al., 2020). Providing care and support for people living with dementia comes in many forms including in-home and institutionalised care. Families and patients choose between models based on a number of factors, including cultural values, knowledge of dementia, access to services, financial position and geographic location (Singh et al., 2014; Giebel et al., 2021). People receiving in-home care may be looked after by informal caregivers such as family members, formal caregivers or a mix of both, who are able to provide services at the home of the patient (Singh et al., 2014). Institutionalised care refers to the model of care where patients move into a facility where they can be monitored and looked after entirely by professionals or formal caregivers. In Australia, most people living with dementia choose in-home care. However, there are still over one million people living in institutionalised settings (Singh et al., 2014). == Self-Determination theory == '''Addresses focus question 2''' Self-determination Theory (SDT) is a theory of motivation. SDT predicts motivation by explaining why people are intrinsically or extrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour (Dombestein et at, 2020; Ryan & Deci, 2020). If someone is intrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour it means they find motivation from internal factors with no influence from the environment. This could be learning to dance purely for the enjoyment of it. On the other hand, extrinsic motivation is when someone behaves in response to environmental factors (Ryan & Deci, 2020). This could be learning to dance because all their friends are dancing. People are very rarely motivated entirely for internal or external reasons therefore, extrinsic motivation is considered to be a continuum, starting with external regulation and finishing at integration: * External regulation (behaviours are regulated from environmental cues, rewards and punishments) * Introjection (environmental cues are being injected internally for instance the “punishment” of doing something wrong is feeling guilty * Identified (you identify with your behaviours for example you identify with being a good student, so you show up to class but do not enjoy class) * Integration (there is less conflict between your identity and your behaviour. For example, you show up to class because you value being a good student and think it’s the right thing to do) (Dombestein et al, 2020). Motivation is multidimensional, as people often have several forms of motivation for the same task (Ryan & Deci, 2020). For example, someone might run because their doctor advised it (identified) and because they enjoy seeing friends there (intrinsic). SDT offers an explanation as to where on the motivation continuum people operate. SDT says that for people to be intrinsically motivated or on the upper end of the extrinsic motivation scale you must satisfy all three critical psychological needs. These needs are:   * Autonomy - feeling ownership over actions and life circumstances * Competence - a sense of confidence or mastery over performing tasks * Relatedness - the need to feel like you belong to a group, that you are supported by others and in return people feel supported by you. Achievement of these three psychological needs is not automatic, and people often require support to achieve these needs. Organismic SDT states that people have a natural drive towards obtaining the critical psychological needs (Ryan & Deci, 2020). Zou et al, (2026) found that Chinese girls chose menstrual products that increased bodily autonomy, confidence in areas they identified with, and closeness to family and media figures, but could only do so if they could afford them. This reflects the theory that people have a natural desire to achieve the three psychological needs but need support from their environment. There is some debate in motivation research as to whether the different types of motivation describe distinct qualitative forms of motivation or if they point to different quantitative points along a scale of motivation (Van den Broeck et al., 2021). SDT theorists view motivation as a continuum, supported by findings that students with higher ACR have better wellbeing, higher grades and more intrinsic motivation. (Bureau et al., 2022; Ryan & Deci, 2020). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}}'''Key points''' * SDT is a theory of motivation. Extrinsic motivation sits on a continuum: external regulation, introjection, identified and integration. * Autonomy, competence and relatedness must all be met for people to be intrinsically motivated or at the upper end of the continuum. * People have a natural drive towards these needs but require support from their environment. * Higher need satisfaction is linked to better wellbeing. {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Putting Self-Determination Theory into Practice: Meeting Psychological Needs in Dementia Patients == '''Addresses focus questions 3''' SDT posits that supporting ACR in people living with dementia leads to better well-being, but these needs cannot just be given directly to a person. Therefore, the strategies discussed below are best understood as shaping conditions rather than delivering outcomes One of the most well-documented examples of SDT in practice is the process of facilitating patient decision-making. Colclough et al (2026) found that it did not improve well-being directly but did so by separately increasing satisfaction levels of all three needs, which is consistent with SDT’s claim that need satisfaction underlies well-being. Decision-making is not the only pathway to increase ACR. [[File:Self-determination theory diagrame.png|347x347px]] === '''Competency''' === Competency has been seen to be supported by carers assisting or allowing patients were possible to perform tasks independently (Custers et al., 2011). When adults with dementia cannot perform simple tasks by themselves like eating, they report feeling ashamed and embarrassed (Estrada, 2021). The ability to perform tasks independently is one reason most people prefer to stay in their home (Wammes et al., 2021). Both formal and informal caregivers help people with dementia feel competent and safe in their own home with patients reporting that their informal caregivers help them with daily living tasks, navigating the health system and organising social activities (Wammes et al., 2021). Similar sentiments have been shared around formal caregivers helping with medical information and daily tasks (Hoel et al., 2021). Aides for everyday activities are also cited as supporting competence (Rapaport et al., 2020; Wammes et al., 2021). The importance of the environment for allowing psychological needs to flourish is evident in respect to competency as people living in aged care homes are less likely to complete tasks independently as cognitive decline progresses, compared to people receiving informal care (Anselmo et al., 2025). Residents often report having little control over daily routines, such as what they eat or when they shower (Shiells et al., 2020). Assisting dementia patients to Identify personal strengths and meaningful activities have been seen to increase self-direction (Döpp et al., 2021). Although the correlations are unclear, these studies suggest that helping residents identify personal strengths and meaningful activities could show caregivers where to allow more independence, such as control over daily routines. === Autonomy === Supporting autonomy in people with dementia is best understood through SDT’s definition of autonomy which is having a sense of agency over one’s life rather than the physical ability to act independently (Ryan & Deci, 2020). A study by Stumpf et al (2025) found that people with dementia did not mind if they did not contribute much to decision making, as long as they were included in the process. 90% of people living with mild forms of dementia can articulate preferences and provide reasons for their preferences based on their values (Stumpf et al., 2025). Despite this, healthcare professionals will often defer all questions to patient’s family members (Stumpf et al., 2025). People with dementia generally accept the gradual loss of independence that comes with the progression of the disease if the decisions they do make around everyday things like going for a walk or dyeing their hair are respected (Estrada, 2021). Interventions that help to increase decision-making capacity by applying advance care planning to everyday situations, simplifying and visualising options, and staff knowing the residents have all helped increase autonomy (Van Der Weide et al., 2023). Van Der Weide et al (2023) did warn that offering fewer choices increases the risk of staff accidently letting their preferences dictate the options available to residents. They also found autonomy interventions only appeared valuable within trusting relationships with family and staff (Van Der Weide et al., 2023). === Relatedness === The need for relatedness is often clearly expressed by people living in aged care homes with many residents reporting love and connection as important values (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Shiells et al (2020) have discovered that reading groups, exercising, and helping other residents with problems have all been linked to feeling valued. The provision of in-home care by formal caregivers has been seen to increase feelings of relatedness, as people report appreciating the conversation and liking when they had regular contact with the same carer, as that carer better understood their preferences (Hoel et al., 2021).  Lastly, decision-making has also been seen to increase relatedness if ideas are heard and respected (Stumpf et al., 2025).  Estrada (2021) offers a richer understanding as to why decision-making might increase relatedness through the principles of person-centres care, by which you can develop a deeper connection through conversation. Many of these strategies depend on carers having the time, energy and support to deliver them. Therefore, Person-centred care has also been explored as an intervention to help increase the well-being of carers. == Person-centred care impacts on promoting psychological well-being == '''Addresses focus question 4''' Person or client-centred care is an approach to care that focuses on maintaining a person’s sense of self by putting them and their needs at the forefront of importance when delivering care (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Person-centred care has been investigated for solutions to increase staff satisfaction in aged care homes and in-home services and to help to increase well-being in people with dementia. One of the principles of person-centred care is to ‘enter the person’s world’ through communication to develop a better connection (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Estrada (2021) revealed that one way you can increase connection with dementia patients is by simply allowing more time for conversations. People with dementia need more time to communicate because as their disease progresses their processing speed and short-term memory capacity decreases (Estrada, 2021). Allowing enough time for communicating is important as many people express frustrations when they feel rushed (Estrada, 2021). <nowiki>{{Side box | position = right | text = </nowiki>'''Short-term memeory''' the very quick temporary storge of information. } Even in people with non-fluent dementia, communication can increase relatedness through the encouragement of non-verbal communication like smiling, waving or touch (Estrada, 2021). Although it is well established that increased and better-quality communication between nursing home staff and residents is needed, nursing staff report not having enough time to get to know residents (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024) and therefore place more importance on basic survival needs over psychological needs (Estrada, 2021). In-home care staff have also reported that the lack of time to addresses patients’ needs is also a reason for high staff turnover (Lämås et al., 2021). Lämås et al. (2021) tested person-centred care in home care services. Thriving rose among people with dementia, but self-determination fell and formal caregivers did not benefit. However, the caregiver sample was too small to detect an effect, and the self-determination measure captured only autonomy, whereas the thriving measure (attitudes to home, care and relationships) likely reflected all three needs better. A study with a larger sample size by Vassbø et al (2020) looked at the effects of a person-centred intervention over 14 months and also found no effect on job satisfaction. Person-centred care therefore does not appear to be a solution to increase staff satisfaction. However, there are promising sings it may increase well-being dementia patients. The psychological well-being of informal caregivers also affects the well-being of the people they care for. Informal caregivers report needing more emotional support, finding caring increasingly difficult as they become older, and report navigating the healthcare system on their own as challenging (Wammes et al., 2021). Interventions, based on SDT, that focus on increasing coping skills, communication skills and improving relationships made carers more intrinsically motivated to care for their loved one, which led to increased wellbeing (Dombestein et al., 2020). Carers also reported that being able to drop their loved ones off at day-care centres allowed them to socialise with others, thereby increasing relatedness, and provision of at-home aides that helped them complete domestic tasks helped them feel competent (Wammes et al., 2021). ==Conclusion== Dementia makes independent living challenging, but it does not mean that agency should be taken away. As shown above, dementia patients are capable of decision-making even in severe cases.  SDT seeks to explain well-being through the prism of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. To become intrinsically motivated an individual must satisfy all three psychological needs. The strategies for increasing psychology well-being disgust in this paper are most successful when the interconnected nature of the needs are understood (Slemp et al., 2024). Interventions aimed at one need often support others. For example, feeling genuinely listened-to and respected increases both relatedness and autonomy (Stumpf et al., 2025; Estrada, 2021). Because these needs overlap and cannot be supplied directly, the most effective interventions are those that change the environment to allow them to develop. Allowing more time to communicate, creating spaces where people can act more independently, and increasing collaboration in decision-making all support the satisfaction of one or more needs, which in turn supports the satisfaction of other needs. Carer well-being remains an important area for future research to help increase well-being for dementia patients. <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}">{{Robelbox|theme=13|icon=Nuvola_apps_korganizer.svg|iconwidth=48px|title=Review time!<div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {You operate a dementia care live-in clinic. Two of your employees come to you with competing ideas of how to make the lives of your patients better. Employee A suggests that you should provide the patients with a larger variety of food. Employee B suggests that you should allow patients to choose what they want to eat. Assuming you can implement either option, which would you choose?} - A. Larger variety of food + B. Choosing the Weekly Menu </quiz> </div> {{RoundBoxBottom}} }} == External links == * [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK551552/ Behavioural and psychological symptoms in dementia] (National library of medicine) * [https://newsroom.ucla.edu/releases/dementia-care-study-highlights-importance-of-caregiver-self-efficacy Dementia care study highlights importance of caregiver self-efficacy] (UCLA newsroom) * [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory Older] [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory adults using technology for meaningful activities during COVID-19: an analysis through the lens of self-determination theory] (University of Melbourne) == See also == * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Basic psychological need theory|Basic psychological need theory]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Dementia care motivation|Dementia care motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Dementia]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Neurodegenerative disease]] (Wikiversity) == References == <div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Anselmo, A., Corallo, F., Pagano, M., Cardile, D., Marra, A., Maresca, G., De Luca, R., Alagna, A., Quartarone, A., Calabrò, R. 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''Journal of Aging Research'', 109–117. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1155/2014/486521</nowiki> Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of Personality and ''Social Psychology, 127''(5), 1012–1037. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459</nowiki> Stumpf, A. D. H., McKenzie, E., & Beavers, A. (2025). An account of personal autonomy for people living with dementia. ''The Gerontologist, 65''(11), 1. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1093/geront/gnaf210</nowiki> Van Andel, S., & Holkenborg, A. (2024). From the perspective of people with dementia: Using creative qualitative measures to assess the values and opinions on freedom and safety among people living with dementia. ''Healthcare,12''(14), 1412. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.3390/healthcare12141412</nowiki> Van Der Weide, H., Lovink, M. H., Luijkx, K. G., & Gerritsen, D. L. (2023). Supporting autonomy for people with dementia living in nursing homes: A rapid realist review. ''International Journal of Nursing Studies'',137, Article 104382. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijnurstu.2022.104382</nowiki> Van Den Broeck, A., Howard, J. L., Van Vaerenbergh, Y., Leroy, H., & Gagné, M. (2021). Beyond intrinsic and extrinsic motivation: A meta-analysis on self-determination theory’s multidimensional conceptualization of work motivation. ''Organizational Psychology Review, 11''(3), 240–273. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/20413866211006173</nowiki> Vassbø, T. K., Bergland, Å., Kirkevold, M., Lindkvist, M., Lood, Q., Sandman, P., Sjögren, K., & Edvardsson, D. (2020). Effects of a person‐centred and thriving‐promoting intervention on nursing home staff job satisfaction: A multi‐centre, non‐equivalent controlled before–after study. ''Nursing Open, 7''(6), 1787–1797. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1002/nop2.565</nowiki> Wammes, J. D., Labrie, N. H. M., Agogo, G. O., Monin, J. K., Bekker‐Grob, E. W., & MacNeil Vroomen, J. L. (2021). Persons with dementia and informal caregivers prioritizing care: A mixed‐methods study. Alzheimer’s & Dementia : ''Translational Research & Clinical Interventions, 7''(1), Article e12193 <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1002/trc2.12193</nowiki> World Health Organisation. (2026). Dementia <nowiki>https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/dementia</nowiki> Zou, W., Meadows, C. C. Z., Huang, L., & Wang, B. (2026). Psychological determinants of menstrual product preferences: Applying self-determination theory to women’s reproductive health decision-making. J''ournal of Health Psychology, 31''(9), 3512–3527. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/13591053251407843</nowiki> </div> 0e2f52u0zgknhdkge054nzfbg4sby6v 2840400 2840399 2026-10-15T06:10:46Z Ella Kay244 3107007 /* Person-centred care impacts on promoting psychological well-being */ 2840400 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__ [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] {{title|Self-determination theory and dementia care:<br>How can autonomy, competence, and relatedness be supported in people living with dementia?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Wolf Creek NFH nursing home fishing event October 2024.png|thumb|'''Figure 1:''' Residence of an aged care home enjoying an outside activity ]] ;Imagine this ... Imagine you are an elderly resident with dementia living in a psychogeriatric ward in the beautiful Dutch countryside. On the walk from your bedroom to the communal dining room, you pass many people; staff, other residents and resident’s family members, but you do not recognise any of them. You take your breakfast to a table overlooking the garden and imagine walking outside, feeling the sun and smelling the flowers. Despite your longing to enjoy the garden, whether you get outside today is not up to you. You have been told it is unsafe, and you may only go out when a staff member has time to take you. How would this scenario make you feel? Trapped? Unsafe? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This scenario draws on experiences that residents of a Dutch psychogeriatric ward shared with researchers studying what gives residents a sense of freedom and safety. They identified that time in nature, knowing the staff and spending time with others all contributed positively to a sense of personal freedom and safety in the ward (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Scenarios like this are common within aged care homes for residents living with dementia. A review of 1158 articles published between 2000 and 2018 found that residents felt a lack of freedom, belonging, and connection, with some residents even describing their living situation as “living in a prison camp” (Shiells et al., 2020, p 1563). Many residents describe their well-being as low with reports of poor self-esteem, connection, value and independence (Shiells et al., 2020). This chapter asks how Self-Determination Theory (SDT) can help understand and support the psychological needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness (ACR) in people with dementia. It begins with an overview of dementia and models of care, introduces SDT as a framework for understanding motivation and well-being, then examines how ACR can be supported for people living with dementia and highlights where the evidence is still limited. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus Questions''' # What is dementia, and what care options exists to support people living with it? # What does SDT propose about human motivation and well-being, and why is it a useful framework for understanding dementia care? # What interventions increase well-being for dementia patients? # How does person-centred care impact psychological well-being? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding dementia and models of care == '''Addresses focus question 1''' Dementia is a neurodegenerative disease (Cipriani et al., 2020). 57 million people across the globe live with dementia as of 2021, making it the seventh most common cause of death globally (World Health Organisation, 2026). Dementia disproportionately affects women as they are both more likely to get dementia and more likely to look after people with it (World Health Organisation, 2026). There are four types of dementia: Alzheimer’s disease, vascular dementia, frontotemporal dementia and dementia Lewy body (Maclin et al., 2019). Alzheimer’s is the most common type of dementia, occurring in 69% of the population over 75. Alzheimer’s involves gradual memory and cognitive loss that impairs daily activities. The second most common is frontotemporal dementia and is distinguished by a distorted personality, along with loss of social and executive function, including in some cases the loss of speech (Maclin et al., 2019). Vascular dementia affects cognition from blood vessels in the brain becoming blocked resulting in deficits in the sensory and motor systems. Lewy bodies is characterised by cellular inclusions in the brain that cause fluctuations in cognitive function, hallucinations and behavioural problems. Support is often needed for people with dementia in the early stages for complex daily activities such as organising transportation. As the disease progresses, help with basic activities like getting dressed is needed too (Cipriani et al., 2020). Providing care and support for people living with dementia comes in many forms including in-home and institutionalised care. Families and patients choose between models based on a number of factors, including cultural values, knowledge of dementia, access to services, financial position and geographic location (Singh et al., 2014; Giebel et al., 2021). People receiving in-home care may be looked after by informal caregivers such as family members, formal caregivers or a mix of both, who are able to provide services at the home of the patient (Singh et al., 2014). Institutionalised care refers to the model of care where patients move into a facility where they can be monitored and looked after entirely by professionals or formal caregivers. In Australia, most people living with dementia choose in-home care. However, there are still over one million people living in institutionalised settings (Singh et al., 2014). == Self-Determination theory == '''Addresses focus question 2''' Self-determination Theory (SDT) is a theory of motivation. SDT predicts motivation by explaining why people are intrinsically or extrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour (Dombestein et at, 2020; Ryan & Deci, 2020). If someone is intrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour it means they find motivation from internal factors with no influence from the environment. This could be learning to dance purely for the enjoyment of it. On the other hand, extrinsic motivation is when someone behaves in response to environmental factors (Ryan & Deci, 2020). This could be learning to dance because all their friends are dancing. People are very rarely motivated entirely for internal or external reasons therefore, extrinsic motivation is considered to be a continuum, starting with external regulation and finishing at integration: * External regulation (behaviours are regulated from environmental cues, rewards and punishments) * Introjection (environmental cues are being injected internally for instance the “punishment” of doing something wrong is feeling guilty * Identified (you identify with your behaviours for example you identify with being a good student, so you show up to class but do not enjoy class) * Integration (there is less conflict between your identity and your behaviour. For example, you show up to class because you value being a good student and think it’s the right thing to do) (Dombestein et al, 2020). Motivation is multidimensional, as people often have several forms of motivation for the same task (Ryan & Deci, 2020). For example, someone might run because their doctor advised it (identified) and because they enjoy seeing friends there (intrinsic). SDT offers an explanation as to where on the motivation continuum people operate. SDT says that for people to be intrinsically motivated or on the upper end of the extrinsic motivation scale you must satisfy all three critical psychological needs. These needs are:   * Autonomy - feeling ownership over actions and life circumstances * Competence - a sense of confidence or mastery over performing tasks * Relatedness - the need to feel like you belong to a group, that you are supported by others and in return people feel supported by you. Achievement of these three psychological needs is not automatic, and people often require support to achieve these needs. Organismic SDT states that people have a natural drive towards obtaining the critical psychological needs (Ryan & Deci, 2020). Zou et al, (2026) found that Chinese girls chose menstrual products that increased bodily autonomy, confidence in areas they identified with, and closeness to family and media figures, but could only do so if they could afford them. This reflects the theory that people have a natural desire to achieve the three psychological needs but need support from their environment. There is some debate in motivation research as to whether the different types of motivation describe distinct qualitative forms of motivation or if they point to different quantitative points along a scale of motivation (Van den Broeck et al., 2021). SDT theorists view motivation as a continuum, supported by findings that students with higher ACR have better wellbeing, higher grades and more intrinsic motivation. (Bureau et al., 2022; Ryan & Deci, 2020). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}}'''Key points''' * SDT is a theory of motivation. Extrinsic motivation sits on a continuum: external regulation, introjection, identified and integration. * Autonomy, competence and relatedness must all be met for people to be intrinsically motivated or at the upper end of the continuum. * People have a natural drive towards these needs but require support from their environment. * Higher need satisfaction is linked to better wellbeing. {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Putting Self-Determination Theory into Practice: Meeting Psychological Needs in Dementia Patients == '''Addresses focus questions 3''' SDT posits that supporting ACR in people living with dementia leads to better well-being, but these needs cannot just be given directly to a person. Therefore, the strategies discussed below are best understood as shaping conditions rather than delivering outcomes One of the most well-documented examples of SDT in practice is the process of facilitating patient decision-making. Colclough et al (2026) found that it did not improve well-being directly but did so by separately increasing satisfaction levels of all three needs, which is consistent with SDT’s claim that need satisfaction underlies well-being. Decision-making is not the only pathway to increase ACR. [[File:Self-determination theory diagrame.png|347x347px]] === '''Competency''' === Competency has been seen to be supported by carers assisting or allowing patients were possible to perform tasks independently (Custers et al., 2011). When adults with dementia cannot perform simple tasks by themselves like eating, they report feeling ashamed and embarrassed (Estrada, 2021). The ability to perform tasks independently is one reason most people prefer to stay in their home (Wammes et al., 2021). Both formal and informal caregivers help people with dementia feel competent and safe in their own home with patients reporting that their informal caregivers help them with daily living tasks, navigating the health system and organising social activities (Wammes et al., 2021). Similar sentiments have been shared around formal caregivers helping with medical information and daily tasks (Hoel et al., 2021). Aides for everyday activities are also cited as supporting competence (Rapaport et al., 2020; Wammes et al., 2021). The importance of the environment for allowing psychological needs to flourish is evident in respect to competency as people living in aged care homes are less likely to complete tasks independently as cognitive decline progresses, compared to people receiving informal care (Anselmo et al., 2025). Residents often report having little control over daily routines, such as what they eat or when they shower (Shiells et al., 2020). Assisting dementia patients to Identify personal strengths and meaningful activities have been seen to increase self-direction (Döpp et al., 2021). Although the correlations are unclear, these studies suggest that helping residents identify personal strengths and meaningful activities could show caregivers where to allow more independence, such as control over daily routines. === Autonomy === Supporting autonomy in people with dementia is best understood through SDT’s definition of autonomy which is having a sense of agency over one’s life rather than the physical ability to act independently (Ryan & Deci, 2020). A study by Stumpf et al (2025) found that people with dementia did not mind if they did not contribute much to decision making, as long as they were included in the process. 90% of people living with mild forms of dementia can articulate preferences and provide reasons for their preferences based on their values (Stumpf et al., 2025). Despite this, healthcare professionals will often defer all questions to patient’s family members (Stumpf et al., 2025). People with dementia generally accept the gradual loss of independence that comes with the progression of the disease if the decisions they do make around everyday things like going for a walk or dyeing their hair are respected (Estrada, 2021). Interventions that help to increase decision-making capacity by applying advance care planning to everyday situations, simplifying and visualising options, and staff knowing the residents have all helped increase autonomy (Van Der Weide et al., 2023). Van Der Weide et al (2023) did warn that offering fewer choices increases the risk of staff accidently letting their preferences dictate the options available to residents. They also found autonomy interventions only appeared valuable within trusting relationships with family and staff (Van Der Weide et al., 2023). === Relatedness === The need for relatedness is often clearly expressed by people living in aged care homes with many residents reporting love and connection as important values (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Shiells et al (2020) have discovered that reading groups, exercising, and helping other residents with problems have all been linked to feeling valued. The provision of in-home care by formal caregivers has been seen to increase feelings of relatedness, as people report appreciating the conversation and liking when they had regular contact with the same carer, as that carer better understood their preferences (Hoel et al., 2021).  Lastly, decision-making has also been seen to increase relatedness if ideas are heard and respected (Stumpf et al., 2025).  Estrada (2021) offers a richer understanding as to why decision-making might increase relatedness through the principles of person-centres care, by which you can develop a deeper connection through conversation. Many of these strategies depend on carers having the time, energy and support to deliver them. Therefore, Person-centred care has also been explored as an intervention to help increase the well-being of carers. == Person-centred care impacts on promoting psychological well-being == '''Addresses focus question 4''' Person or client-centred care is an approach to care that focuses on maintaining a person’s sense of self by putting them and their needs at the forefront of importance when delivering care (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Person-centred care has been investigated for solutions to increase staff satisfaction in aged care homes and in-home services and to help to increase well-being in people with dementia. One of the principles of person-centred care is to ‘enter the person’s world’ through communication to develop a better connection (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Estrada (2021) revealed that one way you can increase connection with dementia patients is by simply allowing more time for conversations. People with dementia need more time to communicate because as their disease progresses their processing speed and short-term memory capacity decreases (Estrada, 2021). Allowing enough time for communicating is important as many people express frustrations when they feel rushed (Estrada, 2021). Even in people with non-fluent dementia, communication can increase relatedness through the encouragement of non-verbal communication like smiling, waving or touch (Estrada, 2021). Although it is well established that increased and better-quality communication between nursing home staff and residents is needed, nursing staff report not having enough time to get to know residents (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024) and therefore place more importance on basic survival needs over psychological needs (Estrada, 2021). In-home care staff have also reported that the lack of time to addresses patients’ needs is also a reason for high staff turnover (Lämås et al., 2021). Lämås et al. (2021) tested person-centred care in home care services. Thriving rose among people with dementia, but self-determination fell and formal caregivers did not benefit. However, the caregiver sample was too small to detect an effect, and the self-determination measure captured only autonomy, whereas the thriving measure (attitudes to home, care and relationships) likely reflected all three needs better. A study with a larger sample size by Vassbø et al (2020) looked at the effects of a person-centred intervention over 14 months and also found no effect on job satisfaction. Person-centred care therefore does not appear to be a solution to increase staff satisfaction. However, there are promising sings it may increase well-being dementia patients. The psychological well-being of informal caregivers also affects the well-being of the people they care for. Informal caregivers report needing more emotional support, finding caring increasingly difficult as they become older, and report navigating the healthcare system on their own as challenging (Wammes et al., 2021). Interventions, based on SDT, that focus on increasing coping skills, communication skills and improving relationships made carers more intrinsically motivated to care for their loved one, which led to increased wellbeing (Dombestein et al., 2020). Carers also reported that being able to drop their loved ones off at day-care centres allowed them to socialise with others, thereby increasing relatedness, and provision of at-home aides that helped them complete domestic tasks helped them feel competent (Wammes et al., 2021). ==Conclusion== Dementia makes independent living challenging, but it does not mean that agency should be taken away. As shown above, dementia patients are capable of decision-making even in severe cases.  SDT seeks to explain well-being through the prism of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. To become intrinsically motivated an individual must satisfy all three psychological needs. The strategies for increasing psychology well-being disgust in this paper are most successful when the interconnected nature of the needs are understood (Slemp et al., 2024). Interventions aimed at one need often support others. For example, feeling genuinely listened-to and respected increases both relatedness and autonomy (Stumpf et al., 2025; Estrada, 2021). Because these needs overlap and cannot be supplied directly, the most effective interventions are those that change the environment to allow them to develop. Allowing more time to communicate, creating spaces where people can act more independently, and increasing collaboration in decision-making all support the satisfaction of one or more needs, which in turn supports the satisfaction of other needs. Carer well-being remains an important area for future research to help increase well-being for dementia patients. <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}">{{Robelbox|theme=13|icon=Nuvola_apps_korganizer.svg|iconwidth=48px|title=Review time!<div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {You operate a dementia care live-in clinic. Two of your employees come to you with competing ideas of how to make the lives of your patients better. Employee A suggests that you should provide the patients with a larger variety of food. Employee B suggests that you should allow patients to choose what they want to eat. Assuming you can implement either option, which would you choose?} - A. Larger variety of food + B. Choosing the Weekly Menu </quiz> </div> {{RoundBoxBottom}} }} == External links == * [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK551552/ Behavioural and psychological symptoms in dementia] (National library of medicine) * [https://newsroom.ucla.edu/releases/dementia-care-study-highlights-importance-of-caregiver-self-efficacy Dementia care study highlights importance of caregiver self-efficacy] (UCLA newsroom) * [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory Older] [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory adults using technology for meaningful activities during COVID-19: an analysis through the lens of self-determination theory] (University of Melbourne) == See also == * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Basic psychological need theory|Basic psychological need theory]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Dementia care motivation|Dementia care motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Dementia]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Neurodegenerative disease]] (Wikiversity) == References == <div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Anselmo, A., Corallo, F., Pagano, M., Cardile, D., Marra, A., Maresca, G., De Luca, R., Alagna, A., Quartarone, A., Calabrò, R. 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Intrinsic and extrinsic motivation from a self-determination theory perspective: Definitions, theory, practices, and future directions. ''Contemporary Educational Psychology, 61'', Article 101860. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cedpsych.2020.101860</nowiki> Shiells, K., Pivodic, L., Holmerová, I., & Van den Block, L. (2020). Self-reported needs and experiences of people with dementia living in nursing homes: ''A scoping review. Aging & Mental Health, 24''(10), 1553–1568. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2019.1625303</nowiki> Serbser-Koal, J., Rommerskirch-Manietta, M., Purwins, D., & Roes, M. (2024). Person-centredness in dementia care: An integrative review of theoretical approaches. ''BMJ Open, 14''(6), e085051. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2024-085051</nowiki> Singh, P., Hussain, R., Khan, A., Irwin, L., & Foskey, R. (2014). Dementia Care: Intersecting informal family care and formal care systems. 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H., Luijkx, K. G., & Gerritsen, D. L. (2023). Supporting autonomy for people with dementia living in nursing homes: A rapid realist review. ''International Journal of Nursing Studies'',137, Article 104382. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijnurstu.2022.104382</nowiki> Van Den Broeck, A., Howard, J. L., Van Vaerenbergh, Y., Leroy, H., & Gagné, M. (2021). Beyond intrinsic and extrinsic motivation: A meta-analysis on self-determination theory’s multidimensional conceptualization of work motivation. ''Organizational Psychology Review, 11''(3), 240–273. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/20413866211006173</nowiki> Vassbø, T. K., Bergland, Å., Kirkevold, M., Lindkvist, M., Lood, Q., Sandman, P., Sjögren, K., & Edvardsson, D. (2020). Effects of a person‐centred and thriving‐promoting intervention on nursing home staff job satisfaction: A multi‐centre, non‐equivalent controlled before–after study. ''Nursing Open, 7''(6), 1787–1797. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1002/nop2.565</nowiki> Wammes, J. D., Labrie, N. H. M., Agogo, G. O., Monin, J. K., Bekker‐Grob, E. W., & MacNeil Vroomen, J. L. (2021). Persons with dementia and informal caregivers prioritizing care: A mixed‐methods study. Alzheimer’s & Dementia : ''Translational Research & Clinical Interventions, 7''(1), Article e12193 <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1002/trc2.12193</nowiki> World Health Organisation. (2026). Dementia <nowiki>https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/dementia</nowiki> Zou, W., Meadows, C. C. Z., Huang, L., & Wang, B. (2026). Psychological determinants of menstrual product preferences: Applying self-determination theory to women’s reproductive health decision-making. J''ournal of Health Psychology, 31''(9), 3512–3527. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/13591053251407843</nowiki> </div> 7ae6scrhipgwfrsntjy78wl8m1xegkd 2840402 2840400 2026-10-15T06:21:45Z Ella Kay244 3107007 2840402 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__ [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] {{title|Self-determination theory and dementia care:<br>How can autonomy, competence, and relatedness be supported in people living with dementia?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Wolf Creek NFH nursing home fishing event October 2024.png|thumb|'''Figure 1:''' Residence of an aged care home enjoying an outside activity ]] ;Imagine this ... Imagine you are an elderly resident with dementia living in a psychogeriatric ward in the beautiful Dutch countryside. On the walk from your bedroom to the communal dining room, you pass many people; staff, other residents and resident’s family members, but you do not recognise any of them. You take your breakfast to a table overlooking the garden and imagine walking outside, feeling the sun and smelling the flowers. Despite your longing to enjoy the garden, whether you get outside today is not up to you. You have been told it is unsafe, and you may only go out when a staff member has time to take you. How would this scenario make you feel? Trapped? Unsafe? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This scenario draws on experiences that residents of a Dutch psychogeriatric ward shared with researchers studying what gives residents a sense of freedom and safety. They identified that time in nature, knowing the staff and spending time with others all contributed positively to a sense of personal freedom and safety in the ward (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Scenarios like this are common within aged care homes for residents living with dementia. A review of 1158 articles published between 2000 and 2018 found that residents felt a lack of freedom, belonging, and connection, with some residents even describing their living situation as “living in a prison camp” (Shiells et al., 2020, p 1563). Many residents describe their well-being as low with reports of poor self-esteem, connection, value and independence (Shiells et al., 2020). This chapter asks how Self-Determination Theory (SDT) can help understand and support the psychological needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness (ACR) in people with dementia. It begins with an overview of dementia and models of care, introduces SDT as a framework for understanding motivation and well-being, then examines how ACR can be supported for people living with dementia and highlights where the evidence is still limited. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus Questions''' # What is dementia, and what care options exists to support people living with it? # What does SDT propose about human motivation and well-being, and why is it a useful framework for understanding dementia care? # What interventions increase well-being for dementia patients? # How does person-centred care impact psychological well-being? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding dementia and models of care == '''Addresses focus question 1''' Dementia is a neurodegenerative disease (Cipriani et al., 2020). 57 million people across the globe live with dementia as of 2021, making it the seventh most common cause of death globally (World Health Organisation, 2026). Dementia disproportionately affects women as they are both more likely to get dementia and more likely to look after people with it (World Health Organisation, 2026). There are four types of dementia: Alzheimer’s disease, [https://www.dementia.org.au/about-dementia/vascular-dementia vascular dementia], frontotemporal dementia and dementia Lewy body (Maclin et al., 2019). Alzheimer’s is the most common type of dementia, occurring in 69% of the population over 75. Alzheimer’s involves gradual memory and cognitive loss that impairs daily activities. The second most common is frontotemporal dementia and is distinguished by a distorted personality, along with loss of social and executive function, including in some cases the loss of speech (Maclin et al., 2019). Vascular dementia affects cognition from blood vessels in the brain becoming blocked resulting in deficits in the sensory and motor systems. Lewy bodies is characterised by [[wikipedia:Lewy_body|cellular inclusions]] in the brain that cause fluctuations in [[Cognition|cognitive function]], hallucinations and behavioural problems. Support is often needed for people with dementia in the early stages for complex daily activities such as organising transportation. As the disease progresses, help with basic activities like getting dressed is needed too (Cipriani et al., 2020). Providing care and support for people living with dementia comes in many forms including in-home and institutionalised care. Families and patients choose between models based on a number of factors, including cultural values, knowledge of dementia, access to services, financial position and geographic location (Singh et al., 2014; Giebel et al., 2021). People receiving in-home care may be looked after by informal caregivers such as family members, formal caregivers or a mix of both, who are able to provide services at the home of the patient (Singh et al., 2014). Institutionalised care refers to the model of care where patients move into a facility where they can be monitored and looked after entirely by professionals or formal caregivers. In Australia, most people living with dementia choose in-home care. However, there are still over one million people living in institutionalised settings (Singh et al., 2014). == Self-Determination theory == '''Addresses focus question 2''' Self-determination Theory (SDT) is a theory of motivation. SDT predicts motivation by explaining why people are intrinsically or extrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour (Dombestein et at, 2020; Ryan & Deci, 2020). If someone is intrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour it means they find motivation from internal factors with no influence from the environment. This could be learning to [[Portal:Dance|dance]] purely for the enjoyment of it. On the other hand, extrinsic motivation is when someone behaves in response to environmental factors (Ryan & Deci, 2020). This could be learning to dance because all their friends are dancing. People are very rarely motivated entirely for internal or external reasons therefore, extrinsic motivation is considered to be a continuum, starting with external regulation and finishing at integration: * External regulation (behaviours are regulated from environmental cues, rewards and punishments) * Introjection (environmental cues are being injected internally for instance the “punishment” of doing something wrong is feeling guilty * Identified (you identify with your behaviours for example you identify with being a good student, so you show up to class but do not enjoy class) * Integration (there is less conflict between your identity and your behaviour. For example, you show up to class because you value being a good student and think it’s the right thing to do) (Dombestein et al, 2020). Motivation is multidimensional, as people often have several forms of motivation for the same task (Ryan & Deci, 2020). For example, someone might run because their doctor advised it (identified) and because they enjoy seeing friends there (intrinsic). SDT offers an explanation as to where on the motivation continuum people operate. SDT says that for people to be intrinsically motivated or on the upper end of the extrinsic motivation scale you must satisfy all three critical psychological needs. These needs are:   * Autonomy - feeling ownership over actions and life circumstances * Competence - a sense of confidence or mastery over performing tasks * Relatedness - the need to feel like you belong to a group, that you are supported by others and in return people feel supported by you. Achievement of these three psychological needs is not automatic, and people often require support to achieve these needs. Organismic SDT states that people have a natural drive towards obtaining the critical psychological needs (Ryan & Deci, 2020). Zou et al, (2026) found that Chinese girls chose menstrual products that increased bodily autonomy, confidence in areas they identified with, and closeness to family and media figures, but could only do so if they could afford them. This reflects the theory that people have a natural desire to achieve the three psychological needs but need support from their environment. There is some debate in motivation research as to whether the different types of motivation describe distinct qualitative forms of motivation or if they point to different quantitative points along a scale of motivation (Van den Broeck et al., 2021). SDT theorists view motivation as a continuum, supported by findings that students with higher ACR have better wellbeing, higher grades and more intrinsic motivation. (Bureau et al., 2022; Ryan & Deci, 2020). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}}'''Key points''' * SDT is a theory of motivation. Extrinsic motivation sits on a continuum: external regulation, introjection, identified and integration. * Autonomy, competence and relatedness must all be met for people to be intrinsically motivated or at the upper end of the continuum. * People have a natural drive towards these needs but require support from their environment. * Higher need satisfaction is linked to better wellbeing. {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Putting Self-Determination Theory into Practice: Meeting Psychological Needs in Dementia Patients == '''Addresses focus questions 3''' SDT posits that supporting ACR in people living with dementia leads to better well-being, but these needs cannot just be given directly to a person. Therefore, the strategies discussed below are best understood as shaping conditions rather than delivering outcomes One of the most well-documented examples of SDT in practice is the process of facilitating patient decision-making. Colclough et al (2026) found that it did not improve well-being directly but did so by separately increasing satisfaction levels of all three needs, which is consistent with SDT’s claim that need satisfaction underlies well-being. Decision-making is not the only pathway to increase ACR. [[File:Self-determination theory diagrame.png|347x347px]] === '''Competency''' === Competency has been seen to be supported by carers assisting or allowing patients were possible to perform tasks independently (Custers et al., 2011). When adults with dementia cannot perform simple tasks by themselves like eating, they report feeling ashamed and embarrassed (Estrada, 2021). The ability to perform tasks independently is one reason most people prefer to stay in their home (Wammes et al., 2021). Both formal and informal caregivers help people with dementia feel competent and safe in their own home with patients reporting that their informal caregivers help them with daily living tasks, navigating the health system and organising social activities (Wammes et al., 2021). Similar sentiments have been shared around formal caregivers helping with medical information and daily tasks (Hoel et al., 2021). Aides for everyday activities are also cited as supporting competence (Rapaport et al., 2020; Wammes et al., 2021). The importance of the environment for allowing psychological needs to flourish is evident in respect to competency as people living in aged care homes are less likely to complete tasks independently as cognitive decline progresses, compared to people receiving informal care (Anselmo et al., 2025). Residents often report having little control over daily routines, such as what they eat or when they shower (Shiells et al., 2020). Assisting dementia patients to Identify personal strengths and meaningful activities have been seen to increase self-direction (Döpp et al., 2021). Although the correlations are unclear, these studies suggest that helping residents identify personal strengths and meaningful activities could show caregivers where to allow more independence, such as control over daily routines. === Autonomy === Supporting autonomy in people with dementia is best understood through SDT’s definition of autonomy which is having a sense of agency over one’s life rather than the physical ability to act independently (Ryan & Deci, 2020). A study by Stumpf et al (2025) found that people with dementia did not mind if they did not contribute much to decision making, as long as they were included in the process. 90% of people living with mild forms of dementia can articulate preferences and provide reasons for their preferences based on their values (Stumpf et al., 2025). Despite this, healthcare professionals will often defer all questions to patient’s family members (Stumpf et al., 2025). People with dementia generally accept the gradual loss of independence that comes with the progression of the disease if the decisions they do make around everyday things like going for a walk or dyeing their hair are respected (Estrada, 2021). Interventions that help to increase decision-making capacity by applying advance care planning to everyday situations, simplifying and visualising options, and staff knowing the residents have all helped increase autonomy (Van Der Weide et al., 2023). Van Der Weide et al (2023) did warn that offering fewer choices increases the risk of staff accidently letting their preferences dictate the options available to residents. They also found autonomy interventions only appeared valuable within trusting relationships with family and staff (Van Der Weide et al., 2023). === Relatedness === The need for relatedness is often clearly expressed by people living in aged care homes with many residents reporting love and connection as important values (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Shiells et al (2020) have discovered that reading groups, exercising, and helping other residents with problems have all been linked to feeling valued. The provision of in-home care by formal caregivers has been seen to increase feelings of relatedness, as people report appreciating the conversation and liking when they had regular contact with the same carer, as that carer better understood their preferences (Hoel et al., 2021).  Lastly, decision-making has also been seen to increase relatedness if ideas are heard and respected (Stumpf et al., 2025).  Estrada (2021) offers a richer understanding as to why decision-making might increase relatedness through the principles of person-centres care, by which you can develop a deeper connection through conversation. Many of these strategies depend on carers having the time, energy and support to deliver them. Therefore, Person-centred care has also been explored as an intervention to help increase the well-being of carers. == Person-centred care impacts on promoting psychological well-being == '''Addresses focus question 4''' Person or client-centred care is an approach to care that focuses on maintaining a person’s sense of self by putting them and their needs at the forefront of importance when delivering care (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Person-centred care has been investigated for solutions to increase staff satisfaction in aged care homes and in-home services and to help to increase well-being in people with dementia. One of the principles of person-centred care is to ‘enter the person’s world’ through communication to develop a better connection (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Estrada (2021) revealed that one way you can increase connection with dementia patients is by simply allowing more time for conversations. People with dementia need more time to communicate because as their disease progresses their processing speed and [https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/19672843/ short-term memory] capacity decreases (Estrada, 2021). Allowing enough time for communicating is important as many people express frustrations when they feel rushed (Estrada, 2021). Even in people with non-fluent dementia, communication can increase relatedness through the encouragement of non-verbal communication like smiling, waving or touch (Estrada, 2021). Although it is well established that increased and better-quality communication between nursing home staff and residents is needed, nursing staff report not having enough time to get to know residents (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024) and therefore place more importance on basic survival needs over psychological needs (Estrada, 2021). In-home care staff have also reported that the lack of time to addresses patients’ needs is also a reason for high staff turnover (Lämås et al., 2021). Lämås et al. (2021) tested person-centred care in home care services. Thriving rose among people with dementia, but self-determination fell and formal caregivers did not benefit. However, the caregiver [https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/19672843/ sample] was too small to detect an effect, and the self-determination measure captured only autonomy, whereas the thriving measure (attitudes to home, care and relationships) likely reflected all three needs better. A study with a larger sample size by Vassbø et al (2020) looked at the effects of a person-centred intervention over 14 months and also found no effect on job satisfaction. Person-centred care therefore does not appear to be a solution to increase staff satisfaction. However, there are promising sings it may increase well-being dementia patients. The psychological well-being of informal caregivers also affects the well-being of the people they care for. Informal caregivers report needing more emotional support, finding caring increasingly difficult as they become older, and report navigating the healthcare system on their own as challenging (Wammes et al., 2021). Interventions, based on SDT, that focus on increasing coping skills, communication skills and improving relationships made carers more intrinsically motivated to care for their loved one, which led to increased wellbeing (Dombestein et al., 2020). Carers also reported that being able to drop their loved ones off at [https://agedcare.salvos.org.au/residential-aged-care/carpenter-court-aged-care-centre/ day-care centres] allowed them to socialise with others, thereby increasing relatedness, and provision of at-home aides that helped them complete domestic tasks helped them feel competent (Wammes et al., 2021). ==Conclusion== Dementia makes independent living challenging, but it does not mean that agency should be taken away. As shown above, dementia patients are capable of decision-making even in severe cases.  SDT seeks to explain well-being through the prism of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. To become intrinsically motivated an individual must satisfy all three psychological needs. The strategies for increasing psychology well-being disgust in this paper are most successful when the interconnected nature of the needs are understood (Slemp et al., 2024). Interventions aimed at one need often support others. For example, feeling genuinely listened-to and respected increases both relatedness and autonomy (Stumpf et al., 2025; Estrada, 2021). Because these needs overlap and cannot be supplied directly, the most effective interventions are those that change the environment to allow them to develop. Allowing more time to communicate, creating spaces where people can act more independently, and increasing collaboration in decision-making all support the satisfaction of one or more needs, which in turn supports the satisfaction of other needs. Carer well-being remains an important area for future research to help increase well-being for dementia patients. <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}">{{Robelbox|theme=13|icon=Nuvola_apps_korganizer.svg|iconwidth=48px|title=Review time!<div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {You operate a dementia care live-in clinic. Two of your employees come to you with competing ideas of how to make the lives of your patients better. Employee A suggests that you should provide the patients with a larger variety of food. Employee B suggests that you should allow patients to choose what they want to eat. Assuming you can implement either option, which would you choose?} - A. Larger variety of food + B. Choosing the Weekly Menu </quiz> </div> {{RoundBoxBottom}} }} == External links == * [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK551552/ Behavioural and psychological symptoms in dementia] (National library of medicine) * [https://newsroom.ucla.edu/releases/dementia-care-study-highlights-importance-of-caregiver-self-efficacy Dementia care study highlights importance of caregiver self-efficacy] (UCLA newsroom) * [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory Older] [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory adults using technology for meaningful activities during COVID-19: an analysis through the lens of self-determination theory] (University of Melbourne) == See also == * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Basic psychological need theory|Basic psychological need theory]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Dementia care motivation|Dementia care motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Dementia]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Neurodegenerative disease]] (Wikiversity) == References == <div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Anselmo, A., Corallo, F., Pagano, M., Cardile, D., Marra, A., Maresca, G., De Luca, R., Alagna, A., Quartarone, A., Calabrò, R. S., & Cappadona, I. (2025). Beyond diagnosis: Exploring residual autonomy in dementia through a systematic review. ''Medicina, 61''(5), Article 895. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.3390/medicina61050895</nowiki> Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to student motivation: A meta-analysis of antecedents of autonomous and controlled motivations. ''Review of Educational Research, 92''(1), 46–72. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426</nowiki> Cipriani, G., Danti, S., Picchi, L., Nuti, A., & Fiorino, M. D. (2020). Daily functioning and dementia. ''Dementia & Neuropsychologia, 14''(2), 93–102. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1590/1980-57642020dn14-020001</nowiki> Colclough, C., Perach, R., Harris, P., Rusted, J., Banerjee, S., & Miles, E. (2026). Decision-making involvement and quality of life in people with dementia: The mediating role of psychological needs. 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(2021). Listen and you will see the person through the dementia. ''Journal for Person-Oriented Research, 7''(2), 88–97. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.17505/jpor.2021.23891</nowiki> Giebel, C., Robertson, S., Beaulen, A., Zwakhalen, S., Allen, D., & Verbeek, H. (2021). “Nobody seems to know where to even turn to”: Barriers in accessing and utilising dementia care services in England and the Netherlands. International Journal of ''Environmental Research and Public Health, 18''(22), 12233. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph182212233</nowiki> Hoel, K.-A., Rokstad, A. M. M., Feiring, I. H., Lichtwarck, B., Selbæk, G., & Bergh, S. (2021). Person-centred dementia care in home care services – highly recommended but still challenging to obtain: A qualitative interview study. ''BMC Health Services Research, 21''(1), Article 723. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1186/s12913-021-06722-8</nowiki> Lämås, K., Bölenius, K., Sandman, P.-O., Lindkvist, M., & Edvardsson, D. (2021). Effects of a person-centred and health-promoting intervention in home care services– a non-randomized controlled trial. ''BMC Geriatrics, 21''(1), Article 720. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1186/s12877-021-02661-5</nowiki> Maclin, J. M. A., Wang, T., & Xiao, S. (2019). Biomarkers for the diagnosis of Alzheimer’s disease, dementia Lewy body, frontotemporal dementia and vascular dementia. ''General Psychiatry, 32''(1), e100054-n/a. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1136/gpsych-2019-100054</nowiki> Rapaport, P., Burton, A., Leverton, M., Herat-Gunaratne, R., Beresford-Dent, J., Lord, K., Downs, M., Boex, S., Horsley, R., Giebel, C., & Cooper, C. (2020). “I just keep thinking that I don’t want to rely on people.” a qualitative study of how people living with dementia achieve and maintain independence at home: Stakeholder perspectives. ''BMC Geriatrics, 20''(1), Article 5. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1186/s12877-019-1406-6</nowiki> Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2020). Intrinsic and extrinsic motivation from a self-determination theory perspective: Definitions, theory, practices, and future directions. ''Contemporary Educational Psychology, 61'', Article 101860. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cedpsych.2020.101860</nowiki> Shiells, K., Pivodic, L., Holmerová, I., & Van den Block, L. (2020). Self-reported needs and experiences of people with dementia living in nursing homes: ''A scoping review. Aging & Mental Health, 24''(10), 1553–1568. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2019.1625303</nowiki> Serbser-Koal, J., Rommerskirch-Manietta, M., Purwins, D., & Roes, M. (2024). Person-centredness in dementia care: An integrative review of theoretical approaches. ''BMJ Open, 14''(6), e085051. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2024-085051</nowiki> Singh, P., Hussain, R., Khan, A., Irwin, L., & Foskey, R. (2014). Dementia Care: Intersecting informal family care and formal care systems. ''Journal of Aging Research'', 109–117. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1155/2014/486521</nowiki> Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of Personality and ''Social Psychology, 127''(5), 1012–1037. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459</nowiki> Stumpf, A. D. H., McKenzie, E., & Beavers, A. (2025). An account of personal autonomy for people living with dementia. ''The Gerontologist, 65''(11), 1. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1093/geront/gnaf210</nowiki> Van Andel, S., & Holkenborg, A. (2024). From the perspective of people with dementia: Using creative qualitative measures to assess the values and opinions on freedom and safety among people living with dementia. ''Healthcare,12''(14), 1412. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.3390/healthcare12141412</nowiki> Van Der Weide, H., Lovink, M. H., Luijkx, K. G., & Gerritsen, D. L. (2023). Supporting autonomy for people with dementia living in nursing homes: A rapid realist review. ''International Journal of Nursing Studies'',137, Article 104382. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijnurstu.2022.104382</nowiki> Van Den Broeck, A., Howard, J. L., Van Vaerenbergh, Y., Leroy, H., & Gagné, M. (2021). Beyond intrinsic and extrinsic motivation: A meta-analysis on self-determination theory’s multidimensional conceptualization of work motivation. ''Organizational Psychology Review, 11''(3), 240–273. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/20413866211006173</nowiki> Vassbø, T. K., Bergland, Å., Kirkevold, M., Lindkvist, M., Lood, Q., Sandman, P., Sjögren, K., & Edvardsson, D. (2020). Effects of a person‐centred and thriving‐promoting intervention on nursing home staff job satisfaction: A multi‐centre, non‐equivalent controlled before–after study. ''Nursing Open, 7''(6), 1787–1797. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1002/nop2.565</nowiki> Wammes, J. D., Labrie, N. H. M., Agogo, G. O., Monin, J. K., Bekker‐Grob, E. W., & MacNeil Vroomen, J. L. (2021). Persons with dementia and informal caregivers prioritizing care: A mixed‐methods study. Alzheimer’s & Dementia : ''Translational Research & Clinical Interventions, 7''(1), Article e12193 <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1002/trc2.12193</nowiki> World Health Organisation. (2026). Dementia <nowiki>https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/dementia</nowiki> Zou, W., Meadows, C. C. Z., Huang, L., & Wang, B. (2026). Psychological determinants of menstrual product preferences: Applying self-determination theory to women’s reproductive health decision-making. J''ournal of Health Psychology, 31''(9), 3512–3527. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/13591053251407843</nowiki> </div> 4eg45j7zx6q5ys1u67ylt4hy5k6e2u3 2840403 2840402 2026-10-15T06:25:40Z Ella Kay244 3107007 2840403 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__ [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] {{title|Self-determination theory and dementia care:<br>How can autonomy, competence, and relatedness be supported in people living with dementia?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Wolf Creek NFH nursing home fishing event October 2024.png|thumb|'''Figure 1:''' Residence of an aged care home enjoying an outside activity ]] ;Imagine this ... Imagine you are an elderly resident with dementia living in a psychogeriatric ward in the beautiful Dutch countryside. On the walk from your bedroom to the communal dining room, you pass many people; staff, other residents and resident’s family members, but you do not recognise any of them. You take your breakfast to a table overlooking the garden and imagine walking outside, feeling the sun and smelling the flowers. Despite your longing to enjoy the garden, whether you get outside today is not up to you. You have been told it is unsafe, and you may only go out when a staff member has time to take you. How would this scenario make you feel? Trapped? Unsafe? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This scenario draws on experiences that residents of a Dutch psychogeriatric ward shared with researchers studying what gives residents a sense of freedom and safety. They identified that time in nature, knowing the staff and spending time with others all contributed positively to a sense of personal freedom and safety in the ward (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Scenarios like this are common within aged care homes for residents living with dementia. A review of 1158 articles published between 2000 and 2018 found that residents felt a lack of freedom, belonging, and connection, with some residents even describing their living situation as “living in a prison camp” (Shiells et al., 2020, p 1563). Many residents describe their well-being as low with reports of poor self-esteem, connection, value and independence (Shiells et al., 2020). This chapter asks how Self-Determination Theory (SDT) can help understand and support the psychological needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness (ACR) in people with dementia. It begins with an overview of dementia and models of care, introduces SDT as a framework for understanding motivation and well-being, then examines how ACR can be supported for people living with dementia and highlights where the evidence is still limited. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus Questions''' # What is dementia, and what care options exists to support people living with it? # What does SDT propose about human motivation and well-being, and why is it a useful framework for understanding dementia care? # What interventions increase well-being for dementia patients? # How does person-centred care impact psychological well-being? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding dementia and models of care == '''Addresses focus question 1''' Dementia is a neurodegenerative disease (Cipriani et al., 2020). 57 million people across the globe live with dementia as of 2021, making it the seventh most common cause of death globally (World Health Organisation, 2026). Dementia disproportionately affects women as they are both more likely to get dementia and more likely to look after people with it (World Health Organisation, 2026). There are four types of dementia: Alzheimer’s disease, [https://www.dementia.org.au/about-dementia/vascular-dementia vascular dementia], frontotemporal dementia and dementia Lewy body (Maclin et al., 2019). Alzheimer’s is the most common type of dementia, occurring in 69% of the population over 75. Alzheimer’s involves gradual memory and cognitive loss that impairs daily activities. The second most common is frontotemporal dementia and is distinguished by a distorted personality, along with loss of social and executive function, including in some cases the loss of speech (Maclin et al., 2019). Vascular dementia affects cognition from blood vessels in the brain becoming blocked resulting in deficits in the sensory and motor systems. Lewy bodies is characterised by [[wikipedia:Lewy_body|cellular inclusions]] in the brain that cause fluctuations in [[Cognition|cognitive function]], hallucinations and behavioural problems. Support is often needed for people with dementia in the early stages for complex daily activities such as organising transportation. As the disease progresses, help with basic activities like getting dressed is needed too (Cipriani et al., 2020). Providing care and support for people living with dementia comes in many forms including in-home and institutionalised care. Families and patients choose between models based on a number of factors, including cultural values, knowledge of dementia, access to services, financial position and geographic location (Singh et al., 2014; Giebel et al., 2021). People receiving in-home care may be looked after by informal caregivers such as family members, formal caregivers or a mix of both, who are able to provide services at the home of the patient (Singh et al., 2014). Institutionalised care refers to the model of care where patients move into a facility where they can be monitored and looked after entirely by professionals or formal caregivers. In Australia, most people living with dementia choose in-home care. However, there are still over one million people living in institutionalised settings (Singh et al., 2014). == Self-Determination theory == '''Addresses focus question 2''' Self-determination Theory (SDT) is a theory of motivation. SDT predicts motivation by explaining why people are intrinsically or extrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour (Dombestein et at, 2020; Ryan & Deci, 2020). If someone is intrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour it means they find motivation from internal factors with no influence from the environment. This could be learning to [[Portal:Dance|dance]] purely for the enjoyment of it. On the other hand, extrinsic motivation is when someone behaves in response to environmental factors (Ryan & Deci, 2020). This could be learning to dance because all their friends are dancing. People are very rarely motivated entirely for internal or external reasons therefore, extrinsic motivation is considered to be a continuum, starting with external regulation and finishing at integration: * External regulation (behaviours are regulated from environmental cues, rewards and punishments) * Introjection (environmental cues are being injected internally for instance the “punishment” of doing something wrong is feeling guilty * Identified (you identify with your behaviours for example you identify with being a good student, so you show up to class but do not enjoy class) * Integration (there is less conflict between your identity and your behaviour. For example, you show up to class because you value being a good student and think it’s the right thing to do) (Dombestein et al, 2020). Motivation is multidimensional, as people often have several forms of motivation for the same task (Ryan & Deci, 2020). For example, someone might run because their doctor advised it (identified) and because they enjoy seeing friends there (intrinsic). SDT offers an explanation as to where on the motivation continuum people operate. SDT says that for people to be intrinsically motivated or on the upper end of the extrinsic motivation scale you must satisfy all three critical psychological needs. These needs are:   * Autonomy - feeling ownership over actions and life circumstances * Competence - a sense of confidence or mastery over performing tasks * Relatedness - the need to feel like you belong to a group, that you are supported by others and in return people feel supported by you. Achievement of these three psychological needs is not automatic, and people often require support to achieve these needs. Organismic SDT states that people have a natural drive towards obtaining the critical psychological needs (Ryan & Deci, 2020). Zou et al, (2026) found that Chinese girls chose menstrual products that increased bodily autonomy, confidence in areas they identified with, and closeness to family and media figures, but could only do so if they could afford them. This reflects the theory that people have a natural desire to achieve the three psychological needs but need support from their environment. There is some debate in motivation research as to whether the different types of motivation describe distinct qualitative forms of motivation or if they point to different quantitative points along a scale of motivation (Van den Broeck et al., 2021). SDT theorists view motivation as a continuum, supported by findings that students with higher ACR have better wellbeing, higher grades and more intrinsic motivation. (Bureau et al., 2022; Ryan & Deci, 2020). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}}'''Key points''' * SDT is a theory of motivation. Extrinsic motivation sits on a continuum: external regulation, introjection, identified and integration. * Autonomy, competence and relatedness must all be met for people to be intrinsically motivated or at the upper end of the continuum. * People have a natural drive towards these needs but require support from their environment. * Higher need satisfaction is linked to better wellbeing. {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Putting Self-Determination Theory into Practice: Meeting Psychological Needs in Dementia Patients == '''Addresses focus questions 3''' SDT posits that supporting ACR in people living with dementia leads to better well-being, but these needs cannot just be given directly to a person. Therefore, the strategies discussed below are best understood as shaping conditions rather than delivering outcomes One of the most well-documented examples of SDT in practice is the process of facilitating patient decision-making. Colclough et al (2026) found that it did not improve well-being directly but did so by separately increasing satisfaction levels of all three needs, which is consistent with SDT’s claim that need satisfaction underlies well-being. Decision-making is not the only pathway to increase ACR. [[File:Self-determination theory diagrame.png|347x347px]] === '''Competency''' === Competency has been seen to be supported by carers assisting or allowing patients were possible to perform tasks independently (Custers et al., 2011). When adults with dementia cannot perform simple tasks by themselves like eating, they report feeling ashamed and embarrassed (Estrada, 2021). The ability to perform tasks independently is one reason most people prefer to stay in their home (Wammes et al., 2021). Both formal and informal caregivers help people with dementia feel competent and safe in their own home with patients reporting that their informal caregivers help them with daily living tasks, navigating the health system and organising social activities (Wammes et al., 2021). Similar sentiments have been shared around formal caregivers helping with medical information and daily tasks (Hoel et al., 2021). Aides for everyday activities are also cited as supporting competence (Rapaport et al., 2020; Wammes et al., 2021). The importance of the environment for allowing psychological needs to flourish is evident in respect to competency as people living in aged care homes are less likely to complete tasks independently as cognitive decline progresses, compared to people receiving informal care (Anselmo et al., 2025). Residents often report having little control over daily routines, such as what they eat or when they shower (Shiells et al., 2020). Assisting dementia patients to Identify personal strengths and meaningful activities have been seen to increase self-direction (Döpp et al., 2021). Although the correlations are unclear, these studies suggest that helping residents identify personal strengths and meaningful activities could show caregivers where to allow more independence, such as control over daily routines. === Autonomy === Supporting autonomy in people with dementia is best understood through SDT’s definition of autonomy which is having a sense of agency over one’s life rather than the physical ability to act independently (Ryan & Deci, 2020). A study by Stumpf et al (2025) found that people with dementia did not mind if they did not contribute much to decision making, as long as they were included in the process. 90% of people living with mild forms of dementia can articulate preferences and provide reasons for their preferences based on their [https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/values#google_vignette values] (Stumpf et al., 2025). Despite this, healthcare professionals will often defer all questions to patient’s family members (Stumpf et al., 2025). People with dementia generally accept the gradual loss of independence that comes with the progression of the disease if the decisions they do make around everyday things like going for a walk or dyeing their hair are respected (Estrada, 2021). Interventions that help to increase decision-making capacity by applying advance care planning to everyday situations, simplifying and visualising options, and staff knowing the residents have all helped increase autonomy (Van Der Weide et al., 2023). Van Der Weide et al (2023) did warn that offering fewer choices increases the risk of staff accidently letting their preferences dictate the options available to residents. They also found autonomy interventions only appeared valuable within trusting relationships with family and staff (Van Der Weide et al., 2023). === Relatedness === The need for relatedness is often clearly expressed by people living in aged care homes with many residents reporting love and connection as important values (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Shiells et al (2020) have discovered that reading groups, exercising, and helping other residents with problems have all been linked to feeling valued. The provision of in-home care by formal caregivers has been seen to increase feelings of relatedness, as people report appreciating the conversation and liking when they had regular contact with the same carer, as that carer better understood their preferences (Hoel et al., 2021).  Lastly, decision-making has also been seen to increase relatedness if ideas are heard and respected (Stumpf et al., 2025).  Estrada (2021) offers a richer understanding as to why decision-making might increase relatedness through the principles of [https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC6465833/ person-centres care], by which you can develop a deeper connection through conversation. Many of these strategies depend on carers having the time, energy and support to deliver them. Therefore, Person-centred care has also been explored as an intervention to help increase the well-being of carers. == Person-centred care impacts on promoting psychological well-being == '''Addresses focus question 4''' Person or client-centred care is an approach to care that focuses on maintaining a person’s sense of self by putting them and their needs at the forefront of importance when delivering care (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Person-centred care has been investigated for solutions to increase staff satisfaction in aged care homes and in-home services and to help to increase well-being in people with dementia. One of the principles of person-centred care is to ‘enter the person’s world’ through communication to develop a better connection (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Estrada (2021) revealed that one way you can increase connection with dementia patients is by simply allowing more time for conversations. People with dementia need more time to communicate because as their disease progresses their processing speed and [https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/19672843/ short-term memory] capacity decreases (Estrada, 2021). Allowing enough time for communicating is important as many people express frustrations when they feel rushed (Estrada, 2021). Even in people with non-fluent dementia, communication can increase relatedness through the encouragement of non-verbal communication like smiling, waving or touch (Estrada, 2021). Although it is well established that increased and better-quality communication between nursing home staff and residents is needed, nursing staff report not having enough time to get to know residents (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024) and therefore place more importance on basic survival needs over psychological needs (Estrada, 2021). In-home care staff have also reported that the lack of time to addresses patients’ needs is also a reason for high staff turnover (Lämås et al., 2021). Lämås et al. (2021) tested person-centred care in home care services. Thriving rose among people with dementia, but self-determination fell and formal caregivers did not benefit. However, the caregiver [https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/19672843/ sample] was too small to detect an effect, and the self-determination measure captured only autonomy, whereas the thriving measure (attitudes to home, care and relationships) likely reflected all three needs better. A study with a larger sample size by Vassbø et al (2020) looked at the effects of a person-centred intervention over 14 months and also found no effect on job satisfaction. Person-centred care therefore does not appear to be a solution to increase staff satisfaction. However, there are promising sings it may increase well-being dementia patients. The psychological well-being of informal caregivers also affects the well-being of the people they care for. Informal caregivers report needing more emotional support, finding caring increasingly difficult as they become older, and report navigating the healthcare system on their own as challenging (Wammes et al., 2021). Interventions, based on SDT, that focus on increasing coping skills, communication skills and improving relationships made carers more intrinsically motivated to care for their loved one, which led to increased wellbeing (Dombestein et al., 2020). Carers also reported that being able to drop their loved ones off at [https://agedcare.salvos.org.au/residential-aged-care/carpenter-court-aged-care-centre/ day-care centres] allowed them to socialise with others, thereby increasing relatedness, and provision of at-home aides that helped them complete domestic tasks helped them feel competent (Wammes et al., 2021). ==Conclusion== Dementia makes independent living challenging, but it does not mean that agency should be taken away. As shown above, dementia patients are capable of decision-making even in severe cases.  SDT seeks to explain well-being through the prism of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. To become intrinsically motivated an individual must satisfy all three psychological needs. The strategies for increasing psychology well-being disgust in this paper are most successful when the interconnected nature of the needs are understood (Slemp et al., 2024). Interventions aimed at one need often support others. For example, feeling genuinely listened-to and respected increases both relatedness and autonomy (Stumpf et al., 2025; Estrada, 2021). Because these needs overlap and cannot be supplied directly, the most effective interventions are those that change the environment to allow them to develop. Allowing more time to communicate, creating spaces where people can act more independently, and increasing collaboration in decision-making all support the satisfaction of one or more needs, which in turn supports the satisfaction of other needs. Carer well-being remains an important area for future research to help increase well-being for dementia patients. <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}">{{Robelbox|theme=13|icon=Nuvola_apps_korganizer.svg|iconwidth=48px|title=Review time!<div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {You operate a dementia care live-in clinic. Two of your employees come to you with competing ideas of how to make the lives of your patients better. Employee A suggests that you should provide the patients with a larger variety of food. Employee B suggests that you should allow patients to choose what they want to eat. Assuming you can implement either option, which would you choose?} - A. Larger variety of food + B. Choosing the Weekly Menu </quiz> </div> {{RoundBoxBottom}} }} == External links == * [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK551552/ Behavioural and psychological symptoms in dementia] (National library of medicine) * [https://newsroom.ucla.edu/releases/dementia-care-study-highlights-importance-of-caregiver-self-efficacy Dementia care study highlights importance of caregiver self-efficacy] (UCLA newsroom) * [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory Older] [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory adults using technology for meaningful activities during COVID-19: an analysis through the lens of self-determination theory] (University of Melbourne) == See also == * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Basic psychological need theory|Basic psychological need theory]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Dementia care motivation|Dementia care motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Dementia]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Neurodegenerative disease]] (Wikiversity) == References == <div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Anselmo, A., Corallo, F., Pagano, M., Cardile, D., Marra, A., Maresca, G., De Luca, R., Alagna, A., Quartarone, A., Calabrò, R. S., & Cappadona, I. (2025). Beyond diagnosis: Exploring residual autonomy in dementia through a systematic review. ''Medicina, 61''(5), Article 895. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.3390/medicina61050895</nowiki> Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to student motivation: A meta-analysis of antecedents of autonomous and controlled motivations. ''Review of Educational Research, 92''(1), 46–72. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426</nowiki> Cipriani, G., Danti, S., Picchi, L., Nuti, A., & Fiorino, M. D. (2020). Daily functioning and dementia. ''Dementia & Neuropsychologia, 14''(2), 93–102. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1590/1980-57642020dn14-020001</nowiki> Colclough, C., Perach, R., Harris, P., Rusted, J., Banerjee, S., & Miles, E. (2026). Decision-making involvement and quality of life in people with dementia: The mediating role of psychological needs. ''Aging & Mental Health, 30''(2), 267–276. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2025.2541188</nowiki> Custers, A. F. J., Kuin, Y., Riksen-Walraven, M., & Westerhof, G. J. (2011). Need support and wellbeing during morning care activities: An observational study on resident–staff interaction in nursing homes. ''Ageing and Society, 31''(8), 1425–1442. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1017/S0144686X10001522</nowiki> Dombestein, H., Norheim, A., & Lunde Husebø, A. M. (2020). Understanding informal caregivers’ motivation from the perspective of self‐determination theory: An integrative review. ''Scandinavian Journal of Caring Sciences, 34''(2), 267–279. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1111/scs.12735</nowiki> Döpp, C. M. E., Drenth, H., Verkade, P.-J., Francke, A. F., & van der Heide, I. (2021). Interventions for improving self-direction in people with dementia: ''A systematic review. BMC Geriatrics, 21''(1), Article 195. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1186/s12877-021-02133-w</nowiki> Estrada, R. (2021). Listen and you will see the person through the dementia. ''Journal for Person-Oriented Research, 7''(2), 88–97. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.17505/jpor.2021.23891</nowiki> Giebel, C., Robertson, S., Beaulen, A., Zwakhalen, S., Allen, D., & Verbeek, H. (2021). “Nobody seems to know where to even turn to”: Barriers in accessing and utilising dementia care services in England and the Netherlands. International Journal of ''Environmental Research and Public Health, 18''(22), 12233. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph182212233</nowiki> Hoel, K.-A., Rokstad, A. M. M., Feiring, I. H., Lichtwarck, B., Selbæk, G., & Bergh, S. (2021). Person-centred dementia care in home care services – highly recommended but still challenging to obtain: A qualitative interview study. ''BMC Health Services Research, 21''(1), Article 723. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1186/s12913-021-06722-8</nowiki> Lämås, K., Bölenius, K., Sandman, P.-O., Lindkvist, M., & Edvardsson, D. (2021). Effects of a person-centred and health-promoting intervention in home care services– a non-randomized controlled trial. ''BMC Geriatrics, 21''(1), Article 720. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1186/s12877-021-02661-5</nowiki> Maclin, J. M. A., Wang, T., & Xiao, S. (2019). Biomarkers for the diagnosis of Alzheimer’s disease, dementia Lewy body, frontotemporal dementia and vascular dementia. ''General Psychiatry, 32''(1), e100054-n/a. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1136/gpsych-2019-100054</nowiki> Rapaport, P., Burton, A., Leverton, M., Herat-Gunaratne, R., Beresford-Dent, J., Lord, K., Downs, M., Boex, S., Horsley, R., Giebel, C., & Cooper, C. (2020). “I just keep thinking that I don’t want to rely on people.” a qualitative study of how people living with dementia achieve and maintain independence at home: Stakeholder perspectives. ''BMC Geriatrics, 20''(1), Article 5. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1186/s12877-019-1406-6</nowiki> Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2020). Intrinsic and extrinsic motivation from a self-determination theory perspective: Definitions, theory, practices, and future directions. ''Contemporary Educational Psychology, 61'', Article 101860. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cedpsych.2020.101860</nowiki> Shiells, K., Pivodic, L., Holmerová, I., & Van den Block, L. (2020). Self-reported needs and experiences of people with dementia living in nursing homes: ''A scoping review. Aging & Mental Health, 24''(10), 1553–1568. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2019.1625303</nowiki> Serbser-Koal, J., Rommerskirch-Manietta, M., Purwins, D., & Roes, M. (2024). Person-centredness in dementia care: An integrative review of theoretical approaches. ''BMJ Open, 14''(6), e085051. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2024-085051</nowiki> Singh, P., Hussain, R., Khan, A., Irwin, L., & Foskey, R. (2014). Dementia Care: Intersecting informal family care and formal care systems. ''Journal of Aging Research'', 109–117. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1155/2014/486521</nowiki> Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of Personality and ''Social Psychology, 127''(5), 1012–1037. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459</nowiki> Stumpf, A. D. H., McKenzie, E., & Beavers, A. (2025). An account of personal autonomy for people living with dementia. ''The Gerontologist, 65''(11), 1. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1093/geront/gnaf210</nowiki> Van Andel, S., & Holkenborg, A. (2024). From the perspective of people with dementia: Using creative qualitative measures to assess the values and opinions on freedom and safety among people living with dementia. ''Healthcare,12''(14), 1412. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.3390/healthcare12141412</nowiki> Van Der Weide, H., Lovink, M. H., Luijkx, K. G., & Gerritsen, D. L. (2023). Supporting autonomy for people with dementia living in nursing homes: A rapid realist review. ''International Journal of Nursing Studies'',137, Article 104382. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijnurstu.2022.104382</nowiki> Van Den Broeck, A., Howard, J. L., Van Vaerenbergh, Y., Leroy, H., & Gagné, M. (2021). Beyond intrinsic and extrinsic motivation: A meta-analysis on self-determination theory’s multidimensional conceptualization of work motivation. ''Organizational Psychology Review, 11''(3), 240–273. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/20413866211006173</nowiki> Vassbø, T. K., Bergland, Å., Kirkevold, M., Lindkvist, M., Lood, Q., Sandman, P., Sjögren, K., & Edvardsson, D. (2020). Effects of a person‐centred and thriving‐promoting intervention on nursing home staff job satisfaction: A multi‐centre, non‐equivalent controlled before–after study. ''Nursing Open, 7''(6), 1787–1797. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1002/nop2.565</nowiki> Wammes, J. D., Labrie, N. H. M., Agogo, G. O., Monin, J. K., Bekker‐Grob, E. W., & MacNeil Vroomen, J. L. (2021). Persons with dementia and informal caregivers prioritizing care: A mixed‐methods study. Alzheimer’s & Dementia : ''Translational Research & Clinical Interventions, 7''(1), Article e12193 <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1002/trc2.12193</nowiki> World Health Organisation. (2026). Dementia <nowiki>https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/dementia</nowiki> Zou, W., Meadows, C. C. Z., Huang, L., & Wang, B. (2026). Psychological determinants of menstrual product preferences: Applying self-determination theory to women’s reproductive health decision-making. J''ournal of Health Psychology, 31''(9), 3512–3527. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/13591053251407843</nowiki> </div> dszh1ssvksai56fvu1xcf6744a5kn2b 2840404 2840403 2026-10-15T06:27:44Z Ella Kay244 3107007 2840404 wikitext text/x-wiki __TOC__ [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] {{title|Self-determination theory and dementia care:<br>How can autonomy, competence, and relatedness be supported in people living with dementia?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Wolf Creek NFH nursing home fishing event October 2024.png|thumb|'''Figure 1:''' Residence of an aged care home enjoying an outside activity ]] ;Imagine this ... Imagine you are an elderly resident with dementia living in a psychogeriatric ward in the beautiful Dutch countryside. On the walk from your bedroom to the communal dining room, you pass many people; staff, other residents and resident’s family members, but you do not recognise any of them. You take your breakfast to a table overlooking the garden and imagine walking outside, feeling the sun and smelling the flowers. Despite your longing to enjoy the garden, whether you get outside today is not up to you. You have been told it is unsafe, and you may only go out when a staff member has time to take you. How would this scenario make you feel? Trapped? Unsafe? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This scenario draws on experiences that residents of a Dutch psychogeriatric ward shared with researchers studying what gives residents a sense of freedom and safety. They identified that time in nature, knowing the staff and spending time with others all contributed positively to a sense of personal freedom and safety in the ward (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Scenarios like this are common within aged care homes for residents living with dementia. A review of 1158 articles published between 2000 and 2018 found that residents felt a lack of freedom, belonging, and connection, with some residents even describing their living situation as “living in a prison camp” (Shiells et al., 2020, p 1563). Many residents describe their well-being as low with reports of poor self-esteem, connection, value and independence (Shiells et al., 2020). This chapter asks how Self-Determination Theory (SDT) can help understand and support the psychological needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness (ACR) in people with dementia. It begins with an overview of dementia and models of care, introduces SDT as a framework for understanding motivation and well-being, then examines how ACR can be supported for people living with dementia and highlights where the evidence is still limited. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus Questions''' # What is dementia, and what care options exists to support people living with it? # What does SDT propose about human motivation and well-being, and why is it a useful framework for understanding dementia care? # What interventions increase well-being for dementia patients? # How does person-centred care impact psychological well-being? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding dementia and models of care == '''Addresses focus question 1''' Dementia is a neurodegenerative disease (Cipriani et al., 2020). 57 million people across the globe live with dementia as of 2021, making it the seventh most common cause of death globally (World Health Organisation, 2026). Dementia disproportionately affects women as they are both more likely to get dementia and more likely to look after people with it (World Health Organisation, 2026). There are four types of dementia: Alzheimer’s disease, [https://www.dementia.org.au/about-dementia/vascular-dementia vascular dementia], frontotemporal dementia and dementia Lewy body (Maclin et al., 2019). Alzheimer’s is the most common type of dementia, occurring in 69% of the population over 75. Alzheimer’s involves gradual memory and cognitive loss that impairs daily activities. The second most common is frontotemporal dementia and is distinguished by a distorted personality, along with loss of social and executive function, including in some cases the loss of speech (Maclin et al., 2019). Vascular dementia affects cognition from blood vessels in the brain becoming blocked resulting in deficits in the sensory and motor systems. Lewy bodies is characterised by [[wikipedia:Lewy_body|cellular inclusions]] in the brain that cause fluctuations in [[Cognition|cognitive function]], hallucinations and behavioural problems. Support is often needed for people with dementia in the early stages for complex daily activities such as organising transportation. As the disease progresses, help with basic activities like getting dressed is needed too (Cipriani et al., 2020). Providing care and support for people living with dementia comes in many forms including in-home and institutionalised care. Families and patients choose between models based on a number of factors, including cultural values, knowledge of dementia, access to services, financial position and geographic location (Singh et al., 2014; Giebel et al., 2021). People receiving in-home care may be looked after by informal caregivers such as family members, formal caregivers or a mix of both, who are able to provide services at the home of the patient (Singh et al., 2014). Institutionalised care refers to the model of care where patients move into a facility where they can be monitored and looked after entirely by professionals or formal caregivers. In Australia, most people living with dementia choose in-home care. However, there are still over one million people living in institutionalised settings (Singh et al., 2014). == Self-Determination theory == '''Addresses focus question 2''' Self-determination Theory (SDT) is a theory of motivation. SDT predicts motivation by explaining why people are intrinsically or extrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour (Dombestein et at, 2020; Ryan & Deci, 2020). If someone is intrinsically motivated to perform a behaviour it means they find motivation from internal factors with no influence from the environment. This could be learning to [[Portal:Dance|dance]] purely for the enjoyment of it. On the other hand, extrinsic motivation is when someone behaves in response to environmental factors (Ryan & Deci, 2020). This could be learning to dance because all their friends are dancing. People are very rarely motivated entirely for internal or external reasons therefore, extrinsic motivation is considered to be a continuum, starting with external regulation and finishing at integration: * External regulation (behaviours are regulated from environmental cues, rewards and punishments) * Introjection (environmental cues are being injected internally for instance the “punishment” of doing something wrong is feeling guilty * Identified (you identify with your behaviours for example you identify with being a good student, so you show up to class but do not enjoy class) * Integration (there is less conflict between your identity and your behaviour. For example, you show up to class because you value being a good student and think it’s the right thing to do) (Dombestein et al, 2020). Motivation is multidimensional, as people often have several forms of motivation for the same task (Ryan & Deci, 2020). For example, someone might run because their doctor advised it (identified) and because they enjoy seeing friends there (intrinsic). SDT offers an explanation as to where on the motivation continuum people operate. SDT says that for people to be intrinsically motivated or on the upper end of the extrinsic motivation scale you must satisfy all three critical psychological needs. These needs are:   * Autonomy - feeling ownership over actions and life circumstances * Competence - a sense of confidence or mastery over performing tasks * Relatedness - the need to feel like you belong to a group, that you are supported by others and in return people feel supported by you. Achievement of these three psychological needs is not automatic, and people often require support to achieve these needs. Organismic SDT states that people have a natural drive towards obtaining the critical psychological needs (Ryan & Deci, 2020). Zou et al, (2026) found that Chinese girls chose menstrual products that increased bodily autonomy, confidence in areas they identified with, and closeness to family and media figures, but could only do so if they could afford them. This reflects the theory that people have a natural desire to achieve the three psychological needs but need support from their environment. There is some debate in motivation research as to whether the different types of motivation describe distinct qualitative forms of motivation or if they point to different quantitative points along a scale of motivation (Van den Broeck et al., 2021). SDT theorists view motivation as a continuum, supported by findings that students with higher ACR have better wellbeing, higher grades and more intrinsic motivation. (Bureau et al., 2022; Ryan & Deci, 2020). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}}'''Key points''' * SDT is a theory of motivation. Extrinsic motivation sits on a continuum: external regulation, introjection, identified and integration. * Autonomy, competence and relatedness must all be met for people to be intrinsically motivated or at the upper end of the continuum. * People have a natural drive towards these needs but require support from their environment. * Higher need satisfaction is linked to better wellbeing. {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Putting Self-Determination Theory into Practice: Meeting Psychological Needs in Dementia Patients == '''Addresses focus questions 3''' SDT posits that supporting ACR in people living with dementia leads to better well-being, but these needs cannot just be given directly to a person. Therefore, the strategies discussed below are best understood as shaping conditions rather than delivering outcomes One of the most well-documented examples of SDT in practice is the process of facilitating patient decision-making. Colclough et al (2026) found that it did not improve well-being directly but did so by separately increasing satisfaction levels of all three needs, which is consistent with SDT’s claim that need satisfaction underlies well-being. Decision-making is not the only pathway to increase ACR. [[File:Self-determination_theory_diagrame.png|thumb|347x347px|'''Figure 2.''' Self-determination theory diagram]] === '''Competency''' === Competency has been seen to be supported by carers assisting or allowing patients were possible to perform tasks independently (Custers et al., 2011). When adults with dementia cannot perform simple tasks by themselves like eating, they report feeling ashamed and embarrassed (Estrada, 2021). The ability to perform tasks independently is one reason most people prefer to stay in their home (Wammes et al., 2021). Both formal and informal caregivers help people with dementia feel competent and safe in their own home with patients reporting that their informal caregivers help them with daily living tasks, navigating the health system and organising social activities (Wammes et al., 2021). Similar sentiments have been shared around formal caregivers helping with medical information and daily tasks (Hoel et al., 2021). Aides for everyday activities are also cited as supporting competence (Rapaport et al., 2020; Wammes et al., 2021). The importance of the environment for allowing psychological needs to flourish is evident in respect to competency as people living in aged care homes are less likely to complete tasks independently as cognitive decline progresses, compared to people receiving informal care (Anselmo et al., 2025). Residents often report having little control over daily routines, such as what they eat or when they shower (Shiells et al., 2020). Assisting dementia patients to Identify personal strengths and meaningful activities have been seen to increase self-direction (Döpp et al., 2021). Although the correlations are unclear, these studies suggest that helping residents identify personal strengths and meaningful activities could show caregivers where to allow more independence, such as control over daily routines. === Autonomy === Supporting autonomy in people with dementia is best understood through SDT’s definition of autonomy which is having a sense of agency over one’s life rather than the physical ability to act independently (Ryan & Deci, 2020). A study by Stumpf et al (2025) found that people with dementia did not mind if they did not contribute much to decision making, as long as they were included in the process. 90% of people living with mild forms of dementia can articulate preferences and provide reasons for their preferences based on their [https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/values#google_vignette values] (Stumpf et al., 2025). Despite this, healthcare professionals will often defer all questions to patient’s family members (Stumpf et al., 2025). People with dementia generally accept the gradual loss of independence that comes with the progression of the disease if the decisions they do make around everyday things like going for a walk or dyeing their hair are respected (Estrada, 2021). Interventions that help to increase decision-making capacity by applying advance care planning to everyday situations, simplifying and visualising options, and staff knowing the residents have all helped increase autonomy (Van Der Weide et al., 2023). Van Der Weide et al (2023) did warn that offering fewer choices increases the risk of staff accidently letting their preferences dictate the options available to residents. They also found autonomy interventions only appeared valuable within trusting relationships with family and staff (Van Der Weide et al., 2023). === Relatedness === The need for relatedness is often clearly expressed by people living in aged care homes with many residents reporting love and connection as important values (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024). Shiells et al (2020) have discovered that reading groups, exercising, and helping other residents with problems have all been linked to feeling valued. The provision of in-home care by formal caregivers has been seen to increase feelings of relatedness, as people report appreciating the conversation and liking when they had regular contact with the same carer, as that carer better understood their preferences (Hoel et al., 2021).  Lastly, decision-making has also been seen to increase relatedness if ideas are heard and respected (Stumpf et al., 2025).  Estrada (2021) offers a richer understanding as to why decision-making might increase relatedness through the principles of [https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC6465833/ person-centres care], by which you can develop a deeper connection through conversation. Many of these strategies depend on carers having the time, energy and support to deliver them. Therefore, Person-centred care has also been explored as an intervention to help increase the well-being of carers. == Person-centred care impacts on promoting psychological well-being == '''Addresses focus question 4''' Person or client-centred care is an approach to care that focuses on maintaining a person’s sense of self by putting them and their needs at the forefront of importance when delivering care (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Person-centred care has been investigated for solutions to increase staff satisfaction in aged care homes and in-home services and to help to increase well-being in people with dementia. One of the principles of person-centred care is to ‘enter the person’s world’ through communication to develop a better connection (Serbser-Koal et al., 2024). Estrada (2021) revealed that one way you can increase connection with dementia patients is by simply allowing more time for conversations. People with dementia need more time to communicate because as their disease progresses their processing speed and [https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/19672843/ short-term memory] capacity decreases (Estrada, 2021). Allowing enough time for communicating is important as many people express frustrations when they feel rushed (Estrada, 2021). Even in people with non-fluent dementia, communication can increase relatedness through the encouragement of non-verbal communication like smiling, waving or touch (Estrada, 2021). Although it is well established that increased and better-quality communication between nursing home staff and residents is needed, nursing staff report not having enough time to get to know residents (Van Andel & Holkenborg, 2024) and therefore place more importance on basic survival needs over psychological needs (Estrada, 2021). In-home care staff have also reported that the lack of time to addresses patients’ needs is also a reason for high staff turnover (Lämås et al., 2021). Lämås et al. (2021) tested person-centred care in home care services. Thriving rose among people with dementia, but self-determination fell and formal caregivers did not benefit. However, the caregiver [https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/19672843/ sample] was too small to detect an effect, and the self-determination measure captured only autonomy, whereas the thriving measure (attitudes to home, care and relationships) likely reflected all three needs better. A study with a larger sample size by Vassbø et al (2020) looked at the effects of a person-centred intervention over 14 months and also found no effect on job satisfaction. Person-centred care therefore does not appear to be a solution to increase staff satisfaction. However, there are promising sings it may increase well-being dementia patients. The psychological well-being of informal caregivers also affects the well-being of the people they care for. Informal caregivers report needing more emotional support, finding caring increasingly difficult as they become older, and report navigating the healthcare system on their own as challenging (Wammes et al., 2021). Interventions, based on SDT, that focus on increasing coping skills, communication skills and improving relationships made carers more intrinsically motivated to care for their loved one, which led to increased wellbeing (Dombestein et al., 2020). Carers also reported that being able to drop their loved ones off at [https://agedcare.salvos.org.au/residential-aged-care/carpenter-court-aged-care-centre/ day-care centres] allowed them to socialise with others, thereby increasing relatedness, and provision of at-home aides that helped them complete domestic tasks helped them feel competent (Wammes et al., 2021). ==Conclusion== Dementia makes independent living challenging, but it does not mean that agency should be taken away. As shown above, dementia patients are capable of decision-making even in severe cases.  SDT seeks to explain well-being through the prism of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. To become intrinsically motivated an individual must satisfy all three psychological needs. The strategies for increasing psychology well-being disgust in this paper are most successful when the interconnected nature of the needs are understood (Slemp et al., 2024). Interventions aimed at one need often support others. For example, feeling genuinely listened-to and respected increases both relatedness and autonomy (Stumpf et al., 2025; Estrada, 2021). Because these needs overlap and cannot be supplied directly, the most effective interventions are those that change the environment to allow them to develop. Allowing more time to communicate, creating spaces where people can act more independently, and increasing collaboration in decision-making all support the satisfaction of one or more needs, which in turn supports the satisfaction of other needs. Carer well-being remains an important area for future research to help increase well-being for dementia patients. <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}">{{Robelbox|theme=13|icon=Nuvola_apps_korganizer.svg|iconwidth=48px|title=Review time!<div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> <quiz display=simple> {You operate a dementia care live-in clinic. Two of your employees come to you with competing ideas of how to make the lives of your patients better. Employee A suggests that you should provide the patients with a larger variety of food. Employee B suggests that you should allow patients to choose what they want to eat. Assuming you can implement either option, which would you choose?} - A. Larger variety of food + B. Choosing the Weekly Menu </quiz> </div> {{RoundBoxBottom}} }} == External links == * [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK551552/ Behavioural and psychological symptoms in dementia] (National library of medicine) * [https://newsroom.ucla.edu/releases/dementia-care-study-highlights-importance-of-caregiver-self-efficacy Dementia care study highlights importance of caregiver self-efficacy] (UCLA newsroom) * [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory Older] [https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/scholarlywork/1753807-older-adults-using-technology-for-meaningful-activities-during-covid-19--an-analysis-through-the-lens-of-self-determination-theory adults using technology for meaningful activities during COVID-19: an analysis through the lens of self-determination theory] (University of Melbourne) == See also == * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Basic psychological need theory|Basic psychological need theory]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Dementia care motivation|Dementia care motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Dementia]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Neurodegenerative disease]] (Wikiversity) == References == <div style="padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em;"> Anselmo, A., Corallo, F., Pagano, M., Cardile, D., Marra, A., Maresca, G., De Luca, R., Alagna, A., Quartarone, A., Calabrò, R. 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Effects of a person-centred and health-promoting intervention in home care services– a non-randomized controlled trial. ''BMC Geriatrics, 21''(1), Article 720. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1186/s12877-021-02661-5</nowiki> Maclin, J. M. A., Wang, T., & Xiao, S. (2019). Biomarkers for the diagnosis of Alzheimer’s disease, dementia Lewy body, frontotemporal dementia and vascular dementia. ''General Psychiatry, 32''(1), e100054-n/a. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1136/gpsych-2019-100054</nowiki> Rapaport, P., Burton, A., Leverton, M., Herat-Gunaratne, R., Beresford-Dent, J., Lord, K., Downs, M., Boex, S., Horsley, R., Giebel, C., & Cooper, C. (2020). “I just keep thinking that I don’t want to rely on people.” a qualitative study of how people living with dementia achieve and maintain independence at home: Stakeholder perspectives. ''BMC Geriatrics, 20''(1), Article 5. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1186/s12877-019-1406-6</nowiki> Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2020). Intrinsic and extrinsic motivation from a self-determination theory perspective: Definitions, theory, practices, and future directions. ''Contemporary Educational Psychology, 61'', Article 101860. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cedpsych.2020.101860</nowiki> Shiells, K., Pivodic, L., Holmerová, I., & Van den Block, L. (2020). Self-reported needs and experiences of people with dementia living in nursing homes: ''A scoping review. Aging & Mental Health, 24''(10), 1553–1568. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2019.1625303</nowiki> Serbser-Koal, J., Rommerskirch-Manietta, M., Purwins, D., & Roes, M. (2024). Person-centredness in dementia care: An integrative review of theoretical approaches. ''BMJ Open, 14''(6), e085051. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2024-085051</nowiki> Singh, P., Hussain, R., Khan, A., Irwin, L., & Foskey, R. (2014). Dementia Care: Intersecting informal family care and formal care systems. ''Journal of Aging Research'', 109–117. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1155/2014/486521</nowiki> Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of Personality and ''Social Psychology, 127''(5), 1012–1037. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459</nowiki> Stumpf, A. D. H., McKenzie, E., & Beavers, A. (2025). An account of personal autonomy for people living with dementia. ''The Gerontologist, 65''(11), 1. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1093/geront/gnaf210</nowiki> Van Andel, S., & Holkenborg, A. (2024). From the perspective of people with dementia: Using creative qualitative measures to assess the values and opinions on freedom and safety among people living with dementia. ''Healthcare,12''(14), 1412. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.3390/healthcare12141412</nowiki> Van Der Weide, H., Lovink, M. H., Luijkx, K. G., & Gerritsen, D. L. (2023). Supporting autonomy for people with dementia living in nursing homes: A rapid realist review. ''International Journal of Nursing Studies'',137, Article 104382. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijnurstu.2022.104382</nowiki> Van Den Broeck, A., Howard, J. L., Van Vaerenbergh, Y., Leroy, H., & Gagné, M. (2021). Beyond intrinsic and extrinsic motivation: A meta-analysis on self-determination theory’s multidimensional conceptualization of work motivation. ''Organizational Psychology Review, 11''(3), 240–273. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/20413866211006173</nowiki> Vassbø, T. K., Bergland, Å., Kirkevold, M., Lindkvist, M., Lood, Q., Sandman, P., Sjögren, K., & Edvardsson, D. (2020). Effects of a person‐centred and thriving‐promoting intervention on nursing home staff job satisfaction: A multi‐centre, non‐equivalent controlled before–after study. ''Nursing Open, 7''(6), 1787–1797. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1002/nop2.565</nowiki> Wammes, J. D., Labrie, N. H. M., Agogo, G. O., Monin, J. K., Bekker‐Grob, E. W., & MacNeil Vroomen, J. L. (2021). Persons with dementia and informal caregivers prioritizing care: A mixed‐methods study. Alzheimer’s & Dementia : ''Translational Research & Clinical Interventions, 7''(1), Article e12193 <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1002/trc2.12193</nowiki> World Health Organisation. (2026). Dementia <nowiki>https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/dementia</nowiki> Zou, W., Meadows, C. C. Z., Huang, L., & Wang, B. (2026). Psychological determinants of menstrual product preferences: Applying self-determination theory to women’s reproductive health decision-making. J''ournal of Health Psychology, 31''(9), 3512–3527. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/13591053251407843</nowiki> </div> h2wih5hgyd8aem8aotlmezgc3qoo55f 0 331420 2840260 2830256 2026-10-14T12:50:59Z DavidMCEddy 218607 /* Bibliography */ correct comment 2840260 wikitext text/x-wiki :''This discusses a 2026-08-27 interview with [[w:Renée DiResta|Renée DiResta]] about managing the good and the evils of social media, including a video and 29:00 mm:ss podcast excerpted from the interview. The podcast is released 2026-08-22 to the fortnightly "Media & Democracy" show<ref name=M&D><!--Media & Democracy-->{{cite Q|Q127839818}}</ref> syndicated for the [[w:Pacifica Foundation|Pacifica Radio]]<ref><!--Pacifica Radio Network-->{{cite Q|Q2045587}}</ref> Network of [[w:List of Pacifica Radio stations and affiliates|over 200 community radio stations]].''<ref><!--list of Pacifica Radio stations and affiliates-->{{cite Q|Q6593294}}</ref> :''It is posted here to invite others to contribute other perspectives, subject to the Wikimedia rules of [[w:Wikipedia:Neutral point of view|writing from a neutral point of view]] while [[w:Wikipedia:Citing sources|citing credible sources]]<ref name=NPOV>The rules of writing from a neutral point of view citing credible sources may not be enforced on other parts of Wikiversity. However, they can facilitate dialog between people with dramatically different beliefs.</ref> and treating others with respect.''<ref name=AGF>[[Wikiversity:Assume good faith|Wikiversity asks contributors to assume good faith]], similar to Wikipedia. The rule in [[w:Wikinews|Wikinews]] was different: Contributors there were asked to [[Wikinews:Never assume|"Don't assume things; be skeptical about everything."]] That's wise. However, we should still treat others with respect while being skeptical.</ref> [[File:Managing the good and the evils of social media.webm|thumb|Interview with Georgetown University Public Policy Professor Renée DiResta on managing the good and the evils of social media]] [[File:Managing the good and the evil of social media.ogg|thumb|29:00 mm:ss excerpts from an interview with Georgetown University Public Policy Professor Renée DiResta on managing the good and the evils of social media]] [[w:Renée DiResta|Renée DiResta]] discusses what she recommends that individuals and groups, including governments, do to advance their interests considering the good and the evils of social media. Her comments are based primarily on research summarized in her 2024 book on ''Invisible Rulers: The People Who Turn Lies into Reality'',<ref>DiResta (2024).</ref> updated in 2026 with the addition of an epilogue.<ref>DiResta (2026).</ref> She is interviewed by Spencer Graves<ref><!--Spencer Graves-->{{cite Q|Q56452480}}</ref> In November 2014, a month before a [[w:Disneyland measles outbreak|major measles outbreak began in Disneyland]], DiResta was the mother of a 12-month-old studying data on vaccination rates in California. She was alarmed that vaccination rates had been falling. She wrote a blog post about that. Then she called her representative in the California state assembly and asked about the prospects for eliminating the personal-belief exemption from vaccination requirements for children in day care and schools in California. She was told that the anti-vaxxers were too strong. After the Disneyland outbreak, she called back and got a different answer: A representative who was an MD had introduced a bill "to eliminate the personal-belief exemption" to the requirement to vaccinate children entering pre-school and school. Vaccines are never 100% effective. Just over half of those infected from the Disneyland outbreak had been vaccinated, proving that :''each unvaccinated human threatens everyone else'', though the threats to the vaccinated are substantially less than to the unvaccinated.<ref>See also Graves and Samuelson (2022-03).</ref> DiResta publicly supported the bill to eliminate the personal-believe exemption and drew the ire of leading anti-vaxxers, few of whom lived in California. That led to death threats, congressional subpoenas, lawsuits, and legal bills exceeding a million dollars.<ref>DiResta (2024, pp. 1-3).</ref> She soon figured out that most of the anti-vaccine comments came from out of state, some by bots. That work morphed into a job as the Technical Research Manager at the [[w:Stanford Internet Observatory|Stanford Internet Observatory]] between 2019 and 2024 and then to her current position at Georgetown University.<ref><!--Renee DiResta, Associate Research Professor, Georgetown U-->{{cite Q|Q141158430}}</ref> That work produced a 2022 report by The Virality Project<ref><!--The Virality Project-->{{cite Q|Q141158012}}</ref> with DiResta as lead editor that documents how anti-vaccine narratives on social media dramatically reduced the effectiveness of public health efforts.<ref>The Virality Project (2022).</ref> It also produced a 2024 report on "Shaping the Future of Social Media with Middleware", which she edited with Luke Hogg,<ref>Hogg and DiResta, eds. (2024).</ref> and a 2025 report on "For Expertise to Matter, Nonpartisan Institutions Need New Communications Strategies", co-authored by [[w:Rachel Kleinfeld|Rachel Kleinfeld]].<ref name=DiKleinfeld>DiResta and Kleinfeld (2025).</ref> == Highlights == :''These excerpts from the interview are rushed, lightly edited for readability, and may not be in final form. The ultimate authority on what was said is the accompanying video.'' When asked for the most important things she would like to communicate to this audience, DiResta replied, "a lot of what I work on is just helping people understand how the information environment works today. So sometimes people are very concerned about generative AI showing up in their feed and how to know it's real. Sometimes they want to talk about changes in political propaganda ... ." === Pizzagate === Graves asked about [[w:Pizzagate conspiracy theory|Pizzagate]] and how she recommends targeted organizations and individuals like [[w:Hillary Clinton|Hillary Clinton]] respond to attacks like that. She replied, {{quote| That was a really politically motivated attack ... . Pizzagate, for those who don't know, happened ... during the 2016 campaign. ... There had been a Russian hack and leak of her email, well, [[w:John Podesta|John Podesta]]'s, her campaign's email. ... They saw the campaign ordering out for pizza. [[w:Jack Posobiec|Jack Posobiec]], who's a right-wing influencer with millions of followers now (he only had tens of thousands of followers back then) started going through these documents; they were posted to [[w:WikiLeaks|WikiLeaks]]. [Posobiec and others] were saying things like, 'Oh, they're ordering pizza a lot.' Pizza is, you know, pedophile code for young children.<ref>Evon (2020).</ref> There's no evidence of this whatsoever, but that's the rumor that they come up with, that's the theory they come up with. And then these folks on the internet really get very amped up trying to find out what's happening. They think that they're participating in an investigation, finding the people who are hurting children. ...}} Graves added, "The thing got so out of control that a guy showed up with a rifle." DiResta agreed, "Which speaks to why responding is actually important, because there was somebody who showed up at the pizza place with a gun to rescue the kids. He believed it. He had been convinced that this was something that had happened, and so he wanted to go and investigate for himself. And he winds up getting arrested. I think he fires into the ceiling, if I'm not mistaken, as he's demanding to be told where the kids are." Graves then asked, "What do you recommend governments do about this?" DiResta replied, {{quote| I don't know what governments can do in that particular case. In the United States, you have the right to lie. That's just a First Amendment right. Jack Posoviec is out there doing his thing, and it's not really the government's place to say that he can't in this particular case. Obviously the person who shows up with the gun is prosecuted accordingly, because they turn those words into actual violent actions. The United States does not really have a lot that it is going to do when it comes to stopping rumors on social media. What it can do, for example, getting away from something like Pizzagate, which is a wild online rumor, is the government can speak back, which means that the government absolutely can put out a statement, if this was, for example, a rumor about an administration. I just want to point out that Hillary Clinton was not the government during Pizzagate. She was a candidate. When the government does want to speak back, let's say during a [[w:COVID-19 vaccine misinformation and hesitancy|COVID vaccine rumor]] or a natural disaster when some rumor goes viral about [[w:Federal Emergency Management Agency|FEMA]], the government can speak and should speak in those moments. You should see the institutions go and post. I think that's an absolutely necessary thing to do.}} === Make America Healthy Again === Graves then asked, "Talk about how the government is trying to [[w:Make America Healthy Again|Make America Healthy Again]]. DiResta replied, {{quote| I'm very clearly on the record as a pro-vaccine activist myself who really loaths the person who runs [[w:United States Department of Health and Human Services|HHS]]. We had two people die of measles in Philadelphia yesterday ... .<ref>Mitman and the Associated Press (2026).</ref> We had [[w:2025 Southwest United States measles outbreak|babies die in Texas]].<ref>The Wikipedia article on "[[w:2025 Southwest United States measles outbreak|2025 Southwest United States measles outbreak]]" lists three deaths: two children aged 6 and 8 in [[w:Lubbock, Texas|Lubbock, Texas]] and an adult in [[w:Lea County, New Mexico|Lea County, New Mexico]]. No infants.</ref> I think he's profoundly negative for this country. I think the fact that he is in power shows that, unfortunately, populist messages resonate quite well and are countered quite poorly. All of the opportunities over the last 10 years that people had to fight back against him and his ridiculous theories, they did not take and use as, in my opinion, they should have. ... What they should have been saying is that the anti-vaccine movement is full of freeloaders who kill kids, and that's what we're seeing today.}} === Philanthropies should help grantees improve their use of social media === Graves noted, "You've got a publication that came out last September with Rachel Kleinfeld.<ref name=DiKleinfeld/> You recommend that philanthropies should [support] the recipients of their grants to do better with social media." DiResta replied, {{quote| Philanthropy is very, very important. It funds a lot of excellent research. When I was at Stanford, we were funded by private donors. We only had one [[w:National Science Foundation|National Science Foundation]] grant. There are trade-offs to where your funding comes from. The government has a different set of requirements. Philanthropy may have a theory of change that it wants to see in the world. There are different ways that philanthropy funds academia and civil society. But particularly when it's thinking about how it can be impactful, for a very long time the focus, the measure of impact was how many publications did these folks put out? Did they get quoted in ''[[w:The New York Times|The New York Times]]''? Did they have op-eds in ''[[w:The Washington Post|The Washington Post]]''? Did they engage with legislators effectively? ... But there's really no prize given for academics, particularly young people on tenure track, to engage the public directly. I think that that's a real shortcoming. I think that you have to be making your case to the people. You can't be making your case to elites and paywalled op-eds. The argument that Rachel and I made in that piece for [[w:Carnegie Endowment for International Peace|Carnegie]]<ref name=DiKleinfeld/> was that philanthropy should welcome and value and actually encourage institutions to participate in what we quaintly called new media ... .}} Gaves continued, "My understanding is you want leading scientists to have a presence in social media, and a national following, so it's easier for them to counter things like Pizzagate." DiResta agreed: "Exactly." === Make America Healthy Again by avoiding vaccines === Graves added, "And Making America Healthy Again?" DiResta: "Right." Graves: "By destroying vaccines?" DiResta: recalled, {{quote| I've been very online since I was very young. I got the internet when I was in middle school. My dad was in [[w:Big Tech|Big Tech]]. He used to take me to computer shows ... . When there was a measles outbreak in California in 2014, ... I had a}} Graves added, "12 months old in November." DiResta agreed, {{quote| Yes! Old enough to get one [[w:MMR vaccine|MMR shot]]. They wait a year, normally, before they give that to babies. So we lucked out on the timing. But there had also been [[w:Whooping cough|whooping cough]] outbreaks constantly in California that year. It was a very bad year for whooping cough.<ref>Winter et al. (2014).</ref> Babies die of whooping cough, and I found it outrageous that more people were not speaking up about this. I was a [[w:Venture capital#Venture capitalist|venture capitalist]]. Then I had a startup. So I was in tech. That was my job. But I decided, just as a mom, I was going to use whatever platform I had to be active on social media. And I kept noticing that the [[w:Centers for Disease Control and Prevention|CDC]] was not in the conversation. ... You had massive numbers of people just spreading crazy theories about various made-up harms, where the side effect is so tiny, so infinitesimally rare. But they blow it out of proportion, and they make people very afraid. ... Vaccines are becoming an identity marker. They're becoming politicized. If you guys aren't in there countering that, you are not shaping public opinion. ... The papers about vaccines are in medical journals. ... Who is there in the public to translate that for you? It has to be the author of the paper or somebody in the field, who can explain that specialized knowledge. And if people want to get that from [[w:YouTube|YouTube]] or a podcast, because they don't want to read, let's be honest, increasingly, more and more people get their information that way, so you've got to be there.}} Graves noted, "You posted a blog promoting vaccines. And then you called your representative in the California State Assembly and asked if it was feasible to get legislation to eliminate the personal preference option to opt out of vaccines? And you were told, no: That's like the [[w:Third rail (politics)|third rail]]." DiResta agreed. Graves continued, "Then there was an outbreak in Disneyland." DiResta said, "I think 200 and something people wound up sick in that one." Graves replied, "And you called back and got a different answer." DiResta continued, {{quote| Lawmakers oftentimes need to feel like there is public support for the bills that they propose. If they come out of nowhere with a bill that only one side is really going to activate around to oppose, and there's no side active to support, the bill's not going to go anywhere. ... In Berkeley there were schools that had 35% [[w:MMR vaccine|MMR]] uptake. I thought, "This is wild." I grew up in New York, where that kind of opt-out was not a thing. You got a religious exemption if you had a sincere religious belief, or you got a medical exemption if you were medically precluded from being vaccinated. You didn't just get to say, I'm opting out of the social contract and not vaccinating my kindergartner. I found this outrageous. This is my political belief. ... Are there other people who agree with this? ... I think the bill was polling at over 80% when it was finally introduced.<ref>Siders (2015) reported, "Sixty-seven percent of California adults and 65 percent of public school parents say children should not be allowed to attend public schools unless they are vaccinated against diseases like measles, mumps and rubella, according to a new poll." That article was June 4. The bill was officially introduced February 19 and was passed and became law in late June. It could have polled better in February; a web search on 2026-08-31 found no publication describing such.</ref> The other takeaway I had from that was that the anti-vaccine movement is very noisy, and very well organized, and very visible on social media. ... States set their vaccine rules. As states come under attack and under pressure from the federal government to move things in [[w:Robert F. Kennedy Jr.|RFK Jr.]]'s direction, parents are gonna have to push back.}} Graves noted, "And you were [[w:Doxing|doxxed]], and you were called to subpoena to testify before the United States Congress, and you wound up with legal bills running over a million dollars?" DiResta replied, {{quote| Oh, running over $7 million, I think, at this point. It's very expensive to be repeatedly subpoenaed and sued. Stanford Internet Observatory. I was asked to come join as the first head of research and help start the center. I joined in early 2019. We did a whole lot of work on state actor interference, intersections with cybersecurity, emergence of AI, a lot of child safety work. And we also in 2020 did a project looking at the election. And in 2021 looking at the COVID vaccine. And in both of those projects we tracked rumors as they came out, and we tried to triage them. If state and local election officials were concerned about a Twitter account pretending to be an election official in Pennsylvania, they could reach out to us, and we would evaluate it. Is this going anywhere? What's happening with it? And then we would sometimes decide to send something on to a tech company. ... Sometimes the platforms put a label on it. 65% of the time, they did nothing. About 30% of the time, they put a label on it, and maybe, and it was around 10% of the time or so that the post came down. ''And usually if it came down, it was related to fraud or impersonation or phishing.'' (Emphasis added.) That work, was in real time, documenting the rise of the [[w:Attempts to overturn the 2020 United States presidential election#Stop the Steal|Stop the Steal movement.]] That was what we were actually seeing happen. And we were writing about it. We were academics reporting on exactly what we saw. When the left did or said ridiculous things, we would post about them too. But overwhelmingly the people trying to delegitimize the 2020 election were the sitting president [Trump] and his inner circle of influencers. So we wrote about that, because that's reality. In response, two years later, the House flips, and [[w:Jim Jordan|[Republican] Jim Jordan]] gets his gavel. And he subpoenas us alleging that our project, because we occasionally communicated with government officials, was really a secret censorship cabal in which the government was telling us to tell platforms to take things down. There was no evidence of any of that, but we had to spend 2 years dealing with the subpoena, and then 3 years for each of our lawsuits. [[w:America First Legal|America First Legal]], [[w:Stephen Miller|Stephen Miller]], sued us. That was dismissed in July, but they have decided to appeal. That is how vexatious litigation works. The intent is to bankrupt you. It really pushes a lot of people out of the conversation, because they're afraid, or institutions even, universities.}} === Strategic lawsuits against public participation === Graves noted that, "Many states have anti-SLAPP bills, [[w:Strategic lawsuit against public participation#United States|strategic lawsuits against public participation]]. Talk about that." DiResta replied, {{quote| Yeah, ... . I think there needs to be a federal anti-SLAPP statute.<ref>[[w:Robert Corn-Revere|Robert Corn-Revere]] in his [[Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression|2026-07-02 interview for this series]] agreed with the need for a federal anti-SLAPP law. He said, "The anti-SLAPP movement is important. For many years, there's been an attempt to get a federal anti-SLAPP law, but that hasn't been successful so far."</ref> ... We were not sued for defamation. The allegation was that we had somehow violated the First Amendment rights of people we had written about in our reports, because we were de facto agents of the United States government. I'm not even kidding. It's as ridiculous as it sounds. But that was the theory that they put forth. And there was no evidence of the government funding us, or the government asking us to do anything. ... They sued us in Louisiana and in Texas, where they could find favorable judges. In certain locales you can file an anti-SLAPP motion. ... We'd been sued once previously by [[w:Project Veritas|Project Veritas]], and we filed an anti-SLAPP motion against that. We won that, and they paid our legal fees.}} === Non-commercial social media === Graves asked, "What are your thoughts about non-commercial social media like [[w:Mastodon (social network)|Mastodon]], [[w:Bluesky|Bluesky]], and [[w:PeerTube|PeerTube]]?" DiResta replied, {{quote| Oh, I love it! I want to be totally candid: I know that it is not innately easy to use in some cases. I remember with Mastodon, you had to pick your server. That was very confusing for a lot of people. On Bluesky, you have feeds and labelers. They give you an incredible amount of freedom and flexibility. ... Let's say you're a member of a marginalized group, and you feel that there are certain types of content that are allowed to stay up on mainstream platforms, but you find them deeply offensive. You don't want to see them. The beauty of decentralized social media is users have a ton more agency and can create that experience relatively easily with a few settings, tweaks for themselves.}} Graves noted that between 2022 and 2024, the European Union hosted their own Mastodon and PeerTube instances. DiResta noted, {{quote| For European sensibilities, they have different opinions on certain types of speech. They have different laws about certain types of speech, ... different cultural desires. The other thing about it is they see it as a [[w:Technological sovereignty|tech sovereignty]] issue at this point. They see it as their social infrastructure being wholly tied to a few American tech companies. They see it as alarming. And so having the flexibility of a protocol-based platform means that they can build their own infrastructure. It remains to be seen what user engagement will be like. ... The ecosystem needs funds. The advertising-based centralized social media model has turned them into juggernauts. So if you're going to facilitate a new ecosystem, you've got to seed it.}} Graves noted, "In your ''Invisible Rulers'' book, you recommend adding friction to social media. Talk about that." DiResta replied, {{quote| My personal belief, even when I was getting doxxed and harassed on social media, dealing with the kind of anti-vaccine folks during that bill in California in 2015, I do genuinely believe that it is better to default to allowing more stuff to stay up. That's my personal opinion. For free expression reasons, it's a good thing to do, for exposure to other types of ideas, and even bad ideas. It's a very helpful, useful thing to do. But feeds are ranked, so there is no neutral here. That means that a platform's values are inherently baked into what it chooses to show you. And if they're not going to give users that control, if they're not going to do what Bluesky does and let you set up your own feeds, then I think they do have some responsibility. ... I was very happy to see yesterday's verdict.<ref>Silberling (2026).</ref> ... Meta had been sued by a bunch of different states, for child safety reasons, and they settled yesterday. I want to say it was, like, $18, $19 billion? It was one of the first sizable verdicts we've really seen come down. And it comes with a series of obligations. They have to limit teen account time to 2 hours, and to turn it off at night, and things like that. So they have these different constraints. Again, you can go and you can post, but for teen accounts, they're supposed to now treat them differently.}} Graves recalled, "I interviewed [[Facebook whistleblower Frances Haugen says|Francis Haugen]], a Facebook whistleblower, who said that 'The shortest path to a click is anger or hate.'" DiResta replied, 'I think that's true. I write about this in ''Invisible Rulers''. Social media is designed to show you things that you are going to engage with. Unfortunately, a lot of the time, you're gonna do what's called, "hate sharing": "Look at this idiot, look what they posted." I get it. I do this too sometimes.' Graves added, "The designated evil others." DiResta agreed: {{quote| Exactly. And righteous indignation. Moral indignation, it turns out, performs very well. I have spent the last almost 12 years at this point doing this. ... I can put out the same article with a very neutral description, :"Here's an article you guys should read, it's about XYZ, it's about vaccines", versus, :"Look at this idiot, can you believe they believe that?" The latter will absolutely get more engagement 100% of the time. ... This is a way to get attention, get those dopamine hits of engagement. You reinforce this for political actors. This is why you see how members of Congress tweet now? They tweet like [[w:Trolling|trolls]]! It's insane.}} Graves cautioned, "That's with commercial, for-profit social media." DiResta agreed: "Exactly." Graves continued, "Facebook. And it's not necessarily the case with non-commercial social media like Bluesky, Mastodon, and PeerTube." DiResta continued, "Yep, exactly. They're just not monetizing in the same way." ===Rise of the far right in Europe === Graves asked, "What are your thoughts about the rise of the [[w:Far-right politics|far right in Europe]], including the [[w:Alternative for Germany|Alternative for Germany, Alternative for Deutschland]], AfD in Germany, and [[w:Marine Le Pen|Marine Le Pen]]'s [[w:National Rally|National Rally]], in France?" DiResta replied, {{quote| The rise of the global far right has been an interesting thing to see. To be clear, I don't study extremism. That's not my area. But what I look at when it comes to these things is who's producing content that resonates? Who understands how to hit those notes, like I was just describing? Who understands how to rile people up about particular issues, even if that means stretching the truth, or lying, or decontextualizing things? A combination of things are happening. It's not just social media. There are also real social forces, where people feel that they are not succeeding in real life, not economically mobile. ... And when you have politicians who are adept at decontextualizing things, and are willing to decontextualize and lie, it provides a lot of fodder for their messages to be seen. Real people amplify it and share it and sincerely believe it. And then on the flip side, they're also just better at communicating online. And populist narratives move really well because they make people feel heard. ... People with liberal values need to do a better job of understanding what it means to communicate their policies with that same kind of passion and that same kind of directness that makes people feel compelled to share their stuff and to engage around their stuff. And right now, you just don't see that happening.}} === Other experts === Graves asked, "Have you had a chance to look at [[w:Daron Acemoglu|Daron Acemoglu]]'s recent book on ''What Happened to Liberal Democracy?: Remaking a Politics of Shared Prosperity''?<ref>Acemoglu (2026).</ref> DiResta replied, {{quote| It is on my shelf. I have not gone through it yet. ... [[w:Henry Farrell (political scientist)|Henry Farrell]] is another one. He writes a great [[w:Substack|Substack]] newsletter, where he kind of came to the same conclusion I did about the problem of flawed publics. ...}} === Vaccines are never 100% === Returning to the question of vaccinations, Graves noted that, "No vaccine is ever 100%, and many of the humans infected in the different outbreaks have already been vaccinated, although they're a lot less likely to actually catch the disease when exposed, and they often tend to have fewer symptoms, right?"<ref>DiResta (2024, p. 1) said that in the Disneyland measles outbreak, "Nearly half of the infected weren’t vaccinated." Other outbreaks have have had many fewer cases among the vaccinated. In the recent outbreak in Pennsylvania, their governor said, that all of the "nearly 400 cases involved individuals that were not fully vaccinated", according to Mitman and the Associated Press (2026).</ref> DiResta agreed, {{quote| Yes, exactly. No product is 100% safe. But you can look at the [[w:National Vaccine Injury Compensation Program|Vaccine Injury Compensation Program]], VICP, where every single claim that is of a vaccine harm. VICP is not [[w:Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System|VAERS]], which ["is susceptible to unverified reports, misattribution, underreporting, and inconsistent data quality"]. The VICP program looks at and evaluates verified claims and goes through them. VAERS has a lot of made-up stuff. I remember once somebody submitted that they had turned into the [[w:Hulk|Hulk]] after a vaccine. That's in the VAERS database. People who drown after vaccines are in the database. So if you want to see something more statistically reliable, Vaccine Injury Compensation Program (VICP) data is the thing to look at. Not necessarily what cases are compensated, but the actual numbers and stats are in there.}} === Gaza and Iran wars === Graves asked, "Talk about the role of social media in the [[w:Gaza war|Gaza war]] and its expansion into the current [[w:2026 Iran war|Iran war]]." DiResta replied, {{quote| Yeah. I love the Iran War question. I'll just start with the Iran war, because I was looking at something this morning that the Canadians put out about a trade war, and it was an AI-generated video with a bunch of [[w:Beaver|beavers]].<ref name=Davis>Davis (2026).</ref> I haven't gotten through all of it yet, because I had to hop on this, but it's on an open tab over here. One of the things that you have seen is states embracing the power of [[w:Trolling|trolling]], because the power of trolling gets them attention and engagement on social media. And so what happened with Iran in particular, the [[w:Explosive Media|Iranians have been very adept at communicating on social media]] for a long time now. They are, much like China, actually quite good at their overt communication. Their covert stuff, not so good. They're actually quite strong. They started making these AI videos of Legos acting out scenes from the war, Pete Hegseth as a drunk, you know, these sorts of things. And they're very funny. They came up with some rap songs to go along with them. The music is catchy.The visuals are like a short-form [[w:The Lego Movie|Lego action movie]]. And that made people share it. American audiences, the target audience, shared it. They found it very compelling, because it's a combination of, one, the content actually being interesting, and two, this idea of, like, "Oh my god, can you believe they're doing that?" People still remember the days of propriety. But instead, now we're like, oh man, the diplomats are all trolls, too. That form of propaganda is very interesting because it galvanizes the target itself to be the sharer. You become the distributor of the Iranian propaganda, whatever you think of the war, right? You become the distributor of that propaganda, of that message, when you choose to share it. And I think that's very interesting, because I can go in a lot of ways. I'm curious to see how the Canadian Beaver Trade War one goes.<ref name=Davis/> But the Gaza one, that's interesting for a different reason. ... Obviously, everybody sees conflict quite viscerally these days. There's very little that happens where there's not somebody recording it. The Lego videos are very sanitized. People can share that and sort of feel good about just, you know, it's entertainment. Whereas what you see coming out of other conflicts from October 7th on is these pictures of horror. And people come to form very strong opinions about who is right and who is wrong in those circumstances. And they really begin to post and to activate around it. And it becomes something where they really form online communities to get the message out to tell the story of their side. They begin to involve themselves in the comments. And algorithms will continue, usually, to reinforce what you see based on what you engage in. So once you start kind of engaging on that topic, you'll see quite a lot more of it. And it really became something, particularly for young people.}} === In sum === When asked for final remarks DiResta said, {{quote| I think it is important to recognize what role you play when you share something, or when you post something. Obviously, you have a bigger responsibility if you're a large account, if you're influential and an influencer in some way, even if you're a local influencer, just sort of specific to a community. Just be aware that you, too, can be misled.}} == The need for media reform to improve democracy == This article is part of [[:category:Media reform to improve democracy]]. A summary of episodes to 2025-11-15 is available in [[Media & Democracy lessons for the future]]. ==Discussion == :''[Interested readers are invited to comment here, subject to the Wikimedia rules of [[w:Wikipedia:Neutral point of view|writing from a neutral point of view]] [[w:Wikipedia:Citing sources|citing credible sources]]<ref name=NPOV/> and treating others with respect.<ref name=AGF/>]'' == Notes == {{reflist}} == Bibliography == * <!-- Daron Acemoglu (2026-08-11) What Happened to Liberal Democracy?: Remaking a Politics of Shared Prosperity--{{cite Q|Q141241291}} * <!--Ava Davis (2026-08-27) AI-Generated Viral Music Video “Canadian Resistance Army — Trade War” Highlights 2026 Canada-US Trade Tensions with Humor and Wildlife Animation-->{{cite Q|Q141242369}} * <!--Renée DiResta (2024) Invisible Rulers: The People Who Turn Lies into Reality-->{{cite Q|Q135530439}} * <!--Renée DiResta (2026) Invisible Rulers: The People Who Turn Lies into Reality, updated edition-->{{cite Q|Q141156783}} * <!--Renée DiResta and Rachel Kleinfeld (2025-09-10) For Expertise to Matter, Nonpartisan Institutions Need New Communications Strategies-->{{cite Q|Q141158362}} * <!--Dan Evon (2020-08-11, updated 2023-06-09) "In Pizza We Trust? How Some T-Shirts Got (Falsely) Linked to Pedophilia"-->{{cite Q|Q141224444}} * <!--Spencer Graves and Douglas A. Samuelson (2022-03) "Externalities, public goods, and infectious diseases-->{{cite Q|Q111367750}} * <!--Luke Hogg and Renée DiResta, eds. (2024-12) "Shaping the Future of Social Media with Middleware-->{{cite Q|Q141158102}} * <!--Hayden Mitman and Associated Press (2026-08-25) "Gov. Shapiro touts vaccines as Pa. sees first measles deaths in 35 years"-->{{cite Q|Q141225090}} * <!--David Siders (2015-06-04) "Majority of Californians support mandatory vaccines for schoolchildren"-->{{cite Q|Q141239239}} * <!--Amanda Silberling (2026-08-26) "Meta settles for $18B in lawsuit brought by 29 states over social media harms to children-->{{cite Q|Q141243736}} *<!--The Virality Project (2022) Memes, Magnets, and Microchips: Narrative dynamics around COVID-19 vaccines-->{{cite Q|Q141158003}} * <!--Kathleen Winter, Carol Glaser, James Watt, Kathleen H Harriman (2014-12-05) "Pertussis Epidemic — California, 2014"-->{{cite Q|Q141237726}} [[Category:Media]] [[Category:Social media]] [[Category:News]] [[Category:Democracy]] [[Category:Politics]] [[Category:Education]] [[Category:Media literacy]] [[Category:Media reform to improve democracy]] <!--list of categories https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Wikiversity:Category_Review [[Wikiversity:Category Review]]--> jrmiief6mr56z8pelsco677pxjimtv1 0 331478 2840380 2834484 2026-10-15T05:05:17Z Jtneill 10242 Copyediting 2840380 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Epistemic motivation and the need for cognitive closure:<br>How does epistemic motivation and the need for cognitive closure influence our lives?}} __TOC__ == Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Necker cube.svg|thumb|200px|'''Figure 1'''. The Necker cube can be interpreted in more than one way. It illustrates how ambiguity can permit competing interpretations before cognitive closure is reached.{{ic|Explain how this illustrates epistemic motivation.}}]] ;Scenario Sofia receives two conflicting pieces of advice about an important career decision. She feels uncomfortable with the uncertainty and wants to decide immediately. However, she also wants to examine the evidence, consider different perspectives, and make an informed choice. Sofia’s situation demonstrates two psychological forces: * epistemic motivation, which can encourage deeper information processing, and * the need for cognitive closure, which can encourage people to reach a definite answer and escape uncertainty. {{RoundBoxBottom}} * Epistemic motivation concerns a person’s willingness to develop a thorough and accurate understanding of a situation through information search and processing (De Dreu et al., 2008). * Need for cognitive closure is the desire to obtain a definite answer rather than remain confused or uncertain (Kruglanski & Webster, 1996). * Both concepts influence how people form judgements, make decisions, communicate with others and respond to uncertainty. * Neither is always beneficial or harmful; the outcome depends on the person, available information and situational demands. * Figure 1 demonstrates how the same ambiguous information may permit more than one interpretation before a person reaches closure. Uncertainty can be emotionally uncomfortable. People differ in how much effort they invest in understanding a problem and how quickly they want uncertainty to end. These motives shape which information is noticed, whether alternatives are compared and whether an initial judgement is revised. A fast answer may feel reassuring despite weak evidence, while prolonged searching may delay action. This chapter examines how to balance accuracy with the need to decide. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is epistemic motivation? * What is the need for cognitive closure? * How are epistemic motivation and the need for cognitive closure connected? * How do they influence everyday decisions, learning and relationships? * When is cognitive closure helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Epistemic motivation == * [[w:Epistemic motivation|Epistemic motivation]] describes the willingness to invest effort in developing a complete and accurate understanding of the world (De Dreu et al., 2008). * Higher epistemic motivation encourages information search, deliberate reasoning and careful consideration of different perspectives. * Lower epistemic motivation is associated with shallower information processing and greater reliance on existing knowledge, familiar opinions or mental shortcuts. * Epistemic motivation can be influenced by personal characteristics and situational factors, including curiosity, accountability, fatigue, stress and time pressure. * Epistemic motivation should not be understood as intelligence. A capable person may still process information superficially when tired, distracted or under pressure. [[File:Duck-Rabbit illusion.jpg|thumb|220px|'''Figure 2'''. The duck–rabbit illusion shows how identical visual information can support competing interpretations.]] Epistemic motivation is best understood through motivated information processing. According to this perspective, judgement depends on both capacity and motivation: a person must be able to process information and also be willing to invest the necessary effort (De Dreu et al., 2008). This distinction explains why the same person may reason carefully about an important health decision but accept the first plausible answer to a minor question. It also separates epistemic motivation from [[w:Need for cognition|need for cognition]], a tendency to enjoy effortful thought, although the constructs overlap (Cacioppo & Petty, 1982). The quality of processing therefore depends on the person, the task and the surrounding conditions rather than on a fixed label such as “deep thinker”. Figure 2 illustrates why delaying closure can be useful when evidence permits more than one interpretation {{ic|How so? Explain.}}. === Depth of information processing === {{ic|What theory does this relate to? What is the evidence? What are some examples?}} * Higher epistemic motivation encourages people to attend to, encode, retrieve and integrate relevant information more thoroughly (De Dreu et al., 2008). * Groups {{example}} with stronger epistemic motivation may exchange more unique information and engage in more information-driven discussion{{fact}}. * Process accountability {{ic|Explain term}} can increase epistemic motivation because people expect to explain how they reached a decision (De Dreu et al., 2006). * Deeper processing can improve decision quality, especially when a problem is complicated and important information is distributed among several people. === Influencing factors === * Time pressure and environmental noise can decrease the opportunity or motivation to consider multiple explanations (Kruglanski & Webster, 1996). * Fear of making an invalid judgement may increase information search and delay closure. * Fatigue can make sustained reasoning more difficult and increase the appeal of a quick, simple answer. * Personal relevance may increase information processing, although people may also process information selectively when an issue threatens an important belief or identity. Research {{fact}} also shows that accountability matters, but its timing is important. When people expect to explain the process by which they reached a judgement, they are more likely to examine information carefully and integrate competing evidence (De Dreu et al., 2006). By contrast, accountability for defending a preferred outcome can encourage selective reasoning. Thus, asking “How did you reach this conclusion?” may promote epistemic motivation more effectively than asking someone merely to justify a conclusion they have already announced. == Need for cognitive closure == * Need for cognitive closure refers to the motivation to reach a definite conclusion and avoid uncertainty or ambiguity (Kruglanski & Webster, 1996). * It can operate as a relatively stable individual difference and as a temporary state produced by circumstances such as fatigue, time pressure and stress. * Webster and Kruglanski (1994) identified several associated preferences, including predictability, order, decisiveness and reduced comfort with ambiguity. * The effects of need for closure are commonly explained through the urgency and permanence tendencies. The need for closure is grounded in lay epistemic theory, which treats knowledge formation as a motivated process rather than a purely rational one (Kruglanski & Webster, 1996). Closure can be valued because it reduces uncertainty, enables action and creates a stable understanding of events. It can also be avoided when a person fears that any available conclusion will be invalid. Consequently, the {{what}} theory predicts not a universal preference for quick answers, but an interaction between the desirability of closure, the information available and the costs of making an error {{fact}}. === Urgency tendency === {{ic|Is this part of "lay epistemic theory"? Clarify/explain.}} * The urgency tendency involves wanting to reach closure as quickly as possible (Kruglanski & Webster, 1996). * It may cause people to “seize” on information encountered early in the decision-making process. * Urgency can be helpful when immediate action is genuinely necessary, such as during an emergency. * However, it can also produce premature conclusions when the available information is incomplete, inaccurate or misleading. Experimental evidence supports this account. For example, Kruglanski et al. (1993) found that conditions increasing the desire for closure made participants more resistant to persuasion after they had formed an opinion, but more receptive to early information when no prior position existed. This pattern demonstrates both tendencies: urgency increases reliance on an initial message, while permanence protects an existing judgement. Because persuasion experiments simplify real-world belief change, the findings identify a mechanism rather than determining how every individual will respond. === Permanence tendency === {{ic|Is this part of "lay epistemic theory"? Clarify/explain.}} * The permanence tendency involves wanting to preserve an existing conclusion for as long as possible (Kruglanski & Webster, 1996). * It may cause people to “freeze” on their initial judgement and resist information that challenges it. * Permanence can create consistency, confidence and coordination after a decision has been made. * Excessive permanence may contribute to inflexible thinking, stereotyping and resistance to corrective evidence. === Individual differences === {{ic|Is this part of "lay epistemic theory"? Clarify/explain.}} * The Need for Closure Scale was developed to measure individual differences related to predictability, order, decisiveness, ambiguity and closed-mindedness (Webster & Kruglanski, 1994). * A shorter revised measure has also demonstrated that urgency and permanence are important dimensions of the construct (Roets & Van Hiel, 2011). * A high score does not mean that someone is unintelligent or incapable of careful reasoning. * Need for closure can change across situations; therefore, a person may tolerate uncertainty in one context but urgently seek certainty in another. Measurement requires caution. The Need for Closure Scale assesses order, predictability, decisiveness, discomfort with ambiguity and closed-mindedness (Webster & Kruglanski, 1994). However, decisiveness may function differently from other facets, and ability to decide is not the same as motivation for closure (Roets & Van Hiel, 2007). Self-reports describe tendencies rather than directly observing information processing in a specific situation (Roets & Van Hiel, 2011). == Relationship between epistemic motivation and cognitive closure == * The need for cognitive closure is a form of epistemic motivation because it concerns how people acquire and maintain knowledge (Kruglanski & Webster, 1996). * Epistemic motivation is the broader concept, whereas need for closure specifically concerns motivation to end uncertainty by reaching a conclusion. * Strong motivation to understand a problem may promote extensive information search, while strong motivation for immediate closure may shorten that search. * High-quality judgement therefore depends on balancing sufficient investigation with the practical need to reach a decision. '''Table 1.''' ''Comparison of epistemic motivation and need for cognitive closure'' {{ic|Use 1st letter capitalisation for table captions as per APA style}} {{ic|What is the source of this information?}} {| class="wikitable" ! Concept ! Main goal ! Possible benefit ! Possible limitation |- | Epistemic motivation | Develop an accurate and comprehensive understanding | Deeper information processing and consideration of alternatives | Decision-making may require more time and effort |- | Urgency tendency | Reach closure quickly | Supports timely action | May produce premature conclusions |- | Permanence tendency | Maintain an established conclusion | Supports consistency and commitment | May create resistance to corrective evidence |} * Table 1 shows that these motivational processes involve different goals and trade-offs. * Epistemic motivation can improve decision quality by promoting systematic information processing, particularly in group settings (De Dreu et al., 2008). * However, continuously seeking more information can also delay decisions when the available information is already sufficient. * Cognitive closure can support action and coordination, but early closure may prevent consideration of important alternatives. The relationship is therefore not a simple opposition between “good” epistemic motivation and “bad” closure. Need for closure is itself an epistemic motive, but it directs processing toward a definite and stable answer. High epistemic motivation can improve judgement when the evidence is reliable and the task rewards accuracy; it can also be used to defend an identity-consistent conclusion. Likewise, closure can be adaptive when delay is costly. The decisive issue is whether the timing and content of closure match the demands of the situation. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Key points''' * Epistemic motivation concerns how thoroughly information is processed. * Urgency encourages rapid “seizing” on an answer. * Permanence encourages “freezing” on an established answer. * Accuracy depends on matching processing to the decision. {{RoundBoxBottom}} {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Case study''' Jordan sees a social-media post claiming that a familiar food causes a serious illness. Feeling anxious, Jordan immediately accepts the claim and shares it. Later, a friend encourages Jordan to locate the original research, examine reliable sources and consider alternative explanations. Jordan’s initial response may demonstrate the urgency tendency because uncertainty is ended by accepting the first available explanation. Greater epistemic motivation could encourage Jordan to examine the quality of the evidence before forming and sharing a conclusion. {{RoundBoxBottom}} <quiz display=simple> {Which response best demonstrates the urgency tendency? |type="()"} - Continuing to compare evidence without ever reaching a decision + Accepting the first plausible explanation to eliminate uncertainty - Changing an opinion after receiving reliable contradictory evidence - Asking several experts to explain their different perspectives || The urgency tendency involves attempting to reach cognitive closure as quickly as possible. } {Which response best demonstrates higher epistemic motivation? |type="()"} - Ignoring information that challenges an existing belief - Selecting the simplest answer without examining its source + Comparing evidence and considering alternative explanations - Repeating an opinion because it is familiar || Higher epistemic motivation generally involves more thorough information search and processing. } {The permanence tendency is most closely associated with: |type="()"} - Curiosity about new information + Maintaining an existing judgement - Avoiding all decisions - Forgetting a previous conclusion || The permanence tendency involves preserving closure after a judgement has been formed. } </quiz> == Influence on everyday life == * Epistemic motivation and need for closure influence behaviour across educational, interpersonal, organisational and social settings. * Their effects depend on the complexity of the problem, the quality of available information and whether rapid action is required. * Understanding these motivations may help people recognise when they are investigating a question carefully and when they are closing it prematurely. Evidence across settings supports these {{what}} applications, but much of it is correlational, laboratory-based or based on university samples. Such research can identify mechanisms under controlled conditions, yet it may not fully capture high-stakes decisions made over longer periods or across cultures. Findings should therefore be applied as probabilistic tendencies rather than rules about individuals. === Learning and education === * Higher epistemic motivation may promote curiosity, critical thinking and deeper engagement with learning materials {{fact}}. * Students who evaluate evidence and compare alternative explanations are more likely to develop an integrated understanding than students who rely only on memorisation {{fact}}. * A strong need for closure may make unclear instructions, conflicting theories and open-ended assignments uncomfortable {{fact}}. * Clear structure can support learning, but excessive reliance on one definite answer may be problematic when a subject requires critical evaluation {{fact}}. Educators can combine structure with productive uncertainty. Clear criteria reduce unnecessary confusion, while comparing explanations keeps alternatives open for critical thought. Prompts asking students to identify disconfirming evidence may be more useful than simply telling them to “think harder”. Because excessive ambiguity can overload learners, support should be reduced gradually as knowledge develops. {{fact}} === Decision-making === * Epistemic motivation can improve decision quality by encouraging people to search for and integrate relevant information (De Dreu et al., 2006). * Under genuine time pressure, rapid closure may be adaptive because delaying action could have serious consequences {{fact}}. * When time is available, seizing on the first acceptable explanation may cause important evidence or alternative options to be overlooked {{fact}}. * Effective decision-making involves identifying how much information is required and establishing an appropriate point at which to decide {{fact}}. A useful decision rule is to match the search effort to the consequences of erro {{fact}}r. Reversible, low-cost choices may justify quick closure, whereas irreversible or safety-critical choices require stronger evidence and independent checking {{fact}}. This rule does not guarantee accuracy, but it makes the stopping point explicit {{fact}}. It also prevents anxiety alone from determining when information search ends {{fact}}. === Relationships and group behaviour === * First impressions can provide cognitive closure, but they may become inaccurate when people freeze on an early judgement {{fact}}. * Need for closure can influence intergroup language and strengthen biased descriptions of in-group and out-group behaviour (Webster et al., 1997). {{example}} * Groups with higher epistemic motivation may exchange information more thoroughly and reach better-informed decisions (De Dreu et al., 2008). {{eample}} * Encouraging respectful disagreement can prevent premature consensus and allow group members to identify overlooked evidence {{fact}}. [[File:Emile Friant La Discussion politique.jpg|thumb|240px|'''Figure 3'''. Discussion can expose competing interpretations when members exchange and evaluate information rather than rush toward agreement.]] Group outcomes also depend on whether members possess different information. Scholten et al. (2007) found {{how}} that process accountability increased systematic information processing and decision quality, particularly when group members began with different preferences. Bechtoldt et al. (2010) similarly showed {{how}} that epistemic motivation supported group creativity when members pursued collective rather than purely personal goals. However, status differences, conformity and a shared preference for certainty can still suppress dissent. Figure 3 illustrates the social exchange through which alternatives can be tested. Leaders can request reasons before preferences, assign a devil’s advocate and delay an initial vote until evidence has been discussed. === Information and misinformation === * Online environments can expose people to large amounts of contradictory information, increasing confusion and the desire for simple answers. * A strong need for closure may increase reliance on information that quickly resolves uncertainty, even when its reliability has not been established. * Freezing on an initial interpretation can make later corrective evidence more difficult to accept. * Research suggests that need for closure can influence memory processes and vulnerability to misleading post-event information (Pica et al., 2014). Pica et al. (2014) found that need for closure influenced retrieval-induced forgetting and misinformation effects in eyewitness memory. Confidence and accuracy are not identical: closure may make a coherent account feel certain after misleading details are incorporated. This does not mean everyone high in need for closure accepts misinformation; source credibility, prior knowledge and verification opportunities still matter. Online, readers can pause before sharing, trace the original source and seek disconfirming evidence. == Balancing understanding and closure == * Neither endless information search nor immediate closure is appropriate in every situation {{fact}}. * The most effective approach depends on the consequences of error, the urgency of action and the availability of reliable evidence {{fact}}. * People can improve decisions by recognising their reactions to uncertainty and deliberately choosing whether additional investigation is necessary }. === Potential benefits === * Epistemic motivation can support critical thinking, learning and informed decision-making {{fact}}. * Urgent closure can allow people to act efficiently during emergencies or under strict deadlines {{fact}}. * Permanent closure can create stability, commitment and coordination after an adequately informed decision {{fact}}. * Shared closure can also help groups organise action around an agreed understanding {{fact}}. === Potential limitations === * Excessive information search may create indecision or unnecessary delay {{fact}}. * Urgency can cause people to seize on incomplete or unreliable information {{fact}}. * Permanence can create inflexible beliefs and resistance to corrective evidence {{fact}}. * Need for closure may contribute to stereotyping when simplified group judgements replace individualised information (Kruglanski & Webster, 1996; Webster et al., 1997). These limitations show why context matters. A preference for closure may strengthen whichever interpretation is most accessible, not necessarily a negative one. For example, Kossowska et al. (2015) found that need for closure could be associated with more positive attitudes toward a negatively stereotyped outgroup when the ability to achieve closure was low. This qualification challenges the idea that need for closure automatically produces prejudice and illustrates why researchers must distinguish motivational direction from the specific belief that becomes fixed. === Practical strategies === * Pause before important decisions and identify whether time pressure is genuine or self-imposed. * Separate established facts, interpretations and assumptions. * Consider at least one alternative explanation before reaching a conclusion. * Seek information from reliable sources and perspectives that challenge the initial judgement. * Establish a reasonable decision deadline so that information search does not continue indefinitely. * Reconsider an existing conclusion when credible new evidence becomes available. {{fact}} [[File:Consensus Flowchart.svg|thumb|340px|'''Figure 4'''. A decision process can include opportunities to question, revise and consolidate a conclusion.]] '''Table 2.''' ''Matching information search to the decision'' {| class="wikitable" ! Decision condition ! Recommended response |- | Urgent and reversible | Decide using the best available evidence |- | Important and irreversible | Seek independent evidence and test alternatives |- | Credible new evidence appears | Reopen and revise the conclusion |} These strategies work best as “decision hygiene” rather than as personality correction. Before deciding, a person can state what evidence would change the conclusion, compare at least two plausible explanations, and obtain one independent source. During group decisions, members can record their initial views privately before discussion and evaluate the reasoning process rather than rewarding confidence alone. After deciding, a scheduled review point allows permanence to support action without making the conclusion immune to correction {{fact}}. Table 2 and Figure 4 show how closure can be treated as reviewable rather than irreversible. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Reflection exercise''' Think about an important decision you made recently. # What information did you examine? # Did you feel pressure to reach an answer quickly? # Did you consider an alternative explanation? # What evidence might have changed your decision? # Did your response reflect epistemic motivation, urgency, permanence or a combination of these processes? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Conclusion == * Epistemic motivation influences the depth and thoroughness with which people search for, process and integrate information. * Need for cognitive closure motivates people to reach and preserve definite conclusions, particularly when uncertainty is uncomfortable. * The urgency tendency can lead people to seize on early information, while the permanence tendency can lead them to freeze on an established judgement. * These processes affect learning, decision-making, relationships, group behaviour and responses to online information. * Cognitive closure is not inherently harmful because it can support timely action, consistency and coordination. * The central challenge is to balance the desire for accurate understanding with the practical need to reach a conclusion. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Take-home message''' Good judgement requires knowing when to continue searching and when to decide. People can make better decisions by tolerating uncertainty long enough to examine reliable evidence while still establishing a reasonable point for reaching closure. {{RoundBoxBottom}} == See also == * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2023/Actively open-minded thinking|Actively open-minded thinking]] (Book chapter, 2023) * [[w:Epistemic motivation|Epistemic motivation]] (Wikipedia) == References == {{Hanging indent|1= Bechtoldt, M. N., De Dreu, C. K. W., Nijstad, B. A., & Choi, H.-S. (2010). Motivated information processing, social tuning, and group creativity. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''99''(4), 622–637. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/a0019386</nowiki> Cacioppo, J. T., & Petty, R. E. (1982). The need for cognition. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''42''(1), 116–131. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.42.1.116</nowiki> De Dreu, C. K. W., Beersma, B., Stroebe, K., & Euwema, M. C. (2006). Motivated information processing, strategic choice, and the quality of negotiated agreement. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''90''(6), 927–943. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.90.6.927</nowiki> De Dreu, C. K. W., Nijstad, B. A., & van Knippenberg, D. (2008). Motivated information processing in group judgment and decision making. ''Personality and Social Psychology Review'', ''12''(1), 22–49. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/1088868307304092</nowiki> Kossowska, M., Dragon, P., & Bukowski, M. (2015). When need for closure leads to positive attitudes towards a negatively stereotyped outgroup. ''Motivation and Emotion'', ''39'', 88–98. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1007/s11031-014-9414-5</nowiki> Kruglanski, A. W., & Webster, D. M. (1996). Motivated closing of the mind: “Seizing” and “freezing.” ''Psychological Review'', ''103''(2), 263–283. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.103.2.263</nowiki> Kruglanski, A. W., Webster, D. M., & Klem, A. (1993). Motivated resistance and openness to persuasion in the presence or absence of prior information. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''65''(5), 861–876. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.65.5.861</nowiki> Pica, G., Pierro, A., & Kruglanski, A. W. (2014). The role of need for cognitive closure in retrieval-induced forgetting and misinformation effects in eyewitness memory. ''Social Cognition'', ''32''(4), 337–359. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1521/soco.2014.32.4.337</nowiki> Roets, A., & Van Hiel, A. (2007). Separating ability from need: Clarifying the dimensional structure of the need for closure scale. ''Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin'', ''33''(2), 266–280. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206294744</nowiki> Roets, A., & Van Hiel, A. (2011). Item selection and validation of a brief, 15-item version of the Need for Closure Scale. ''Personality and Individual Differences'', ''50''(1), 90–94. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2010.09.004</nowiki> Scholten, L., van Knippenberg, D., Nijstad, B. A., & De Dreu, C. K. W. (2007). Motivated information processing and group decision-making: Effects of process accountability on information processing and decision quality. ''Journal of Experimental Social Psychology'', ''43''(4), 539–552. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2006.05.010</nowiki> Webster, D. M., & Kruglanski, A. W. (1994). Individual differences in need for cognitive closure. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''67''(6), 1049–1062. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.67.6.1049</nowiki> Webster, D. M., Kruglanski, A. W., & Pattison, D. A. (1997). Motivated language use in intergroup contexts: Need-for-closure effects on the linguistic intergroup bias. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''72''(5), 1122–1131. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.72.5.1122</nowiki> }} == External links == * [https://dictionary.apa.org/need-for-closure Need for closure] (APA Dictionary of Psychology) * [https://sjdm.org/dmidi/Need_for_%28Cognitive%29_Closure_Scale.html Need for (Cognitive) Closure Scale] (Decision Making Individual Differences Inventory) * [https://www.apa.org/topics/critical-thinking Critical thinking] (American Psychological Association) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Decision-making]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Epistemic motivation]] l2q92s4o1jz7hkv4p1gvom9vxx40c15 0 331479 2840439 2839741 2026-10-15T09:55:43Z Tofu05 3106606 added introduction for section 3 2840439 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Emotional flooding in relationships:<br>Why does emotional flooding occur, how does it affect relationships, and what can be done about it?}} __TOC__ == Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Imagine this...''' Let’s cut to a scene in Marriage Story (2019). Charlie and Nicole are partners and are in the process of separating after their marriage has broken down. During a heated argument in their apartment, Nicole expresses her frustration about how she has felt throughout their marriage, while Charlie becomes increasingly defensive about the way she sees him and their relationship. What begins as a discussion about their failed marriage quickly turns into an argument where they bring up inner feelings they kept to themselves about years of resentment, sacrifices, parenting, and the ways they have hurt and disappointed each other. As the argument escalates, both become increasingly emotional. They start to speak over each other, interrupt, yell, and respond to each other's accusations rather than listening. Nicole expresses that she feels Charlie has controlled aspects of her life and failed to recognise her needs, while Charlie insists that he has made sacrifices for their family and feels that Nicole is unfairly blaming him. Their anger and frustration continue to build until Charlie becomes visibly overwhelmed and lashes out by punching a wall. By the end of the argument, neither of them had resolved the issues they were discussing. '''Think...''' *Have you ever been in a situation where a small disagreement suddenly became much more intense than expected? *What do you think happened to Charlie and Nicole as their argument escalated? *Why might it become harder for them to listen to each other or respond calmly as the conflict escalates? {{RoundBoxBottom}} The situation that Charlie and Nicole experienced shows how quickly relationship conflict can escalate when emotional responses become intense (see Figure 1). In these moments where arguments can become much more intense than the issue that started them, a person may become overwhelmed by their emotional response and find it difficult to think clearly and regulate their emotions. This experience is known as emotional flooding. It describes a state in which individuals can become influenced by the experience of another person's negative emotions being intense and overwhelming, so that it interferes with an individual's ability to respond effectively (Del Vecchio et al., 2016). Research suggests that emotional flooding can contribute to poor relationship satisfaction, understanding these processes may help identify ways to recognise and manage emotional flooding before conflict becomes too difficult to resolve. This chapter will explore what emotional flooding is, why it occurs during relationship conflict, and how individual, emotional, cognitive, and interpersonal factors may contribute to it. It will then examine how emotional flooding can influence communication, conflict resolution, and relationship outcomes. Finally, exploring considering psychological strategies that may help individuals recognise and de-escalate emotional flooding. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' *What psychological and physiological processes contribute to emotional flooding during relationship conflict? *How does emotional flooding affect emotion regulation and communication between partners in relationships? *What are the potential consequences of emotional flooding for relationship functioning? *What evidence-based strategies can help individuals manage emotional flooding during relationship conflict? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == Understanding emotional flooding == Emotional flooding is a psychological response that can occur when a person becomes overwhelmed by their partner’s negative emotions during conflict. Gottman (1993), describes flooding as a response to negative emotions that are unexpected, intense and overwhelming, leaving their partner feeling disorganised and wanting to end the interaction. This may lead a person to withdraw from the conversation or attempt to escape the situation. Therefore, flooding is not simply experiencing a singular emotion such as anger or distress, it involves difficulty maintaining organised and effective functioning when faced with a partner’s negative emotions. Emotional flooding may be influenced by both individual differences and the interpersonal context (Malik et al., 2020). Some individuals may be more prone to becoming overwhelmed during conflict due to their emotional sensitivity, previous experiences or perceptions of their partner’s behaviour. However, flooding cannot be understood as only an individual characteristic. The frequency and intensity of a partner’s negative emotions may also influence whether flooding occurs. This suggests that flooding develops through an interaction between a person's own vulnerability and also the emotional environment where the conflict takes place.  This suggests that flooding develops through an interaction between a person’s individual vulnerability and the emotional environment in which the conflict takes place. Research by Malik et al. (2020) has linked emotional flooding to difficulties in relationship functioning, they found that flooding was associated with negative affect during couples conflict discussions. Couples involving at least one person who experienced high levels of flooding were also less effective in solving problems during conflict discussion (Malik et al., 2020). Their findings suggest that becoming overwhelmed may create difficulty for couples to resolve disagreements constructively. Gottman (1993) involved flooding into a broader theory of marital stability and dissolution, and it was identified as a potential part of progression towards emotional distance and relationship deterioration. Complementing Gottman (1993), Hooper et al. (2017) examined emotional flooding with negative communication behaviours and marital satisfaction, finding that refusal to talk to a partner had the strongest negative association with marital satisfaction. This highlights its relevance to relationship functioning. Such research demonstrates why understanding emotional flooding is important for explaining how emotional experiences and interpersonal interactions may contribute to escalating conflict within relationships. Psychological research can help explain the processes underlying flooding, including emotional and physiological arousal, cognitive interpretations and interpersonal influences. It can also inform approaches for individuals to recognise emotional overwhelm and respond to conflict more constructively, bettering their individual and relationship wellbeing. == Why emotional flooding occurs during relationship conflicts == You may think that emotional flooding has only one cause, well research suggests that ''several'' interacting factors including physiological stress responses, how people interpret conflict, and individual differences in emotional regulation may be involved. Though they are not proven causes of flooding in every relationship, these factors have been examined across different studies. Research on couples has linked relationship conflict with biological stress responses, while studies of emotional flooding indicate that both a person's own emotional reactions and their partner’s negative affect are relevant. These findings all together suggest that flooding may occur when a person's own vulnerability interacts with an emotionally intense conflict. === Emotional and physiological arousal === * Stress and physiological activation during conflict * Increased emotional intensity * High arousal may interfere with regulation * Emotional flooding is a biological and psychological process, it is brought upon by heightened emotional and physiological activation. * Del Vecchio et al. (2016). - Suggest that sympathetic nervous system reactivity may overwhelm rational deliberation, causing difficulty for a person to attend to a situation and respond collectively and effectively. This is one explanation as to why people may behave differently once conflict becomes highly emotionally arousing. * Gottman (1993) -  conducted a  longitudinal study which found a relationship between physiological arousal and marital instability. It was found that husbands from couples who divorced later in life had a higher baseline heart rate, than those from stable couples. === The role of cognitive appraisal and interpersonal threat === * How people interpret relationship events * Perceived criticism, rejection or threat * How these interpretations can intensify emotional responses * Emotional flooding may also be influenced by how a person interprets their partner’s behaviour. * Gottman (1993) suggests that distressed couples may increasingly interpret negative behaviours as reflecting “stable and global negative traits of the partner.” * Failure to communicate by a partner may be interpreted not as a temporary mistake, but as evidence that they are generally uncaring. These interpretations may intensify negative emotional responses during conflicts. * “a global negative view of the entire relationship” Gottman (1993). Suggesting that over time these interpretations exceed individual behaviours and are seen as a negative view on the entirety of the relationship * Malik et al. (2020) suggests that emotional flooding depends on interpersonal context, emphasising that flooding is also a function of another person's expressed negative affect. * Suggests that vulnerability to flooding may interact with the intensity or nature of a partner’s negative behaviour. === Individual differences and emotional regulation === * Difficulties regulating intense emotions * Why people may respond differently to the same conflict * Individual factors that may increase vulnerability to flooding * Individual differences in emotional awareness and regulation may influence the vulnerability of a person to emotional flooding. * Berenguer-Soler et al. (2023) suggest that individuals with greater emotional self-awareness and emotional regulation may be able to better manage negative emotional experiences during conflicts. * Their study explored different love style profiles, and found that they differed significantly in emotional flooding, conflict, and emotional intelligence. * This suggests that flooding does not occur the same way across individuals or relationships. * Malik et al. (2020) “individuals may be more or less likely to flood in a relatively stable, trait-like way” == How emotional flooding affects relationships == Introduction {{ic|Include an introductory paragraph before branching into sub-sections}} === Emotional regulation and communication === * Difficulty listening and communicating effectively * Defensiveness, criticism and withdrawal * Escalation of conflict * Emotional flooding can be linked to destructive/negative communication cycles. * Gottman (1993) suggests a sequence where“criticism leads to contempt, which leads to defensiveness, which leads to stonewalling. * These behaviours can progressively shift a conflict from discussing a specific problem, to attacking and defending, eventually causing a withdrawal from the interaction. * Hooper et al. (2017) further highlights the importance of these communication patterns. * Their sample of 591 married individuals, the presence of emotional flooding and the Four Horsemen (term John Gottman used to describe four negative communication behaviours that can be damaging in romantic relationships, criticism, defensiveness, contempt, stonewalling) was associated with poorer marital satisfaction * Stonewalling had “the greatest negative impact on relationship satisfaction.” * This suggests that withdrawal may be particularly problematic when emotionally intense conflict is already making communication difficult. === Conflict and relationship outcomes === * Effects on conflict resolution * Relationship satisfaction * Repeated negative cycles * How partners can influence each other's emotional responses * Emotional flooding may interfere directly with a couple's ability to resolve disagreements. * Malik et al. (2020) found that couples with at least one highly flooded partner demonstrated poorer problem solving during observed conflict. * These couples were less likely to propose viable solutions, weigh the advantages and disadvantages of possible solutions, operationalise plans, follow through with solutions, and reach resolution (Malik et al., 2020). * Hooper et al (2017), reiterate that flooding may be relevant to how partners manage a specific disagreement and also to how positively they experience the relationship overall as stated before. * Berenguer-Soler et al. (2023) found significant differences between love-style profiles in conflict and emotional flooding * The greatest differences in flooding and conflict intensity occur between the less stable and more stable profiles. * These findings suggest that flooding may occur as part of broader patterns of conflict rather than in isolation. <quiz display="simple"> {Which situation below best demonstrates the potential effects of emotional flooding during relationship conflict?:} -A couple disagrees but calmly discusses different solutions. +One partner becomes overwhelmed, withdraws from the discussion, and the disagreement remains unresolved. -A couple disagrees and later reaches a compromise. -One partner notices they are becoming frustrated and suggests continuing the conversation later. </quiz> == What can be done to manage emotional flooding in relationships == Introduction {{ic|Include an introductory paragraph before branching into sub-sections}} === Recognising and regulating emotional arousal === * Recognising signs of flooding * Emotion-regulation strategies * Reducing physiological arousal * Berenguer-Soler et al. (2023) suggests that emotional awareness and emotional regulation are associated with healthier conflict responses. * Emotional awareness and regulation may therefore be useful targets for managing emotional flooding. * Berenguer-Soler et al. (2023) found that emotional intelligence was associated with differences in conflict and emotional flooding. * This suggests that individuals who are better able to recognise and regulate emotional experiences may be better positioned to manage conflict constructively. === De-escalating conflicts === * Berenguer-Soler et al. (2023) suggestsn {{ic|Grammar - this should be past tense when discussing past findings}} that emotional awareness and emotional regulation are associated with healthier conflict responses. * Emotional awareness and regulation may therefore be useful targets for managing emotional flooding. * Berenguer-Soler et al. (2023) found that emotional intelligence was associated with differences in conflict and emotional flooding. * This suggests that individuals who are better able to recognise and regulate emotional experiences may be better positioned to manage conflict constructively. * Gottman (1993) states that couples take breaks. * When conflict causes high physiological arousal, continuing the discussion may make constructive communication more difficult. * Gottman (1993) proposed physiological soothing as part of marital intervention. * This involves taking breaks when arousal becomes high. * The purpose of the break is to not simply avoid the issue, but to allow physiological arousal to decrease before partners return to the discussion. * Hooper et al. (2017) state “reducing these forms of communication, especially stonewalling” * De-escalation may also require reducing destructive communication behaviours. * Hooper et al. (2017) recommend reducing negative communication patterns, particularly stonewalling, which showed the strongest negative association with relationship satisfaction in their study. ==Learning features== Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] ==Conclusion== * Arguably the most important section * Provide at least three bullet-points for this section even at the topic development stage, based on preliminary thinking * For the book chapter, develop clear take-home message(s) that address the focus questions based on psychological theory and research * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing this problem * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== [[Help:Contents/Links#Interwiki_links|Internal (wiki) links]] to the most relevant Wikiversity pages (esp. related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|motivation and emotion book chapters]]) and [[w:|Wikipedia articles]]. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [[Emotional self-regulation]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Love styles and relationship satisfaction|Love styles and relationships]] (Book chapter, 2025) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Berenguer-Soler, M., Castillo-López, Á. G. del, & Piñeda, D. (2023). Breaking the cycle of emotional flooding: The protective role of women’s emotional intelligence in couple’s conflict. Frontiers in Psychology, 14. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2023.1217513 Castillo-López, Á. G., Berenguer-Soler, M., & Pineda, D. (2025). Relationship love styles’ effects on conflict, emotional intelligence, and sexual satisfaction: A latent profile analysis. SAGE Open, 15(3). https://doi.org/10.1177/21582440251358988 Del Vecchio, T., Lorber, M. F., Slep, A. M. S., Malik, J., Heyman, R. E., & Foran, H. M. (2016). Parental flooding during conflict: A psychometric evaluation of a new scale. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 44(8), 1587–1597. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10802-016-0137-9 Gottman, J. M. (1993). A theory of marital dissolution and stability. Journal of Family Psychology, 7(1), 57–75. Hooper, A., Spann, C., McCray, T., & Kimberly, C. (2017). Revisiting the basics: Understanding potential demographic differences with John Gottman’s four horsemen and emotional flooding. The Family Journal, 25(3), 224–229. https://doi.org/10.1177/1066480717710650 Malik, J., Heyman, R. E., & Smith Slep, A. M. (2020). Emotional flooding in response to negative affect in couple conflicts: Individual differences and correlates. Journal of Family Psychology, 34(2), 145–154. https://doi.org/10.1037/fam0000584 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://www.gottman.com/blog/making-sure-emotional-flooding-doesnt-capsize-your-relationship/ Emotional flooding] (The Gottman Institute) * [https://researchers.mq.edu.au/en/publications/emotional-flooding-and-hostile-discipline-in-the-families-of-todd/ Emotional flooding within family dynamics] (Macquarie University) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Relationships]] 7gocf3hbuhdvztv59fsnbjpjeh805lq 0 331572 2840284 2837225 2026-10-14T15:27:06Z U3239431 3106807 2840284 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Boredom and interest:<br>How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational states?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=5}} [[File:Student in Library Pittsburg State University.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. Cognitive engagement shifts dramatically depending on whether a learning task triggers state boredom or state interest.]] ; Case scenario:The tale of two study tasks Megan sits in the campus library preparing for an upcoming cognitive psychology examination. After twenty minutes of reading abstract, repetitive definitions of perceptual thresholds and psychophysical scaling, a heavy lethargy sets in: Megan repeatedly checks the clock, opens short-form social media videos, and experiences an aversive feeling of physical and mental restlessness. Later that evening, Megan switches to an interactive computer simulation analysing real-world flight simulator data and cognitive load thresholds; suddenly, Megan experiences heightened alertness, voluntary concentration, and loses all track of time (See figure 1.). Both tasks require intense cognitive exertion, yet one produces paralysing disengagement while the other elicits effortless immersion. What psychological mechanisms explain how our identical emotional appraisals transform identical cognitive demands into either profound boredom or energised interest? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This chapter explores the psychological science of boredom and interest, drawing on appraisal theories, the control-value framework, and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model to explain how these emotional states regulate motivation, attention, and goal-directed behaviour. State boredom functions as a pervasive, aversive psychological state characterised by low arousal, attentional disruption, perceived meaninglessness, and an unsatisfied desire for engagement. Conversely, state interest acts as a primary approach-oriented emotion that directs executive attention, promotes exploratory behaviour, and fosters intrinsic motivation. Both emotional states serve as critical self-regulatory barometers in daily life and academic settings, signalling when current activities lack subjective value or optimal challenge, thereby prompting behavioural realignments.   {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * How are boredom and interest defined, classified, and operationalised in cognitive and affective psychological science? * What cognitive appraisal processes and neurobiological networks mediate the transition between boredom and interest? * How do the control-value theory and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model explain the motivational outcomes of these emotional states? * What individual differences (e.g., boredom proneness, trait curiosity) influence vulnerability to boredom and the capacity for interest? * How can students, educators, and professionals implement psychological interventions to convert state boredom into productive situational and individual interest?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Conceptualising boredom: Definitions, typologies and functions == Boredom is a pervasive yet historically under-researched aversive emotional state defined by an inability to engage attention in satisfying activity, accompanied by distorted time perception and an urgent desire to escape the immediate setting. Far from being a simple lack of things to do, psychological science conceptualises boredom as a complex, multi-dimensional affective and cognitive phenomenon that serves vital self-regulatory functions while carrying significant vulnerability risks when chronic. ==== '''Attentional and phenomenological characteristics:''' ==== State boredom is primarily characterised as an attentional failure where individuals find themselves unable to direct cognitive focus toward internal thoughts or external tasks, while remaining acutely and painfully aware of this inability. Phenomenologically, boredom possesses distinct qualitative signatures, most notably "time drag"—the subjective, distorted perception that time is passing unusually slowly—coupled with a restless, agitated desire for alternative stimulation. Researchers emphasise the critical need to distinguish state boredom from related affective states: unlike apathy, which is marked by complete emotional indifference and flat affect, boredom involves an active, frustrated yearning for engagement. Similarly, while depression involves persistent sadness, feelings of worthlessness, and generalised anhedonia across all life domains, state boredom is typically tied to specific situational contexts or tasks where meaning or optimal challenge is absent. ==== '''Multidimensional typologies of boredom:''' ==== Challenging the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, contemporary experience sampling methodology (ESM) reveals that boredom manifests in several distinct phenomenological subtypes differentiated by their underlying valence and physiological activation. These subtypes capture the diverse ways individuals experience and react to unengaging environments:   * Indifferent boredom: A low-arousal, relaxed state akin to fatigue or mild relaxation, characterised by low positive and low negative affect where individuals feel content to drift without intense distress.   * Apathetic boredom: A distressing, low-arousal state characterised by total helplessness, withdrawal, and high negative affect, where the individual feels trapped with no viable means of escape.   * Calibrating boredom: A mild-arousal state featuring wandering thoughts and daydreams, where the individual is easily distracted and open to alternative environmental inputs.   * Searching boredom: An active, restless state characterised by the active, goal-directed pursuit of alternative actions, tasks, or environments to alleviate under-stimulation.   * Reactant boredom: A high-arousal, intensely aversive state featuring strong negative affect accompanied by aggressive urges to leave the setting, rebel against perceived constraints, and forcefully regain autonomy.   ==== '''Functional and evolutionary perspectives:''' ==== From an evolutionary standpoint, researchers conceptualise boredom not merely as a modern psychological nuisance, but as an adaptive "stop signal" designed by natural selection. When an organism remains in a static, unrewarding, or non-stimulating environment, the energetic costs of continued engagement outweigh potential adaptive benefits; boredom signals this mismatch, motivating exploratory foraging, task switching, or environmental modification. However, in modern educational and occupational contexts where physical escape or immediate task switching is constrained, this evolutionary alarm can misfire. When adaptive self-regulation fails, acute boredom frequently manifests as maladaptive coping mechanisms, such as impulsive sensation-seeking, high-risk behaviour, or compulsive digital media consumption. . == The psychology of interest: Appraisal structure and developmental phases == Interest operates as a counter-regulatory epistemic emotion that facilitates learning, exploration, and the acquisition of complex competencies. Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model demonstrates that interest is elicited by evaluations of novelty-complexity and coping potential. The primary appraisal evaluates whether an event or stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected, while the secondary appraisal assesses personal coping potential—the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive capacity and resources to comprehend and master the novel stimulus. Expanding beyond immediate state appraisals, Hidi and Renninger (2006) traced the evolution from transient environmental stimulation to enduring personal interest across four distinct phases. Phase 1 (Triggered Situational Interest) is externally elicited by surprising or vivid features, whereas Phase 2 (Maintained Situational Interest) involves sustained task engagement supported by meaningful learning activities. Phase 3 (Emerging Individual Interest) and Phase 4 (Well-Developed Individual Interest) are internally generated, characterised by stored knowledge, deep personal value, and self-regulated goal pursuit. Experiencing state interest stimulates spontaneous, focused attention, which reduces reliance on deliberate and effortful executive control. In educational environments, interest directly predicts the adoption of deep cognitive processing strategies over shallow surface memorisation. Furthermore, it serves as an emotional buffer against ego depletion, sustaining psychological resources during demanding tasks.<quiz display="simple"> {According to Silvia's (2008) appraisal model, high novelty-complexity automatically sparks interest, even if a person feels they have zero capacity or coping potential to understand it: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Theoretical frameworks: Control-value and Meaning-Attentional models == To understand how individuals transition between profound boredom and energised interest, psychological science relies on multidimensional theoretical frameworks that link cognitive appraisals, environmental demands, and emotional outcomes (Pekrun, 2006; Westgate & Wilson, 2018). Rather than viewing emotional and motivational states as static personality traits, contemporary models conceptualise state boredom and state interest as dynamic, functional barometers driven by continuous evaluations of control, value, novelty, and meaning (Silvia, 2008). These theoretical models provide the structural lens through which cognitive and motivational processes can be systematically analysed and applied. === Pekrun's control-value theory of achievement emotions === Pekrun's (2006) control-value theory posits that achievement emotions are systematically governed by two primary cognitive appraisals: subjective control, which is the perception of personal agency over an activity, and subjective value, which represents the personal importance assigned to outcomes. State boredom typically peaks under conditions of mismatched control and low intrinsic value, manifesting either as deficient control when demands overwhelm capability or excessive control when tasks are trivial (Pekrun et al., 2010). Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit (Schiefele, 1991). For example, a university psychology student forced to memorise exhaustive, repetitive lists of historical data without practical application experiences excessive control coupled with zero value, triggering acute boredom. Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic or attainment value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit. ==== Silvia's two-component appraisal model of interest ==== Complementing Pekrun's framework, Silvia's (2005, 2008) appraisal model explains that state interest is an epistemic emotion triggered by two sequential cognitive evaluations: novelty-complexity and coping potential.   * Primary appraisal: Evaluates whether a stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected. This evaluation automatically captures attention and initiates exploratory processing.   * Secondary appraisal: Assesses personal coping potential—the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive resources, knowledge, and skills required to master the stimulus.   When high novelty is paired with high coping potential, individuals experience intense epistemic interest. However, if a stimulus is novel but exceeds coping potential (i.e., it is too complex or confusing), the individual experiences anxiety or confusion rather than engagement. This highlights why optimal challenge is a prerequisite for interest development. ==== Westgate and Wilson's Meaning and Attentional Components model ==== While control-value theory focuses primarily on structured achievement contexts, Westgate and Wilson's (2018) Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model isolates the immediate psychological architecture of boredom. The MAC model proposes that boredom stems from two independent cognitive deficits:   # An attentional mismatch: Occurs when cognitive demands either overwhelm working memory capacity or fail to meet baseline neural stimulation thresholds.   # A meaning deficit: Arises when an activity lacks personal purpose, existential value, or relevance to broader life goals.   This theoretical distinction is crucial because it explains why individuals often experience profound disengagement even during routine, highly predictable tasks that they technically possess complete control and high coping potential over. An individual can easily pay attention to a boring task if they find inherent meaning in it; conversely, if an activity feels entirely purposeless, attention inevitably collapses regardless of how simple the task is to execute. ==== Sansone and Thoman's self-regulation of motivation model ==== Expanding on how individuals navigate these affective states, Sansone and Thoman (2005) proposed that learners actively self-regulate motivation by restructuring mundane tasks to make them more engaging. Individuals implement interest-enhancing strategies, such as creating personal mini-challenges or adding playful elements to otherwise tedious activities (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Long-term goal achievement therefore requires balancing disciplined effort with the dynamic generation of situational interest, bridging the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). ==== Critical perspective on theoretical integration ==== While these models provide robust explanations, a critical analysis reveals notable tensions between them. Pekrun's control-value theory treats control and value as broad global appraisals, whereas Silvia's model focuses sharply on micro-appraisals of novelty and coping potential. Integrating these frameworks reveals that boredom and interest are not absolute opposites on a single continuum, but rather dual regulatory systems. Boredom acts as a signal of misfit (attentional mismatch or meaning deficit), whereas interest acts as an approach signal of growth and mastery. Future theoretical models must better account for the neurobiological interplay between default mode network (DMN) mind-wandering and dopaminergic reward pathways to fully capture how these cognitive appraisals translate into physiological arousal.<quiz display="simple"> {According to the MAC model (Westgate & Wilson, 2018), a person can experience boredom during a task even when the difficulty is optimal, provided they find the activity lacking in personal meaning or value: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Research and empirical investigations == Psychological research has increasingly moved away from treating boredom and interest as minor emotional by-products, establishing them instead through rigorous empirical paradigms—including experience sampling methodology (Goetz et al., 2014), psychophysical attentional tasks (Eastwood et al., 2012), and longitudinal field interventions (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Critical evaluation of this literature reveals how structural task features interact with individual cognitive vulnerabilities to dictate whether engagement is maintained or collapses into aversive disengagement. These empirical findings provide the evidentiary foundation for understanding the real-world behavioural consequences of affective states. === Experience sampling methodology and boredom subtypes === Seminal empirical work by Goetz et al. (2014) transformed the assessment of academic emotions by deploying experience sampling methodology (ESM) across high school and university cohorts, capturing real-time emotional fluctuations in naturalistic learning environments rather than relying solely on retrospective student evaluations. Their findings empirically invalidated the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, identifying five distinct phenomenological subtypes (indifferent, apathetic, calibrating, searching, and reactant) that differ systematically in valence, cognitive appraisals, and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). Subsequent ecological momentary assessments (EMA) confirmed that these subtypes dictate downstream behaviour differently; for instance, searching and reactant subtypes prompt immediate, restless urges to escape the environment, whereas indifferent and apathetic subtypes manifest as cognitive withdrawal. While ESM possesses high ecological validity by minimising retrospective recall bias, methodological critiques highlight that repeated daily polling can induce participant fatigue, potentially skewing compliance rates or subtly altering natural emotional reporting patterns over extended longitudinal periods (Goetz et al., 2014). === Attentional failures versus meaning deficits in experimental studies === Investigating the underlying cognitive architecture of state boredom, Eastwood et al. (2012) utilised psychophysical and attentional tasks to demonstrate that boredom is fundamentally a bottom-up failure of sustained attention. Their laboratory experiments revealed that individuals experiencing state boredom exhibit distinct attentional impairments, remaining acutely aware of their inability to engage mental resources while struggling to sustain vigilance on monotonous stimuli (Eastwood et al., 2012). Challenging this purely attentional account, Westgate and Wilson (2018) conducted experimental studies demonstrating that under-stimulation is insufficient on its own to induce boredom if an activity possesses perceived subjective meaning. By examining participants left alone with their thoughts or performing repetitive tasks, Westgate and Wilson proved that top-down cognitive appraisals of personal utility act as an equally powerful buffer against disengagement. Synthesising these perspectives indicates that while Eastwood et al. (2012) highlight perceptual-attentional constraints and working memory mismatches, Westgate and Wilson (2018) establish that existential meaning deficits represent an independent pathway to disengagement. === Psychosocial consequences of trait boredom proneness and meta-analytic evidence === Population-based research utilising the Boredom Proneness Scale (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986) has consistently linked chronic trait susceptibility to severe psychosocial maladjustment and psychopathology. Recent systematic reviews and large-scale meta-analytic evidence confirm robust positive correlations between elevated boredom proneness and behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, emotional dysregulation, and depressive symptomatology (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). Expanding on these associations, recent comprehensive meta-analyses examining boredom and digital media use demonstrate a large positive pooled effect size (r=.342) between trait boredom and problematic digital media use, compared to a much smaller association with non-problematic use (r=.084) (Camerini et al., 2023). Longitudinal tracking demonstrates that individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened vulnerability to compulsive digital media consumption, utilising rapid-fire online scrolling and smartphone notifications as a maladaptive regulatory attempt to escape chronic under-arousal and down-regulate negative affect (Camerini et al., 2023). However, a critical limitation across much of this correlational literature is its heavy reliance on cross-sectional self-report designs, which restricts definitive causal inference due to shared-method variance and potential reporting biases, necessitating more prospective cross-lagged panel designs (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986; Danckert et al., 2018). === Psychophysiological and neurobiological underpinnings === Complementing behavioural paradigms, psychophysiological investigations demonstrate that boredom is accompanied by distinct autonomic and neural signatures. While early assumptions characterised boredom strictly as a low-arousal state, recent physiological tracking shows dynamic autonomic instability, characterised by alternating tonic-phasic heart rate variability and electrodermal activity shifts during prolonged monotonous tasks (Clay et al., 2024). Neurobiologically, functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies reveal that state boredom is associated with altered functional connectivity within the brain's default mode network (DMN), particularly involving the precuneus and medial prefrontal cortex (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals encounter monotonous or under-stimulating tasks, failure of frontoparietal control networks to suppress task-irrelevant DMN mind-wandering generates subjective restlessness and attentional lapses. In contrast, states of high interest recruit dopaminergic reward pathways (ventral striatum) and executive control networks, facilitating sustained, effortless cognitive focus without psychological depletion (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). === Experimental validation of interest and utility-value interventions === Moving from descriptive research to applied empirical trials, Hulleman and Harackiewicz (2009) conducted a landmark randomised controlled field experiment demonstrating the causal efficacy of cultivating situational interest. By assigning high school science students to write brief reflections connecting course material directly to their personal lives, the authors observed significant gains in both situational interest and final course performance, with strongest positive effects among students with low initial performance expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). These empirical findings validate Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation theory, proving that learners are not passive victims of uninteresting curricula; rather, targeted cognitive framing can successfully bridge the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Subsequent educational trials have replicated these findings across diverse learning contexts, proving that systematic manipulation of utility value successfully converts aversive state disengagement into sustained, approach-oriented engagement. ---- == Integration: Bridging theory and empirical research == Synthesising theoretical frameworks with contemporary empirical investigations reveals how cognitive appraisals, attentional mechanisms, and subjective valuations directly dictate real-world motivational outcomes. Rather than existing in academic isolation, psychological models of motivation and emotion are continuously shaped and validated by rigorous experimental and field research. By examining how empirical findings inform theoretical interpretations, we gain a comprehensive understanding of why individuals transition between profound disengagement and energised immersion. === Empirical validation and refinement of appraisal models === The alignment between Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model of interest and Goetz et al.'s (2014) experience sampling methodology (ESM) provides a prime example of theory-research integration. Silvia's model posits that state interest is triggered by primary appraisals of novelty-complexity and secondary appraisals of coping potential. Goetz et al.'s (2014) real-time ESM findings empirically substantiate this mechanism by demonstrating that student emotional states fluctuate dynamically in response to micro-appraisals during classroom instruction. Specifically, when instructional pacing matches student coping potential and introduces moderate novelty, high-arousal engagement and searching boredom subtypes are activated rather than passive apathetic withdrawal. Thus, empirical ESM data validates the dynamic, predictive utility of static appraisal theories in naturalistic settings. === Resolving theoretical tensions through experimental paradigms === Furthermore, empirical research directly addresses and reconciles apparent tensions between competing theoretical models of boredom. The ongoing scholarly debate between Eastwood et al. (2012), who conceptualise boredom primarily as a bottom-up attentional failure, and Westgate and Wilson (2018), who emphasise top-down meaning deficits via the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model, highlights the necessity of an integrated theoretical perspective. While Eastwood et al.'s psychophysical experiments prove that working memory and sustained attention impairments generate bottom-up disengagement during monotonous tasks, Westgate and Wilson's experimental trials demonstrate that top-down cognitive appraisals of personal utility can override under-stimulation. Integrating these findings with Pekrun's (2006) control-value framework reveals that comprehensive models of emotion must account for both perceptual-attentional constraints and existential meaning; an individual may possess complete cognitive control over a task, yet still experience acute boredom if top-down value appraisals are entirely absent. === Translating theory into self-regulation and applied interventions === Finally, the theoretical premise that learners are active agents of their own motivational states—as articulated in Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation model—finds robust causal validation in Hulleman and Harackiewicz's (2009) randomised controlled field experiments. By demonstrating that brief utility-value writing reflections significantly boost situational interest and academic performance, experimental research proves that targeted cognitive reframing bridges the gap between objective curriculum demands and subjective motivational relevance. This integration of theory and empirical trials confirms that interventions do not merely alter external environments; rather, they reshape the cognitive appraisals that govern emotional and motivational states, transforming aversive boredom into sustainable, lifelong engagement. == Individual differences: Trait boredom, curiosity, and personality == Individual differences in trait proneness and cognitive curiosity fundamentally moderate how environmental demands are appraised and experienced. Trait boredom is a stable personality susceptibility characterised by a chronic difficulty in engaging attention and finding meaning in daily activities. Individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened baseline vulnerability to behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, and psychological distress, frequently resorting to external stimulation to compensate for internal under-arousal. In contrast, trait curiosity, particularly epistemic and perceptual curiosity, acts as an intrinsic psychological resource that buffers against aversive disengagement. Highly curious individuals actively seek out novel, complex stimuli, framing challenging academic or occupational tasks as opportunities for exploration rather than sources of frustration. These distinct personality profiles demonstrate that vulnerability to boredom versus the capacity for interest is determined by an interaction between enduring trait structures and immediate task affordances. Neurobiologically, individual susceptibility to chronic boredom is linked to functional connectivity differences within the brain's default mode network (DMN). When individuals with high boredom proneness encounter monotonous tasks, their DMN fails to suppress task-irrelevant mind-wandering efficiently, leading to subjective restlessness and attentional lapses. Understanding these individual differences allows educators and practitioners to tailor learning environments to support vulnerable learners. === Psychological dimension matrix === Table 1 - <nowiki>''</nowiki>Comparison of Psychological Dimensions Between State Boredom and State Interest<nowiki>''</nowiki> {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! Dimension !State Boredom!! State Interest !! Key Citations |- | '''Affective Valence''' |Unpleasant, aversive|| Pleasant, invigorating || Eastwood et al. (2012); Silvia (2008) |- | '''Arousal Level''' |Variable (apathetic low to reactant high)|| Moderate to high (engaged alertness) || Goetz et al. (2014); Silvia (2005) |- |'''Attentional State''' |Effortful, frequent mind-wandering |Effortless absorption, sustained focus |Westgate & Wilson (2018) |- |'''Primary Appraisals''' |Low intrinsic value; control mismatch |High novelty-complexity; high coping |Pekrun (2006); Silvia (2008) |- |'''Motivational Goal''' |Avoidance, task-switching, escape |Approach, exploration, knowledge acquisition |Bench & Lench (2013); Hidi & Renninger (2006) |- |'''Time Perception''' |Overestimated ("time drags") |Underestimated ("time flies") |Eastwood et al. (2012) |} == Applied interventions: Transforming boredom into interest == Psychological science provides robust, actionable frameworks to convert maladaptive state boredom into productive situational and individual interest across educational and workplace settings. Effective interventions require targeted adjustments to environmental affordances and cognitive reappraisals, rather than merely increasing external pressure or discipline. By intentionally modifying task structures, individuals and educators can successfully restore subjective value and optimal challenge. One highly validated approach is the utility-value intervention, which requires learners to explicitly connect course material to their personal lives and long-term career goals. Experimental trials confirm that writing brief utility-value reflections significantly boosts situational interest and academic performance, particularly among individuals with low initial expectations. Furthermore, task-crafting allows individuals to introduce playful elements, personal mini-challenges, or autonomy into otherwise tedious routines, effectively bridging the gap between objective demands and subjective relevance. Finally, dynamically calibrating task difficulty ensures that cognitive demands align closely with an individual's current coping potential, preventing both deficient-control boredom and overload anxiety. By maintaining an optimal balance of challenge and perceived meaning, environments can foster sustained engagement and protect against psychological fatigue. ==Conclusion== How do boredom and interest shape our emotional and motivational lives? Psychological science reveals that state boredom and state interest act as powerful, complementary internal barometers that guide our daily attention and behaviour. Rather than being mere psychological nuisances or simple enjoyments, boredom functions as an adaptive evolutionary signal, warning us when an activity lacks personal meaning or fails to match our cognitive capacities, whereas interest serves as an approach-oriented engine driving exploration and mastery. As demonstrated by Pekrun's control-value theory, Silvia's appraisal framework, and Westgate and Wilson's Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model, these states are governed by continuous cognitive evaluations of control, value, novelty, and existential purpose. When these appraisals align, we enter states of effortless immersion; when they break down, disengagement and vulnerability to chronic distress follow. Crucially, we are not passive victims of unengaging environments. By applying targeted psychological strategies, such as utility-value reflections, task-crafting, and calibrating optimal challenges, students, educators, and professionals can successfully transform aversive boredom into enduring interest, bridging the gap between objective demands and personal fulfilment. ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Attention|Attention]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Boredom|Boredom]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Curiosity|Curiosity]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Curiosity and interest|Curiosity and interest]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2021) * [[wikipedia:Flow (psychology)|Flow (psychology)]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Flow and optimal experience|Flow and optimal experience]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2020) * [[wikipedia:Interest (emotion)|Interest (emotion)]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/Intrinsic motivation in education|Intrinsic motivation in education]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2019) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Metacognition and emotional regulation|Metacognition and emotional regulation]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2022/Self-regulation and academic procrastination|Self-regulation and academic procrastination]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2022) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bench, S. 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Boredom in achievement settings: Exploring control–value antecedents and performance outcomes of a neglected emotion. Journal of Educational Psychology, 102(3), 531–549. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0019243 Renninger, K.A., & Hidi, S. (2015). The Power of Interest for Motivation and Engagement (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315771045 Sansone, C., & Thoman, D. B. (2005). Interest as the Missing Motivator in Self-Regulation. European Psychologist, 10(3), 175–186. https://doi.org/10.1027/1016-9040.10.3.175 Schiefele, U. (1991). Interest, Learning, and Motivation. Educational Psychologist, 26(3–4), 299–323. https://doi.org/10.1080/00461520.1991.9653136 Silvia, P. J. (2005). What is interesting? Exploring the appraisal structure of interest. Emotion, 5(1), 89–102. https://doi.org/10.1037/1528-3542.5.1.89. Silvia, P. J. (2008). Interest—The curious emotion. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 17(1), 57–60. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8721.2008.00548.x. Westgate, E. C., & Wilson, T. D. (2018). Boring by design: A Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model of boredom. Psychological Review, 125(5), 689–713. https://doi.org/10.1037/rev0000097. }} ==External links== * [https://www.hiddenbrain.org/podcast/boredom/ Boredom] (Hidden Brain Media) * [https://www.ted.com/talks/manoush_zomorodi_how_boredom_can_lead_to_your_most_brilliant_ideas How boredom can lead to your most brilliant ideas] (TED) * [https://www.artofmanliness.com/character/self-improvement/podcast-686-the-psychology-of-boredom/ The psychology of boredom] (The Art of Manliness) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Boredom]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Interest]] kpr10aoqnm7kd8ec0b5r5o388j50a9t 2840286 2840284 2026-10-14T15:50:43Z U3239431 3106807 2840286 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Boredom and interest:<br>How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational states?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=5}} [[File:Student in Library Pittsburg State University.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. Cognitive engagement shifts dramatically depending on whether a learning task triggers state boredom or state interest.]] ; Case scenario:The tale of two study tasks Megan sits in the campus library preparing for an upcoming cognitive psychology examination. After twenty minutes of reading abstract, repetitive definitions of perceptual thresholds and psychophysical scaling, a heavy lethargy sets in: Megan repeatedly checks the clock, opens short-form social media videos, and experiences an aversive feeling of physical and mental restlessness. Later that evening, Megan switches to an interactive computer simulation analysing real-world flight simulator data and cognitive load thresholds; suddenly, Megan experiences heightened alertness, voluntary concentration, and loses all track of time (See figure 1.). Both tasks require intense cognitive exertion, yet one produces paralysing disengagement while the other elicits effortless immersion. What psychological mechanisms explain how our identical emotional appraisals transform identical cognitive demands into either profound boredom or energised interest? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This chapter explores the psychological science of boredom and interest, drawing on appraisal theories, the control-value framework, and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model to explain how these emotional states regulate motivation, attention, and goal-directed behaviour. State boredom functions as a pervasive, aversive psychological state characterised by low arousal, attentional disruption, perceived meaninglessness, and an unsatisfied desire for engagement. Conversely, state interest acts as a primary approach-oriented emotion that directs executive attention, promotes exploratory behaviour, and fosters intrinsic [[motivation]]. Both emotional states serve as critical self-regulatory barometers in daily life and academic settings, signalling when current activities lack subjective value or optimal challenge, thereby prompting behavioural realignments.   {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * How are boredom and interest defined, classified, and operationalised in cognitive and affective psychological science? * What cognitive appraisal processes and neurobiological networks mediate the transition between boredom and interest? * How do the control-value theory and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model explain the motivational outcomes of these emotional states? * What individual differences (e.g., boredom proneness, trait curiosity) influence vulnerability to boredom and the capacity for interest? * How can students, educators, and professionals implement psychological interventions to convert state boredom into productive situational and individual interest?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Conceptualising boredom: Definitions, typologies and functions == Boredom is a pervasive yet historically under-researched aversive emotional state defined by an inability to engage attention in satisfying activity, accompanied by distorted time perception and an urgent desire to escape the immediate setting. Far from being a simple lack of things to do, psychological science conceptualises boredom as a complex, multi-dimensional affective and cognitive phenomenon that serves vital self-regulatory functions while carrying significant vulnerability risks when chronic. ==== '''Attentional and phenomenological characteristics''' ==== State boredom is primarily characterised as an attentional failure where individuals find themselves unable to direct cognitive focus toward internal thoughts or external tasks, while remaining acutely and painfully aware of this inability (Eastwood et al., 2012). Phenomenologically, boredom possesses distinct qualitative signatures, most notably "time drag", the subjective, distorted perception that time is passing unusually slowly, coupled with a restless, agitated desire for alternative stimulation. Researchers emphasise the critical need to distinguish state boredom from related affective states: unlike apathy, which is marked by complete emotional indifference and flat affect, boredom involves an active, frustrated yearning for engagement. Similarly, while depression involves persistent sadness, feelings of worthlessness, and generalised anhedonia across all life domains, state boredom is typically tied to specific situational contexts or tasks where meaning or optimal challenge is absent (Danckert et al., 2018; Eastwood et al., 2012). ==== '''Multidimensional typologies of boredom''' ==== Challenging the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, contemporary experience sampling methodology (ESM) reveals that boredom manifests in several distinct phenomenological subtypes differentiated by their underlying valence and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). These subtypes capture the diverse ways individuals experience and react to unengaging environments:   * Indifferent boredom: A low-arousal, relaxed state akin to fatigue or mild relaxation, characterised by low positive and low negative affect where individuals feel content to drift without intense distress.   * Apathetic boredom: A distressing, low-arousal state characterised by total helplessness, withdrawal, and high negative affect, where the individual feels trapped with no viable means of escape.   * Calibrating boredom: A mild-arousal state featuring wandering thoughts and daydreams, where the individual is easily distracted and open to alternative environmental inputs.   * Searching boredom: An active, restless state characterised by the active, goal-directed pursuit of alternative actions, tasks, or environments to alleviate under-stimulation.   * Reactant boredom: A high-arousal, intensely aversive state featuring strong negative affect accompanied by aggressive urges to leave the setting, rebel against perceived constraints, and forcefully regain autonomy.   ==== '''Functional and evolutionary perspectives''' ==== From an evolutionary standpoint, researchers conceptualise boredom not merely as a modern psychological nuisance, but as an adaptive "stop signal" designed by natural selection (Bench & Lench, 2013). When an organism remains in a static, unrewarding, or non-stimulating environment, the energetic costs of continued engagement outweigh potential adaptive benefits; boredom signals this mismatch, motivating exploratory foraging, task switching, or environmental modification (Danckert et al., 2018). However, in modern educational and occupational contexts where physical escape or immediate task switching is constrained, this evolutionary alarm can misfire. When adaptive self-regulation fails, acute boredom frequently manifests as maladaptive coping mechanisms, such as impulsive sensation-seeking, high-risk behaviour, or compulsive digital media consumption (Camerini et al., 2023). == The psychology of interest: Appraisal structure and developmental phases == Interest operates as a counter-regulatory epistemic emotion that facilitates learning, exploration, and the acquisition of complex competencies. Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model demonstrates that interest is elicited by evaluations of novelty-complexity and coping potential. The primary appraisal evaluates whether an event or stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected, while the secondary appraisal assesses personal coping potential, the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive capacity and resources to comprehend and master the novel stimulus. Expanding beyond immediate state appraisals, Hidi and Renninger (2006) traced the evolution from transient environmental stimulation to enduring personal interest across four distinct phases. Phase 1 (Triggered Situational Interest) is externally elicited by surprising or vivid features, whereas Phase 2 (Maintained Situational Interest) involves sustained task engagement supported by meaningful learning activities. Phase 3 (Emerging Individual Interest) and Phase 4 (Well-Developed Individual Interest) are internally generated, characterised by stored knowledge, deep personal value, and self-regulated goal pursuit. Experiencing state interest stimulates spontaneous, focused attention, which reduces reliance on deliberate and effortful executive control (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). In educational environments, interest directly predicts the adoption of deep cognitive processing strategies over shallow surface memorisation (Schiefele, 1991). Furthermore, it serves as an emotional buffer against ego depletion, sustaining psychological resources during demanding tasks (Silvia, 2008; Thoman et al., 2011).<quiz display="simple"> {According to Silvia's (2008) appraisal model, high novelty-complexity automatically sparks interest, even if a person feels they have zero capacity or coping potential to understand it: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Theoretical frameworks: Control-value and Meaning-Attentional models == To understand how individuals transition between profound boredom and energised interest, psychological science relies on multidimensional theoretical frameworks that link cognitive appraisals, environmental demands, and emotional outcomes (Pekrun, 2006; Westgate & Wilson, 2018). Rather than viewing emotional and motivational states as static personality traits, contemporary models conceptualise state boredom and state interest as dynamic, functional barometers driven by continuous evaluations of control, value, novelty, and meaning (Silvia, 2008). These theoretical models provide the structural lens through which cognitive and motivational processes can be systematically analysed and applied. === Pekrun's control-value theory of achievement emotions === Pekrun's (2006) control-value theory posits that achievement emotions are systematically governed by two primary cognitive appraisals: subjective control, which is the perception of personal agency over an activity, and subjective value, which represents the personal importance assigned to outcomes. State boredom typically peaks under conditions of mismatched control and low intrinsic value, manifesting either as deficient control when demands overwhelm capability or excessive control when tasks are trivial (Pekrun et al., 2010). Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit (Schiefele, 1991). For example, in the opening scenario, when Megan is forced to memorise exhaustive, repetitive lists of historical data without practical application experiences excessive control coupled with zero value, triggering acute boredom. Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic or attainment value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit. === Silvia's two-component appraisal model of interest === Complementing Pekrun's framework, Silvia's (2005, 2008) appraisal model explains that state interest is an epistemic emotion triggered by two sequential cognitive evaluations: novelty-complexity and coping potential.   * Primary appraisal: Evaluates whether a stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected. This evaluation automatically captures attention and initiates exploratory processing.   * Secondary appraisal: Assesses personal coping potential—the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive resources, knowledge, and skills required to master the stimulus.   When high novelty is paired with high coping potential, individuals experience intense epistemic interest. However, if a stimulus is novel but exceeds coping potential (i.e., it is too complex or confusing), the individual experiences anxiety or confusion rather than engagement. This highlights why optimal challenge is a prerequisite for interest development. === Westgate and Wilson's Meaning and Attentional Components model === While control-value theory focuses primarily on structured achievement contexts, Westgate and Wilson's (2018) Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model isolates the immediate psychological architecture of boredom. The MAC model proposes that boredom stems from two independent cognitive deficits:   # An attentional mismatch: Occurs when cognitive demands either overwhelm working memory capacity or fail to meet baseline neural stimulation thresholds.   # A meaning deficit: Arises when an activity lacks personal purpose, existential value, or relevance to broader life goals.   This theoretical distinction is crucial because it explains why individuals often experience profound disengagement even during routine, highly predictable tasks that they technically possess complete control and high coping potential over. An individual can easily pay attention to a boring task if they find inherent meaning in it; conversely, if an activity feels entirely purposeless, attention inevitably collapses regardless of how simple the task is to execute. === Sansone and Thoman's self-regulation of motivation model === Expanding on how individuals navigate these affective states, Sansone and Thoman (2005) proposed that learners actively self-regulate motivation by restructuring mundane tasks to make them more engaging. Individuals implement interest-enhancing strategies, such as creating personal mini-challenges or adding playful elements to otherwise tedious activities (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Long-term goal achievement therefore requires balancing disciplined effort with the dynamic generation of situational interest, bridging the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). === Critical perspective on theoretical integration === While these models provide robust explanations, a critical analysis reveals notable tensions between them. Pekrun's control-value theory treats control and value as broad global appraisals, whereas Silvia's model focuses sharply on micro-appraisals of novelty and coping potential. Integrating these frameworks reveals that boredom and interest are not absolute opposites on a single continuum, but rather dual regulatory systems. Boredom acts as a signal of misfit (attentional mismatch or meaning deficit), whereas interest acts as an approach signal of growth and mastery. Future theoretical models must better account for the neurobiological interplay between default mode network (DMN) mind-wandering and dopaminergic reward pathways to fully capture how these cognitive appraisals translate into physiological arousal.<quiz display="simple"> {According to the MAC model (Westgate & Wilson, 2018), a person can experience boredom during a task even when the difficulty is optimal, provided they find the activity lacking in personal meaning or value: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Research and empirical investigations == Psychological research has increasingly moved away from treating boredom and interest as minor emotional by-products, establishing them instead through rigorous empirical paradigms, including experience sampling methodology (Goetz et al., 2014), psychophysical attentional tasks (Eastwood et al., 2012), and longitudinal field interventions (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Critical evaluation of this literature reveals how structural task features interact with individual cognitive vulnerabilities to dictate whether engagement is maintained or collapses into aversive disengagement. These empirical findings provide the evidentiary foundation for understanding the real-world behavioural consequences of affective states. === Experience sampling methodology and boredom subtypes === Seminal empirical work by Goetz et al. (2014) transformed the assessment of academic emotions by deploying experience sampling methodology (ESM) across high school and university cohorts, capturing real-time emotional fluctuations in naturalistic learning environments rather than relying solely on retrospective student evaluations. Their findings empirically invalidated the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, identifying five distinct phenomenological subtypes (indifferent, apathetic, calibrating, searching, and reactant) that differ systematically in valence, cognitive appraisals, and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). Subsequent ecological momentary assessments (EMA) confirmed that these subtypes dictate downstream behaviour differently; for instance, searching and reactant subtypes prompt immediate, restless urges to escape the environment, whereas indifferent and apathetic subtypes manifest as cognitive withdrawal. While ESM possesses high ecological validity by minimising retrospective recall bias, methodological critiques highlight that repeated daily polling can induce participant fatigue, potentially skewing compliance rates or subtly altering natural emotional reporting patterns over extended longitudinal periods (Goetz et al., 2014). === Attentional failures versus meaning deficits in experimental studies === Investigating the underlying cognitive architecture of state boredom, Eastwood et al. (2012) utilised psychophysical and attentional tasks to demonstrate that boredom is fundamentally a bottom-up failure of sustained attention. Their laboratory experiments revealed that individuals experiencing state boredom exhibit distinct attentional impairments, remaining acutely aware of their inability to engage mental resources while struggling to sustain vigilance on monotonous stimuli (Eastwood et al., 2012). Challenging this purely attentional account, Westgate and Wilson (2018) conducted experimental studies demonstrating that under-stimulation is insufficient on its own to induce boredom if an activity possesses perceived subjective meaning. By examining participants left alone with their thoughts or performing repetitive tasks, Westgate and Wilson proved that top-down cognitive appraisals of personal utility act as an equally powerful buffer against disengagement. Synthesising these perspectives indicates that while Eastwood et al. (2012) highlight perceptual-attentional constraints and working memory mismatches, Westgate and Wilson (2018) establish that existential meaning deficits represent an independent pathway to disengagement. === Psychosocial consequences of trait boredom proneness and meta-analytic evidence === Population-based research utilising the Boredom Proneness Scale (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986) has consistently linked chronic trait susceptibility to severe psychosocial maladjustment and psychopathology. Recent systematic reviews and large-scale meta-analytic evidence confirm robust positive correlations between elevated boredom proneness and behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, emotional dysregulation, and depressive symptomatology (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). Expanding on these associations, recent comprehensive meta-analyses examining boredom and digital media use demonstrate a large positive pooled effect size (''r''=.342) between trait boredom and problematic digital media use, compared to a much smaller association with non-problematic use (''r''=.084) (Camerini et al., 2023). Longitudinal tracking demonstrates that individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened vulnerability to compulsive digital media consumption, utilising rapid-fire online scrolling and smartphone notifications as a maladaptive regulatory attempt to escape chronic under-arousal and down-regulate negative affect (Camerini et al., 2023). However, a critical limitation across much of this correlational literature is its heavy reliance on cross-sectional self-report designs, which restricts definitive causal inference due to shared-method variance and potential reporting biases, necessitating more prospective cross-lagged panel designs (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986; Danckert et al., 2018) === Psychophysiological and neurobiological underpinnings === Complementing behavioural paradigms, psychophysiological investigations demonstrate that boredom is accompanied by distinct autonomic and neural signatures. While early assumptions characterised boredom strictly as a low-arousal state, recent physiological tracking shows dynamic autonomic instability, characterised by alternating tonic-phasic heart rate variability and electrodermal activity shifts during prolonged monotonous tasks (Clay et al., 2024). Neurobiologically, functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies reveal that state boredom is associated with altered functional connectivity within the brain's default mode network (DMN), particularly involving the precuneus and medial prefrontal cortex (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals encounter monotonous or under-stimulating tasks, failure of frontoparietal control networks to suppress task-irrelevant DMN mind-wandering generates subjective restlessness and attentional lapses. In contrast, states of high interest recruit dopaminergic reward pathways (ventral striatum) and executive control networks, facilitating sustained, effortless cognitive focus without psychological depletion (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). === Experimental validation of interest and utility-value interventions === Moving from descriptive research to applied empirical trials, Hulleman and Harackiewicz (2009) conducted a landmark randomised controlled field experiment demonstrating the causal efficacy of cultivating situational interest. By assigning high school science students to write brief reflections connecting course material directly to their personal lives, the authors observed significant gains in both situational interest and final course performance, with strongest positive effects among students with low initial performance expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). These empirical findings validate Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation theory, proving that learners are not passive victims of uninteresting curricula; rather, targeted cognitive framing can successfully bridge the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Subsequent educational trials have replicated these findings across diverse learning contexts, proving that systematic manipulation of utility value successfully converts aversive state disengagement into sustained, approach-oriented engagement. == Integration: Bridging theory and empirical research == Synthesising theoretical frameworks with contemporary empirical investigations reveals how cognitive appraisals, attentional mechanisms, and subjective valuations directly dictate real-world motivational outcomes. Rather than existing in academic isolation, psychological models of motivation and emotion are continuously shaped and validated by rigorous experimental and field research. By examining how empirical findings inform theoretical interpretations, researchers and practitioners gain a comprehensive understanding of why individuals transition between profound disengagement and energised immersion. === Empirical validation and refinement of appraisal models === The alignment between Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model of interest and Goetz et al.'s (2014) experience sampling methodology (ESM) provides a prime example of theory-research integration. Silvia's model posits that state interest is triggered by primary appraisals of novelty-complexity and secondary appraisals of coping potential. Goetz et al.'s (2014) real-time ESM findings empirically substantiate this mechanism by demonstrating that student emotional states fluctuate dynamically in response to micro-appraisals during classroom instruction. Specifically, when instructional pacing matches student coping potential and introduces moderate novelty, high-arousal engagement and searching boredom subtypes are activated rather than passive apathetic withdrawal. Thus, empirical ESM data validates the dynamic, predictive utility of static appraisal theories in naturalistic settings. === Resolving theoretical tensions through experimental paradigms === Furthermore, empirical research directly addresses and reconciles apparent tensions between competing theoretical models of boredom. The ongoing scholarly debate between Eastwood et al. (2012), who conceptualise boredom primarily as a bottom-up attentional failure, and Westgate and Wilson (2018), who emphasise top-down meaning deficits via the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model, highlights the necessity of an integrated theoretical perspective. While Eastwood et al.'s psychophysical experiments prove that working memory and sustained attention impairments generate bottom-up disengagement during monotonous tasks, Westgate and Wilson's experimental trials demonstrate that top-down cognitive appraisals of personal utility can override under-stimulation. Integrating these findings with Pekrun's (2006) control-value framework reveals that comprehensive models of emotion must account for both perceptual-attentional constraints and existential meaning; an individual may possess complete cognitive control over a task, yet still experience acute boredom if top-down value appraisals are entirely absent. === Translating theory into self-regulation and applied interventions === Finally, the theoretical premise that learners are active agents of their own motivational states, as articulated in Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation model, finds robust causal validation in Hulleman and Harackiewicz's (2009) randomised controlled field experiments. By demonstrating that brief utility-value writing reflections significantly boost situational interest and academic performance, experimental research proves that targeted cognitive reframing bridges the gap between objective curriculum demands and subjective motivational relevance. This integration of theory and empirical trials confirms that interventions do not merely alter external environments; rather, they reshape the cognitive appraisals that govern emotional and motivational states, transforming aversive boredom into sustainable, lifelong engagement. == Individual differences: Trait boredom, curiosity, and personality == Individual differences in trait proneness and cognitive curiosity fundamentally moderate how environmental demands are appraised and experienced. Trait boredom is a stable personality susceptibility characterised by a chronic difficulty in engaging attention and finding meaning in daily activities (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986). Individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened baseline vulnerability to behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, and psychological distress, frequently resorting to external stimulation to compensate for internal under-arousal (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). In contrast, trait curiosity, particularly epistemic and perceptual curiosity, acts as an intrinsic psychological resource that buffers against aversive disengagement (Litman, 2005). Highly curious individuals actively seek out novel, complex stimuli, framing challenging academic or occupational tasks as opportunities for exploration rather than sources of frustration (Litman, 2005; Silvia, 2008). These distinct personality profiles demonstrate that vulnerability to boredom versus the capacity for interest is determined by an interaction between enduring trait structures and immediate task affordances. Neurobiologically, individual susceptibility to chronic boredom is linked to functional connectivity differences within the brain's default mode network (DMN) (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals with high boredom proneness encounter monotonous tasks, their DMN fails to suppress task-irrelevant mind-wandering efficiently, leading to subjective restlessness and attentional lapses (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). Understanding these individual differences allows educators and practitioners to tailor learning environments to support vulnerable learners. === Psychological dimension matrix === Although state boredom and state interest operate as dual self-regulatory signals, they diverge sharply across core affective, cognitive, and motivational dimensions (see Table 1). '''Table 1''' ''Comparison of Psychological Dimensions Between State Boredom and State Interest'' {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! Dimension !State Boredom!! State Interest !! Key Citations |- | '''Affective Valence''' |Unpleasant, aversive|| Pleasant, invigorating || Eastwood et al. (2012); Silvia (2008) |- | '''Arousal Level''' |Variable (apathetic low to reactant high)|| Moderate to high (engaged alertness) || Goetz et al. (2014); Silvia (2005) |- |'''Attentional State''' |Effortful, frequent mind-wandering |Effortless absorption, sustained focus |Westgate & Wilson (2018) |- |'''Primary Appraisals''' |Low intrinsic value; control mismatch |High novelty-complexity; high coping |Pekrun (2006); Silvia (2008) |- |'''Motivational Goal''' |Avoidance, task-switching, escape |Approach, exploration, knowledge acquisition |Bench & Lench (2013); Hidi & Renninger (2006) |- |'''Time Perception''' |Overestimated ("time drags") |Underestimated ("time flies") |Eastwood et al. (2012) |} == Applied interventions: Transforming boredom into interest == Psychological science provides robust, actionable frameworks to convert maladaptive state boredom into productive situational and individual interest across educational and workplace settings. Effective interventions require targeted adjustments to environmental affordances and cognitive reappraisals, rather than merely increasing external pressure or discipline. By intentionally modifying task structures, individuals and educators can successfully restore subjective value and optimal challenge (Pekrun, 2006; Westgate & Wilson, 2018). One highly validated approach is the utility-value intervention, which requires learners to explicitly connect course material to their personal lives and long-term career goals. Experimental trials confirm that writing brief utility-value reflections significantly boosts situational interest and academic performance, particularly among individuals with low initial expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Furthermore, task-crafting allows individuals to introduce playful elements, personal mini-challenges, or autonomy into otherwise tedious routines, effectively bridging the gap between objective demands and subjective relevance (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Finally, dynamically calibrating task difficulty ensures that cognitive demands align closely with an individual's current coping potential, preventing both deficient-control boredom and overload anxiety (Pekrun, 2006; Silvia, 2008). By maintaining an optimal balance of challenge and perceived meaning, environments can foster sustained engagement and protect against psychological fatigue (Renninger & Hidi, 2015). ==Conclusion== How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational lives? Psychological science reveals that state boredom and state interest act as powerful, complementary internal barometers that guide daily attention and behaviour. Rather than being mere psychological nuisances or simple enjoyments, boredom functions as an adaptive evolutionary signal, warning individuals when an activity lacks personal meaning or fails to match their cognitive capacities, whereas interest serves as an approach-oriented engine driving exploration and mastery. As demonstrated by Pekrun's control-value theory, Silvia's appraisal framework, and Westgate and Wilson's Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model, these states are governed by continuous cognitive evaluations of control, value, novelty, and existential purpose. When these appraisals align, learners enter states of effortless immersion; when they break down, disengagement and vulnerability to chronic distress follow. Crucially, individuals are not passive victims of unengaging environments. By applying targeted psychological strategies, such as utility-value reflections, task-crafting, and calibrating optimal challenges, students, educators, and professionals can successfully transform aversive boredom into enduring interest, bridging the gap between objective demands and personal fulfilment. ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Attention|Attention]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Boredom|Boredom]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Curiosity|Curiosity]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Curiosity and interest|Curiosity and interest]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2021) * [[wikipedia:Flow (psychology)|Flow (psychology)]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Flow and optimal experience|Flow and optimal experience]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2020) * [[wikipedia:Interest (emotion)|Interest (emotion)]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/Intrinsic motivation in education|Intrinsic motivation in education]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2019) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Metacognition and emotional regulation|Metacognition and emotional regulation]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2022/Self-regulation and academic procrastination|Self-regulation and academic procrastination]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2022) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= * Bench, S. 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(2011). The resource replenishment function of interest. ''Social Psychological and Personality Science'', ''2''(6), 592–599. https://doi.org/10.1177/1948550611402521 * Westgate, E. C., & Wilson, T. D. (2018). Boring by design: A Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model of boredom. ''Psychological Review'', ''125''(5), 689–713. https://doi.org/10.1037/rev0000097 }} ==External links== * [https://www.hiddenbrain.org/podcast/boredom/ Boredom] (Hidden Brain Media) * [https://www.ted.com/talks/manoush_zomorodi_how_boredom_can_lead_to_your_most_brilliant_ideas How boredom can lead to your most brilliant ideas] (TED) * [https://www.artofmanliness.com/character/self-improvement/podcast-686-the-psychology-of-boredom/ The psychology of boredom] (The Art of Manliness) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Boredom]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Interest]] my18qc5cg2whdjruad4199o0u0ubakw 2840287 2840286 2026-10-14T15:54:51Z U3239431 3106807 2840287 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Boredom and interest:<br>How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational states?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=5}} [[File:Student in Library Pittsburg State University.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. Cognitive engagement shifts dramatically depending on whether a learning task triggers state boredom or state interest.]] ; Case scenario:The tale of two study tasks Megan sits in the campus library preparing for an upcoming cognitive psychology examination. After twenty minutes of reading abstract, repetitive definitions of perceptual thresholds and psychophysical scaling, a heavy lethargy sets in: Megan repeatedly checks the clock, opens short-form social media videos, and experiences an aversive feeling of physical and mental restlessness. Later that evening, Megan switches to an interactive computer simulation analysing real-world flight simulator data and cognitive load thresholds; suddenly, Megan experiences heightened alertness, voluntary concentration, and loses all track of time (See figure 1.). Both tasks require intense cognitive exertion, yet one produces paralysing disengagement while the other elicits effortless immersion. What psychological mechanisms explain how our identical emotional appraisals transform identical cognitive demands into either profound boredom or energised interest? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This chapter explores the psychological science of [[wikipedia:Boredom|boredom]] and interest, drawing on appraisal theories, the control-value framework, and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model to explain how these emotional states regulate [[motivation]], [[wikipedia:Attention|attention]], and goal-directed behaviour. State boredom functions as a pervasive, aversive psychological state characterised by low arousal, attentional disruption, perceived meaninglessness, and an unsatisfied desire for engagement. Conversely, state interest acts as a primary approach-oriented emotion that directs executive attention, promotes exploratory behaviour, and fosters intrinsic motivation. Both emotional states serve as critical self-regulatory indicators in daily life and academic settings, signalling when current activities lack subjective value or optimal challenge, thereby prompting behavioural realignments.   {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * How are boredom and interest defined, classified, and operationalised in cognitive and affective psychological science? * What cognitive appraisal processes and neurobiological networks mediate the transition between boredom and interest? * How do the control-value theory and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model explain the motivational outcomes of these emotional states? * What individual differences (e.g., boredom proneness, trait curiosity) influence vulnerability to boredom and the capacity for interest? * How can students, educators, and professionals implement psychological interventions to convert state boredom into productive situational and individual interest?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Conceptualising boredom: Definitions, typologies and functions == Boredom is a pervasive yet historically under-researched aversive emotional state defined by an inability to engage attention in satisfying activity, accompanied by distorted time perception and an urgent desire to escape the immediate setting. Far from being a simple lack of things to do, psychological science conceptualises boredom as a complex, multi-dimensional affective and cognitive phenomenon that serves vital self-regulatory functions while carrying significant vulnerability risks when chronic. ==== '''Attentional and phenomenological characteristics''' ==== State boredom is primarily characterised as an attentional failure where individuals find themselves unable to direct cognitive focus toward internal thoughts or external tasks, while remaining acutely and painfully aware of this inability (Eastwood et al., 2012). Phenomenologically, boredom possesses distinct qualitative signatures, most notably "time drag", the subjective, distorted perception that time is passing unusually slowly, coupled with a restless, agitated desire for alternative stimulation. Researchers emphasise the critical need to distinguish state boredom from related affective states: unlike apathy, which is marked by complete emotional indifference and flat affect, boredom involves an active, frustrated yearning for engagement. Similarly, while depression involves persistent sadness, feelings of worthlessness, and generalised anhedonia across all life domains, state boredom is typically tied to specific situational contexts or tasks where meaning or optimal challenge is absent (Danckert et al., 2018; Eastwood et al., 2012). ==== '''Multidimensional typologies of boredom''' ==== Challenging the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, contemporary experience sampling methodology (ESM) reveals that boredom manifests in several distinct phenomenological subtypes differentiated by their underlying valence and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). These subtypes capture the diverse ways individuals experience and react to unengaging environments:   * Indifferent boredom: A low-arousal, relaxed state akin to fatigue or mild relaxation, characterised by low positive and low negative affect where individuals feel content to drift without intense distress.   * Apathetic boredom: A distressing, low-arousal state characterised by total helplessness, withdrawal, and high negative affect, where the individual feels trapped with no viable means of escape.   * Calibrating boredom: A mild-arousal state featuring wandering thoughts and daydreams, where the individual is easily distracted and open to alternative environmental inputs.   * Searching boredom: An active, restless state characterised by the active, goal-directed pursuit of alternative actions, tasks, or environments to alleviate under-stimulation.   * Reactant boredom: A high-arousal, intensely aversive state featuring strong negative affect accompanied by aggressive urges to leave the setting, rebel against perceived constraints, and forcefully regain autonomy.   ==== '''Functional and evolutionary perspectives''' ==== From an evolutionary standpoint, researchers conceptualise boredom not merely as a modern psychological nuisance, but as an adaptive "stop signal" designed by natural selection (Bench & Lench, 2013). When an organism remains in a static, unrewarding, or non-stimulating environment, the energetic costs of continued engagement outweigh potential adaptive benefits; boredom signals this mismatch, motivating exploratory foraging, task switching, or environmental modification (Danckert et al., 2018). However, in modern educational and occupational contexts where physical escape or immediate task switching is constrained, this evolutionary alarm can misfire. When adaptive self-regulation fails, acute boredom frequently manifests as maladaptive coping mechanisms, such as impulsive sensation-seeking, high-risk behaviour, or compulsive digital media consumption (Camerini et al., 2023). == The psychology of interest: Appraisal structure and developmental phases == Interest operates as a counter-regulatory epistemic emotion that facilitates learning, exploration, and the acquisition of complex competencies. Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model demonstrates that interest is elicited by evaluations of novelty-complexity and coping potential. The primary appraisal evaluates whether an event or stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected, while the secondary appraisal assesses personal coping potential, the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive capacity and resources to comprehend and master the novel stimulus. Expanding beyond immediate state appraisals, Hidi and Renninger (2006) traced the evolution from transient environmental stimulation to enduring personal interest across four distinct phases. Phase 1 (Triggered Situational Interest) is externally elicited by surprising or vivid features, whereas Phase 2 (Maintained Situational Interest) involves sustained task engagement supported by meaningful learning activities. Phase 3 (Emerging Individual Interest) and Phase 4 (Well-Developed Individual Interest) are internally generated, characterised by stored knowledge, deep personal value, and self-regulated goal pursuit. Experiencing state interest stimulates spontaneous, focused attention, which reduces reliance on deliberate and effortful executive control (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). In educational environments, interest directly predicts the adoption of deep cognitive processing strategies over shallow surface memorisation (Schiefele, 1991). Furthermore, it serves as an emotional buffer against ego depletion, sustaining psychological resources during demanding tasks (Silvia, 2008; Thoman et al., 2011).<quiz display="simple"> {According to Silvia's (2008) appraisal model, high novelty-complexity automatically sparks interest, even if a person feels they have zero capacity or coping potential to understand it: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Theoretical frameworks: Control-value and Meaning-Attentional models == To understand how individuals transition between profound boredom and energised interest, psychological science relies on multidimensional theoretical frameworks that link cognitive appraisals, environmental demands, and emotional outcomes (Pekrun, 2006; Westgate & Wilson, 2018). Rather than viewing emotional and motivational states as static personality traits, contemporary models conceptualise state boredom and state interest as dynamic, functional barometers driven by continuous evaluations of control, value, novelty, and meaning (Silvia, 2008). These theoretical models provide the structural lens through which cognitive and motivational processes can be systematically analysed and applied. === Pekrun's control-value theory of achievement emotions === Pekrun's (2006) control-value theory posits that achievement emotions are systematically governed by two primary cognitive appraisals: subjective control, which is the perception of personal agency over an activity, and subjective value, which represents the personal importance assigned to outcomes. State boredom typically peaks under conditions of mismatched control and low intrinsic value, manifesting either as deficient control when demands overwhelm capability or excessive control when tasks are trivial (Pekrun et al., 2010). Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit (Schiefele, 1991). For example, in the opening scenario, when Megan is forced to memorise exhaustive, repetitive lists of historical data without practical application experiences excessive control coupled with zero value, triggering acute boredom. Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic or attainment value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit. === Silvia's two-component appraisal model of interest === Complementing Pekrun's framework, Silvia's (2005, 2008) appraisal model explains that state interest is an epistemic emotion triggered by two sequential cognitive evaluations: novelty-complexity and coping potential.   * Primary appraisal: Evaluates whether a stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected. This evaluation automatically captures attention and initiates exploratory processing.   * Secondary appraisal: Assesses personal coping potential—the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive resources, knowledge, and skills required to master the stimulus.   When high novelty is paired with high coping potential, individuals experience intense epistemic interest. However, if a stimulus is novel but exceeds coping potential (i.e., it is too complex or confusing), the individual experiences anxiety or confusion rather than engagement. This highlights why optimal challenge is a prerequisite for interest development. === Westgate and Wilson's Meaning and Attentional Components model === While control-value theory focuses primarily on structured achievement contexts, Westgate and Wilson's (2018) Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model isolates the immediate psychological architecture of boredom. The MAC model proposes that boredom stems from two independent cognitive deficits:   # An attentional mismatch: Occurs when cognitive demands either overwhelm working memory capacity or fail to meet baseline neural stimulation thresholds.   # A meaning deficit: Arises when an activity lacks personal purpose, existential value, or relevance to broader life goals.   This theoretical distinction is crucial because it explains why individuals often experience profound disengagement even during routine, highly predictable tasks that they technically possess complete control and high coping potential over. An individual can easily pay attention to a boring task if they find inherent meaning in it; conversely, if an activity feels entirely purposeless, attention inevitably collapses regardless of how simple the task is to execute. === Sansone and Thoman's self-regulation of motivation model === Expanding on how individuals navigate these affective states, Sansone and Thoman (2005) proposed that learners actively self-regulate motivation by restructuring mundane tasks to make them more engaging. Individuals implement interest-enhancing strategies, such as creating personal mini-challenges or adding playful elements to otherwise tedious activities (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Long-term goal achievement therefore requires balancing disciplined effort with the dynamic generation of situational interest, bridging the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). === Critical perspective on theoretical integration === While these models provide robust explanations, a critical analysis reveals notable tensions between them. Pekrun's control-value theory treats control and value as broad global appraisals, whereas Silvia's model focuses sharply on micro-appraisals of novelty and coping potential. Integrating these frameworks reveals that boredom and interest are not absolute opposites on a single continuum, but rather dual regulatory systems. Boredom acts as a signal of misfit (attentional mismatch or meaning deficit), whereas interest acts as an approach signal of growth and mastery. Future theoretical models must better account for the neurobiological interplay between default mode network (DMN) mind-wandering and dopaminergic reward pathways to fully capture how these cognitive appraisals translate into physiological arousal.<quiz display="simple"> {According to the MAC model (Westgate & Wilson, 2018), a person can experience boredom during a task even when the difficulty is optimal, provided they find the activity lacking in personal meaning or value: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Research and empirical investigations == Psychological research has increasingly moved away from treating boredom and interest as minor emotional by-products, establishing them instead through rigorous empirical paradigms, including experience sampling methodology (Goetz et al., 2014), psychophysical attentional tasks (Eastwood et al., 2012), and longitudinal field interventions (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Critical evaluation of this literature reveals how structural task features interact with individual cognitive vulnerabilities to dictate whether engagement is maintained or collapses into aversive disengagement. These empirical findings provide the evidentiary foundation for understanding the real-world behavioural consequences of affective states. === Experience sampling methodology and boredom subtypes === Seminal empirical work by Goetz et al. (2014) transformed the assessment of academic emotions by deploying experience sampling methodology (ESM) across high school and university cohorts, capturing real-time emotional fluctuations in naturalistic learning environments rather than relying solely on retrospective student evaluations. Their findings empirically invalidated the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, identifying five distinct phenomenological subtypes (indifferent, apathetic, calibrating, searching, and reactant) that differ systematically in valence, cognitive appraisals, and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). Subsequent ecological momentary assessments (EMA) confirmed that these subtypes dictate downstream behaviour differently; for instance, searching and reactant subtypes prompt immediate, restless urges to escape the environment, whereas indifferent and apathetic subtypes manifest as cognitive withdrawal. While ESM possesses high ecological validity by minimising retrospective recall bias, methodological critiques highlight that repeated daily polling can induce participant fatigue, potentially skewing compliance rates or subtly altering natural emotional reporting patterns over extended longitudinal periods (Goetz et al., 2014). === Attentional failures versus meaning deficits in experimental studies === Investigating the underlying cognitive architecture of state boredom, Eastwood et al. (2012) utilised psychophysical and attentional tasks to demonstrate that boredom is fundamentally a bottom-up failure of sustained attention. Their laboratory experiments revealed that individuals experiencing state boredom exhibit distinct attentional impairments, remaining acutely aware of their inability to engage mental resources while struggling to sustain vigilance on monotonous stimuli (Eastwood et al., 2012). Challenging this purely attentional account, Westgate and Wilson (2018) conducted experimental studies demonstrating that under-stimulation is insufficient on its own to induce boredom if an activity possesses perceived subjective meaning. By examining participants left alone with their thoughts or performing repetitive tasks, Westgate and Wilson proved that top-down cognitive appraisals of personal utility act as an equally powerful buffer against disengagement. Synthesising these perspectives indicates that while Eastwood et al. (2012) highlight perceptual-attentional constraints and working memory mismatches, Westgate and Wilson (2018) establish that existential meaning deficits represent an independent pathway to disengagement. === Psychosocial consequences of trait boredom proneness and meta-analytic evidence === Population-based research utilising the Boredom Proneness Scale (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986) has consistently linked chronic trait susceptibility to severe psychosocial maladjustment and psychopathology. Recent systematic reviews and large-scale meta-analytic evidence confirm robust positive correlations between elevated boredom proneness and behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, emotional dysregulation, and depressive symptomatology (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). Expanding on these associations, recent comprehensive meta-analyses examining boredom and digital media use demonstrate a large positive pooled effect size (''r''=.342) between trait boredom and problematic digital media use, compared to a much smaller association with non-problematic use (''r''=.084) (Camerini et al., 2023). Longitudinal tracking demonstrates that individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened vulnerability to compulsive digital media consumption, utilising rapid-fire online scrolling and smartphone notifications as a maladaptive regulatory attempt to escape chronic under-arousal and down-regulate negative affect (Camerini et al., 2023). However, a critical limitation across much of this correlational literature is its heavy reliance on cross-sectional self-report designs, which restricts definitive causal inference due to shared-method variance and potential reporting biases, necessitating more prospective cross-lagged panel designs (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986; Danckert et al., 2018) === Psychophysiological and neurobiological underpinnings === Complementing behavioural paradigms, psychophysiological investigations demonstrate that boredom is accompanied by distinct autonomic and neural signatures. While early assumptions characterised boredom strictly as a low-arousal state, recent physiological tracking shows dynamic autonomic instability, characterised by alternating tonic-phasic heart rate variability and electrodermal activity shifts during prolonged monotonous tasks (Clay et al., 2024). Neurobiologically, functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies reveal that state boredom is associated with altered functional connectivity within the brain's default mode network (DMN), particularly involving the precuneus and medial prefrontal cortex (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals encounter monotonous or under-stimulating tasks, failure of frontoparietal control networks to suppress task-irrelevant DMN mind-wandering generates subjective restlessness and attentional lapses. In contrast, states of high interest recruit dopaminergic reward pathways (ventral striatum) and executive control networks, facilitating sustained, effortless cognitive focus without psychological depletion (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). === Experimental validation of interest and utility-value interventions === Moving from descriptive research to applied empirical trials, Hulleman and Harackiewicz (2009) conducted a landmark randomised controlled field experiment demonstrating the causal efficacy of cultivating situational interest. By assigning high school science students to write brief reflections connecting course material directly to their personal lives, the authors observed significant gains in both situational interest and final course performance, with strongest positive effects among students with low initial performance expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). These empirical findings validate Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation theory, proving that learners are not passive victims of uninteresting curricula; rather, targeted cognitive framing can successfully bridge the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Subsequent educational trials have replicated these findings across diverse learning contexts, proving that systematic manipulation of utility value successfully converts aversive state disengagement into sustained, approach-oriented engagement. == Integration: Bridging theory and empirical research == Synthesising theoretical frameworks with contemporary empirical investigations reveals how cognitive appraisals, attentional mechanisms, and subjective valuations directly dictate real-world motivational outcomes. Rather than existing in academic isolation, psychological models of motivation and emotion are continuously shaped and validated by rigorous experimental and field research. By examining how empirical findings inform theoretical interpretations, researchers and practitioners gain a comprehensive understanding of why individuals transition between profound disengagement and energised immersion. === Empirical validation and refinement of appraisal models === The alignment between Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model of interest and Goetz et al.'s (2014) experience sampling methodology (ESM) provides a prime example of theory-research integration. Silvia's model posits that state interest is triggered by primary appraisals of novelty-complexity and secondary appraisals of coping potential. Goetz et al.'s (2014) real-time ESM findings empirically substantiate this mechanism by demonstrating that student emotional states fluctuate dynamically in response to micro-appraisals during classroom instruction. Specifically, when instructional pacing matches student coping potential and introduces moderate novelty, high-arousal engagement and searching boredom subtypes are activated rather than passive apathetic withdrawal. Thus, empirical ESM data validates the dynamic, predictive utility of static appraisal theories in naturalistic settings. === Resolving theoretical tensions through experimental paradigms === Furthermore, empirical research directly addresses and reconciles apparent tensions between competing theoretical models of boredom. The ongoing scholarly debate between Eastwood et al. (2012), who conceptualise boredom primarily as a bottom-up attentional failure, and Westgate and Wilson (2018), who emphasise top-down meaning deficits via the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model, highlights the necessity of an integrated theoretical perspective. While Eastwood et al.'s psychophysical experiments prove that working memory and sustained attention impairments generate bottom-up disengagement during monotonous tasks, Westgate and Wilson's experimental trials demonstrate that top-down cognitive appraisals of personal utility can override under-stimulation. Integrating these findings with Pekrun's (2006) control-value framework reveals that comprehensive models of emotion must account for both perceptual-attentional constraints and existential meaning; an individual may possess complete cognitive control over a task, yet still experience acute boredom if top-down value appraisals are entirely absent. === Translating theory into self-regulation and applied interventions === Finally, the theoretical premise that learners are active agents of their own motivational states, as articulated in Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation model, finds robust causal validation in Hulleman and Harackiewicz's (2009) randomised controlled field experiments. By demonstrating that brief utility-value writing reflections significantly boost situational interest and academic performance, experimental research proves that targeted cognitive reframing bridges the gap between objective curriculum demands and subjective motivational relevance. This integration of theory and empirical trials confirms that interventions do not merely alter external environments; rather, they reshape the cognitive appraisals that govern emotional and motivational states, transforming aversive boredom into sustainable, lifelong engagement. == Individual differences: Trait boredom, curiosity, and personality == Individual differences in trait proneness and cognitive curiosity fundamentally moderate how environmental demands are appraised and experienced. Trait boredom is a stable personality susceptibility characterised by a chronic difficulty in engaging attention and finding meaning in daily activities (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986). Individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened baseline vulnerability to behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, and psychological distress, frequently resorting to external stimulation to compensate for internal under-arousal (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). In contrast, trait curiosity, particularly epistemic and perceptual curiosity, acts as an intrinsic psychological resource that buffers against aversive disengagement (Litman, 2005). Highly curious individuals actively seek out novel, complex stimuli, framing challenging academic or occupational tasks as opportunities for exploration rather than sources of frustration (Litman, 2005; Silvia, 2008). These distinct personality profiles demonstrate that vulnerability to boredom versus the capacity for interest is determined by an interaction between enduring trait structures and immediate task affordances. Neurobiologically, individual susceptibility to chronic boredom is linked to functional connectivity differences within the brain's default mode network (DMN) (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals with high boredom proneness encounter monotonous tasks, their DMN fails to suppress task-irrelevant mind-wandering efficiently, leading to subjective restlessness and attentional lapses (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). Understanding these individual differences allows educators and practitioners to tailor learning environments to support vulnerable learners. === Psychological dimension matrix === Although state boredom and state interest operate as dual self-regulatory signals, they diverge sharply across core affective, cognitive, and motivational dimensions (see Table 1). '''Table 1''' ''Comparison of Psychological Dimensions Between State Boredom and State Interest'' {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! Dimension !State Boredom!! State Interest !! Key Citations |- | '''Affective Valence''' |Unpleasant, aversive|| Pleasant, invigorating || Eastwood et al. (2012); Silvia (2008) |- | '''Arousal Level''' |Variable (apathetic low to reactant high)|| Moderate to high (engaged alertness) || Goetz et al. (2014); Silvia (2005) |- |'''Attentional State''' |Effortful, frequent mind-wandering |Effortless absorption, sustained focus |Westgate & Wilson (2018) |- |'''Primary Appraisals''' |Low intrinsic value; control mismatch |High novelty-complexity; high coping |Pekrun (2006); Silvia (2008) |- |'''Motivational Goal''' |Avoidance, task-switching, escape |Approach, exploration, knowledge acquisition |Bench & Lench (2013); Hidi & Renninger (2006) |- |'''Time Perception''' |Overestimated ("time drags") |Underestimated ("time flies") |Eastwood et al. (2012) |} == Applied interventions: Transforming boredom into interest == Psychological science provides robust, actionable frameworks to convert maladaptive state boredom into productive situational and individual interest across educational and workplace settings. Effective interventions require targeted adjustments to environmental affordances and cognitive reappraisals, rather than merely increasing external pressure or discipline. By intentionally modifying task structures, individuals and educators can successfully restore subjective value and optimal challenge (Pekrun, 2006; Westgate & Wilson, 2018). One highly validated approach is the utility-value intervention, which requires learners to explicitly connect course material to their personal lives and long-term career goals. Experimental trials confirm that writing brief utility-value reflections significantly boosts situational interest and academic performance, particularly among individuals with low initial expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Furthermore, task-crafting allows individuals to introduce playful elements, personal mini-challenges, or autonomy into otherwise tedious routines, effectively bridging the gap between objective demands and subjective relevance (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Finally, dynamically calibrating task difficulty ensures that cognitive demands align closely with an individual's current coping potential, preventing both deficient-control boredom and overload anxiety (Pekrun, 2006; Silvia, 2008). By maintaining an optimal balance of challenge and perceived meaning, environments can foster sustained engagement and protect against psychological fatigue (Renninger & Hidi, 2015). ==Conclusion== How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational lives? Psychological science reveals that state boredom and state interest act as powerful, complementary internal barometers that guide daily attention and behaviour. Rather than being mere psychological nuisances or simple enjoyments, boredom functions as an adaptive evolutionary signal, warning individuals when an activity lacks personal meaning or fails to match their cognitive capacities, whereas interest serves as an approach-oriented engine driving exploration and mastery. As demonstrated by Pekrun's control-value theory, Silvia's appraisal framework, and Westgate and Wilson's Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model, these states are governed by continuous cognitive evaluations of control, value, novelty, and existential purpose. When these appraisals align, learners enter states of effortless immersion; when they break down, disengagement and vulnerability to chronic distress follow. Crucially, individuals are not passive victims of unengaging environments. By applying targeted psychological strategies, such as utility-value reflections, task-crafting, and calibrating optimal challenges, students, educators, and professionals can successfully transform aversive boredom into enduring interest, bridging the gap between objective demands and personal fulfilment. ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Attention|Attention]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Boredom|Boredom]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Curiosity|Curiosity]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Curiosity and interest|Curiosity and interest]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2021) * [[wikipedia:Flow (psychology)|Flow (psychology)]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Flow and optimal experience|Flow and optimal experience]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2020) * [[wikipedia:Interest (emotion)|Interest (emotion)]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/Intrinsic motivation in education|Intrinsic motivation in education]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2019) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Metacognition and emotional regulation|Metacognition and emotional regulation]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2022/Self-regulation and academic procrastination|Self-regulation and academic procrastination]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2022) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= * Bench, S. W., & Lench, H. C. (2013). On the function of boredom. ''Behavioral Sciences'', ''3''(3), 459–472. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs3030459 * Camerini, A.-L., Morlino, S., & Marciano, L. (2023). Boredom and digital media use: A systematic review and meta-analysis. ''Computers in Human Behavior Reports'', ''11'', Article 100313. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chbr.2023.100313 * Clay, G., Mlynski, C., Korb, F. M., Goschke, T., & Job, V. (2024). Autonomic nervous system activity during state boredom. ''Psychophysiology'', ''61''(4), Article e14507. https://doi.org/10.1111/psyp.14507 * Danckert, J., & Merrifield, C. (2018). Boredom, sustained attention and the default mode network. ''Experimental Brain Research'', ''236''(9), 2507–2518. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00221-016-4617-5 * Danckert, J., Mugon, J., Struk, A., & Eastwood, J. (2018). Boredom: What is it, why does it matter, and what can we do about it? ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''32''(6), 1163–1172. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699931.2018.1462148 * Eastwood, J. D., Frischen, A., Fenske, M. J., & Smilek, D. (2012). The unengaged mind: Defining boredom in terms of attention. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''7''(5), 482–495. https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612456044 * Farmer, R., & Sundberg, N. D. (1986). Boredom proneness: The development and correlates of a new scale. ''Journal of Personality Assessment'', ''50''(1), 4–17. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15327752jpa5001_2 * Goetz, T., Frenzel, A. C., Hall, N. C., Nett, U. E., Pekrun, R., & Lipnevich, A. A. (2014). Types of boredom: An experience sampling approach. ''Motivation and Emotion'', ''38''(3), 401–419. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11031-013-9385-y * Hidi, S., & Renninger, K. A. (2006). The four-phase model of interest development. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''41''(2), 111–127. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15326985ep4102_4 * Hulleman, C. S., & Harackiewicz, J. M. (2009). Promoting interest and performance in high school science classes. ''Science'', ''326''(5958), 1410–1412. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1177067 * Litman, J. (2005). Curiosity and the pleasures of learning: Wanting and liking new information. ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''19''(6), 793–814. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699930541000101 * Pekrun, R. (2006). The control-value theory of achievement emotions: Assumptions, corollaries, and implications for educational research and practice. ''Educational Psychology Review'', ''18''(4), 315–341. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10648-006-9029-9 * Pekrun, R., Goetz, T., Daniels, L. M., Stupnisky, R. H., & Perry, R. P. (2010). Boredom in achievement settings: Exploring control–value antecedents and performance outcomes of a neglected emotion. ''Journal of Educational Psychology'', ''102''(3), 531–549. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0019243 * Renninger, K. A., & Hidi, S. (2015). ''The power of interest for motivation and engagement''. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315771045 * Sansone, C., & Thoman, D. B. (2005). Interest as the missing motivator in self-regulation. ''European Psychologist'', ''10''(3), 175–186. https://doi.org/10.1027/1016-9040.10.3.175 * Schiefele, U. (1991). Interest, learning, and motivation. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''26''(3–4), 299–323. https://doi.org/10.1080/00461520.1991.9653136 * Silvia, P. J. (2005). What is interesting? Exploring the appraisal structure of interest. ''Emotion'', ''5''(1), 89–102. https://doi.org/10.1037/1528-3542.5.1.89 * Silvia, P. J. (2008). Interest—The curious emotion. ''Current Directions in Psychological Science'', ''17''(1), 57–60. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8721.2008.00548.x * Tam, K. Y. Y., Van Tilburg, W. A. P., & Chan, C. S. (2021). What is boredom proneness? A theoretical investigation. ''Personality and Social Psychology Review'', ''25''(3), 291–310. https://doi.org/10.1177/10888683211010297 * Thoman, D. B., Smith, J. L., & Silvia, P. J. (2011). The resource replenishment function of interest. ''Social Psychological and Personality Science'', ''2''(6), 592–599. https://doi.org/10.1177/1948550611402521 * Westgate, E. C., & Wilson, T. D. (2018). Boring by design: A Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model of boredom. ''Psychological Review'', ''125''(5), 689–713. https://doi.org/10.1037/rev0000097 }} ==External links== * [https://www.hiddenbrain.org/podcast/boredom/ Boredom] (Hidden Brain Media) * [https://www.ted.com/talks/manoush_zomorodi_how_boredom_can_lead_to_your_most_brilliant_ideas How boredom can lead to your most brilliant ideas] (TED) * [https://www.artofmanliness.com/character/self-improvement/podcast-686-the-psychology-of-boredom/ The psychology of boredom] (The Art of Manliness) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Boredom]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Interest]] stxmva70dutxv7rfxp3xe0qbfu1qtpr 2840290 2840287 2026-10-14T16:02:57Z U3239431 3106807 2840290 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Boredom and interest:<br>How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational states?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=5}} [[File:Student in Library Pittsburg State University.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. Cognitive engagement shifts dramatically depending on whether a learning task triggers state boredom or state interest.]] ; Case scenario:The tale of two study tasks Megan sits in the campus library preparing for an upcoming cognitive psychology examination. After twenty minutes of reading abstract, repetitive definitions of perceptual thresholds and psychophysical scaling, a heavy lethargy sets in: Megan repeatedly checks the clock, opens short-form social media videos, and experiences an aversive feeling of physical and mental restlessness. Later that evening, Megan switches to an interactive computer simulation analysing real-world flight simulator data and cognitive load thresholds; suddenly, Megan experiences heightened alertness, voluntary concentration, and loses all track of time (See figure 1). Both tasks require intense cognitive exertion, yet one produces paralysing disengagement while the other elicits effortless immersion. What psychological mechanisms explain how identical emotional appraisals transform identical cognitive demands into either profound boredom or energised interest? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This chapter explores the psychological science of [[wikipedia:Boredom|boredom]] and [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Interest|interest]], drawing on appraisal theories, the control-value framework, and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model to explain how these emotional states regulate [[motivation]], [[wikipedia:Attention|attention]], and goal-directed behaviour. State boredom functions as a pervasive, aversive psychological state characterised by low arousal, attentional disruption, perceived meaninglessness, and an unsatisfied desire for engagement. Conversely, state interest acts as a primary approach-oriented emotion that directs executive attention, promotes exploratory behaviour, and fosters intrinsic motivation. Both emotional states serve as critical self-regulatory indicators in daily life and academic settings, signalling when current activities lack subjective value or optimal challenge, thereby prompting behavioural realignments.   {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * How are boredom and interest defined, classified, and operationalised in cognitive and affective psychological science? * What cognitive appraisal processes and neurobiological networks mediate the transition between boredom and interest? * How do the control-value theory and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model explain the motivational outcomes of these emotional states? * What individual differences (e.g., boredom proneness, trait curiosity) influence vulnerability to boredom and the capacity for interest? * How can students, educators, and professionals implement psychological interventions to convert state boredom into productive situational and individual interest?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Conceptualising boredom: Definitions, typologies and functions == Boredom is a pervasive yet historically under-researched aversive emotional state defined by an inability to engage attention in satisfying activity, accompanied by distorted time perception and an urgent desire to escape the immediate setting. Far from being a simple lack of things to do, psychological science conceptualises boredom as a complex, multi-dimensional affective and cognitive phenomenon that serves vital self-regulatory functions while carrying significant vulnerability risks when chronic. ==== '''Attentional and phenomenological characteristics''' ==== State boredom is primarily characterised as an attentional failure where individuals find themselves unable to direct cognitive focus toward internal thoughts or external tasks, while remaining acutely and painfully aware of this inability (Eastwood et al., 2012). Phenomenologically, boredom possesses distinct qualitative signatures, most notably "time drag", the subjective, distorted perception that time is passing unusually slowly, coupled with a restless, agitated desire for alternative stimulation. Researchers emphasise the critical need to distinguish state boredom from related affective states: unlike apathy, which is marked by complete emotional indifference and flat affect, boredom involves an active, frustrated yearning for engagement. Similarly, while depression involves persistent sadness, feelings of worthlessness, and generalised anhedonia across all life domains, state boredom is typically tied to specific situational contexts or tasks where meaning or optimal challenge is absent (Danckert et al., 2018; Eastwood et al., 2012). ==== '''Multidimensional typologies of boredom''' ==== Challenging the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, contemporary experience sampling methodology (ESM) reveals that boredom manifests in several distinct phenomenological subtypes differentiated by their underlying valence and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). These subtypes capture the diverse ways individuals experience and react to unengaging environments:   * Indifferent boredom: A low-arousal, relaxed state akin to fatigue or mild relaxation, characterised by low positive and low negative affect where individuals feel content to drift without intense distress.   * Apathetic boredom: A distressing, low-arousal state characterised by total helplessness, withdrawal, and high negative affect, where the individual feels trapped with no viable means of escape.   * Calibrating boredom: A mild-arousal state featuring wandering thoughts and daydreams, where the individual is easily distracted and open to alternative environmental inputs.   * Searching boredom: An active, restless state characterised by the active, goal-directed pursuit of alternative actions, tasks, or environments to alleviate under-stimulation.   * Reactant boredom: A high-arousal, intensely aversive state featuring strong negative affect accompanied by aggressive urges to leave the setting, rebel against perceived constraints, and forcefully regain autonomy.   ==== '''Functional and evolutionary perspectives''' ==== From an evolutionary standpoint, researchers conceptualise boredom not merely as a modern psychological nuisance, but as an adaptive "stop signal" designed by natural selection (Bench & Lench, 2013). When an organism remains in a static, unrewarding, or non-stimulating environment, the energetic costs of continued engagement outweigh potential adaptive benefits; boredom signals this mismatch, motivating exploratory foraging, task switching, or environmental modification (Danckert et al., 2018). However, in modern educational and occupational contexts where physical escape or immediate task switching is constrained, this evolutionary alarm can misfire. When adaptive self-regulation fails, acute boredom frequently manifests as maladaptive coping mechanisms, such as impulsive sensation-seeking, high-risk behaviour, or compulsive digital media consumption (Camerini et al., 2023). == The psychology of interest: Appraisal structure and developmental phases == Interest operates as a counter-regulatory epistemic emotion that facilitates learning, exploration, and the acquisition of complex competencies. Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model demonstrates that interest is elicited by evaluations of novelty-complexity and coping potential. The primary appraisal evaluates whether an event or stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected, while the secondary appraisal assesses personal coping potential, the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive capacity and resources to comprehend and master the novel stimulus. Expanding beyond immediate state appraisals, Hidi and Renninger (2006) traced the evolution from transient environmental stimulation to enduring personal interest across four distinct phases. Phase 1 (Triggered Situational Interest) is externally elicited by surprising or vivid features, whereas Phase 2 (Maintained Situational Interest) involves sustained task engagement supported by meaningful learning activities. Phase 3 (Emerging Individual Interest) and Phase 4 (Well-Developed Individual Interest) are internally generated, characterised by stored knowledge, deep personal value, and self-regulated goal pursuit. Experiencing state interest stimulates spontaneous, focused attention, which reduces reliance on deliberate and effortful executive control (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). In educational environments, interest directly predicts the adoption of deep cognitive processing strategies over shallow surface memorisation (Schiefele, 1991). Furthermore, it serves as an emotional buffer against ego depletion, sustaining psychological resources during demanding tasks (Silvia, 2008; Thoman et al., 2011).<quiz display="simple"> {According to Silvia's (2008) appraisal model, high novelty-complexity automatically sparks interest, even if a person feels they have zero capacity or coping potential to understand it: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Theoretical frameworks: Control-value and Meaning-Attentional models == To understand how individuals transition between profound boredom and energised interest, psychological science relies on multidimensional theoretical frameworks that link cognitive appraisals, environmental demands, and emotional outcomes (Pekrun, 2006; Westgate & Wilson, 2018). Rather than viewing emotional and motivational states as static personality traits, contemporary models conceptualise state boredom and state interest as dynamic, functional barometers driven by continuous evaluations of control, value, novelty, and meaning (Silvia, 2008). These theoretical models provide the structural lens through which cognitive and motivational processes can be systematically analysed and applied. === Pekrun's control-value theory of achievement emotions === Pekrun's (2006) control-value theory posits that achievement emotions are systematically governed by two primary cognitive appraisals: subjective control, which is the perception of personal agency over an activity, and subjective value, which represents the personal importance assigned to outcomes. State boredom typically peaks under conditions of mismatched control and low intrinsic value, manifesting either as deficient control when demands overwhelm capability or excessive control when tasks are trivial (Pekrun et al., 2010). Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit (Schiefele, 1991). For example, in the opening scenario, when Megan is forced to memorise exhaustive, repetitive lists of historical data without practical application, she experiences excessive control coupled with zero value, triggering acute boredom. Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic or attainment value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit. === Silvia's two-component appraisal model of interest === Complementing Pekrun's framework, Silvia's (2005, 2008) appraisal model explains that state interest is an epistemic emotion triggered by two sequential cognitive evaluations: novelty-complexity and coping potential.   * Primary appraisal: Evaluates whether a stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected. This evaluation automatically captures attention and initiates exploratory processing.   * Secondary appraisal: Assesses personal coping potential—the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive resources, knowledge, and skills required to master the stimulus.   When high novelty is paired with high coping potential, individuals experience intense epistemic interest. However, if a stimulus is novel but exceeds coping potential (i.e., it is too complex or confusing), the individual experiences anxiety or confusion rather than engagement. This highlights why optimal challenge is a prerequisite for interest development. === Westgate and Wilson's Meaning and Attentional Components model === While control-value theory focuses primarily on structured achievement contexts, Westgate and Wilson's (2018) Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model isolates the immediate psychological architecture of boredom. The MAC model proposes that boredom stems from two independent cognitive deficits:   # An attentional mismatch: Occurs when cognitive demands either overwhelm working memory capacity or fail to meet baseline neural stimulation thresholds.   # A meaning deficit: Arises when an activity lacks personal purpose, existential value, or relevance to broader life goals.   This theoretical distinction is crucial because it explains why individuals often experience profound disengagement even during routine, highly predictable tasks that they technically possess complete control and high coping potential over. An individual can easily pay attention to a boring task if they find inherent meaning in it; conversely, if an activity feels entirely purposeless, attention inevitably collapses regardless of how simple the task is to execute. === Sansone and Thoman's self-regulation of motivation model === Expanding on how individuals navigate these affective states, Sansone and Thoman (2005) proposed that learners actively self-regulate motivation by restructuring mundane tasks to make them more engaging. Individuals implement interest-enhancing strategies, such as creating personal mini-challenges or adding playful elements to otherwise tedious activities (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Long-term goal achievement therefore requires balancing disciplined effort with the dynamic generation of situational interest, bridging the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). === Critical perspective on theoretical integration === While these models provide robust explanations, a critical analysis reveals notable tensions between them. Pekrun's control-value theory treats control and value as broad global appraisals, whereas Silvia's model focuses sharply on micro-appraisals of novelty and coping potential. Integrating these frameworks reveals that boredom and interest are not absolute opposites on a single continuum, but rather dual regulatory systems. Boredom acts as a signal of misfit (attentional mismatch or meaning deficit), whereas interest acts as an approach signal of growth and mastery. Future theoretical models must better account for the neurobiological interplay between default mode network (DMN) mind-wandering and dopaminergic reward pathways to fully capture how these cognitive appraisals translate into physiological arousal.<quiz display="simple"> {According to the MAC model (Westgate & Wilson, 2018), a person can experience boredom during a task even when the difficulty is optimal, provided they find the activity lacking in personal meaning or value: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Research and empirical investigations == Psychological research has increasingly moved away from treating boredom and interest as minor emotional by-products, establishing them instead through rigorous empirical paradigms, including experience sampling methodology (Goetz et al., 2014), psychophysical attentional tasks (Eastwood et al., 2012), and longitudinal field interventions (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Critical evaluation of this literature reveals how structural task features interact with individual cognitive vulnerabilities to dictate whether engagement is maintained or collapses into aversive disengagement. These empirical findings provide the evidentiary foundation for understanding the real-world behavioural consequences of affective states. === Experience sampling methodology and boredom subtypes === Seminal empirical work by Goetz et al. (2014) transformed the assessment of academic emotions by deploying experience sampling methodology (ESM) across high school and university cohorts, capturing real-time emotional fluctuations in naturalistic learning environments rather than relying solely on retrospective student evaluations. Their findings empirically invalidated the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, identifying five distinct phenomenological subtypes (indifferent, apathetic, calibrating, searching, and reactant) that differ systematically in valence, cognitive appraisals, and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). Subsequent ecological momentary assessments (EMA) confirmed that these subtypes dictate downstream behaviour differently; for instance, searching and reactant subtypes prompt immediate, restless urges to escape the environment, whereas indifferent and apathetic subtypes manifest as cognitive withdrawal. While ESM possesses high ecological validity by minimising retrospective recall bias, methodological critiques highlight that repeated daily polling can induce participant fatigue, potentially skewing compliance rates or subtly altering natural emotional reporting patterns over extended longitudinal periods (Goetz et al., 2014). === Attentional failures versus meaning deficits in experimental studies === Investigating the underlying cognitive architecture of state boredom, Eastwood et al. (2012) utilised psychophysical and attentional tasks to demonstrate that boredom is fundamentally a bottom-up failure of sustained attention. Their laboratory experiments revealed that individuals experiencing state boredom exhibit distinct attentional impairments, remaining acutely aware of their inability to engage mental resources while struggling to sustain vigilance on monotonous stimuli (Eastwood et al., 2012). Challenging this purely attentional account, Westgate and Wilson (2018) conducted experimental studies demonstrating that under-stimulation is insufficient on its own to induce boredom if an activity possesses perceived subjective meaning. By examining participants left alone with their thoughts or performing repetitive tasks, Westgate and Wilson proved that top-down cognitive appraisals of personal utility act as an equally powerful buffer against disengagement. Synthesising these perspectives indicates that while Eastwood et al. (2012) highlight perceptual-attentional constraints and working memory mismatches, Westgate and Wilson (2018) establish that existential meaning deficits represent an independent pathway to disengagement. === Psychosocial consequences of trait boredom proneness and meta-analytic evidence === Population-based research utilising the Boredom Proneness Scale (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986) has consistently linked chronic trait susceptibility to severe psychosocial maladjustment and psychopathology. Recent systematic reviews and large-scale meta-analytic evidence confirm robust positive correlations between elevated boredom proneness and behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, emotional dysregulation, and depressive symptomatology (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). Expanding on these associations, recent comprehensive meta-analyses examining boredom and digital media use demonstrate a large positive pooled effect size (''r'' = .342) between trait boredom and problematic digital media use, compared to a much smaller association with non-problematic use (''r'' = .084) (Camerini et al., 2023). Longitudinal tracking demonstrates that individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened vulnerability to compulsive digital media consumption, utilising rapid-fire online scrolling and smartphone notifications as a maladaptive regulatory attempt to escape chronic under-arousal and down-regulate negative affect (Camerini et al., 2023). However, a critical limitation across much of this correlational literature is its heavy reliance on cross-sectional self-report designs, which restricts definitive causal inference due to shared-method variance and potential reporting biases, necessitating more prospective cross-lagged panel designs (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986; Danckert et al., 2018). === Psychophysiological and neurobiological underpinnings === Complementing behavioural paradigms, psychophysiological investigations demonstrate that boredom is accompanied by distinct autonomic and neural signatures. While early assumptions characterised boredom strictly as a low-arousal state, recent physiological tracking shows dynamic autonomic instability, characterised by alternating tonic-phasic heart rate variability and electrodermal activity shifts during prolonged monotonous tasks (Clay et al., 2024). Neurobiologically, functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies reveal that state boredom is associated with altered functional connectivity within the brain's default mode network (DMN), particularly involving the precuneus and medial prefrontal cortex (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals encounter monotonous or under-stimulating tasks, failure of frontoparietal control networks to suppress task-irrelevant DMN mind-wandering generates subjective restlessness and attentional lapses. In contrast, states of high interest recruit dopaminergic reward pathways (ventral striatum) and executive control networks, facilitating sustained, effortless cognitive focus without psychological depletion (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). === Experimental validation of interest and utility-value interventions === Moving from descriptive research to applied empirical trials, Hulleman and Harackiewicz (2009) conducted a landmark randomised controlled field experiment demonstrating the causal efficacy of cultivating situational interest. By assigning high school science students to write brief reflections connecting course material directly to their personal lives, the authors observed significant gains in both situational interest and final course performance, with strongest positive effects among students with low initial performance expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). These empirical findings validate Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation theory, proving that learners are not passive victims of uninteresting curricula; rather, targeted cognitive framing can successfully bridge the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Subsequent educational trials have replicated these findings across diverse learning contexts, proving that systematic manipulation of utility value successfully converts aversive state disengagement into sustained, approach-oriented engagement. == Integration: Bridging theory and empirical research == Synthesising theoretical frameworks with contemporary empirical investigations reveals how cognitive appraisals, attentional mechanisms, and subjective valuations directly dictate real-world motivational outcomes. Rather than existing in academic isolation, psychological models of motivation and emotion are continuously shaped and validated by rigorous experimental and field research. By examining how empirical findings inform theoretical interpretations, researchers and practitioners gain a comprehensive understanding of why individuals transition between profound disengagement and energised immersion. === Empirical validation and refinement of appraisal models === The alignment between Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model of interest and Goetz et al.'s (2014) experience sampling methodology (ESM) provides a prime example of theory-research integration. Silvia's model posits that state interest is triggered by primary appraisals of novelty-complexity and secondary appraisals of coping potential. Goetz et al.'s (2014) real-time ESM findings empirically substantiate this mechanism by demonstrating that student emotional states fluctuate dynamically in response to micro-appraisals during classroom instruction. Specifically, when instructional pacing matches student coping potential and introduces moderate novelty, high-arousal engagement and searching boredom subtypes are activated rather than passive apathetic withdrawal. Thus, empirical ESM data validates the dynamic, predictive utility of static appraisal theories in naturalistic settings. === Resolving theoretical tensions through experimental paradigms === Furthermore, empirical research directly addresses and reconciles apparent tensions between competing theoretical models of boredom. The ongoing scholarly debate between Eastwood et al. (2012), who conceptualise boredom primarily as a bottom-up attentional failure, and Westgate and Wilson (2018), who emphasise top-down meaning deficits via the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model, highlights the necessity of an integrated theoretical perspective. While Eastwood et al.'s psychophysical experiments prove that working memory and sustained attention impairments generate bottom-up disengagement during monotonous tasks, Westgate and Wilson's experimental trials demonstrate that top-down cognitive appraisals of personal utility can override under-stimulation. Integrating these findings with Pekrun's (2006) control-value framework reveals that comprehensive models of emotion must account for both perceptual-attentional constraints and existential meaning; an individual may possess complete cognitive control over a task, yet still experience acute boredom if top-down value appraisals are entirely absent. === Translating theory into self-regulation and applied interventions === Finally, the theoretical premise that learners are active agents of their own motivational states, as articulated in Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation model, finds robust causal validation in Hulleman and Harackiewicz's (2009) randomised controlled field experiments. By demonstrating that brief utility-value writing reflections significantly boost situational interest and academic performance, experimental research proves that targeted cognitive reframing bridges the gap between objective curriculum demands and subjective motivational relevance. This integration of theory and empirical trials confirms that interventions do not merely alter external environments; rather, they reshape the cognitive appraisals that govern emotional and motivational states, transforming aversive boredom into sustainable, lifelong engagement. == Individual differences: Trait boredom, curiosity, and personality == Individual differences in trait proneness and cognitive curiosity fundamentally moderate how environmental demands are appraised and experienced. Trait boredom is a stable personality susceptibility characterised by a chronic difficulty in engaging attention and finding meaning in daily activities (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986). Individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened baseline vulnerability to behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, and psychological distress, frequently resorting to external stimulation to compensate for internal under-arousal (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). In contrast, trait curiosity, particularly epistemic and perceptual curiosity, acts as an intrinsic psychological resource that buffers against aversive disengagement (Litman, 2005). Highly curious individuals actively seek out novel, complex stimuli, framing challenging academic or occupational tasks as opportunities for exploration rather than sources of frustration (Litman, 2005; Silvia, 2008). These distinct personality profiles demonstrate that vulnerability to boredom versus the capacity for interest is determined by an interaction between enduring trait structures and immediate task affordances. Neurobiologically, individual susceptibility to chronic boredom is linked to functional connectivity differences within the brain's default mode network (DMN) (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals with high boredom proneness encounter monotonous tasks, their DMN fails to suppress task-irrelevant mind-wandering efficiently, leading to subjective restlessness and attentional lapses (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). Understanding these individual differences allows educators and practitioners to tailor learning environments to support vulnerable learners. === Psychological dimension matrix === Although state boredom and state interest operate as dual self-regulatory signals, they diverge sharply across core affective, cognitive, and motivational dimensions (see Table 1). '''Table 1''' ''Comparison of Psychological Dimensions Between State Boredom and State Interest'' {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! Dimension !State Boredom!! State Interest !! Key Citations |- | '''Affective Valence''' |Unpleasant, aversive|| Pleasant, invigorating || Eastwood et al. (2012); Silvia (2008) |- | '''Arousal Level''' |Variable (apathetic low to reactant high)|| Moderate to high (engaged alertness) || Goetz et al. (2014); Silvia (2005) |- |'''Attentional State''' |Effortful, frequent mind-wandering |Effortless absorption, sustained focus |Westgate & Wilson (2018) |- |'''Primary Appraisals''' |Low intrinsic value; control mismatch |High novelty-complexity; high coping |Pekrun (2006); Silvia (2008) |- |'''Motivational Goal''' |Avoidance, task-switching, escape |Approach, exploration, knowledge acquisition |Bench & Lench (2013); Hidi & Renninger (2006) |- |'''Time Perception''' |Overestimated ("time drags") |Underestimated ("time flies") |Eastwood et al. (2012) |} == Applied interventions: Transforming boredom into interest == Psychological science provides robust, actionable frameworks to convert maladaptive state boredom into productive situational and individual interest across educational and workplace settings. Effective interventions require targeted adjustments to environmental affordances and cognitive reappraisals, rather than merely increasing external pressure or discipline. By intentionally modifying task structures, individuals and educators can successfully restore subjective value and optimal challenge (Pekrun, 2006; Westgate & Wilson, 2018). One highly validated approach is the utility-value intervention, which requires learners to explicitly connect course material to their personal lives and long-term career goals. Experimental trials confirm that writing brief utility-value reflections significantly boosts situational interest and academic performance, particularly among individuals with low initial expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Furthermore, task-crafting allows individuals to introduce playful elements, personal mini-challenges, or autonomy into otherwise tedious routines, effectively bridging the gap between objective demands and subjective relevance (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Finally, dynamically calibrating task difficulty ensures that cognitive demands align closely with an individual's current coping potential, preventing both deficient-control boredom and overload anxiety (Pekrun, 2006; Silvia, 2008). By maintaining an optimal balance of challenge and perceived meaning, environments can foster sustained engagement and protect against psychological fatigue (Renninger & Hidi, 2015). ==Conclusion== How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational lives? Psychological science reveals that state boredom and state interest act as powerful, complementary internal barometers that guide daily attention and behaviour. Rather than being mere psychological nuisances or simple enjoyments, boredom functions as an adaptive evolutionary signal, warning individuals when an activity lacks personal meaning or fails to match their cognitive capacities, whereas interest serves as an approach-oriented engine driving exploration and mastery. As demonstrated by Pekrun's control-value theory, Silvia's appraisal framework, and Westgate and Wilson's Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model, these states are governed by continuous cognitive evaluations of control, value, novelty, and existential purpose. When these appraisals align, learners enter states of effortless immersion; when they break down, disengagement and vulnerability to chronic distress follow. Crucially, individuals are not passive victims of unengaging environments. By applying targeted psychological strategies, such as utility-value reflections, task-crafting, and calibrating optimal challenges, students, educators, and professionals can successfully transform aversive boredom into enduring interest, bridging the gap between objective demands and personal fulfilment. ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Attention|Attention]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Boredom|Boredom]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Curiosity|Curiosity]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Curiosity and interest|Curiosity and interest]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2021) * [[wikipedia:Flow (psychology)|Flow (psychology)]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Flow and optimal experience|Flow and optimal experience]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2020) * [[wikipedia:Interest (emotion)|Interest (emotion)]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/Intrinsic motivation in education|Intrinsic motivation in education]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2019) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Metacognition and emotional regulation|Metacognition and emotional regulation]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2022/Self-regulation and academic procrastination|Self-regulation and academic procrastination]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2022) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bench, S. W., & Lench, H. C. (2013). On the function of boredom. ''Behavioral Sciences'', ''3''(3), 459–472. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs3030459 Camerini, A.-L., Morlino, S., & Marciano, L. (2023). Boredom and digital media use: A systematic review and meta-analysis. ''Computers in Human Behavior Reports'', ''11'', Article 100313. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chbr.2023.100313 Clay, G., Mlynski, C., Korb, F. M., Goschke, T., & Job, V. (2024). Autonomic nervous system activity during state boredom. ''Psychophysiology'', ''61''(4), Article e14507. https://doi.org/10.1111/psyp.14507 Danckert, J., & Merrifield, C. (2018). Boredom, sustained attention and the default mode network. ''Experimental Brain Research'', ''236''(9), 2507–2518. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00221-016-4617-5 Danckert, J., Mugon, J., Struk, A., & Eastwood, J. (2018). Boredom: What is it, why does it matter, and what can we do about it? ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''32''(6), 1163–1172. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699931.2018.1462148 Eastwood, J. D., Frischen, A., Fenske, M. J., & Smilek, D. (2012). The unengaged mind: Defining boredom in terms of attention. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''7''(5), 482–495. https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612456044 Farmer, R., & Sundberg, N. D. (1986). Boredom proneness: The development and correlates of a new scale. ''Journal of Personality Assessment'', ''50''(1), 4–17. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15327752jpa5001_2 Goetz, T., Frenzel, A. C., Hall, N. C., Nett, U. E., Pekrun, R., & Lipnevich, A. A. (2014). Types of boredom: An experience sampling approach. ''Motivation and Emotion'', ''38''(3), 401–419. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11031-013-9385-y Hidi, S., & Renninger, K. A. (2006). The four-phase model of interest development. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''41''(2), 111–127. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15326985ep4102_4 Hulleman, C. S., & Harackiewicz, J. M. (2009). Promoting interest and performance in high school science classes. ''Science'', ''326''(5958), 1410–1412. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1177067 Litman, J. (2005). Curiosity and the pleasures of learning: Wanting and liking new information. ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''19''(6), 793–814. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699930541000101 Pekrun, R. (2006). The control-value theory of achievement emotions: Assumptions, corollaries, and implications for educational research and practice. ''Educational Psychology Review'', ''18''(4), 315–341. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10648-006-9029-9 Pekrun, R., Goetz, T., Daniels, L. M., Stupnisky, R. H., & Perry, R. P. (2010). Boredom in achievement settings: Exploring control–value antecedents and performance outcomes of a neglected emotion. ''Journal of Educational Psychology'', ''102''(3), 531–549. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0019243 Renninger, K. A., & Hidi, S. (2015). ''The power of interest for motivation and engagement''. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315771045 Sansone, C., & Thoman, D. B. (2005). Interest as the missing motivator in self-regulation. ''European Psychologist'', ''10''(3), 175–186. https://doi.org/10.1027/1016-9040.10.3.175 Schiefele, U. (1991). Interest, learning, and motivation. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''26''(3–4), 299–323. https://doi.org/10.1080/00461520.1991.9653136 Silvia, P. J. (2005). What is interesting? Exploring the appraisal structure of interest. ''Emotion'', ''5''(1), 89–102. https://doi.org/10.1037/1528-3542.5.1.89 Silvia, P. J. (2008). Interest—The curious emotion. ''Current Directions in Psychological Science'', ''17''(1), 57–60. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8721.2008.00548.x Tam, K. Y. Y., Van Tilburg, W. A. P., & Chan, C. S. (2021). What is boredom proneness? A theoretical investigation. ''Personality and Social Psychology Review'', ''25''(3), 291–310. https://doi.org/10.1177/10888683211010297 Thoman, D. B., Smith, J. L., & Silvia, P. J. (2011). The resource replenishment function of interest. ''Social Psychological and Personality Science'', ''2''(6), 592–599. https://doi.org/10.1177/1948550611402521 Westgate, E. C., & Wilson, T. D. (2018). Boring by design: A Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model of boredom. ''Psychological Review'', ''125''(5), 689–713. https://doi.org/10.1037/rev0000097 }} ==External links== * [https://www.hiddenbrain.org/podcast/boredom/ Boredom] (Hidden Brain Media) * [https://www.ted.com/talks/manoush_zomorodi_how_boredom_can_lead_to_your_most_brilliant_ideas How boredom can lead to your most brilliant ideas] (TED) * [https://www.artofmanliness.com/character/self-improvement/podcast-686-the-psychology-of-boredom/ The psychology of boredom] (The Art of Manliness) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Boredom]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Interest]] rqqequ8fy0m47yzcj4loq9wzs6ga38d 2840291 2840290 2026-10-14T16:11:57Z U3239431 3106807 2840291 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Boredom and interest:<br>How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational states?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=5}} [[File:Student in Library Pittsburg State University.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. Cognitive engagement shifts dramatically depending on whether a learning task triggers state boredom or state interest.]] ; Case scenario:The tale of two study tasks Megan sits in the campus library preparing for an upcoming cognitive psychology examination. After twenty minutes of reading abstract, repetitive definitions of perceptual thresholds and psychophysical scaling, a heavy lethargy sets in: Megan repeatedly checks the clock, opens short-form social media videos, and experiences an aversive feeling of physical and mental restlessness. Later that evening, Megan switches to an interactive computer simulation analysing real-world flight simulator data and cognitive load thresholds; suddenly, Megan experiences heightened alertness, voluntary concentration, and loses all track of time (See figure 1). Both tasks require intense cognitive exertion, yet one produces paralysing disengagement while the other elicits effortless immersion. What psychological mechanisms explain how identical emotional appraisals transform identical cognitive demands into either profound boredom or energised interest? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This chapter explores the psychological science of [[wikipedia:Boredom|boredom]] and [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Interest|interest]], drawing on appraisal theories, the control-value framework, and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model to explain how these emotional states regulate [[motivation]], [[wikipedia:Attention|attention]], and goal-directed behaviour. State boredom functions as a pervasive, aversive psychological state characterised by low arousal, attentional disruption, perceived meaninglessness, and an unsatisfied desire for engagement. Conversely, state interest acts as a primary approach-oriented emotion that directs executive attention, promotes exploratory behaviour, and fosters intrinsic motivation. Both emotional states serve as critical self-regulatory indicators in daily life and academic settings, signalling when current activities lack subjective value or optimal challenge, thereby prompting behavioural realignments.   {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * How are boredom and interest defined, classified, and operationalised in cognitive and affective psychological science? * What cognitive appraisal processes and neurobiological networks mediate the transition between boredom and interest? * How do the control-value theory and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model explain the motivational outcomes of these emotional states? * What individual differences (e.g., boredom proneness, trait curiosity) influence vulnerability to boredom and the capacity for interest? * How can students, educators, and professionals implement psychological interventions to convert state boredom into productive situational and individual interest?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Conceptualising boredom: Definitions, typologies and functions == Boredom is a pervasive yet historically under-researched aversive emotional state defined by an inability to engage attention in satisfying activity, accompanied by distorted time perception and an urgent desire to escape the immediate setting. Far from being a simple lack of things to do, psychological science conceptualises boredom as a complex, multi-dimensional affective and cognitive phenomenon that serves vital self-regulatory functions while carrying significant vulnerability risks when chronic. ==== '''Attentional and phenomenological characteristics''' ==== State boredom is primarily characterised as an attentional failure where individuals find themselves unable to direct cognitive focus toward internal thoughts or external tasks, while remaining acutely and painfully aware of this inability (Eastwood et al., 2012). Phenomenologically, boredom possesses distinct qualitative signatures, most notably "time drag", the subjective, distorted perception that time is passing unusually slowly, coupled with a restless, agitated desire for alternative stimulation. Researchers emphasise the critical need to distinguish state boredom from related affective states: unlike apathy, which is marked by complete emotional indifference and flat affect, boredom involves an active, frustrated yearning for engagement. Similarly, while depression involves persistent sadness, feelings of worthlessness, and generalised anhedonia across all life domains, state boredom is typically tied to specific situational contexts or tasks where meaning or optimal challenge is absent (Danckert et al., 2018; Eastwood et al., 2012). ==== '''Multidimensional typologies of boredom''' ==== Challenging the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, contemporary experience sampling methodology (ESM) reveals that boredom manifests in several distinct phenomenological subtypes differentiated by their underlying valence and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). These subtypes capture the diverse ways individuals experience and react to unengaging environments: * Indifferent boredom: A relaxed, low-arousal state with minimal affect where individuals drift comfortably. * Apathetic boredom: A distressing, low-arousal state marked by total withdrawal and helplessness. * Calibrating boredom: A mild-arousal state featuring wandering daydreams and openness to distraction. * Searching boredom: An active, restless state driven by the goal-directed pursuit of alternative stimulation. * Reactant boredom: A high-arousal, aversive state prompting urgent urges to rebel against constraints. ==== '''Functional and evolutionary perspectives''' ==== From an evolutionary standpoint, researchers conceptualise boredom not merely as a modern psychological nuisance, but as an adaptive "stop signal" designed by natural selection (Bench & Lench, 2013). When an organism remains in a static, unrewarding, or non-stimulating environment, the energetic costs of continued engagement outweigh potential adaptive benefits; boredom signals this mismatch, motivating exploratory foraging, task switching, or environmental modification (Danckert et al., 2018). However, in modern educational and occupational contexts where physical escape or immediate task switching is constrained, this evolutionary alarm can misfire. When adaptive self-regulation fails, acute boredom frequently manifests as maladaptive coping mechanisms, such as impulsive sensation-seeking, high-risk behaviour, or compulsive digital media consumption (Camerini et al., 2023). == The psychology of interest: Appraisal structure and developmental phases == Interest operates as a counter-regulatory epistemic emotion that facilitates learning, exploration, and the acquisition of complex competencies. Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model demonstrates that interest is elicited by evaluations of novelty-complexity and coping potential. The primary appraisal evaluates whether an event or stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected, while the secondary appraisal assesses personal coping potential, the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive capacity and resources to comprehend and master the novel stimulus. Expanding beyond immediate state appraisals, Hidi and Renninger (2006) traced the evolution from transient environmental stimulation to enduring personal interest across four distinct phases. Phase 1 (Triggered Situational Interest) is externally elicited by surprising or vivid features, whereas Phase 2 (Maintained Situational Interest) involves sustained task engagement supported by meaningful learning activities. Phase 3 (Emerging Individual Interest) and Phase 4 (Well-Developed Individual Interest) are internally generated, characterised by stored knowledge, deep personal value, and self-regulated goal pursuit. Experiencing state interest stimulates spontaneous, focused attention, which reduces reliance on deliberate and effortful executive control (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). In educational environments, interest directly predicts the adoption of deep cognitive processing strategies over shallow surface memorisation (Schiefele, 1991). Furthermore, it serves as an emotional buffer against ego depletion, sustaining psychological resources during demanding tasks (Silvia, 2008; Thoman et al., 2011).<quiz display="simple"> {According to Silvia's (2008) appraisal model, high novelty-complexity automatically sparks interest, even if a person feels they have zero capacity or coping potential to understand it: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Theoretical frameworks: Control-value and Meaning-Attentional models == To understand how individuals transition between profound boredom and energised interest, psychological science relies on multidimensional theoretical frameworks that link cognitive appraisals, environmental demands, and emotional outcomes (Pekrun, 2006; Westgate & Wilson, 2018). Rather than viewing emotional and motivational states as static personality traits, contemporary models conceptualise state boredom and state interest as dynamic, functional barometers driven by continuous evaluations of control, value, novelty, and meaning (Silvia, 2008). These theoretical models provide the structural lens through which cognitive and motivational processes can be systematically analysed and applied. === Pekrun's control-value theory of achievement emotions === Pekrun's (2006) control-value theory posits that achievement emotions are systematically governed by two primary cognitive appraisals: subjective control, which is the perception of personal agency over an activity, and subjective value, which represents the personal importance assigned to outcomes. State boredom typically peaks under conditions of mismatched control and low intrinsic value, manifesting either as deficient control when demands overwhelm capability or excessive control when tasks are trivial (Pekrun et al., 2010). Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit (Schiefele, 1991). For example, in the opening scenario, when Megan is forced to memorise exhaustive, repetitive lists of historical data without practical application, she experiences excessive control coupled with zero value, triggering acute boredom. Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic or attainment value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit. === Silvia's two-component appraisal model of interest === Complementing Pekrun's framework, Silvia's (2005, 2008) appraisal model explains that state interest is an epistemic emotion triggered by two sequential cognitive evaluations: novelty-complexity and coping potential.   * Primary appraisal: Evaluates whether a stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected. This evaluation automatically captures attention and initiates exploratory processing.   * Secondary appraisal: Assesses personal coping potential—the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive resources, knowledge, and skills required to master the stimulus.   When high novelty is paired with high coping potential, individuals experience intense epistemic interest. However, if a stimulus is novel but exceeds coping potential (i.e., it is too complex or confusing), the individual experiences anxiety or confusion rather than engagement. This highlights why optimal challenge is a prerequisite for interest development. === Westgate and Wilson's Meaning and Attentional Components model === While control-value theory focuses primarily on structured achievement contexts, Westgate and Wilson's (2018) Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model isolates the immediate psychological architecture of boredom. The MAC model proposes that boredom stems from two independent cognitive deficits:   # An attentional mismatch: Occurs when cognitive demands either overwhelm working memory capacity or fail to meet baseline neural stimulation thresholds.   # A meaning deficit: Arises when an activity lacks personal purpose, existential value, or relevance to broader life goals.   This theoretical distinction is crucial because it explains why individuals often experience profound disengagement even during routine, highly predictable tasks that they technically possess complete control and high coping potential over. An individual can easily pay attention to a boring task if they find inherent meaning in it; conversely, if an activity feels entirely purposeless, attention inevitably collapses regardless of how simple the task is to execute. === Sansone and Thoman's self-regulation of motivation model === Expanding on how individuals navigate these affective states, Sansone and Thoman (2005) proposed that learners actively self-regulate motivation by restructuring mundane tasks to make them more engaging. Individuals implement interest-enhancing strategies, such as creating personal mini-challenges or adding playful elements to otherwise tedious activities (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Long-term goal achievement therefore requires balancing disciplined effort with the dynamic generation of situational interest, bridging the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). === Critical perspective on theoretical integration === While these models provide robust explanations, a critical analysis reveals notable tensions between them. Pekrun's control-value theory treats control and value as broad global appraisals, whereas Silvia's model focuses sharply on micro-appraisals of novelty and coping potential. Integrating these frameworks reveals that boredom and interest are not absolute opposites on a single continuum, but rather dual regulatory systems. Boredom acts as a signal of misfit (attentional mismatch or meaning deficit), whereas interest acts as an approach signal of growth and mastery. Future theoretical models must better account for the neurobiological interplay between default mode network (DMN) mind-wandering and dopaminergic reward pathways to fully capture how these cognitive appraisals translate into physiological arousal.<quiz display="simple"> {According to the MAC model (Westgate & Wilson, 2018), a person can experience boredom during a task even when the difficulty is optimal, provided they find the activity lacking in personal meaning or value: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Research and empirical investigations == Psychological research has increasingly moved away from treating boredom and interest as minor emotional by-products, establishing them instead through rigorous empirical paradigms, including experience sampling methodology (Goetz et al., 2014), psychophysical attentional tasks (Eastwood et al., 2012), and longitudinal field interventions (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Critical evaluation of this literature reveals how structural task features interact with individual cognitive vulnerabilities to dictate whether engagement is maintained or collapses into aversive disengagement. These empirical findings provide the evidentiary foundation for understanding the real-world behavioural consequences of affective states. === Experience sampling methodology and boredom subtypes === Seminal empirical work by Goetz et al. (2014) transformed the assessment of academic emotions by deploying experience sampling methodology (ESM) across high school and university cohorts, capturing real-time emotional fluctuations in naturalistic learning environments rather than relying solely on retrospective student evaluations. Their findings empirically invalidated the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, identifying five distinct phenomenological subtypes (indifferent, apathetic, calibrating, searching, and reactant) that differ systematically in valence, cognitive appraisals, and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). Subsequent ecological momentary assessments (EMA) confirmed that these subtypes dictate downstream behaviour differently; for instance, searching and reactant subtypes prompt immediate, restless urges to escape the environment, whereas indifferent and apathetic subtypes manifest as cognitive withdrawal. While ESM possesses high ecological validity by minimising retrospective recall bias, methodological critiques highlight that repeated daily polling can induce participant fatigue, potentially skewing compliance rates or subtly altering natural emotional reporting patterns over extended longitudinal periods (Goetz et al., 2014). === Attentional failures versus meaning deficits in experimental studies === Investigating the underlying cognitive architecture of state boredom, Eastwood et al. (2012) utilised psychophysical and attentional tasks to demonstrate that boredom is fundamentally a bottom-up failure of sustained attention. Their laboratory experiments revealed that individuals experiencing state boredom exhibit distinct attentional impairments, remaining acutely aware of their inability to engage mental resources while struggling to sustain vigilance on monotonous stimuli (Eastwood et al., 2012). Challenging this purely attentional account, Westgate and Wilson (2018) conducted experimental studies demonstrating that under-stimulation is insufficient on its own to induce boredom if an activity possesses perceived subjective meaning. By examining participants left alone with their thoughts or performing repetitive tasks, Westgate and Wilson proved that top-down cognitive appraisals of personal utility act as an equally powerful buffer against disengagement. Synthesising these perspectives indicates that while Eastwood et al. (2012) highlight perceptual-attentional constraints and working memory mismatches, Westgate and Wilson (2018) establish that existential meaning deficits represent an independent pathway to disengagement. === Psychosocial consequences of trait boredom proneness and meta-analytic evidence === Population-based research utilising the Boredom Proneness Scale (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986) has consistently linked chronic trait susceptibility to severe psychosocial maladjustment and psychopathology. Recent systematic reviews and large-scale meta-analytic evidence confirm robust positive correlations between elevated boredom proneness and behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, emotional dysregulation, and depressive symptomatology (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). Expanding on these associations, recent comprehensive meta-analyses examining boredom and digital media use demonstrate a large positive pooled effect size (''r'' = .342) between trait boredom and problematic digital media use, compared to a much smaller association with non-problematic use (''r'' = .084) (Camerini et al., 2023). Longitudinal tracking demonstrates that individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened vulnerability to compulsive digital media consumption, utilising rapid-fire online scrolling and smartphone notifications as a maladaptive regulatory attempt to escape chronic under-arousal and down-regulate negative affect (Camerini et al., 2023). However, a critical limitation across much of this correlational literature is its heavy reliance on cross-sectional self-report designs, which restricts definitive causal inference due to shared-method variance and potential reporting biases, necessitating more prospective cross-lagged panel designs (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986; Danckert et al., 2018). === Psychophysiological and neurobiological underpinnings === Complementing behavioural paradigms, psychophysiological investigations demonstrate that boredom is accompanied by distinct autonomic and neural signatures. While early assumptions characterised boredom strictly as a low-arousal state, recent physiological tracking shows dynamic autonomic instability, characterised by alternating tonic-phasic heart rate variability and electrodermal activity shifts during prolonged monotonous tasks (Clay et al., 2024). Neurobiologically, functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies reveal that state boredom is associated with altered functional connectivity within the brain's default mode network (DMN), particularly involving the precuneus and medial prefrontal cortex (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals encounter monotonous or under-stimulating tasks, failure of frontoparietal control networks to suppress task-irrelevant DMN mind-wandering generates subjective restlessness and attentional lapses. In contrast, states of high interest recruit dopaminergic reward pathways (ventral striatum) and executive control networks, facilitating sustained, effortless cognitive focus without psychological depletion (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). === Experimental validation of interest and utility-value interventions === Moving from descriptive research to applied empirical trials, Hulleman and Harackiewicz (2009) conducted a landmark randomised controlled field experiment demonstrating the causal efficacy of cultivating situational interest. By assigning high school science students to write brief reflections connecting course material directly to their personal lives, the authors observed significant gains in both situational interest and final course performance, with strongest positive effects among students with low initial performance expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). These empirical findings validate Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation theory, proving that learners are not passive victims of uninteresting curricula; rather, targeted cognitive framing can successfully bridge the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Subsequent educational trials have replicated these findings across diverse learning contexts, proving that systematic manipulation of utility value successfully converts aversive state disengagement into sustained, approach-oriented engagement. == Integration: Bridging theory and empirical research == Synthesising theoretical frameworks with contemporary empirical investigations reveals how cognitive appraisals, attentional mechanisms, and subjective valuations directly dictate real-world motivational outcomes. Rather than existing in academic isolation, psychological models of motivation and emotion are continuously shaped and validated by rigorous experimental and field research. By examining how empirical findings inform theoretical interpretations, researchers and practitioners gain a comprehensive understanding of why individuals transition between profound disengagement and energised immersion. === Empirical validation and refinement of appraisal models === The alignment between Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model of interest and Goetz et al.'s (2014) experience sampling methodology (ESM) provides a prime example of theory-research integration. Silvia's model posits that state interest is triggered by primary appraisals of novelty-complexity and secondary appraisals of coping potential. Goetz et al.'s (2014) real-time ESM findings empirically substantiate this mechanism by demonstrating that student emotional states fluctuate dynamically in response to micro-appraisals during classroom instruction. Specifically, when instructional pacing matches student coping potential and introduces moderate novelty, high-arousal engagement and searching boredom subtypes are activated rather than passive apathetic withdrawal. Thus, empirical ESM data validates the dynamic, predictive utility of static appraisal theories in naturalistic settings. === Resolving theoretical tensions through experimental paradigms === Furthermore, empirical research directly addresses and reconciles apparent tensions between competing theoretical models of boredom. The ongoing scholarly debate between Eastwood et al. (2012), who conceptualise boredom primarily as a bottom-up attentional failure, and Westgate and Wilson (2018), who emphasise top-down meaning deficits via the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model, highlights the necessity of an integrated theoretical perspective. While Eastwood et al.'s psychophysical experiments prove that working memory and sustained attention impairments generate bottom-up disengagement during monotonous tasks, Westgate and Wilson's experimental trials demonstrate that top-down cognitive appraisals of personal utility can override under-stimulation. Integrating these findings with Pekrun's (2006) control-value framework reveals that comprehensive models of emotion must account for both perceptual-attentional constraints and existential meaning; an individual may possess complete cognitive control over a task, yet still experience acute boredom if top-down value appraisals are entirely absent. === Translating theory into self-regulation and applied interventions === Finally, the theoretical premise that learners are active agents of their own motivational states, as articulated in Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation model, finds robust causal validation in Hulleman and Harackiewicz's (2009) randomised controlled field experiments. By demonstrating that brief utility-value writing reflections significantly boost situational interest and academic performance, experimental research proves that targeted cognitive reframing bridges the gap between objective curriculum demands and subjective motivational relevance. This integration of theory and empirical trials confirms that interventions do not merely alter external environments; rather, they reshape the cognitive appraisals that govern emotional and motivational states, transforming aversive boredom into sustainable, lifelong engagement. == Individual differences: Trait boredom, curiosity, and personality == Individual differences in trait proneness and cognitive curiosity fundamentally moderate how environmental demands are appraised and experienced. Trait boredom is a stable personality susceptibility characterised by a chronic difficulty in engaging attention and finding meaning in daily activities (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986). Individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened baseline vulnerability to behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, and psychological distress, frequently resorting to external stimulation to compensate for internal under-arousal (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). In contrast, trait curiosity, particularly epistemic and perceptual curiosity, acts as an intrinsic psychological resource that buffers against aversive disengagement (Litman, 2005). Highly curious individuals actively seek out novel, complex stimuli, framing challenging academic or occupational tasks as opportunities for exploration rather than sources of frustration (Litman, 2005; Silvia, 2008). These distinct personality profiles demonstrate that vulnerability to boredom versus the capacity for interest is determined by an interaction between enduring trait structures and immediate task affordances. Neurobiologically, individual susceptibility to chronic boredom is linked to functional connectivity differences within the brain's default mode network (DMN) (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals with high boredom proneness encounter monotonous tasks, their DMN fails to suppress task-irrelevant mind-wandering efficiently, leading to subjective restlessness and attentional lapses (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). Understanding these individual differences allows educators and practitioners to tailor learning environments to support vulnerable learners. === Psychological dimension matrix === Although state boredom and state interest operate as dual self-regulatory signals, they diverge sharply across core affective, cognitive, and motivational dimensions (see Table 1). '''Table 1''' ''Comparison of Psychological Dimensions Between State Boredom and State Interest'' {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! Dimension !State Boredom!! State Interest !! Key Citations |- | '''Affective Valence''' |Unpleasant, aversive|| Pleasant, invigorating || Eastwood et al. (2012); Silvia (2008) |- | '''Arousal Level''' |Variable (apathetic low to reactant high)|| Moderate to high (engaged alertness) || Goetz et al. (2014); Silvia (2005) |- |'''Attentional State''' |Effortful, frequent mind-wandering |Effortless absorption, sustained focus |Westgate & Wilson (2018) |- |'''Primary Appraisals''' |Low intrinsic value; control mismatch |High novelty-complexity; high coping |Pekrun (2006); Silvia (2008) |- |'''Motivational Goal''' |Avoidance, task-switching, escape |Approach, exploration, knowledge acquisition |Bench & Lench (2013); Hidi & Renninger (2006) |- |'''Time Perception''' |Overestimated ("time drags") |Underestimated ("time flies") |Eastwood et al. (2012) |} == Applied interventions: Transforming boredom into interest == Psychological science provides robust, actionable frameworks to convert maladaptive state boredom into productive situational and individual interest across educational and workplace settings. Effective interventions require targeted adjustments to environmental affordances and cognitive reappraisals, rather than merely increasing external pressure or discipline. By intentionally modifying task structures, individuals and educators can successfully restore subjective value and optimal challenge (Pekrun, 2006; Westgate & Wilson, 2018). One highly validated approach is the utility-value intervention, which requires learners to explicitly connect course material to their personal lives and long-term career goals. Experimental trials confirm that writing brief utility-value reflections significantly boosts situational interest and academic performance, particularly among individuals with low initial expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Furthermore, task-crafting allows individuals to introduce playful elements, personal mini-challenges, or autonomy into otherwise tedious routines, effectively bridging the gap between objective demands and subjective relevance (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Finally, dynamically calibrating task difficulty ensures that cognitive demands align closely with an individual's current coping potential, preventing both deficient-control boredom and overload anxiety (Pekrun, 2006; Silvia, 2008). By maintaining an optimal balance of challenge and perceived meaning, environments can foster sustained engagement and protect against psychological fatigue (Renninger & Hidi, 2015). ==Conclusion== How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational lives? Psychological science reveals that state boredom and state interest act as powerful, complementary internal barometers that guide daily attention and behaviour. Rather than being mere psychological nuisances or simple enjoyments, boredom functions as an adaptive evolutionary signal, warning individuals when an activity lacks personal meaning or fails to match their cognitive capacities, whereas interest serves as an approach-oriented engine driving exploration and mastery. As demonstrated by Pekrun's control-value theory, Silvia's appraisal framework, and Westgate and Wilson's Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model, these states are governed by continuous cognitive evaluations of control, value, novelty, and existential purpose. When these appraisals align, learners enter states of effortless immersion; when they break down, disengagement and vulnerability to chronic distress follow. Crucially, individuals are not passive victims of unengaging environments. By applying targeted psychological strategies, such as utility-value reflections, task-crafting, and calibrating optimal challenges, students, educators, and professionals can successfully transform aversive boredom into enduring interest, bridging the gap between objective demands and personal fulfilment. ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Attention|Attention]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Boredom|Boredom]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Curiosity|Curiosity]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Curiosity and interest|Curiosity and interest]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2021) * [[wikipedia:Flow (psychology)|Flow (psychology)]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Flow and optimal experience|Flow and optimal experience]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2020) * [[wikipedia:Interest (emotion)|Interest (emotion)]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/Intrinsic motivation in education|Intrinsic motivation in education]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2019) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Metacognition and emotional regulation|Metacognition and emotional regulation]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2022/Self-regulation and academic procrastination|Self-regulation and academic procrastination]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2022) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bench, S. W., & Lench, H. C. (2013). On the function of boredom. ''Behavioral Sciences'', ''3''(3), 459–472. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs3030459 Camerini, A.-L., Morlino, S., & Marciano, L. (2023). Boredom and digital media use: A systematic review and meta-analysis. ''Computers in Human Behavior Reports'', ''11'', Article 100313. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chbr.2023.100313 Clay, G., Mlynski, C., Korb, F. M., Goschke, T., & Job, V. (2024). Autonomic nervous system activity during state boredom. ''Psychophysiology'', ''61''(4), Article e14507. https://doi.org/10.1111/psyp.14507 Danckert, J., & Merrifield, C. (2018). Boredom, sustained attention and the default mode network. ''Experimental Brain Research'', ''236''(9), 2507–2518. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00221-016-4617-5 Danckert, J., Mugon, J., Struk, A., & Eastwood, J. (2018). Boredom: What is it, why does it matter, and what can we do about it? ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''32''(6), 1163–1172. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699931.2018.1462148 Eastwood, J. D., Frischen, A., Fenske, M. J., & Smilek, D. (2012). The unengaged mind: Defining boredom in terms of attention. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''7''(5), 482–495. https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612456044 Farmer, R., & Sundberg, N. D. (1986). Boredom proneness: The development and correlates of a new scale. ''Journal of Personality Assessment'', ''50''(1), 4–17. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15327752jpa5001_2 Goetz, T., Frenzel, A. C., Hall, N. C., Nett, U. E., Pekrun, R., & Lipnevich, A. A. (2014). Types of boredom: An experience sampling approach. ''Motivation and Emotion'', ''38''(3), 401–419. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11031-013-9385-y Hidi, S., & Renninger, K. A. (2006). The four-phase model of interest development. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''41''(2), 111–127. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15326985ep4102_4 Hulleman, C. S., & Harackiewicz, J. M. (2009). Promoting interest and performance in high school science classes. ''Science'', ''326''(5958), 1410–1412. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1177067 Litman, J. (2005). Curiosity and the pleasures of learning: Wanting and liking new information. ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''19''(6), 793–814. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699930541000101 Pekrun, R. (2006). The control-value theory of achievement emotions: Assumptions, corollaries, and implications for educational research and practice. ''Educational Psychology Review'', ''18''(4), 315–341. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10648-006-9029-9 Pekrun, R., Goetz, T., Daniels, L. M., Stupnisky, R. H., & Perry, R. P. (2010). Boredom in achievement settings: Exploring control–value antecedents and performance outcomes of a neglected emotion. ''Journal of Educational Psychology'', ''102''(3), 531–549. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0019243 Renninger, K. A., & Hidi, S. (2015). ''The power of interest for motivation and engagement''. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315771045 Sansone, C., & Thoman, D. B. (2005). Interest as the missing motivator in self-regulation. ''European Psychologist'', ''10''(3), 175–186. https://doi.org/10.1027/1016-9040.10.3.175 Schiefele, U. (1991). Interest, learning, and motivation. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''26''(3–4), 299–323. https://doi.org/10.1080/00461520.1991.9653136 Silvia, P. J. (2005). What is interesting? Exploring the appraisal structure of interest. ''Emotion'', ''5''(1), 89–102. https://doi.org/10.1037/1528-3542.5.1.89 Silvia, P. J. (2008). Interest—The curious emotion. ''Current Directions in Psychological Science'', ''17''(1), 57–60. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8721.2008.00548.x Tam, K. Y. Y., Van Tilburg, W. A. P., & Chan, C. S. (2021). What is boredom proneness? A theoretical investigation. ''Personality and Social Psychology Review'', ''25''(3), 291–310. https://doi.org/10.1177/10888683211010297 Thoman, D. B., Smith, J. L., & Silvia, P. J. (2011). The resource replenishment function of interest. ''Social Psychological and Personality Science'', ''2''(6), 592–599. https://doi.org/10.1177/1948550611402521 Westgate, E. C., & Wilson, T. D. (2018). Boring by design: A Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model of boredom. ''Psychological Review'', ''125''(5), 689–713. https://doi.org/10.1037/rev0000097 }} ==External links== * [https://www.hiddenbrain.org/podcast/boredom/ Boredom] (Hidden Brain Media) * [https://www.ted.com/talks/manoush_zomorodi_how_boredom_can_lead_to_your_most_brilliant_ideas How boredom can lead to your most brilliant ideas] (TED) * [https://www.artofmanliness.com/character/self-improvement/podcast-686-the-psychology-of-boredom/ The psychology of boredom] (The Art of Manliness) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Boredom]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Interest]] 9mffh5ktwd4vfh35mvgrvgt0p6uzaxu 2840292 2840291 2026-10-14T16:14:46Z U3239431 3106807 2840292 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Boredom and interest:<br>How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational states?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=5}} [[File:Student in Library Pittsburg State University.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. Cognitive engagement shifts dramatically depending on whether a learning task triggers state boredom or state interest.]] ; Case scenario:The tale of two study tasks Megan sits in the campus library preparing for an upcoming cognitive psychology examination. After twenty minutes of reading abstract, repetitive definitions of perceptual thresholds and psychophysical scaling, a heavy lethargy sets in: Megan repeatedly checks the clock, opens short-form social media videos, and experiences an aversive feeling of physical and mental restlessness. Later that evening, Megan switches to an interactive computer simulation analysing real-world flight simulator data and cognitive load thresholds; suddenly, Megan experiences heightened alertness, voluntary concentration, and loses all track of time (See figure 1). Both tasks require intense cognitive exertion, yet one produces paralysing disengagement while the other elicits effortless immersion. What psychological mechanisms explain how identical emotional appraisals transform identical cognitive demands into either profound boredom or energised interest? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This chapter explores the psychological science of [[wikipedia:Boredom|boredom]] and [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Interest|interest]], drawing on appraisal theories, the control-value framework, and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model to explain how these emotional states regulate [[motivation]], [[wikipedia:Attention|attention]], and goal-directed behaviour. State boredom functions as a pervasive, aversive psychological state characterised by low arousal, attentional disruption, perceived meaninglessness, and an unsatisfied desire for engagement. Conversely, state interest acts as a primary approach-oriented emotion that directs executive attention, promotes exploratory behaviour, and fosters intrinsic motivation. Both emotional states serve as critical self-regulatory indicators in daily life and academic settings, signalling when current activities lack subjective value or optimal challenge, thereby prompting behavioural realignments.   {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * How are boredom and interest defined, classified, and operationalised in cognitive and affective psychological science? * What cognitive appraisal processes and neurobiological networks mediate the transition between boredom and interest? * How do the control-value theory and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model explain the motivational outcomes of these emotional states? * What individual differences (e.g., boredom proneness, trait curiosity) influence vulnerability to boredom and the capacity for interest? * How can students, educators, and professionals implement psychological interventions to convert state boredom into productive situational and individual interest?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Conceptualising boredom: Definitions, typologies and functions == Boredom is a pervasive yet historically under-researched aversive emotional state defined by an inability to engage attention in satisfying activity, accompanied by distorted time perception and an urgent desire to escape the immediate setting. Far from being a simple lack of things to do, psychological science conceptualises boredom as a complex, multi-dimensional affective and cognitive phenomenon that serves vital self-regulatory functions while carrying significant vulnerability risks when chronic. ==== '''Attentional and phenomenological characteristics''' ==== State boredom is primarily characterised as an attentional failure where individuals find themselves unable to direct cognitive focus toward internal thoughts or external tasks, while remaining acutely and painfully aware of this inability (Eastwood et al., 2012). Phenomenologically, boredom possesses distinct qualitative signatures, most notably "time drag", the subjective, distorted perception that time is passing unusually slowly, coupled with a restless, agitated desire for alternative stimulation. Researchers emphasise the critical need to distinguish state boredom from related affective states: unlike apathy, which is marked by complete emotional indifference and flat affect, boredom involves an active, frustrated yearning for engagement. Similarly, while depression involves persistent sadness, feelings of worthlessness, and generalised anhedonia across all life domains, state boredom is typically tied to specific situational contexts or tasks where meaning or optimal challenge is absent (Danckert et al., 2018; Eastwood et al., 2012). ==== '''Multidimensional typologies of boredom''' ==== Challenging the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, contemporary experience sampling methodology (ESM) reveals that boredom manifests in several distinct phenomenological subtypes differentiated by their underlying valence and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). These subtypes capture the diverse ways individuals experience and react to unengaging environments: * Indifferent boredom: A relaxed, low-arousal state with minimal affect where individuals drift comfortably. * Apathetic boredom: A distressing, low-arousal state marked by total withdrawal and helplessness. * Calibrating boredom: A mild-arousal state featuring wandering daydreams and openness to distraction. * Searching boredom: An active, restless state driven by the goal-directed pursuit of alternative stimulation. * Reactant boredom: A high-arousal, aversive state prompting urgent urges to rebel against constraints. ==== '''Functional and evolutionary perspectives''' ==== From an evolutionary standpoint, researchers conceptualise boredom not merely as a modern psychological nuisance, but as an adaptive "stop signal" designed by natural selection (Bench & Lench, 2013). When an organism remains in a static, unrewarding, or non-stimulating environment, the energetic costs of continued engagement outweigh potential adaptive benefits; boredom signals this mismatch, motivating exploratory foraging, task switching, or environmental modification (Danckert et al., 2018). However, in modern educational and occupational contexts where physical escape or immediate task switching is constrained, this evolutionary alarm can misfire. When adaptive self-regulation fails, acute boredom frequently manifests as maladaptive coping mechanisms, such as impulsive sensation-seeking, high-risk behaviour, or compulsive digital media consumption (Camerini et al., 2023). == The psychology of interest: Appraisal structure and developmental phases == Interest operates as a counter-regulatory epistemic emotion that facilitates learning, exploration, and the acquisition of complex competencies. Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model demonstrates that interest is elicited by evaluations of novelty-complexity and coping potential. The primary appraisal evaluates whether an event or stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected, while the secondary appraisal assesses personal coping potential, the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive capacity and resources to comprehend and master the novel stimulus. Expanding beyond immediate state appraisals, Hidi and Renninger (2006) traced the evolution from transient environmental stimulation to enduring personal interest across four distinct phases. Phase 1 (Triggered Situational Interest) is externally elicited by surprising or vivid features, whereas Phase 2 (Maintained Situational Interest) involves sustained task engagement supported by meaningful learning activities. Phase 3 (Emerging Individual Interest) and Phase 4 (Well-Developed Individual Interest) are internally generated, characterised by stored knowledge, deep personal value, and self-regulated goal pursuit. Experiencing state interest stimulates spontaneous, focused attention, which reduces reliance on deliberate and effortful executive control (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). In educational environments, interest directly predicts the adoption of deep cognitive processing strategies over shallow surface memorisation (Schiefele, 1991). Furthermore, it serves as an emotional buffer against ego depletion, sustaining psychological resources during demanding tasks (Silvia, 2008; Thoman et al., 2011).<quiz display="simple"> {According to Silvia's (2008) appraisal model, high novelty-complexity automatically sparks interest, even if a person feels they have zero capacity or coping potential to understand it: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Theoretical frameworks: Control-value and Meaning-Attentional models == To understand how individuals transition between profound boredom and energised interest, psychological science relies on multidimensional theoretical frameworks that link cognitive appraisals, environmental demands, and emotional outcomes (Pekrun, 2006; Westgate & Wilson, 2018). Rather than viewing emotional and motivational states as static personality traits, contemporary models conceptualise state boredom and state interest as dynamic, functional barometers driven by continuous evaluations of control, value, novelty, and meaning (Silvia, 2008). These theoretical models provide the structural lens through which cognitive and motivational processes can be systematically analysed and applied. === Pekrun's control-value theory of achievement emotions === Pekrun's (2006) control-value theory posits that achievement emotions are systematically governed by two primary cognitive appraisals: subjective control, which is the perception of personal agency over an activity, and subjective value, which represents the personal importance assigned to outcomes. State boredom typically peaks under conditions of mismatched control and low intrinsic value, manifesting either as deficient control when demands overwhelm capability or excessive control when tasks are trivial (Pekrun et al., 2010). Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit (Schiefele, 1991). For example, in the opening scenario, when Megan is forced to memorise exhaustive, repetitive lists of historical data without practical application, she experiences excessive control coupled with zero value, triggering acute boredom. Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic or attainment value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit. === Silvia's two-component appraisal model of interest === Complementing Pekrun's framework, Silvia's (2005, 2008) appraisal model explains that state interest is an epistemic emotion triggered by two sequential cognitive evaluations: novelty-complexity and coping potential.   * Primary appraisal: Evaluates whether a stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected. This evaluation automatically captures attention and initiates exploratory processing.   * Secondary appraisal: Assesses personal coping potential—the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive resources, knowledge, and skills required to master the stimulus.   When high novelty is paired with high coping potential, individuals experience intense epistemic interest. However, if a stimulus is novel but exceeds coping potential (i.e., it is too complex or confusing), the individual experiences anxiety or confusion rather than engagement. This highlights why optimal challenge is a prerequisite for interest development. === Westgate and Wilson's Meaning and Attentional Components model === While control-value theory focuses primarily on structured achievement contexts, Westgate and Wilson's (2018) Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model isolates the immediate psychological architecture of boredom. The MAC model proposes that boredom stems from two independent cognitive deficits:   # An attentional mismatch: Occurs when cognitive demands either overwhelm working memory capacity or fail to meet baseline neural stimulation thresholds.   # A meaning deficit: Arises when an activity lacks personal purpose, existential value, or relevance to broader life goals.   This theoretical distinction is crucial because it explains why individuals often experience profound disengagement even during routine, highly predictable tasks that they technically possess complete control and high coping potential over. An individual can easily pay attention to a boring task if they find inherent meaning in it; conversely, if an activity feels entirely purposeless, attention inevitably collapses regardless of how simple the task is to execute. === Sansone and Thoman's self-regulation of motivation model === Expanding on how individuals navigate these affective states, Sansone and Thoman (2005) proposed that learners actively self-regulate motivation by restructuring mundane tasks to make them more engaging. Individuals implement interest-enhancing strategies, such as creating personal mini-challenges or adding playful elements to otherwise tedious activities (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Long-term goal achievement therefore requires balancing disciplined effort with the dynamic generation of situational interest, bridging the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). === Critical perspective on theoretical integration === While these models provide robust explanations, a critical analysis reveals notable tensions between them. Pekrun's control-value theory treats control and value as broad global appraisals, whereas Silvia's model focuses sharply on micro-appraisals of novelty and coping potential. Integrating these frameworks reveals that boredom and interest are not absolute opposites on a single continuum, but rather dual regulatory systems. Boredom acts as a signal of misfit (attentional mismatch or meaning deficit), whereas interest acts as an approach signal of growth and mastery. Future theoretical models must better account for the neurobiological interplay between default mode network (DMN) mind-wandering and dopaminergic reward pathways to fully capture how these cognitive appraisals translate into physiological arousal.<quiz display="simple"> {According to the MAC model (Westgate & Wilson, 2018), a person can experience boredom during a task even when the difficulty is optimal, provided they find the activity lacking in personal meaning or value: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Research and empirical investigations == Psychological research has increasingly moved away from treating boredom and interest as minor emotional by-products, establishing them instead through rigorous empirical paradigms, including experience sampling methodology (Goetz et al., 2014), psychophysical attentional tasks (Eastwood et al., 2012), and longitudinal field interventions (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Critical evaluation of this literature reveals how structural task features interact with individual cognitive vulnerabilities to dictate whether engagement is maintained or collapses into aversive disengagement. These empirical findings provide the evidentiary foundation for understanding the real-world behavioural consequences of affective states. === Experience sampling methodology and boredom subtypes === Seminal empirical work by Goetz et al. (2014) transformed the assessment of academic emotions by deploying experience sampling methodology (ESM) across high school and university cohorts, capturing real-time emotional fluctuations in naturalistic learning environments rather than relying solely on retrospective student evaluations. Their findings empirically invalidated the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, identifying five distinct phenomenological subtypes (indifferent, apathetic, calibrating, searching, and reactant) that differ systematically in valence, cognitive appraisals, and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). Subsequent ecological momentary assessments (EMA) confirmed that these subtypes dictate downstream behaviour differently; for instance, searching and reactant subtypes prompt immediate, restless urges to escape the environment, whereas indifferent and apathetic subtypes manifest as cognitive withdrawal. While ESM possesses high ecological validity by minimising retrospective recall bias, methodological critiques highlight that repeated daily polling can induce participant fatigue, potentially skewing compliance rates or subtly altering natural emotional reporting patterns over extended longitudinal periods (Goetz et al., 2014). === Attentional failures versus meaning deficits in experimental studies === Investigating the underlying cognitive architecture of state boredom, Eastwood et al. (2012) utilised psychophysical and attentional tasks to demonstrate that boredom is fundamentally a bottom-up failure of sustained attention. Their laboratory experiments revealed that individuals experiencing state boredom exhibit distinct attentional impairments, remaining acutely aware of their inability to engage mental resources while struggling to sustain vigilance on monotonous stimuli (Eastwood et al., 2012). Challenging this purely attentional account, Westgate and Wilson (2018) conducted experimental studies demonstrating that under-stimulation is insufficient on its own to induce boredom if an activity possesses perceived subjective meaning. By examining participants left alone with their thoughts or performing repetitive tasks, Westgate and Wilson proved that top-down cognitive appraisals of personal utility act as an equally powerful buffer against disengagement. Synthesising these perspectives indicates that while Eastwood et al. (2012) highlight perceptual-attentional constraints and working memory mismatches, Westgate and Wilson (2018) establish that existential meaning deficits represent an independent pathway to disengagement. === Psychosocial consequences of trait boredom proneness and meta-analytic evidence === Population-based research utilising the Boredom Proneness Scale (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986) has consistently linked chronic trait susceptibility to severe psychosocial maladjustment and psychopathology. Recent systematic reviews and large-scale meta-analytic evidence confirm robust positive correlations between elevated boredom proneness and behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, emotional dysregulation, and depressive symptomatology (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). Expanding on these associations, recent comprehensive meta-analyses examining boredom and digital media use demonstrate a large positive pooled effect size (''r'' = .342) between trait boredom and problematic digital media use, compared to a much smaller association with non-problematic use (''r'' = .084) (Camerini et al., 2023). Longitudinal tracking demonstrates that individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened vulnerability to compulsive digital media consumption, utilising rapid-fire online scrolling and smartphone notifications as a maladaptive regulatory attempt to escape chronic under-arousal and down-regulate negative affect (Camerini et al., 2023). However, a critical limitation across much of this correlational literature is its heavy reliance on cross-sectional self-report designs, which restricts definitive causal inference due to shared-method variance and potential reporting biases, necessitating more prospective cross-lagged panel designs (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986; Danckert et al., 2018). === Psychophysiological and neurobiological underpinnings === Complementing behavioural paradigms, psychophysiological investigations demonstrate that boredom is accompanied by distinct autonomic and neural signatures. While early assumptions characterised boredom strictly as a low-arousal state, recent physiological tracking shows dynamic autonomic instability, characterised by alternating tonic-phasic heart rate variability and electrodermal activity shifts during prolonged monotonous tasks (Clay et al., 2024). Neurobiologically, functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies reveal that state boredom is associated with altered functional connectivity within the brain's default mode network (DMN), particularly involving the precuneus and medial prefrontal cortex (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals encounter monotonous or under-stimulating tasks, failure of frontoparietal control networks to suppress task-irrelevant DMN mind-wandering generates subjective restlessness and attentional lapses. In contrast, states of high interest recruit dopaminergic reward pathways (ventral striatum) and executive control networks, facilitating sustained, effortless cognitive focus without psychological depletion (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). === Experimental validation of interest and utility-value interventions === Moving from descriptive research to applied empirical trials, Hulleman and Harackiewicz (2009) conducted a landmark randomised controlled field experiment demonstrating the causal efficacy of cultivating situational interest. By assigning high school science students to write brief reflections connecting course material directly to their personal lives, the authors observed significant gains in both situational interest and final course performance, with strongest positive effects among students with low initial performance expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). These empirical findings validate Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation theory, proving that learners are not passive victims of uninteresting curricula; rather, targeted cognitive framing can successfully bridge the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Subsequent educational trials have replicated these findings across diverse learning contexts, proving that systematic manipulation of utility value successfully converts aversive state disengagement into sustained, approach-oriented engagement. == Integration: Bridging theory and empirical research == Synthesising theoretical frameworks with contemporary empirical investigations reveals how cognitive appraisals, attentional mechanisms, and subjective valuations directly dictate real-world motivational outcomes. Rather than existing in academic isolation, psychological models of motivation and emotion are continuously shaped and validated by rigorous experimental and field research. By examining how empirical findings inform theoretical interpretations, researchers and practitioners gain a comprehensive understanding of why individuals transition between profound disengagement and energised immersion. === Empirical validation and refinement of appraisal models === The alignment between Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model of interest and Goetz et al.'s (2014) experience sampling methodology (ESM) provides a prime example of theory-research integration. Silvia's model posits that state interest is triggered by primary appraisals of novelty-complexity and secondary appraisals of coping potential. Goetz et al.'s (2014) real-time ESM findings empirically substantiate this mechanism by demonstrating that student emotional states fluctuate dynamically in response to micro-appraisals during classroom instruction. Specifically, when instructional pacing matches student coping potential and introduces moderate novelty, high-arousal engagement and searching boredom subtypes are activated rather than passive apathetic withdrawal. Thus, empirical ESM data validates the dynamic, predictive utility of static appraisal theories in naturalistic settings. === Resolving theoretical tensions through experimental paradigms === Furthermore, empirical research directly addresses and reconciles apparent tensions between competing theoretical models of boredom. The ongoing scholarly debate between Eastwood et al. (2012), who conceptualise boredom primarily as a bottom-up attentional failure, and Westgate and Wilson (2018), who emphasise top-down meaning deficits via the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model, highlights the necessity of an integrated theoretical perspective. While Eastwood et al.'s psychophysical experiments prove that working memory and sustained attention impairments generate bottom-up disengagement during monotonous tasks, Westgate and Wilson's experimental trials demonstrate that top-down cognitive appraisals of personal utility can override under-stimulation. Integrating these findings with Pekrun's (2006) control-value framework reveals that comprehensive models of emotion must account for both perceptual-attentional constraints and existential meaning; an individual may possess complete cognitive control over a task, yet still experience acute boredom if top-down value appraisals are entirely absent. === Translating theory into self-regulation and applied interventions === Finally, the theoretical premise that learners are active agents of their own motivational states, as articulated in Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation model, finds robust causal validation in Hulleman and Harackiewicz's (2009) randomised controlled field experiments. By demonstrating that brief utility-value writing reflections significantly boost situational interest and academic performance, experimental research proves that targeted cognitive reframing bridges the gap between objective curriculum demands and subjective motivational relevance. This integration of theory and empirical trials confirms that interventions do not merely alter external environments; rather, they reshape the cognitive appraisals that govern emotional and motivational states, transforming aversive boredom into sustainable, lifelong engagement. == Individual differences: Trait boredom, curiosity, and personality == Individual differences in trait proneness and cognitive curiosity fundamentally moderate how environmental demands are appraised and experienced. Trait boredom is a stable personality susceptibility characterised by a chronic difficulty in engaging attention and finding meaning in daily activities (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986). Individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened baseline vulnerability to behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, and psychological distress, frequently resorting to external stimulation to compensate for internal under-arousal (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). In contrast, trait curiosity, particularly epistemic and perceptual curiosity, acts as an intrinsic psychological resource that buffers against aversive disengagement (Litman, 2005). Highly curious individuals actively seek out novel, complex stimuli, framing challenging academic or occupational tasks as opportunities for exploration rather than sources of frustration (Litman, 2005; Silvia, 2008). These distinct personality profiles demonstrate that vulnerability to boredom versus the capacity for interest is determined by an interaction between enduring trait structures and immediate task affordances. Neurobiologically, individual susceptibility to chronic boredom is linked to functional connectivity differences within the brain's default mode network (DMN) (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals with high boredom proneness encounter monotonous tasks, their DMN fails to suppress task-irrelevant mind-wandering efficiently, leading to subjective restlessness and attentional lapses (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). Understanding these individual differences allows educators and practitioners to tailor learning environments to support vulnerable learners. === Psychological dimension matrix === Although state boredom and state interest operate as dual self-regulatory signals, they diverge sharply across core affective, cognitive, and motivational dimensions (see Table 1). '''Table 1''' ''Comparison of Psychological Dimensions Between State Boredom and State Interest'' {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! Dimension !State Boredom!! State Interest !! Key Citations |- | '''Affective Valence''' |Unpleasant, aversive|| Pleasant, invigorating || Eastwood et al. (2012); Silvia (2008) |- | '''Arousal Level''' |Variable (apathetic low to reactant high)|| Moderate to high (engaged alertness) || Goetz et al. (2014); Silvia (2005) |- |'''Attentional State''' |Effortful, frequent mind-wandering |Effortless absorption, sustained focus |Westgate & Wilson (2018) |- |'''Primary Appraisals''' |Low intrinsic value; control mismatch |High novelty-complexity; high coping |Pekrun (2006); Silvia (2008) |- |'''Motivational Goal''' |Avoidance, task-switching, escape |Approach, exploration, knowledge acquisition |Bench & Lench (2013); Hidi & Renninger (2006) |- |'''Time Perception''' |Overestimated ("time drags") |Underestimated ("time flies") |Eastwood et al. (2012) |} == Applied interventions: Transforming boredom into interest == Psychological science provides robust, actionable frameworks to convert maladaptive state boredom into productive situational and individual interest across educational and workplace settings. Effective interventions require targeted adjustments to environmental affordances and cognitive reappraisals, rather than merely increasing external pressure or discipline. By intentionally modifying task structures, individuals and educators can successfully restore subjective value and optimal challenge (Pekrun, 2006; Westgate & Wilson, 2018). One highly validated approach is the utility-value intervention, which requires learners to explicitly connect course material to their personal lives and long-term career goals. Experimental trials confirm that writing brief utility-value reflections significantly boosts situational interest and academic performance, particularly among individuals with low initial expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Furthermore, task-crafting allows individuals to introduce playful elements, personal mini-challenges, or autonomy into otherwise tedious routines, effectively bridging the gap between objective demands and subjective relevance (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Finally, dynamically calibrating task difficulty ensures that cognitive demands align closely with an individual's current coping potential, preventing both deficient-control boredom and overload anxiety (Pekrun, 2006; Silvia, 2008). By maintaining an optimal balance of challenge and perceived meaning, environments can foster sustained engagement and protect against psychological fatigue (Renninger & Hidi, 2015). ==Conclusion== How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational lives? Psychological science reveals that state boredom and state interest act as powerful, complementary internal barometers guiding daily attention and behaviour. Rather than being mere psychological nuisances, boredom functions as an adaptive evolutionary signal warning individuals when an activity lacks personal meaning or optimal challenge, whereas interest serves as an approach-oriented engine driving exploration and mastery. As demonstrated by Pekrun's control-value theory, Silvia's appraisal framework, and Westgate and Wilson's MAC model, these states are governed by continuous evaluations of control, value, novelty, and existential purpose. When appraisals align, learners enter states of effortless immersion; when they break down, disengagement follows. Crucially, individuals are not passive victims of unengaging environments. By applying targeted psychological strategies, such as utility-value reflections, task-crafting, and calibrating challenge, students and professionals can successfully transform aversive boredom into enduring interest, bridging the gap between objective demands and personal fulfilment. ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Attention|Attention]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Boredom|Boredom]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Curiosity|Curiosity]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Curiosity and interest|Curiosity and interest]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2021) * [[wikipedia:Flow (psychology)|Flow (psychology)]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Flow and optimal experience|Flow and optimal experience]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2020) * [[wikipedia:Interest (emotion)|Interest (emotion)]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/Intrinsic motivation in education|Intrinsic motivation in education]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2019) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Metacognition and emotional regulation|Metacognition and emotional regulation]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2022/Self-regulation and academic procrastination|Self-regulation and academic procrastination]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2022) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bench, S. W., & Lench, H. C. (2013). On the function of boredom. ''Behavioral Sciences'', ''3''(3), 459–472. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs3030459 Camerini, A.-L., Morlino, S., & Marciano, L. (2023). Boredom and digital media use: A systematic review and meta-analysis. ''Computers in Human Behavior Reports'', ''11'', Article 100313. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chbr.2023.100313 Clay, G., Mlynski, C., Korb, F. M., Goschke, T., & Job, V. (2024). Autonomic nervous system activity during state boredom. ''Psychophysiology'', ''61''(4), Article e14507. https://doi.org/10.1111/psyp.14507 Danckert, J., & Merrifield, C. (2018). Boredom, sustained attention and the default mode network. ''Experimental Brain Research'', ''236''(9), 2507–2518. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00221-016-4617-5 Danckert, J., Mugon, J., Struk, A., & Eastwood, J. (2018). Boredom: What is it, why does it matter, and what can we do about it? ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''32''(6), 1163–1172. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699931.2018.1462148 Eastwood, J. D., Frischen, A., Fenske, M. J., & Smilek, D. (2012). The unengaged mind: Defining boredom in terms of attention. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''7''(5), 482–495. https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612456044 Farmer, R., & Sundberg, N. D. (1986). Boredom proneness: The development and correlates of a new scale. ''Journal of Personality Assessment'', ''50''(1), 4–17. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15327752jpa5001_2 Goetz, T., Frenzel, A. C., Hall, N. C., Nett, U. E., Pekrun, R., & Lipnevich, A. A. (2014). Types of boredom: An experience sampling approach. ''Motivation and Emotion'', ''38''(3), 401–419. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11031-013-9385-y Hidi, S., & Renninger, K. A. (2006). The four-phase model of interest development. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''41''(2), 111–127. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15326985ep4102_4 Hulleman, C. S., & Harackiewicz, J. M. (2009). Promoting interest and performance in high school science classes. ''Science'', ''326''(5958), 1410–1412. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1177067 Litman, J. (2005). Curiosity and the pleasures of learning: Wanting and liking new information. ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''19''(6), 793–814. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699930541000101 Pekrun, R. (2006). The control-value theory of achievement emotions: Assumptions, corollaries, and implications for educational research and practice. ''Educational Psychology Review'', ''18''(4), 315–341. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10648-006-9029-9 Pekrun, R., Goetz, T., Daniels, L. M., Stupnisky, R. H., & Perry, R. P. (2010). Boredom in achievement settings: Exploring control–value antecedents and performance outcomes of a neglected emotion. ''Journal of Educational Psychology'', ''102''(3), 531–549. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0019243 Renninger, K. A., & Hidi, S. (2015). ''The power of interest for motivation and engagement''. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315771045 Sansone, C., & Thoman, D. B. (2005). Interest as the missing motivator in self-regulation. ''European Psychologist'', ''10''(3), 175–186. https://doi.org/10.1027/1016-9040.10.3.175 Schiefele, U. (1991). Interest, learning, and motivation. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''26''(3–4), 299–323. https://doi.org/10.1080/00461520.1991.9653136 Silvia, P. J. (2005). What is interesting? Exploring the appraisal structure of interest. ''Emotion'', ''5''(1), 89–102. https://doi.org/10.1037/1528-3542.5.1.89 Silvia, P. J. (2008). Interest—The curious emotion. ''Current Directions in Psychological Science'', ''17''(1), 57–60. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8721.2008.00548.x Tam, K. Y. Y., Van Tilburg, W. A. P., & Chan, C. S. (2021). What is boredom proneness? A theoretical investigation. ''Personality and Social Psychology Review'', ''25''(3), 291–310. https://doi.org/10.1177/10888683211010297 Thoman, D. B., Smith, J. L., & Silvia, P. J. (2011). The resource replenishment function of interest. ''Social Psychological and Personality Science'', ''2''(6), 592–599. https://doi.org/10.1177/1948550611402521 Westgate, E. C., & Wilson, T. D. (2018). Boring by design: A Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model of boredom. ''Psychological Review'', ''125''(5), 689–713. https://doi.org/10.1037/rev0000097 }} ==External links== * [https://www.hiddenbrain.org/podcast/boredom/ Boredom] (Hidden Brain Media) * [https://www.ted.com/talks/manoush_zomorodi_how_boredom_can_lead_to_your_most_brilliant_ideas How boredom can lead to your most brilliant ideas] (TED) * [https://www.artofmanliness.com/character/self-improvement/podcast-686-the-psychology-of-boredom/ The psychology of boredom] (The Art of Manliness) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Boredom]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Interest]] r70ph7ssj4kug3ig7ncw4hkmx1w0kjw 2840293 2840292 2026-10-14T16:16:03Z U3239431 3106807 2840293 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Boredom and interest:<br>How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational states?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=5}} [[File:Student in Library Pittsburg State University.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. Cognitive engagement shifts dramatically depending on whether a learning task triggers state boredom or state interest.]] ; Case scenario:The tale of two study tasks Megan sits in the campus library preparing for an upcoming cognitive psychology examination. After twenty minutes of reading abstract, repetitive definitions of perceptual thresholds and psychophysical scaling, a heavy lethargy sets in: Megan repeatedly checks the clock, opens short-form social media videos, and experiences an aversive feeling of physical and mental restlessness. Later that evening, Megan switches to an interactive computer simulation analysing real-world flight simulator data and cognitive load thresholds; suddenly, Megan experiences heightened alertness, voluntary concentration, and loses all track of time (See figure 1). Both tasks require intense cognitive exertion, yet one produces paralysing disengagement while the other elicits effortless immersion. What psychological mechanisms explain how identical emotional appraisals transform identical cognitive demands into either profound boredom or energised interest? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This chapter explores the psychological science of [[wikipedia:Boredom|boredom]] and [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Interest|interest]], drawing on appraisal theories, the control-value framework, and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model to explain how these emotional states regulate [[motivation]], [[wikipedia:Attention|attention]], and goal-directed behaviour. State boredom functions as a pervasive, aversive psychological state characterised by low arousal, attentional disruption, perceived meaninglessness, and an unsatisfied desire for engagement. Conversely, state interest acts as a primary approach-oriented emotion that directs executive attention, promotes exploratory behaviour, and fosters intrinsic motivation. Both emotional states serve as critical self-regulatory indicators in daily life and academic settings, signalling when current activities lack subjective value or optimal challenge, thereby prompting behavioural realignments.   {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * How are boredom and interest defined, classified, and operationalised in cognitive and affective psychological science? * What cognitive appraisal processes and neurobiological networks mediate the transition between boredom and interest? * How do the control-value theory and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model explain the motivational outcomes of these emotional states? * What individual differences (e.g., boredom proneness, trait curiosity) influence vulnerability to boredom and the capacity for interest? * How can students, educators, and professionals implement psychological interventions to convert state boredom into productive situational and individual interest?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Conceptualising boredom: Definitions, typologies and functions == Boredom is a pervasive yet historically under-researched aversive emotional state defined by an inability to engage attention in satisfying activity, accompanied by distorted time perception and an urgent desire to escape the immediate setting. Far from being a simple lack of things to do, psychological science conceptualises boredom as a complex, multi-dimensional affective and cognitive phenomenon that serves vital self-regulatory functions while carrying significant vulnerability risks when chronic. ==== '''Attentional and phenomenological characteristics''' ==== State boredom is primarily characterised as an attentional failure where individuals find themselves unable to direct cognitive focus toward internal thoughts or external tasks, while remaining acutely and painfully aware of this inability (Eastwood et al., 2012). Phenomenologically, boredom possesses distinct qualitative signatures, most notably "time drag", the subjective, distorted perception that time is passing unusually slowly, coupled with a restless, agitated desire for alternative stimulation. Researchers emphasise the critical need to distinguish state boredom from related affective states: unlike apathy, which is marked by complete emotional indifference and flat affect, boredom involves an active, frustrated yearning for engagement. Similarly, while depression involves persistent sadness, feelings of worthlessness, and generalised anhedonia across all life domains, state boredom is typically tied to specific situational contexts or tasks where meaning or optimal challenge is absent (Danckert et al., 2018; Eastwood et al., 2012). ==== '''Multidimensional typologies of boredom''' ==== Challenging the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, contemporary experience sampling methodology (ESM) reveals that boredom manifests in several distinct phenomenological subtypes differentiated by their underlying valence and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). These subtypes capture the diverse ways individuals experience and react to unengaging environments: * Indifferent boredom: A relaxed, low-arousal state with minimal affect where individuals drift comfortably. * Apathetic boredom: A distressing, low-arousal state marked by total withdrawal and helplessness. * Calibrating boredom: A mild-arousal state featuring wandering daydreams and openness to distraction. * Searching boredom: An active, restless state driven by the goal-directed pursuit of alternative stimulation. * Reactant boredom: A high-arousal, aversive state prompting urgent urges to rebel against constraints. ==== '''Functional and evolutionary perspectives''' ==== From an evolutionary standpoint, researchers conceptualise boredom not merely as a modern psychological nuisance, but as an adaptive "stop signal" designed by natural selection (Bench & Lench, 2013). When an organism remains in a static, unrewarding, or non-stimulating environment, the energetic costs of continued engagement outweigh potential adaptive benefits; boredom signals this mismatch, motivating exploratory foraging, task switching, or environmental modification (Danckert et al., 2018). However, in modern educational and occupational contexts where physical escape or immediate task switching is constrained, this evolutionary alarm can misfire. When adaptive self-regulation fails, acute boredom frequently manifests as maladaptive coping mechanisms, such as impulsive sensation-seeking, high-risk behaviour, or compulsive digital media consumption (Camerini et al., 2023). == The psychology of interest: Appraisal structure and developmental phases == Interest operates as a counter-regulatory epistemic emotion that facilitates learning, exploration, and the acquisition of complex competencies. Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model demonstrates that interest is elicited by evaluations of novelty-complexity and coping potential. The primary appraisal evaluates whether an event or stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected, while the secondary appraisal assesses personal coping potential, the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive capacity and resources to comprehend and master the novel stimulus. Expanding beyond immediate state appraisals, Hidi and Renninger (2006) traced the evolution from transient environmental stimulation to enduring personal interest across four distinct phases. Phase 1 (Triggered Situational Interest) is externally elicited by surprising or vivid features, whereas Phase 2 (Maintained Situational Interest) involves sustained task engagement supported by meaningful learning activities. Phase 3 (Emerging Individual Interest) and Phase 4 (Well-Developed Individual Interest) are internally generated, characterised by stored knowledge, deep personal value, and self-regulated goal pursuit. Experiencing state interest stimulates spontaneous, focused attention, which reduces reliance on deliberate and effortful executive control (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). In educational environments, interest directly predicts the adoption of deep cognitive processing strategies over shallow surface memorisation (Schiefele, 1991). Furthermore, it serves as an emotional buffer against ego depletion, sustaining psychological resources during demanding tasks (Silvia, 2008; Thoman et al., 2011).<quiz display="simple"> {According to Silvia's (2008) appraisal model, high novelty-complexity automatically sparks interest, even if a person feels they have zero capacity or coping potential to understand it: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Theoretical frameworks: Control-value and Meaning-Attentional models == To understand how individuals transition between profound boredom and energised interest, psychological science relies on multidimensional theoretical frameworks that link cognitive appraisals, environmental demands, and emotional outcomes (Pekrun, 2006; Westgate & Wilson, 2018). Rather than viewing emotional and motivational states as static personality traits, contemporary models conceptualise state boredom and state interest as dynamic, functional barometers driven by continuous evaluations of control, value, novelty, and meaning (Silvia, 2008). These theoretical models provide the structural lens through which cognitive and motivational processes can be systematically analysed and applied. === Pekrun's control-value theory of achievement emotions === Pekrun's (2006) control-value theory posits that achievement emotions are systematically governed by two primary cognitive appraisals: subjective control, which is the perception of personal agency over an activity, and subjective value, which represents the personal importance assigned to outcomes. State boredom typically peaks under conditions of mismatched control and low intrinsic value, manifesting either as deficient control when demands overwhelm capability or excessive control when tasks are trivial (Pekrun et al., 2010). Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit (Schiefele, 1991). For example, in the opening scenario, when Megan is forced to memorise exhaustive, repetitive lists of historical data without practical application, she experiences excessive control coupled with zero value, triggering acute boredom. Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic or attainment value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit. === Silvia's two-component appraisal model of interest === Complementing Pekrun's framework, Silvia's (2005, 2008) appraisal model explains that state interest is an epistemic emotion triggered by two sequential cognitive evaluations: novelty-complexity and coping potential.   * Primary appraisal: Evaluates whether a stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected. This evaluation automatically captures attention and initiates exploratory processing.   * Secondary appraisal: Assesses personal coping potential—the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive resources, knowledge, and skills required to master the stimulus.   When high novelty is paired with high coping potential, individuals experience intense epistemic interest. However, if a stimulus is novel but exceeds coping potential (i.e., it is too complex or confusing), the individual experiences anxiety or confusion rather than engagement. This highlights why optimal challenge is a prerequisite for interest development. === Westgate and Wilson's Meaning and Attentional Components model === While control-value theory focuses primarily on structured achievement contexts, Westgate and Wilson's (2018) Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model isolates the immediate psychological architecture of boredom. The MAC model proposes that boredom stems from two independent cognitive deficits:   # An attentional mismatch: Occurs when cognitive demands either overwhelm working memory capacity or fail to meet baseline neural stimulation thresholds.   # A meaning deficit: Arises when an activity lacks personal purpose, existential value, or relevance to broader life goals.   This theoretical distinction is crucial because it explains why individuals often experience profound disengagement even during routine, highly predictable tasks that they technically possess complete control and high coping potential over. An individual can easily pay attention to a boring task if they find inherent meaning in it; conversely, if an activity feels entirely purposeless, attention inevitably collapses regardless of how simple the task is to execute. === Sansone and Thoman's self-regulation of motivation model === Expanding on how individuals navigate these affective states, Sansone and Thoman (2005) proposed that learners actively self-regulate motivation by restructuring mundane tasks to make them more engaging. Individuals implement interest-enhancing strategies, such as creating personal mini-challenges or adding playful elements to otherwise tedious activities (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Long-term goal achievement therefore requires balancing disciplined effort with the dynamic generation of situational interest, bridging the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). === Critical perspective on theoretical integration === While these models provide robust explanations, a critical analysis reveals notable tensions between them. Pekrun's control-value theory treats control and value as broad global appraisals, whereas Silvia's model focuses sharply on micro-appraisals of novelty and coping potential. Integrating these frameworks reveals that boredom and interest are not absolute opposites on a single continuum, but rather dual regulatory systems. Boredom acts as a signal of misfit (attentional mismatch or meaning deficit), whereas interest acts as an approach signal of growth and mastery. Future theoretical models must better account for the neurobiological interplay between default mode network (DMN) mind-wandering and dopaminergic reward pathways to fully capture how these cognitive appraisals translate into physiological arousal.<quiz display="simple"> {According to the MAC model (Westgate & Wilson, 2018), a person can experience boredom during a task even when the difficulty is optimal, provided they find the activity lacking in personal meaning or value: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Research and empirical investigations == Psychological research has increasingly moved away from treating boredom and interest as minor emotional by-products, establishing them instead through rigorous empirical paradigms, including experience sampling methodology (Goetz et al., 2014), psychophysical attentional tasks (Eastwood et al., 2012), and longitudinal field interventions (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Critical evaluation of this literature reveals how structural task features interact with individual cognitive vulnerabilities to dictate whether engagement is maintained or collapses into aversive disengagement. These empirical findings provide the evidentiary foundation for understanding the real-world behavioural consequences of affective states. === Experience sampling methodology and boredom subtypes === Seminal empirical work by Goetz et al. (2014) transformed the assessment of academic emotions by deploying experience sampling methodology (ESM) across high school and university cohorts, capturing real-time emotional fluctuations in naturalistic learning environments rather than relying solely on retrospective student evaluations. Their findings empirically invalidated the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, identifying five distinct phenomenological subtypes (indifferent, apathetic, calibrating, searching, and reactant) that differ systematically in valence, cognitive appraisals, and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). Subsequent ecological momentary assessments (EMA) confirmed that these subtypes dictate downstream behaviour differently; for instance, searching and reactant subtypes prompt immediate, restless urges to escape the environment, whereas indifferent and apathetic subtypes manifest as cognitive withdrawal. While ESM possesses high ecological validity by minimising retrospective recall bias, methodological critiques highlight that repeated daily polling can induce participant fatigue, potentially skewing compliance rates or subtly altering natural emotional reporting patterns over extended longitudinal periods (Goetz et al., 2014). === Attentional failures versus meaning deficits in experimental studies === Investigating the underlying cognitive architecture of state boredom, Eastwood et al. (2012) utilised psychophysical and attentional tasks to demonstrate that boredom is fundamentally a bottom-up failure of sustained attention. Their laboratory experiments revealed that individuals experiencing state boredom exhibit distinct attentional impairments, remaining acutely aware of their inability to engage mental resources while struggling to sustain vigilance on monotonous stimuli (Eastwood et al., 2012). Challenging this purely attentional account, Westgate and Wilson (2018) conducted experimental studies demonstrating that under-stimulation is insufficient on its own to induce boredom if an activity possesses perceived subjective meaning. By examining participants left alone with their thoughts or performing repetitive tasks, Westgate and Wilson proved that top-down cognitive appraisals of personal utility act as an equally powerful buffer against disengagement. Synthesising these perspectives indicates that while Eastwood et al. (2012) highlight perceptual-attentional constraints and working memory mismatches, Westgate and Wilson (2018) establish that existential meaning deficits represent an independent pathway to disengagement. === Psychosocial consequences of trait boredom proneness and meta-analytic evidence === Population-based research utilising the Boredom Proneness Scale (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986) has consistently linked chronic trait susceptibility to severe psychosocial maladjustment and psychopathology. Recent systematic reviews and large-scale meta-analytic evidence confirm robust positive correlations between elevated boredom proneness and behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, emotional dysregulation, and depressive symptomatology (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). Expanding on these associations, recent comprehensive meta-analyses examining boredom and digital media use demonstrate a large positive pooled effect size (''r'' = .342) between trait boredom and problematic digital media use, compared to a much smaller association with non-problematic use (''r'' = .084) (Camerini et al., 2023). Longitudinal tracking demonstrates that individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened vulnerability to compulsive digital media consumption, utilising rapid-fire online scrolling and smartphone notifications as a maladaptive regulatory attempt to escape chronic under-arousal and down-regulate negative affect (Camerini et al., 2023). However, a critical limitation across much of this correlational literature is its heavy reliance on cross-sectional self-report designs, which restricts definitive causal inference due to shared-method variance and potential reporting biases, necessitating more prospective cross-lagged panel designs (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986; Danckert et al., 2018). === Psychophysiological and neurobiological underpinnings === Complementing behavioural paradigms, psychophysiological investigations demonstrate that boredom is accompanied by distinct autonomic and neural signatures. While early assumptions characterised boredom strictly as a low-arousal state, recent physiological tracking shows dynamic autonomic instability, characterised by alternating tonic-phasic heart rate variability and electrodermal activity shifts during prolonged monotonous tasks (Clay et al., 2024). Neurobiologically, functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies reveal that state boredom is associated with altered functional connectivity within the brain's default mode network (DMN), particularly involving the precuneus and medial prefrontal cortex (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals encounter monotonous or under-stimulating tasks, failure of frontoparietal control networks to suppress task-irrelevant DMN mind-wandering generates subjective restlessness and attentional lapses. In contrast, states of high interest recruit dopaminergic reward pathways (ventral striatum) and executive control networks, facilitating sustained, effortless cognitive focus without psychological depletion (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). === Experimental validation of interest and utility-value interventions === Moving from descriptive research to applied empirical trials, Hulleman and Harackiewicz (2009) conducted a landmark randomised controlled field experiment demonstrating the causal efficacy of cultivating situational interest. By assigning high school science students to write brief reflections connecting course material directly to their personal lives, the authors observed significant gains in both situational interest and final course performance, with strongest positive effects among students with low initial performance expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). These empirical findings validate Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation theory, proving that learners are not passive victims of uninteresting curricula; rather, targeted cognitive framing can successfully bridge the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Subsequent educational trials have replicated these findings across diverse learning contexts, proving that systematic manipulation of utility value successfully converts aversive state disengagement into sustained, approach-oriented engagement. == Integration: Bridging theory and empirical research == Synthesising theoretical frameworks with contemporary empirical investigations reveals how cognitive appraisals, attentional mechanisms, and subjective valuations directly dictate real-world motivational outcomes. Rather than existing in academic isolation, psychological models of motivation and emotion are continuously shaped and validated by rigorous experimental and field research. By examining how empirical findings inform theoretical interpretations, researchers and practitioners gain a comprehensive understanding of why individuals transition between profound disengagement and energised immersion. === Empirical validation and refinement of appraisal models === The alignment between Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model of interest and Goetz et al.'s (2014) experience sampling methodology (ESM) provides a prime example of theory-research integration. Silvia's model posits that state interest is triggered by primary appraisals of novelty-complexity and secondary appraisals of coping potential. Goetz et al.'s (2014) real-time ESM findings empirically substantiate this mechanism by demonstrating that student emotional states fluctuate dynamically in response to micro-appraisals during classroom instruction. Specifically, when instructional pacing matches student coping potential and introduces moderate novelty, high-arousal engagement and searching boredom subtypes are activated rather than passive apathetic withdrawal. Thus, empirical ESM data validates the dynamic, predictive utility of static appraisal theories in naturalistic settings. === Resolving theoretical tensions through experimental paradigms === Furthermore, empirical research directly addresses and reconciles apparent tensions between competing theoretical models of boredom. The ongoing scholarly debate between Eastwood et al. (2012), who conceptualise boredom primarily as a bottom-up attentional failure, and Westgate and Wilson (2018), who emphasise top-down meaning deficits via the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model, highlights the necessity of an integrated theoretical perspective. While Eastwood et al.'s psychophysical experiments prove that working memory and sustained attention impairments generate bottom-up disengagement during monotonous tasks, Westgate and Wilson's experimental trials demonstrate that top-down cognitive appraisals of personal utility can override under-stimulation. Integrating these findings with Pekrun's (2006) control-value framework reveals that comprehensive models of emotion must account for both perceptual-attentional constraints and existential meaning; an individual may possess complete cognitive control over a task, yet still experience acute boredom if top-down value appraisals are entirely absent. === Translating theory into self-regulation and applied interventions === Finally, the theoretical premise that learners are active agents of their own motivational states, as articulated in Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation model, finds robust causal validation in Hulleman and Harackiewicz's (2009) randomised controlled field experiments. By demonstrating that brief utility-value writing reflections significantly boost situational interest and academic performance, experimental research proves that targeted cognitive reframing bridges the gap between objective curriculum demands and subjective motivational relevance. This integration of theory and empirical trials confirms that interventions do not merely alter external environments; rather, they reshape the cognitive appraisals that govern emotional and motivational states, transforming aversive boredom into sustainable, lifelong engagement. == Individual differences: Trait boredom, curiosity, and personality == Individual differences in trait proneness and cognitive curiosity fundamentally moderate how environmental demands are appraised and experienced. Trait boredom is a stable personality susceptibility characterised by a chronic difficulty in engaging attention and finding meaning in daily activities (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986). Individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened baseline vulnerability to behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, and psychological distress, frequently resorting to external stimulation to compensate for internal under-arousal (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). In contrast, trait curiosity, particularly epistemic and perceptual curiosity, acts as an intrinsic psychological resource that buffers against aversive disengagement (Litman, 2005). Highly curious individuals actively seek out novel, complex stimuli, framing challenging academic or occupational tasks as opportunities for exploration rather than sources of frustration (Litman, 2005; Silvia, 2008). These distinct personality profiles demonstrate that vulnerability to boredom versus the capacity for interest is determined by an interaction between enduring trait structures and immediate task affordances. Neurobiologically, individual susceptibility to chronic boredom is linked to functional connectivity differences within the brain's default mode network (DMN) (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals with high boredom proneness encounter monotonous tasks, their DMN fails to suppress task-irrelevant mind-wandering efficiently, leading to subjective restlessness and attentional lapses (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). Understanding these individual differences allows educators and practitioners to tailor learning environments to support vulnerable learners. === Psychological dimension matrix === Although state boredom and state interest operate as dual self-regulatory signals, they diverge sharply across core affective, cognitive, and motivational dimensions (see Table 1). '''Table 1''' ''Comparison of Psychological Dimensions Between State Boredom and State Interest'' {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! Dimension !State Boredom!! State Interest !! Key Citations |- | '''Affective Valence''' |Unpleasant, aversive|| Pleasant, invigorating || Eastwood et al. (2012); Silvia (2008) |- | '''Arousal Level''' |Variable (apathetic low to reactant high)|| Moderate to high (engaged alertness) || Goetz et al. (2014); Silvia (2005) |- |'''Attentional State''' |Effortful, frequent mind-wandering |Effortless absorption, sustained focus |Westgate & Wilson (2018) |- |'''Primary Appraisals''' |Low intrinsic value; control mismatch |High novelty-complexity; high coping |Pekrun (2006); Silvia (2008) |- |'''Motivational Goal''' |Avoidance, task-switching, escape |Approach, exploration, knowledge acquisition |Bench & Lench (2013); Hidi & Renninger (2006) |- |'''Time Perception''' |Overestimated ("time drags") |Underestimated ("time flies") |Eastwood et al. (2012) |} == Applied interventions: Transforming boredom into interest == Psychological science provides robust, actionable frameworks to convert maladaptive state boredom into productive situational and individual interest across educational and workplace settings. Effective interventions require targeted adjustments to environmental affordances and cognitive reappraisals, rather than merely increasing external pressure or discipline. By intentionally modifying task structures, individuals and educators can successfully restore subjective value and optimal challenge (Pekrun, 2006; Westgate & Wilson, 2018). One highly validated approach is the utility-value intervention, which requires learners to explicitly connect course material to their personal lives and long-term career goals. Experimental trials confirm that writing brief utility-value reflections significantly boosts situational interest and academic performance, particularly among individuals with low initial expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Furthermore, task-crafting allows individuals to introduce playful elements, personal mini-challenges, or autonomy into otherwise tedious routines, effectively bridging the gap between objective demands and subjective relevance (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Finally, dynamically calibrating task difficulty ensures that cognitive demands align closely with an individual's current coping potential, preventing both deficient-control boredom and overload anxiety (Pekrun, 2006; Silvia, 2008). By maintaining an optimal balance of challenge and perceived meaning, environments can foster sustained engagement and protect against psychological fatigue (Renninger & Hidi, 2015). ==Conclusion== How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational lives? Psychological science reveals that state boredom and state interest act as powerful, complementary internal barometers guiding daily attention and behaviour. Rather than being mere psychological nuisances, boredom functions as an adaptive evolutionary signal warning individuals when an activity lacks personal meaning or optimal challenge, whereas interest serves as an approach-oriented engine driving exploration and mastery. As demonstrated by Pekrun's control-value theory, Silvia's appraisal framework, and Westgate and Wilson's MAC model, these states are governed by continuous evaluations of control, value, novelty, and existential purpose. When appraisals align, learners enter states of effortless immersion; when they break down, disengagement follows. Crucially, individuals are not passive victims of unengaging environments. By applying targeted psychological strategies, such as utility-value reflections, task-crafting, and calibrating challenge, students and professionals can successfully transform aversive boredom into enduring interest, bridging the gap between objective demands and personal fulfilment. ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Attention|Attention]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Boredom|Boredom]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Curiosity|Curiosity]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Curiosity and interest|Curiosity and interest]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2021) * [[wikipedia:Flow (psychology)|Flow (psychology)]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Flow and optimal experience|Flow and optimal experience]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2020) * [[wikipedia:Interest (emotion)|Interest (emotion)]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/Intrinsic motivation in education|Intrinsic motivation in education]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2019) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Metacognition and emotional regulation|Metacognition and emotional regulation]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2022/Self-regulation and academic procrastination|Self-regulation and academic procrastination]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2022) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bench, S. W., & Lench, H. C. (2013). On the function of boredom. ''Behavioral Sciences'', ''3''(3), 459–472. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs3030459 Camerini, A.-L., Morlino, S., & Marciano, L. (2023). Boredom and digital media use: A systematic review and meta-analysis. ''Computers in Human Behavior Reports'', ''11'', Article 100313. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chbr.2023.100313 Clay, G., Mlynski, C., Korb, F. M., Goschke, T., & Job, V. (2024). Autonomic nervous system activity during state boredom. ''Psychophysiology'', ''61''(4), Article e14507. https://doi.org/10.1111/psyp.14507 Danckert, J., & Merrifield, C. (2018). Boredom, sustained attention and the default mode network. ''Experimental Brain Research'', ''236''(9), 2507–2518. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00221-016-4617-5 Danckert, J., Mugon, J., Struk, A., & Eastwood, J. (2018). Boredom: What is it, why does it matter, and what can we do about it? ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''32''(6), 1163–1172. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699931.2018.1462148 Eastwood, J. D., Frischen, A., Fenske, M. J., & Smilek, D. (2012). The unengaged mind: Defining boredom in terms of attention. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''7''(5), 482–495. https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612456044 Farmer, R., & Sundberg, N. D. (1986). Boredom proneness: The development and correlates of a new scale. ''Journal of Personality Assessment'', ''50''(1), 4–17. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15327752jpa5001_2 Goetz, T., Frenzel, A. C., Hall, N. C., Nett, U. E., Pekrun, R., & Lipnevich, A. A. (2014). Types of boredom: An experience sampling approach. ''Motivation and Emotion'', ''38''(3), 401–419. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11031-013-9385-y Hidi, S., & Renninger, K. A. (2006). The four-phase model of interest development. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''41''(2), 111–127. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15326985ep4102_4 Hulleman, C. S., & Harackiewicz, J. M. (2009). Promoting interest and performance in high school science classes. ''Science'', ''326''(5958), 1410–1412. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1177067 Litman, J. (2005). Curiosity and the pleasures of learning: Wanting and liking new information. ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''19''(6), 793–814. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699930541000101 Pekrun, R. (2006). The control-value theory of achievement emotions: Assumptions, corollaries, and implications for educational research and practice. ''Educational Psychology Review'', ''18''(4), 315–341. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10648-006-9029-9 Pekrun, R., Goetz, T., Daniels, L. M., Stupnisky, R. H., & Perry, R. P. (2010). Boredom in achievement settings: Exploring control–value antecedents and performance outcomes of a neglected emotion. ''Journal of Educational Psychology'', ''102''(3), 531–549. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0019243 Renninger, K. A., & Hidi, S. (2015). ''The power of interest for motivation and engagement''. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315771045 Sansone, C., & Thoman, D. B. (2005). Interest as the missing motivator in self-regulation. ''European Psychologist'', ''10''(3), 175–186. https://doi.org/10.1027/1016-9040.10.3.175 Schiefele, U. (1991). Interest, learning, and motivation. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''26''(3–4), 299–323. https://doi.org/10.1080/00461520.1991.9653136 Silvia, P. J. (2005). What is interesting? Exploring the appraisal structure of interest. ''Emotion'', ''5''(1), 89–102. https://doi.org/10.1037/1528-3542.5.1.89 Silvia, P. J. (2008). Interest—The curious emotion. ''Current Directions in Psychological Science'', ''17''(1), 57–60. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8721.2008.00548.x Tam, K. Y. Y., Van Tilburg, W. A. P., & Chan, C. S. (2021). What is boredom proneness? A theoretical investigation. ''Personality and Social Psychology Review'', ''25''(3), 291–310. https://doi.org/10.1177/10888683211010297 Thoman, D. B., Smith, J. L., & Silvia, P. J. (2011). The resource replenishment function of interest. ''Social Psychological and Personality Science'', ''2''(6), 592–599. https://doi.org/10.1177/1948550611402521 Westgate, E. C., & Wilson, T. D. (2018). Boring by design: A Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model of boredom. ''Psychological Review'', ''125''(5), 689–713. https://doi.org/10.1037/rev0000097 }} ==External links== * [https://www.hiddenbrain.org/podcast/boredom/ Boredom] (Hidden Brain Media) * [https://www.ted.com/talks/manoush_zomorodi_how_boredom_can_lead_to_your_most_brilliant_ideas How boredom can lead to your most brilliant ideas] (TED) * [https://www.artofmanliness.com/character/self-improvement/podcast-686-the-psychology-of-boredom/ The psychology of boredom] (The Art of Manliness) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Boredom]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Interest]] iaxgx1sxjv9wa8zc3r0u9y8t4ug8bfy 2840294 2840293 2026-10-14T16:17:43Z U3239431 3106807 2840294 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Boredom and interest:<br>How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational states?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=5}} [[File:Student in Library Pittsburg State University.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. Cognitive engagement shifts dramatically depending on whether a learning task triggers state boredom or state interest.]] ; Case scenario:The tale of two study tasks Megan sits in the campus library preparing for an upcoming cognitive psychology examination. After twenty minutes of reading abstract, repetitive definitions of perceptual thresholds and psychophysical scaling, a heavy lethargy sets in: Megan repeatedly checks the clock, opens short-form social media videos, and experiences an aversive feeling of physical and mental restlessness. Later that evening, Megan switches to an interactive computer simulation analysing real-world flight simulator data and cognitive load thresholds; suddenly, Megan experiences heightened alertness, voluntary concentration, and loses all track of time (See figure 1). Both tasks require intense cognitive exertion, yet one produces paralysing disengagement while the other elicits effortless immersion. What psychological mechanisms explain how identical emotional appraisals transform identical cognitive demands into either profound boredom or energised interest? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This chapter explores the psychological science of [[wikipedia:Boredom|boredom]] and [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Interest|interest]], drawing on appraisal theories, the control-value framework, and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model to explain how these emotional states regulate [[motivation]], [[wikipedia:Attention|attention]], and goal-directed behaviour. State boredom functions as a pervasive, aversive psychological state characterised by low arousal, attentional disruption, perceived meaninglessness, and an unsatisfied desire for engagement. Conversely, state interest acts as a primary approach-oriented emotion that directs executive attention, promotes exploratory behaviour, and fosters intrinsic motivation. Both emotional states serve as critical self-regulatory indicators in daily life and academic settings, signalling when current activities lack subjective value or optimal challenge, thereby prompting behavioural realignments.   {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * How are boredom and interest defined, classified, and operationalised in cognitive and affective psychological science? * What cognitive appraisal processes and neurobiological networks mediate the transition between boredom and interest? * How do the control-value theory and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model explain the motivational outcomes of these emotional states? * What individual differences (e.g., boredom proneness, trait curiosity) influence vulnerability to boredom and the capacity for interest? * How can students, educators, and professionals implement psychological interventions to convert state boredom into productive situational and individual interest?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Conceptualising boredom: Definitions, typologies and functions == Boredom is a pervasive yet historically under-researched aversive emotional state defined by an inability to engage attention in satisfying activity, accompanied by distorted time perception and an urgent desire to escape the immediate setting. Far from being a simple lack of things to do, psychological science conceptualises boredom as a complex, multi-dimensional affective and cognitive phenomenon that serves vital self-regulatory functions while carrying significant vulnerability risks when chronic. ==== '''Attentional and phenomenological characteristics''' ==== State boredom is primarily characterised as an attentional failure where individuals find themselves unable to direct cognitive focus toward internal thoughts or external tasks, while remaining acutely and painfully aware of this inability (Eastwood et al., 2012). Phenomenologically, boredom possesses distinct qualitative signatures, most notably "time drag", the subjective, distorted perception that time is passing unusually slowly, coupled with a restless, agitated desire for alternative stimulation. Researchers emphasise the critical need to distinguish state boredom from related affective states: unlike apathy, which is marked by complete emotional indifference and flat affect, boredom involves an active, frustrated yearning for engagement. Similarly, while depression involves persistent sadness, feelings of worthlessness, and generalised anhedonia across all life domains, state boredom is typically tied to specific situational contexts or tasks where meaning or optimal challenge is absent (Danckert et al., 2018; Eastwood et al., 2012). ==== '''Multidimensional typologies of boredom''' ==== Challenging the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, contemporary experience sampling methodology (ESM) reveals that boredom manifests in several distinct phenomenological subtypes differentiated by their underlying valence and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). These subtypes capture the diverse ways individuals experience and react to unengaging environments: * Indifferent boredom: A relaxed, low-arousal state with minimal affect where individuals drift comfortably. * Apathetic boredom: A distressing, low-arousal state marked by total withdrawal and helplessness. * Calibrating boredom: A mild-arousal state featuring wandering daydreams and openness to distraction. * Searching boredom: An active, restless state driven by the goal-directed pursuit of alternative stimulation. * Reactant boredom: A high-arousal, aversive state prompting urgent urges to rebel against constraints. ==== '''Functional and evolutionary perspectives''' ==== From an evolutionary standpoint, researchers conceptualise boredom not merely as a modern psychological nuisance, but as an adaptive "stop signal" designed by natural selection (Bench & Lench, 2013). When an organism remains in a static, unrewarding, or non-stimulating environment, the energetic costs of continued engagement outweigh potential adaptive benefits; boredom signals this mismatch, motivating exploratory foraging, task switching, or environmental modification (Danckert et al., 2018). However, in modern educational and occupational contexts where physical escape or immediate task switching is constrained, this evolutionary alarm can misfire. When adaptive self-regulation fails, acute boredom frequently manifests as maladaptive coping mechanisms, such as impulsive sensation-seeking, high-risk behaviour, or compulsive digital media consumption (Camerini et al., 2023). == The psychology of interest: Appraisal structure and developmental phases == Interest operates as a counter-regulatory epistemic emotion that facilitates learning, exploration, and the acquisition of complex competencies. Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model demonstrates that interest is elicited by evaluations of novelty-complexity and coping potential. The primary appraisal evaluates whether an event or stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected, while the secondary appraisal assesses personal coping potential, the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive capacity and resources to comprehend and master the novel stimulus. Expanding beyond immediate state appraisals, Hidi and Renninger (2006) traced the evolution from transient environmental stimulation to enduring personal interest across four distinct phases. Phase 1 (Triggered Situational Interest) is externally elicited by surprising or vivid features, whereas Phase 2 (Maintained Situational Interest) involves sustained task engagement supported by meaningful learning activities. Phase 3 (Emerging Individual Interest) and Phase 4 (Well-Developed Individual Interest) are internally generated, characterised by stored knowledge, deep personal value, and self-regulated goal pursuit. Experiencing state interest stimulates spontaneous, focused attention, which reduces reliance on deliberate and effortful executive control (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). In educational environments, interest directly predicts the adoption of deep cognitive processing strategies over shallow surface memorisation (Schiefele, 1991). Furthermore, it serves as an emotional buffer against ego depletion, sustaining psychological resources during demanding tasks (Silvia, 2008; Thoman et al., 2011).<quiz display="simple"> {According to Silvia's (2008) appraisal model, high novelty-complexity automatically sparks interest, even if a person feels they have zero capacity or coping potential to understand it: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Theoretical frameworks: Control-value and Meaning-Attentional models == To understand how individuals transition between profound boredom and energised interest, psychological science relies on multidimensional theoretical frameworks that link cognitive appraisals, environmental demands, and emotional outcomes (Pekrun, 2006; Westgate & Wilson, 2018). Rather than viewing emotional and motivational states as static personality traits, contemporary models conceptualise state boredom and state interest as dynamic, functional barometers driven by continuous evaluations of control, value, novelty, and meaning (Silvia, 2008). These theoretical models provide the structural lens through which cognitive and motivational processes can be systematically analysed and applied. === Pekrun's control-value theory of achievement emotions === Pekrun's (2006) control-value theory posits that achievement emotions are systematically governed by two primary cognitive appraisals: subjective control, which is the perception of personal agency over an activity, and subjective value, which represents the personal importance assigned to outcomes. State boredom typically peaks under conditions of mismatched control and low intrinsic value, manifesting either as deficient control when demands overwhelm capability or excessive control when tasks are trivial (Pekrun et al., 2010). Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit (Schiefele, 1991). For example, in the opening scenario, when Megan is forced to memorise exhaustive, repetitive lists of historical data without practical application, she experiences excessive control coupled with zero value, triggering acute boredom. Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic or attainment value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit. === Silvia's two-component appraisal model of interest === Complementing Pekrun's framework, Silvia's (2005, 2008) appraisal model explains that state interest is an epistemic emotion triggered by two sequential cognitive evaluations: novelty-complexity and coping potential.   * Primary appraisal: Evaluates whether a stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected. This evaluation automatically captures attention and initiates exploratory processing.   * Secondary appraisal: Assesses personal coping potential—the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive resources, knowledge, and skills required to master the stimulus.   When high novelty is paired with high coping potential, individuals experience intense epistemic interest. However, if a stimulus is novel but exceeds coping potential (i.e., it is too complex or confusing), the individual experiences anxiety or confusion rather than engagement. This highlights why optimal challenge is a prerequisite for interest development. === Westgate and Wilson's Meaning and Attentional Components model === While control-value theory focuses primarily on structured achievement contexts, Westgate and Wilson's (2018) Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model isolates the immediate psychological architecture of boredom. The MAC model proposes that boredom stems from two independent cognitive deficits:   # An attentional mismatch: Occurs when cognitive demands either overwhelm working memory capacity or fail to meet baseline neural stimulation thresholds.   # A meaning deficit: Arises when an activity lacks personal purpose, existential value, or relevance to broader life goals.   This theoretical distinction is crucial because it explains why individuals often experience profound disengagement even during routine, highly predictable tasks that they technically possess complete control and high coping potential over. An individual can easily pay attention to a boring task if they find inherent meaning in it; conversely, if an activity feels entirely purposeless, attention inevitably collapses regardless of how simple the task is to execute. === Sansone and Thoman's self-regulation of motivation model === Expanding on how individuals navigate these affective states, Sansone and Thoman (2005) proposed that learners actively self-regulate motivation by restructuring mundane tasks to make them more engaging. Individuals implement interest-enhancing strategies, such as creating personal mini-challenges or adding playful elements to otherwise tedious activities (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Long-term goal achievement therefore requires balancing disciplined effort with the dynamic generation of situational interest, bridging the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). === Critical perspective on theoretical integration === While these models provide robust explanations, a critical analysis reveals notable tensions between them. Pekrun's control-value theory treats control and value as broad global appraisals, whereas Silvia's model focuses sharply on micro-appraisals of novelty and coping potential. Integrating these frameworks reveals that boredom and interest are not absolute opposites on a single continuum, but rather dual regulatory systems. Boredom acts as a signal of misfit (attentional mismatch or meaning deficit), whereas interest acts as an approach signal of growth and mastery. Future theoretical models must better account for the neurobiological interplay between default mode network (DMN) mind-wandering and dopaminergic reward pathways to fully capture how these cognitive appraisals translate into physiological arousal.<quiz display="simple"> {According to the MAC model (Westgate & Wilson, 2018), a person can experience boredom during a task even when the difficulty is optimal, provided they find the activity lacking in personal meaning or value: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Research and empirical investigations == Psychological research has increasingly moved away from treating boredom and interest as minor emotional by-products, establishing them instead through rigorous empirical paradigms, including experience sampling methodology (Goetz et al., 2014), psychophysical attentional tasks (Eastwood et al., 2012), and longitudinal field interventions (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Critical evaluation of this literature reveals how structural task features interact with individual cognitive vulnerabilities to dictate whether engagement is maintained or collapses into aversive disengagement. These empirical findings provide the evidentiary foundation for understanding the real-world behavioural consequences of affective states. === Experience sampling methodology and boredom subtypes === Seminal empirical work by Goetz et al. (2014) transformed the assessment of academic emotions by deploying experience sampling methodology (ESM) across high school and university cohorts, capturing real-time emotional fluctuations in naturalistic learning environments rather than relying solely on retrospective student evaluations. Their findings empirically invalidated the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, identifying five distinct phenomenological subtypes (indifferent, apathetic, calibrating, searching, and reactant) that differ systematically in valence, cognitive appraisals, and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). Subsequent ecological momentary assessments (EMA) confirmed that these subtypes dictate downstream behaviour differently; for instance, searching and reactant subtypes prompt immediate, restless urges to escape the environment, whereas indifferent and apathetic subtypes manifest as cognitive withdrawal. While ESM offers high ecological validity by reducing recall bias, repeated daily polling can introduce participant fatigue and compliance issues over extended periods (Goetz et al., 2014). === Attentional failures versus meaning deficits in experimental studies === Investigating the underlying cognitive architecture of state boredom, Eastwood et al. (2012) utilised psychophysical and attentional tasks to demonstrate that boredom is fundamentally a bottom-up failure of sustained attention. Their laboratory experiments revealed that individuals experiencing state boredom exhibit distinct attentional impairments, remaining acutely aware of their inability to engage mental resources while struggling to sustain vigilance on monotonous stimuli (Eastwood et al., 2012). Challenging this purely attentional account, Westgate and Wilson (2018) conducted experimental studies demonstrating that under-stimulation is insufficient on its own to induce boredom if an activity possesses perceived subjective meaning. By examining participants left alone with their thoughts or performing repetitive tasks, Westgate and Wilson proved that top-down cognitive appraisals of personal utility act as an equally powerful buffer against disengagement. Synthesising these perspectives indicates that while Eastwood et al. (2012) highlight perceptual-attentional constraints and working memory mismatches, Westgate and Wilson (2018) establish that existential meaning deficits represent an independent pathway to disengagement. === Psychosocial consequences of trait boredom proneness and meta-analytic evidence === Population-based research utilising the Boredom Proneness Scale (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986) has consistently linked chronic trait susceptibility to severe psychosocial maladjustment and psychopathology. Recent systematic reviews and large-scale meta-analytic evidence confirm robust positive correlations between elevated boredom proneness and behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, emotional dysregulation, and depressive symptomatology (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). Expanding on these associations, recent comprehensive meta-analyses examining boredom and digital media use demonstrate a large positive pooled effect size (''r'' = .342) between trait boredom and problematic digital media use, compared to a much smaller association with non-problematic use (''r'' = .084) (Camerini et al., 2023). Longitudinal tracking demonstrates that individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened vulnerability to compulsive digital media consumption, utilising rapid-fire online scrolling and smartphone notifications as a maladaptive regulatory attempt to escape chronic under-arousal and down-regulate negative affect (Camerini et al., 2023). However, a critical limitation across much of this correlational literature is its heavy reliance on cross-sectional self-report designs, which restricts definitive causal inference due to shared-method variance and potential reporting biases, necessitating more prospective cross-lagged panel designs (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986; Danckert et al., 2018). === Psychophysiological and neurobiological underpinnings === Complementing behavioural paradigms, psychophysiological investigations demonstrate that boredom is accompanied by distinct autonomic and neural signatures. While early assumptions characterised boredom strictly as a low-arousal state, recent physiological tracking shows dynamic autonomic instability, characterised by alternating tonic-phasic heart rate variability and electrodermal activity shifts during prolonged monotonous tasks (Clay et al., 2024). Neurobiologically, functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies reveal that state boredom is associated with altered functional connectivity within the brain's default mode network (DMN), particularly involving the precuneus and medial prefrontal cortex (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals encounter monotonous or under-stimulating tasks, failure of frontoparietal control networks to suppress task-irrelevant DMN mind-wandering generates subjective restlessness and attentional lapses. In contrast, states of high interest recruit dopaminergic reward pathways (ventral striatum) and executive control networks, facilitating sustained, effortless cognitive focus without psychological depletion (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). === Experimental validation of interest and utility-value interventions === Moving from descriptive research to applied empirical trials, Hulleman and Harackiewicz (2009) conducted a landmark randomised controlled field experiment demonstrating the causal efficacy of cultivating situational interest. By assigning high school science students to write brief reflections connecting course material directly to their personal lives, the authors observed significant gains in both situational interest and final course performance, with strongest positive effects among students with low initial performance expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). These empirical findings validate Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation theory, proving that learners are not passive victims of uninteresting curricula; rather, targeted cognitive framing can successfully bridge the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Subsequent educational trials have replicated these findings across diverse learning contexts, proving that systematic manipulation of utility value successfully converts aversive state disengagement into sustained, approach-oriented engagement. == Integration: Bridging theory and empirical research == Synthesising theoretical frameworks with contemporary empirical investigations reveals how cognitive appraisals, attentional mechanisms, and subjective valuations directly dictate real-world motivational outcomes. Rather than existing in academic isolation, psychological models of motivation and emotion are continuously shaped and validated by rigorous experimental and field research. By examining how empirical findings inform theoretical interpretations, researchers and practitioners gain a comprehensive understanding of why individuals transition between profound disengagement and energised immersion. === Empirical validation and refinement of appraisal models === The alignment between Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model of interest and Goetz et al.'s (2014) experience sampling methodology (ESM) provides a prime example of theory-research integration. Silvia's model posits that state interest is triggered by primary appraisals of novelty-complexity and secondary appraisals of coping potential. Goetz et al.'s (2014) real-time ESM findings empirically substantiate this mechanism by demonstrating that student emotional states fluctuate dynamically in response to micro-appraisals during classroom instruction. Specifically, when instructional pacing matches student coping potential and introduces moderate novelty, high-arousal engagement and searching boredom subtypes are activated rather than passive apathetic withdrawal. Thus, empirical ESM data validates the dynamic, predictive utility of static appraisal theories in naturalistic settings. === Resolving theoretical tensions through experimental paradigms === Furthermore, empirical research directly addresses and reconciles apparent tensions between competing theoretical models of boredom. The ongoing scholarly debate between Eastwood et al. (2012), who conceptualise boredom primarily as a bottom-up attentional failure, and Westgate and Wilson (2018), who emphasise top-down meaning deficits via the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model, highlights the necessity of an integrated theoretical perspective. While Eastwood et al.'s psychophysical experiments prove that working memory and sustained attention impairments generate bottom-up disengagement during monotonous tasks, Westgate and Wilson's experimental trials demonstrate that top-down cognitive appraisals of personal utility can override under-stimulation. Integrating these findings with Pekrun's (2006) control-value framework reveals that comprehensive models of emotion must account for both perceptual-attentional constraints and existential meaning; an individual may possess complete cognitive control over a task, yet still experience acute boredom if top-down value appraisals are entirely absent. === Translating theory into self-regulation and applied interventions === Finally, the theoretical premise that learners are active agents of their own motivational states, as articulated in Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation model, finds robust causal validation in Hulleman and Harackiewicz's (2009) randomised controlled field experiments. By demonstrating that brief utility-value writing reflections significantly boost situational interest and academic performance, experimental research proves that targeted cognitive reframing bridges the gap between objective curriculum demands and subjective motivational relevance. This integration of theory and empirical trials confirms that interventions do not merely alter external environments; rather, they reshape the cognitive appraisals that govern emotional and motivational states, transforming aversive boredom into sustainable, lifelong engagement. == Individual differences: Trait boredom, curiosity, and personality == Individual differences in trait proneness and cognitive curiosity fundamentally moderate how environmental demands are appraised and experienced. Trait boredom is a stable personality susceptibility characterised by a chronic difficulty in engaging attention and finding meaning in daily activities (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986). Individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened baseline vulnerability to behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, and psychological distress, frequently resorting to external stimulation to compensate for internal under-arousal (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). In contrast, trait curiosity, particularly epistemic and perceptual curiosity, acts as an intrinsic psychological resource that buffers against aversive disengagement (Litman, 2005). Highly curious individuals actively seek out novel, complex stimuli, framing challenging academic or occupational tasks as opportunities for exploration rather than sources of frustration (Litman, 2005; Silvia, 2008). These distinct personality profiles demonstrate that vulnerability to boredom versus the capacity for interest is determined by an interaction between enduring trait structures and immediate task affordances. Neurobiologically, individual susceptibility to chronic boredom is linked to functional connectivity differences within the brain's default mode network (DMN) (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals with high boredom proneness encounter monotonous tasks, their DMN fails to suppress task-irrelevant mind-wandering efficiently, leading to subjective restlessness and attentional lapses (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). Understanding these individual differences allows educators and practitioners to tailor learning environments to support vulnerable learners. === Psychological dimension matrix === Although state boredom and state interest operate as dual self-regulatory signals, they diverge sharply across core affective, cognitive, and motivational dimensions (see Table 1). '''Table 1''' ''Comparison of Psychological Dimensions Between State Boredom and State Interest'' {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! Dimension !State Boredom!! State Interest !! Key Citations |- | '''Affective Valence''' |Unpleasant, aversive|| Pleasant, invigorating || Eastwood et al. (2012); Silvia (2008) |- | '''Arousal Level''' |Variable (apathetic low to reactant high)|| Moderate to high (engaged alertness) || Goetz et al. (2014); Silvia (2005) |- |'''Attentional State''' |Effortful, frequent mind-wandering |Effortless absorption, sustained focus |Westgate & Wilson (2018) |- |'''Primary Appraisals''' |Low intrinsic value; control mismatch |High novelty-complexity; high coping |Pekrun (2006); Silvia (2008) |- |'''Motivational Goal''' |Avoidance, task-switching, escape |Approach, exploration, knowledge acquisition |Bench & Lench (2013); Hidi & Renninger (2006) |- |'''Time Perception''' |Overestimated ("time drags") |Underestimated ("time flies") |Eastwood et al. (2012) |} == Applied interventions: Transforming boredom into interest == Psychological science provides robust, actionable frameworks to convert maladaptive state boredom into productive situational and individual interest across educational and workplace settings. Effective interventions require targeted adjustments to environmental affordances and cognitive reappraisals, rather than merely increasing external pressure or discipline. By intentionally modifying task structures, individuals and educators can successfully restore subjective value and optimal challenge (Pekrun, 2006; Westgate & Wilson, 2018). One highly validated approach is the utility-value intervention, which requires learners to explicitly connect course material to their personal lives and long-term career goals. Experimental trials confirm that writing brief utility-value reflections significantly boosts situational interest and academic performance, particularly among individuals with low initial expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Furthermore, task-crafting allows individuals to introduce playful elements, personal mini-challenges, or autonomy into otherwise tedious routines, effectively bridging the gap between objective demands and subjective relevance (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Finally, dynamically calibrating task difficulty ensures that cognitive demands align closely with an individual's current coping potential, preventing both deficient-control boredom and overload anxiety (Pekrun, 2006; Silvia, 2008). By maintaining an optimal balance of challenge and perceived meaning, environments can foster sustained engagement and protect against psychological fatigue (Renninger & Hidi, 2015). ==Conclusion== How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational lives? Psychological science reveals that state boredom and state interest act as powerful, complementary internal barometers guiding daily attention and behaviour. Rather than being mere psychological nuisances, boredom functions as an adaptive evolutionary signal warning individuals when an activity lacks personal meaning or optimal challenge, whereas interest serves as an approach-oriented engine driving exploration and mastery. As demonstrated by Pekrun's control-value theory, Silvia's appraisal framework, and Westgate and Wilson's MAC model, these states are governed by continuous evaluations of control, value, novelty, and existential purpose. When appraisals align, learners enter states of effortless immersion; when they break down, disengagement follows. Crucially, individuals are not passive victims of unengaging environments. By applying targeted psychological strategies, such as utility-value reflections, task-crafting, and calibrating challenge, students and professionals can successfully transform aversive boredom into enduring interest, bridging the gap between objective demands and personal fulfilment. ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Attention|Attention]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Boredom|Boredom]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Curiosity|Curiosity]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Curiosity and interest|Curiosity and interest]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2021) * [[wikipedia:Flow (psychology)|Flow (psychology)]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Flow and optimal experience|Flow and optimal experience]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2020) * [[wikipedia:Interest (emotion)|Interest (emotion)]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/Intrinsic motivation in education|Intrinsic motivation in education]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2019) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Metacognition and emotional regulation|Metacognition and emotional regulation]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2022/Self-regulation and academic procrastination|Self-regulation and academic procrastination]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2022) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bench, S. W., & Lench, H. C. (2013). On the function of boredom. ''Behavioral Sciences'', ''3''(3), 459–472. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs3030459 Camerini, A.-L., Morlino, S., & Marciano, L. (2023). Boredom and digital media use: A systematic review and meta-analysis. ''Computers in Human Behavior Reports'', ''11'', Article 100313. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chbr.2023.100313 Clay, G., Mlynski, C., Korb, F. M., Goschke, T., & Job, V. (2024). Autonomic nervous system activity during state boredom. ''Psychophysiology'', ''61''(4), Article e14507. https://doi.org/10.1111/psyp.14507 Danckert, J., & Merrifield, C. (2018). Boredom, sustained attention and the default mode network. ''Experimental Brain Research'', ''236''(9), 2507–2518. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00221-016-4617-5 Danckert, J., Mugon, J., Struk, A., & Eastwood, J. (2018). Boredom: What is it, why does it matter, and what can we do about it? ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''32''(6), 1163–1172. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699931.2018.1462148 Eastwood, J. D., Frischen, A., Fenske, M. J., & Smilek, D. (2012). The unengaged mind: Defining boredom in terms of attention. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''7''(5), 482–495. https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612456044 Farmer, R., & Sundberg, N. D. (1986). Boredom proneness: The development and correlates of a new scale. ''Journal of Personality Assessment'', ''50''(1), 4–17. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15327752jpa5001_2 Goetz, T., Frenzel, A. C., Hall, N. C., Nett, U. E., Pekrun, R., & Lipnevich, A. A. (2014). Types of boredom: An experience sampling approach. ''Motivation and Emotion'', ''38''(3), 401–419. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11031-013-9385-y Hidi, S., & Renninger, K. A. (2006). The four-phase model of interest development. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''41''(2), 111–127. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15326985ep4102_4 Hulleman, C. S., & Harackiewicz, J. M. (2009). Promoting interest and performance in high school science classes. ''Science'', ''326''(5958), 1410–1412. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1177067 Litman, J. (2005). Curiosity and the pleasures of learning: Wanting and liking new information. ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''19''(6), 793–814. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699930541000101 Pekrun, R. (2006). The control-value theory of achievement emotions: Assumptions, corollaries, and implications for educational research and practice. ''Educational Psychology Review'', ''18''(4), 315–341. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10648-006-9029-9 Pekrun, R., Goetz, T., Daniels, L. M., Stupnisky, R. H., & Perry, R. P. (2010). Boredom in achievement settings: Exploring control–value antecedents and performance outcomes of a neglected emotion. ''Journal of Educational Psychology'', ''102''(3), 531–549. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0019243 Renninger, K. A., & Hidi, S. (2015). ''The power of interest for motivation and engagement''. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315771045 Sansone, C., & Thoman, D. B. (2005). Interest as the missing motivator in self-regulation. ''European Psychologist'', ''10''(3), 175–186. https://doi.org/10.1027/1016-9040.10.3.175 Schiefele, U. (1991). Interest, learning, and motivation. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''26''(3–4), 299–323. https://doi.org/10.1080/00461520.1991.9653136 Silvia, P. J. (2005). What is interesting? Exploring the appraisal structure of interest. ''Emotion'', ''5''(1), 89–102. https://doi.org/10.1037/1528-3542.5.1.89 Silvia, P. J. (2008). Interest—The curious emotion. ''Current Directions in Psychological Science'', ''17''(1), 57–60. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8721.2008.00548.x Tam, K. Y. Y., Van Tilburg, W. A. P., & Chan, C. S. (2021). What is boredom proneness? A theoretical investigation. ''Personality and Social Psychology Review'', ''25''(3), 291–310. https://doi.org/10.1177/10888683211010297 Thoman, D. B., Smith, J. L., & Silvia, P. J. (2011). The resource replenishment function of interest. ''Social Psychological and Personality Science'', ''2''(6), 592–599. https://doi.org/10.1177/1948550611402521 Westgate, E. C., & Wilson, T. D. (2018). Boring by design: A Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model of boredom. ''Psychological Review'', ''125''(5), 689–713. https://doi.org/10.1037/rev0000097 }} ==External links== * [https://www.hiddenbrain.org/podcast/boredom/ Boredom] (Hidden Brain Media) * [https://www.ted.com/talks/manoush_zomorodi_how_boredom_can_lead_to_your_most_brilliant_ideas How boredom can lead to your most brilliant ideas] (TED) * [https://www.artofmanliness.com/character/self-improvement/podcast-686-the-psychology-of-boredom/ The psychology of boredom] (The Art of Manliness) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Boredom]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Interest]] 72vhlvhhcgmq95isc0ie18pdbio27qm 2840296 2840294 2026-10-14T16:21:20Z U3239431 3106807 /* Psychosocial consequences of trait boredom proneness and meta-analytic evidence */ 2840296 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Boredom and interest:<br>How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational states?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=5}} [[File:Student in Library Pittsburg State University.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. Cognitive engagement shifts dramatically depending on whether a learning task triggers state boredom or state interest.]] ; Case scenario:The tale of two study tasks Megan sits in the campus library preparing for an upcoming cognitive psychology examination. After twenty minutes of reading abstract, repetitive definitions of perceptual thresholds and psychophysical scaling, a heavy lethargy sets in: Megan repeatedly checks the clock, opens short-form social media videos, and experiences an aversive feeling of physical and mental restlessness. Later that evening, Megan switches to an interactive computer simulation analysing real-world flight simulator data and cognitive load thresholds; suddenly, Megan experiences heightened alertness, voluntary concentration, and loses all track of time (See figure 1). Both tasks require intense cognitive exertion, yet one produces paralysing disengagement while the other elicits effortless immersion. What psychological mechanisms explain how identical emotional appraisals transform identical cognitive demands into either profound boredom or energised interest? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This chapter explores the psychological science of [[wikipedia:Boredom|boredom]] and [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Interest|interest]], drawing on appraisal theories, the control-value framework, and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model to explain how these emotional states regulate [[motivation]], [[wikipedia:Attention|attention]], and goal-directed behaviour. State boredom functions as a pervasive, aversive psychological state characterised by low arousal, attentional disruption, perceived meaninglessness, and an unsatisfied desire for engagement. Conversely, state interest acts as a primary approach-oriented emotion that directs executive attention, promotes exploratory behaviour, and fosters intrinsic motivation. Both emotional states serve as critical self-regulatory indicators in daily life and academic settings, signalling when current activities lack subjective value or optimal challenge, thereby prompting behavioural realignments.   {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * How are boredom and interest defined, classified, and operationalised in cognitive and affective psychological science? * What cognitive appraisal processes and neurobiological networks mediate the transition between boredom and interest? * How do the control-value theory and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model explain the motivational outcomes of these emotional states? * What individual differences (e.g., boredom proneness, trait curiosity) influence vulnerability to boredom and the capacity for interest? * How can students, educators, and professionals implement psychological interventions to convert state boredom into productive situational and individual interest?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Conceptualising boredom: Definitions, typologies and functions == Boredom is a pervasive yet historically under-researched aversive emotional state defined by an inability to engage attention in satisfying activity, accompanied by distorted time perception and an urgent desire to escape the immediate setting. Far from being a simple lack of things to do, psychological science conceptualises boredom as a complex, multi-dimensional affective and cognitive phenomenon that serves vital self-regulatory functions while carrying significant vulnerability risks when chronic. ==== '''Attentional and phenomenological characteristics''' ==== State boredom is primarily characterised as an attentional failure where individuals find themselves unable to direct cognitive focus toward internal thoughts or external tasks, while remaining acutely and painfully aware of this inability (Eastwood et al., 2012). Phenomenologically, boredom possesses distinct qualitative signatures, most notably "time drag", the subjective, distorted perception that time is passing unusually slowly, coupled with a restless, agitated desire for alternative stimulation. Researchers emphasise the critical need to distinguish state boredom from related affective states: unlike apathy, which is marked by complete emotional indifference and flat affect, boredom involves an active, frustrated yearning for engagement. Similarly, while depression involves persistent sadness, feelings of worthlessness, and generalised anhedonia across all life domains, state boredom is typically tied to specific situational contexts or tasks where meaning or optimal challenge is absent (Danckert et al., 2018; Eastwood et al., 2012). ==== '''Multidimensional typologies of boredom''' ==== Challenging the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, contemporary experience sampling methodology (ESM) reveals that boredom manifests in several distinct phenomenological subtypes differentiated by their underlying valence and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). These subtypes capture the diverse ways individuals experience and react to unengaging environments: * Indifferent boredom: A relaxed, low-arousal state with minimal affect where individuals drift comfortably. * Apathetic boredom: A distressing, low-arousal state marked by total withdrawal and helplessness. * Calibrating boredom: A mild-arousal state featuring wandering daydreams and openness to distraction. * Searching boredom: An active, restless state driven by the goal-directed pursuit of alternative stimulation. * Reactant boredom: A high-arousal, aversive state prompting urgent urges to rebel against constraints. ==== '''Functional and evolutionary perspectives''' ==== From an evolutionary standpoint, researchers conceptualise boredom not merely as a modern psychological nuisance, but as an adaptive "stop signal" designed by natural selection (Bench & Lench, 2013). When an organism remains in a static, unrewarding, or non-stimulating environment, the energetic costs of continued engagement outweigh potential adaptive benefits; boredom signals this mismatch, motivating exploratory foraging, task switching, or environmental modification (Danckert et al., 2018). However, in modern educational and occupational contexts where physical escape or immediate task switching is constrained, this evolutionary alarm can misfire. When adaptive self-regulation fails, acute boredom frequently manifests as maladaptive coping mechanisms, such as impulsive sensation-seeking, high-risk behaviour, or compulsive digital media consumption (Camerini et al., 2023). == The psychology of interest: Appraisal structure and developmental phases == Interest operates as a counter-regulatory epistemic emotion that facilitates learning, exploration, and the acquisition of complex competencies. Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model demonstrates that interest is elicited by evaluations of novelty-complexity and coping potential. The primary appraisal evaluates whether an event or stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected, while the secondary appraisal assesses personal coping potential, the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive capacity and resources to comprehend and master the novel stimulus. Expanding beyond immediate state appraisals, Hidi and Renninger (2006) traced the evolution from transient environmental stimulation to enduring personal interest across four distinct phases. Phase 1 (Triggered Situational Interest) is externally elicited by surprising or vivid features, whereas Phase 2 (Maintained Situational Interest) involves sustained task engagement supported by meaningful learning activities. Phase 3 (Emerging Individual Interest) and Phase 4 (Well-Developed Individual Interest) are internally generated, characterised by stored knowledge, deep personal value, and self-regulated goal pursuit. Experiencing state interest stimulates spontaneous, focused attention, which reduces reliance on deliberate and effortful executive control (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). In educational environments, interest directly predicts the adoption of deep cognitive processing strategies over shallow surface memorisation (Schiefele, 1991). Furthermore, it serves as an emotional buffer against ego depletion, sustaining psychological resources during demanding tasks (Silvia, 2008; Thoman et al., 2011).<quiz display="simple"> {According to Silvia's (2008) appraisal model, high novelty-complexity automatically sparks interest, even if a person feels they have zero capacity or coping potential to understand it: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Theoretical frameworks: Control-value and Meaning-Attentional models == To understand how individuals transition between profound boredom and energised interest, psychological science relies on multidimensional theoretical frameworks that link cognitive appraisals, environmental demands, and emotional outcomes (Pekrun, 2006; Westgate & Wilson, 2018). Rather than viewing emotional and motivational states as static personality traits, contemporary models conceptualise state boredom and state interest as dynamic, functional barometers driven by continuous evaluations of control, value, novelty, and meaning (Silvia, 2008). These theoretical models provide the structural lens through which cognitive and motivational processes can be systematically analysed and applied. === Pekrun's control-value theory of achievement emotions === Pekrun's (2006) control-value theory posits that achievement emotions are systematically governed by two primary cognitive appraisals: subjective control, which is the perception of personal agency over an activity, and subjective value, which represents the personal importance assigned to outcomes. State boredom typically peaks under conditions of mismatched control and low intrinsic value, manifesting either as deficient control when demands overwhelm capability or excessive control when tasks are trivial (Pekrun et al., 2010). Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit (Schiefele, 1991). For example, in the opening scenario, when Megan is forced to memorise exhaustive, repetitive lists of historical data without practical application, she experiences excessive control coupled with zero value, triggering acute boredom. Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic or attainment value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit. === Silvia's two-component appraisal model of interest === Complementing Pekrun's framework, Silvia's (2005, 2008) appraisal model explains that state interest is an epistemic emotion triggered by two sequential cognitive evaluations: novelty-complexity and coping potential.   * Primary appraisal: Evaluates whether a stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected. This evaluation automatically captures attention and initiates exploratory processing.   * Secondary appraisal: Assesses personal coping potential—the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive resources, knowledge, and skills required to master the stimulus.   When high novelty is paired with high coping potential, individuals experience intense epistemic interest. However, if a stimulus is novel but exceeds coping potential (i.e., it is too complex or confusing), the individual experiences anxiety or confusion rather than engagement. This highlights why optimal challenge is a prerequisite for interest development. === Westgate and Wilson's Meaning and Attentional Components model === While control-value theory focuses primarily on structured achievement contexts, Westgate and Wilson's (2018) Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model isolates the immediate psychological architecture of boredom. The MAC model proposes that boredom stems from two independent cognitive deficits:   # An attentional mismatch: Occurs when cognitive demands either overwhelm working memory capacity or fail to meet baseline neural stimulation thresholds.   # A meaning deficit: Arises when an activity lacks personal purpose, existential value, or relevance to broader life goals.   This theoretical distinction is crucial because it explains why individuals often experience profound disengagement even during routine, highly predictable tasks that they technically possess complete control and high coping potential over. An individual can easily pay attention to a boring task if they find inherent meaning in it; conversely, if an activity feels entirely purposeless, attention inevitably collapses regardless of how simple the task is to execute. === Sansone and Thoman's self-regulation of motivation model === Expanding on how individuals navigate these affective states, Sansone and Thoman (2005) proposed that learners actively self-regulate motivation by restructuring mundane tasks to make them more engaging. Individuals implement interest-enhancing strategies, such as creating personal mini-challenges or adding playful elements to otherwise tedious activities (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Long-term goal achievement therefore requires balancing disciplined effort with the dynamic generation of situational interest, bridging the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). === Critical perspective on theoretical integration === While these models provide robust explanations, a critical analysis reveals notable tensions between them. Pekrun's control-value theory treats control and value as broad global appraisals, whereas Silvia's model focuses sharply on micro-appraisals of novelty and coping potential. Integrating these frameworks reveals that boredom and interest are not absolute opposites on a single continuum, but rather dual regulatory systems. Boredom acts as a signal of misfit (attentional mismatch or meaning deficit), whereas interest acts as an approach signal of growth and mastery. Future theoretical models must better account for the neurobiological interplay between default mode network (DMN) mind-wandering and dopaminergic reward pathways to fully capture how these cognitive appraisals translate into physiological arousal.<quiz display="simple"> {According to the MAC model (Westgate & Wilson, 2018), a person can experience boredom during a task even when the difficulty is optimal, provided they find the activity lacking in personal meaning or value: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Research and empirical investigations == Psychological research has increasingly moved away from treating boredom and interest as minor emotional by-products, establishing them instead through rigorous empirical paradigms, including experience sampling methodology (Goetz et al., 2014), psychophysical attentional tasks (Eastwood et al., 2012), and longitudinal field interventions (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Critical evaluation of this literature reveals how structural task features interact with individual cognitive vulnerabilities to dictate whether engagement is maintained or collapses into aversive disengagement. These empirical findings provide the evidentiary foundation for understanding the real-world behavioural consequences of affective states. === Experience sampling methodology and boredom subtypes === Seminal empirical work by Goetz et al. (2014) transformed the assessment of academic emotions by deploying experience sampling methodology (ESM) across high school and university cohorts, capturing real-time emotional fluctuations in naturalistic learning environments rather than relying solely on retrospective student evaluations. Their findings empirically invalidated the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, identifying five distinct phenomenological subtypes (indifferent, apathetic, calibrating, searching, and reactant) that differ systematically in valence, cognitive appraisals, and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). Subsequent ecological momentary assessments (EMA) confirmed that these subtypes dictate downstream behaviour differently; searching and reactant subtypes prompt immediate urges to escape, whereas indifferent and apathetic subtypes manifest as cognitive withdrawal. While ESM offers high ecological validity by reducing recall bias, repeated daily polling can introduce participant fatigue over extended periods (Goetz et al., 2014). === Attentional failures versus meaning deficits in experimental studies === Investigating the cognitive architecture of state boredom, Eastwood et al. (2012) demonstrated that boredom is fundamentally a bottom-up failure of sustained attention, with individuals remaining acutely aware of their inability to engage mental resources on monotonous tasks. Challenging this purely attentional account, Westgate and Wilson (2018) proved through experimental studies that under-stimulation is insufficient to induce boredom if an activity possesses perceived subjective meaning. Synthesising these perspectives indicates that while Eastwood et al. highlight perceptual-attentional constraints, Westgate and Wilson establish that existential meaning deficits represent an independent pathway to disengagement. === Psychosocial consequences of trait boredom proneness and meta-analytic evidence === Population-based research utilising the Boredom Proneness Scale (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986) has consistently linked chronic trait susceptibility to severe psychosocial maladjustment and psychopathology. Recent systematic reviews and large-scale meta-analytic evidence confirm robust positive correlations between elevated boredom proneness and behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, emotional dysregulation, and depressive symptomatology (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). Expanding on these associations, recent comprehensive meta-analyses examining boredom and digital media use demonstrate a large positive pooled effect size (''r'' = .342) between trait boredom and problematic digital media use, compared to a much smaller association with non-problematic use (''r'' = .084) (Camerini et al., 2023). Longitudinal tracking demonstrates that individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened vulnerability to compulsive digital media consumption, utilising rapid-fire online scrolling and smartphone notifications as a maladaptive regulatory attempt to escape chronic under-arousal and down-regulate negative affect (Camerini et al., 2023). However, a critical limitation across much of this correlational literature is its heavy reliance on cross-sectional self-report designs, which restricts definitive causal inference due to shared-method variance and potential reporting biases, necessitating more prospective cross-lagged panel designs (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986; Danckert et al., 2018). === Psychophysiological and neurobiological underpinnings === Complementing behavioural paradigms, psychophysiological investigations demonstrate that boredom is accompanied by distinct autonomic and neural signatures. While early assumptions characterised boredom strictly as a low-arousal state, recent physiological tracking shows dynamic autonomic instability, characterised by alternating tonic-phasic heart rate variability and electrodermal activity shifts during prolonged monotonous tasks (Clay et al., 2024). Neurobiologically, functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies reveal that state boredom is associated with altered functional connectivity within the brain's default mode network (DMN), particularly involving the precuneus and medial prefrontal cortex (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals encounter monotonous or under-stimulating tasks, failure of frontoparietal control networks to suppress task-irrelevant DMN mind-wandering generates subjective restlessness and attentional lapses. In contrast, states of high interest recruit dopaminergic reward pathways (ventral striatum) and executive control networks, facilitating sustained, effortless cognitive focus without psychological depletion (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). === Experimental validation of interest and utility-value interventions === Moving from descriptive research to applied empirical trials, Hulleman and Harackiewicz (2009) conducted a landmark randomised controlled field experiment demonstrating the causal efficacy of cultivating situational interest. By assigning high school science students to write brief reflections connecting course material directly to their personal lives, the authors observed significant gains in both situational interest and final course performance, with strongest positive effects among students with low initial performance expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). These empirical findings validate Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation theory, proving that learners are not passive victims of uninteresting curricula; rather, targeted cognitive framing can successfully bridge the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Subsequent educational trials have replicated these findings across diverse learning contexts, proving that systematic manipulation of utility value successfully converts aversive state disengagement into sustained, approach-oriented engagement. == Integration: Bridging theory and empirical research == Synthesising theoretical frameworks with contemporary empirical investigations reveals how cognitive appraisals, attentional mechanisms, and subjective valuations directly dictate real-world motivational outcomes. Rather than existing in academic isolation, psychological models of motivation and emotion are continuously shaped and validated by rigorous experimental and field research. By examining how empirical findings inform theoretical interpretations, researchers and practitioners gain a comprehensive understanding of why individuals transition between profound disengagement and energised immersion. === Empirical validation and refinement of appraisal models === The alignment between Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model of interest and Goetz et al.'s (2014) experience sampling methodology (ESM) provides a prime example of theory-research integration. Silvia's model posits that state interest is triggered by primary appraisals of novelty-complexity and secondary appraisals of coping potential. Goetz et al.'s (2014) real-time ESM findings empirically substantiate this mechanism by demonstrating that student emotional states fluctuate dynamically in response to micro-appraisals during classroom instruction. Specifically, when instructional pacing matches student coping potential and introduces moderate novelty, high-arousal engagement and searching boredom subtypes are activated rather than passive apathetic withdrawal. Thus, empirical ESM data validates the dynamic, predictive utility of static appraisal theories in naturalistic settings. === Resolving theoretical tensions through experimental paradigms === Furthermore, empirical research directly addresses and reconciles apparent tensions between competing theoretical models of boredom. The ongoing scholarly debate between Eastwood et al. (2012), who conceptualise boredom primarily as a bottom-up attentional failure, and Westgate and Wilson (2018), who emphasise top-down meaning deficits via the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model, highlights the necessity of an integrated theoretical perspective. While Eastwood et al.'s psychophysical experiments prove that working memory and sustained attention impairments generate bottom-up disengagement during monotonous tasks, Westgate and Wilson's experimental trials demonstrate that top-down cognitive appraisals of personal utility can override under-stimulation. Integrating these findings with Pekrun's (2006) control-value framework reveals that comprehensive models of emotion must account for both perceptual-attentional constraints and existential meaning; an individual may possess complete cognitive control over a task, yet still experience acute boredom if top-down value appraisals are entirely absent. === Translating theory into self-regulation and applied interventions === Finally, the theoretical premise that learners are active agents of their own motivational states, as articulated in Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation model, finds robust causal validation in Hulleman and Harackiewicz's (2009) randomised controlled field experiments. By demonstrating that brief utility-value writing reflections significantly boost situational interest and academic performance, experimental research proves that targeted cognitive reframing bridges the gap between objective curriculum demands and subjective motivational relevance. This integration of theory and empirical trials confirms that interventions do not merely alter external environments; rather, they reshape the cognitive appraisals that govern emotional and motivational states, transforming aversive boredom into sustainable, lifelong engagement. == Individual differences: Trait boredom, curiosity, and personality == Individual differences in trait proneness and cognitive curiosity fundamentally moderate how environmental demands are appraised and experienced. Trait boredom is a stable personality susceptibility characterised by a chronic difficulty in engaging attention and finding meaning in daily activities (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986). Individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened baseline vulnerability to behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, and psychological distress, frequently resorting to external stimulation to compensate for internal under-arousal (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). In contrast, trait curiosity, particularly epistemic and perceptual curiosity, acts as an intrinsic psychological resource that buffers against aversive disengagement (Litman, 2005). Highly curious individuals actively seek out novel, complex stimuli, framing challenging academic or occupational tasks as opportunities for exploration rather than sources of frustration (Litman, 2005; Silvia, 2008). These distinct personality profiles demonstrate that vulnerability to boredom versus the capacity for interest is determined by an interaction between enduring trait structures and immediate task affordances. Neurobiologically, individual susceptibility to chronic boredom is linked to functional connectivity differences within the brain's default mode network (DMN) (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals with high boredom proneness encounter monotonous tasks, their DMN fails to suppress task-irrelevant mind-wandering efficiently, leading to subjective restlessness and attentional lapses (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). Understanding these individual differences allows educators and practitioners to tailor learning environments to support vulnerable learners. === Psychological dimension matrix === Although state boredom and state interest operate as dual self-regulatory signals, they diverge sharply across core affective, cognitive, and motivational dimensions (see Table 1). '''Table 1''' ''Comparison of Psychological Dimensions Between State Boredom and State Interest'' {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! Dimension !State Boredom!! State Interest !! Key Citations |- | '''Affective Valence''' |Unpleasant, aversive|| Pleasant, invigorating || Eastwood et al. (2012); Silvia (2008) |- | '''Arousal Level''' |Variable (apathetic low to reactant high)|| Moderate to high (engaged alertness) || Goetz et al. (2014); Silvia (2005) |- |'''Attentional State''' |Effortful, frequent mind-wandering |Effortless absorption, sustained focus |Westgate & Wilson (2018) |- |'''Primary Appraisals''' |Low intrinsic value; control mismatch |High novelty-complexity; high coping |Pekrun (2006); Silvia (2008) |- |'''Motivational Goal''' |Avoidance, task-switching, escape |Approach, exploration, knowledge acquisition |Bench & Lench (2013); Hidi & Renninger (2006) |- |'''Time Perception''' |Overestimated ("time drags") |Underestimated ("time flies") |Eastwood et al. (2012) |} == Applied interventions: Transforming boredom into interest == Psychological science provides actionable frameworks to convert maladaptive state boredom into productive situational interest. One highly validated approach is the utility-value intervention, where learners explicitly connect course material to personal goals; experimental trials confirm this significantly boosts interest and performance, particularly among students with low initial expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Furthermore, task-crafting allows individuals to introduce playful elements and autonomy into tedious routines, bridging the gap between objective demands and subjective relevance (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Finally, dynamically calibrating task difficulty prevents both overload anxiety and under-stimulation, fostering sustained engagement (Pekrun, 2006; Silvia, 2008). ==Conclusion== How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational lives? Psychological science reveals that state boredom and state interest act as powerful, complementary internal barometers guiding daily attention and behaviour. Rather than being mere psychological nuisances, boredom functions as an adaptive evolutionary signal warning individuals when an activity lacks personal meaning or optimal challenge, whereas interest serves as an approach-oriented engine driving exploration and mastery. As demonstrated by Pekrun's control-value theory, Silvia's appraisal framework, and Westgate and Wilson's MAC model, these states are governed by continuous evaluations of control, value, novelty, and existential purpose. When appraisals align, learners enter states of effortless immersion; when they break down, disengagement follows. Crucially, individuals are not passive victims of unengaging environments. By applying targeted psychological strategies, such as utility-value reflections, task-crafting, and calibrating challenge, students and professionals can successfully transform aversive boredom into enduring interest, bridging the gap between objective demands and personal fulfilment. ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Attention|Attention]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Boredom|Boredom]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Curiosity|Curiosity]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Curiosity and interest|Curiosity and interest]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2021) * [[wikipedia:Flow (psychology)|Flow (psychology)]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Flow and optimal experience|Flow and optimal experience]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2020) * [[wikipedia:Interest (emotion)|Interest (emotion)]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/Intrinsic motivation in education|Intrinsic motivation in education]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2019) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Metacognition and emotional regulation|Metacognition and emotional regulation]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2022/Self-regulation and academic procrastination|Self-regulation and academic procrastination]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2022) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bench, S. W., & Lench, H. C. (2013). On the function of boredom. ''Behavioral Sciences'', ''3''(3), 459–472. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs3030459 Camerini, A.-L., Morlino, S., & Marciano, L. (2023). Boredom and digital media use: A systematic review and meta-analysis. ''Computers in Human Behavior Reports'', ''11'', Article 100313. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chbr.2023.100313 Clay, G., Mlynski, C., Korb, F. M., Goschke, T., & Job, V. (2024). Autonomic nervous system activity during state boredom. ''Psychophysiology'', ''61''(4), Article e14507. https://doi.org/10.1111/psyp.14507 Danckert, J., & Merrifield, C. (2018). Boredom, sustained attention and the default mode network. ''Experimental Brain Research'', ''236''(9), 2507–2518. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00221-016-4617-5 Danckert, J., Mugon, J., Struk, A., & Eastwood, J. (2018). Boredom: What is it, why does it matter, and what can we do about it? ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''32''(6), 1163–1172. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699931.2018.1462148 Eastwood, J. D., Frischen, A., Fenske, M. J., & Smilek, D. (2012). The unengaged mind: Defining boredom in terms of attention. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''7''(5), 482–495. https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612456044 Farmer, R., & Sundberg, N. D. (1986). Boredom proneness: The development and correlates of a new scale. ''Journal of Personality Assessment'', ''50''(1), 4–17. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15327752jpa5001_2 Goetz, T., Frenzel, A. C., Hall, N. C., Nett, U. E., Pekrun, R., & Lipnevich, A. A. (2014). Types of boredom: An experience sampling approach. ''Motivation and Emotion'', ''38''(3), 401–419. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11031-013-9385-y Hidi, S., & Renninger, K. A. (2006). The four-phase model of interest development. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''41''(2), 111–127. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15326985ep4102_4 Hulleman, C. S., & Harackiewicz, J. M. (2009). Promoting interest and performance in high school science classes. ''Science'', ''326''(5958), 1410–1412. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1177067 Litman, J. (2005). Curiosity and the pleasures of learning: Wanting and liking new information. ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''19''(6), 793–814. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699930541000101 Pekrun, R. (2006). The control-value theory of achievement emotions: Assumptions, corollaries, and implications for educational research and practice. ''Educational Psychology Review'', ''18''(4), 315–341. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10648-006-9029-9 Pekrun, R., Goetz, T., Daniels, L. M., Stupnisky, R. H., & Perry, R. P. (2010). Boredom in achievement settings: Exploring control–value antecedents and performance outcomes of a neglected emotion. ''Journal of Educational Psychology'', ''102''(3), 531–549. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0019243 Renninger, K. A., & Hidi, S. (2015). ''The power of interest for motivation and engagement''. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315771045 Sansone, C., & Thoman, D. B. (2005). Interest as the missing motivator in self-regulation. ''European Psychologist'', ''10''(3), 175–186. https://doi.org/10.1027/1016-9040.10.3.175 Schiefele, U. (1991). Interest, learning, and motivation. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''26''(3–4), 299–323. https://doi.org/10.1080/00461520.1991.9653136 Silvia, P. J. (2005). What is interesting? Exploring the appraisal structure of interest. ''Emotion'', ''5''(1), 89–102. https://doi.org/10.1037/1528-3542.5.1.89 Silvia, P. J. (2008). Interest—The curious emotion. ''Current Directions in Psychological Science'', ''17''(1), 57–60. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8721.2008.00548.x Tam, K. Y. Y., Van Tilburg, W. A. P., & Chan, C. S. (2021). What is boredom proneness? A theoretical investigation. ''Personality and Social Psychology Review'', ''25''(3), 291–310. https://doi.org/10.1177/10888683211010297 Thoman, D. B., Smith, J. L., & Silvia, P. J. (2011). The resource replenishment function of interest. ''Social Psychological and Personality Science'', ''2''(6), 592–599. https://doi.org/10.1177/1948550611402521 Westgate, E. C., & Wilson, T. D. (2018). Boring by design: A Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model of boredom. ''Psychological Review'', ''125''(5), 689–713. https://doi.org/10.1037/rev0000097 }} ==External links== * [https://www.hiddenbrain.org/podcast/boredom/ Boredom] (Hidden Brain Media) * [https://www.ted.com/talks/manoush_zomorodi_how_boredom_can_lead_to_your_most_brilliant_ideas How boredom can lead to your most brilliant ideas] (TED) * [https://www.artofmanliness.com/character/self-improvement/podcast-686-the-psychology-of-boredom/ The psychology of boredom] (The Art of Manliness) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Boredom]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Interest]] 5ypx6x30zpewzwq4p105s45ks798fz8 2840297 2840296 2026-10-14T16:25:37Z U3239431 3106807 2840297 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Boredom and interest:<br>How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational states?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=5}} [[File:Student in Library Pittsburg State University.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. Cognitive engagement shifts dramatically depending on whether a learning task triggers state boredom or state interest.]] ; Case scenario:The tale of two study tasks Megan sits in the campus library preparing for an upcoming cognitive psychology examination. After twenty minutes of reading abstract, repetitive definitions of perceptual thresholds and psychophysical scaling, a heavy lethargy sets in: Megan repeatedly checks the clock, opens short-form social media videos, and experiences an aversive feeling of physical and mental restlessness. Later that evening, Megan switches to an interactive computer simulation analysing real-world flight simulator data and cognitive load thresholds; suddenly, Megan experiences heightened alertness, voluntary concentration, and loses all track of time (See figure 1). Both tasks require intense cognitive exertion, yet one produces paralysing disengagement while the other elicits effortless immersion. What psychological mechanisms explain how identical emotional appraisals transform identical cognitive demands into either profound boredom or energised interest? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This chapter explores the psychological science of [[wikipedia:Boredom|boredom]] and [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Interest|interest]], drawing on appraisal theories, the control-value framework, and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model to explain how these emotional states regulate [[motivation]], [[wikipedia:Attention|attention]], and goal-directed behaviour. State boredom functions as a pervasive, aversive psychological state characterised by low arousal, attentional disruption, perceived meaninglessness, and an unsatisfied desire for engagement. Conversely, state interest acts as a primary approach-oriented emotion that directs executive attention, promotes exploratory behaviour, and fosters intrinsic motivation. Both emotional states serve as critical self-regulatory indicators in daily life and academic settings, signalling when current activities lack subjective value or optimal challenge, thereby prompting behavioural realignments.   {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * How are boredom and interest defined, classified, and operationalised in cognitive and affective psychological science? * What cognitive appraisal processes and neurobiological networks mediate the transition between boredom and interest? * How do the control-value theory and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model explain the motivational outcomes of these emotional states? * What individual differences (e.g., boredom proneness, trait curiosity) influence vulnerability to boredom and the capacity for interest? * How can students, educators, and professionals implement psychological interventions to convert state boredom into productive situational and individual interest?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Conceptualising boredom: Definitions, typologies and functions == Boredom is a pervasive yet historically under-researched aversive emotional state defined by an inability to engage attention in satisfying activity, accompanied by distorted time perception and an urgent desire to escape the immediate setting. Far from being a simple lack of things to do, psychological science conceptualises boredom as a complex, multi-dimensional affective and cognitive phenomenon that serves vital self-regulatory functions while carrying significant vulnerability risks when chronic. ==== '''Attentional and phenomenological characteristics''' ==== State boredom is primarily characterised as an attentional failure where individuals find themselves unable to direct cognitive focus toward internal thoughts or external tasks, while remaining acutely and painfully aware of this inability (Eastwood et al., 2012). Phenomenologically, boredom possesses distinct qualitative signatures, most notably "time drag", the subjective, distorted perception that time is passing unusually slowly, coupled with a restless, agitated desire for alternative stimulation. Researchers emphasise the critical need to distinguish state boredom from related affective states: unlike apathy, which is marked by complete emotional indifference and flat affect, boredom involves an active, frustrated yearning for engagement. Similarly, while depression involves persistent sadness, feelings of worthlessness, and generalised anhedonia across all life domains, state boredom is typically tied to specific situational contexts or tasks where meaning or optimal challenge is absent (Danckert et al., 2018; Eastwood et al., 2012). ==== '''Multidimensional typologies of boredom''' ==== Challenging the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, contemporary experience sampling methodology (ESM) reveals that boredom manifests in several distinct phenomenological subtypes differentiated by their underlying valence and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). These subtypes capture the diverse ways individuals experience and react to unengaging environments: * Indifferent boredom: A relaxed, low-arousal state with minimal affect where individuals drift comfortably. * Apathetic boredom: A distressing, low-arousal state marked by total withdrawal and helplessness. * Calibrating boredom: A mild-arousal state featuring wandering daydreams and openness to distraction. * Searching boredom: An active, restless state driven by the goal-directed pursuit of alternative stimulation. * Reactant boredom: A high-arousal, aversive state prompting urgent urges to rebel against constraints. ==== '''Functional and evolutionary perspectives''' ==== From an evolutionary standpoint, researchers conceptualise boredom not merely as a modern psychological nuisance, but as an adaptive "stop signal" designed by natural selection (Bench & Lench, 2013). When an organism remains in a static, unrewarding, or non-stimulating environment, the energetic costs of continued engagement outweigh potential adaptive benefits; boredom signals this mismatch, motivating exploratory foraging, task switching, or environmental modification (Danckert et al., 2018). However, in modern educational and occupational contexts where physical escape or immediate task switching is constrained, this evolutionary alarm can misfire. When adaptive self-regulation fails, acute boredom frequently manifests as maladaptive coping mechanisms, such as impulsive sensation-seeking, high-risk behaviour, or compulsive digital media consumption (Camerini et al., 2023). == The psychology of interest: Appraisal structure and developmental phases == Interest operates as a counter-regulatory epistemic emotion that facilitates learning, exploration, and the acquisition of complex competencies. Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model demonstrates that interest is elicited by evaluations of novelty-complexity and coping potential. The primary appraisal evaluates whether an event or stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected, while the secondary appraisal assesses personal coping potential, the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive capacity and resources to comprehend and master the novel stimulus. Expanding beyond immediate state appraisals, Hidi and Renninger (2006) traced the evolution from transient environmental stimulation to enduring personal interest across four distinct phases. Phase 1 (Triggered Situational Interest) is externally elicited by surprising or vivid features, whereas Phase 2 (Maintained Situational Interest) involves sustained task engagement supported by meaningful learning activities. Phase 3 (Emerging Individual Interest) and Phase 4 (Well-Developed Individual Interest) are internally generated, characterised by stored knowledge, deep personal value, and self-regulated goal pursuit. Experiencing state interest stimulates spontaneous, focused attention, which reduces reliance on deliberate and effortful executive control (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). In educational environments, interest directly predicts the adoption of deep cognitive processing strategies over shallow surface memorisation (Schiefele, 1991). Furthermore, it serves as an emotional buffer against ego depletion, sustaining psychological resources during demanding tasks (Silvia, 2008; Thoman et al., 2011).<quiz display="simple"> {According to Silvia's (2008) appraisal model, high novelty-complexity automatically sparks interest, even if a person feels they have zero capacity or coping potential to understand it: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Theoretical frameworks: Control-value and Meaning-Attentional models == To understand how individuals transition between profound boredom and energised interest, psychological science relies on multidimensional theoretical frameworks that link cognitive appraisals, environmental demands, and emotional outcomes (Pekrun, 2006; Westgate & Wilson, 2018). Rather than viewing emotional and motivational states as static personality traits, contemporary models conceptualise state boredom and state interest as dynamic, functional barometers driven by continuous evaluations of control, value, novelty, and meaning (Silvia, 2008). These theoretical models provide the structural lens through which cognitive and motivational processes can be systematically analysed and applied. === Pekrun's control-value theory of achievement emotions === Pekrun's (2006) control-value theory posits that achievement emotions are systematically governed by two primary cognitive appraisals: subjective control, which is the perception of personal agency over an activity, and subjective value, which represents the personal importance assigned to outcomes. State boredom typically peaks under conditions of mismatched control and low intrinsic value, manifesting either as deficient control when demands overwhelm capability or excessive control when tasks are trivial (Pekrun et al., 2010). Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit (Schiefele, 1991). For example, in the opening scenario, when Megan is forced to memorise exhaustive, repetitive lists of historical data without practical application, she experiences excessive control coupled with zero value, triggering acute boredom. Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic or attainment value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit. === Silvia's two-component appraisal model of interest === Complementing Pekrun's framework, Silvia's (2005, 2008) appraisal model explains that state interest is an epistemic emotion triggered by two sequential cognitive evaluations: novelty-complexity and coping potential.   * Primary appraisal: Evaluates whether a stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected. This evaluation automatically captures attention and initiates exploratory processing.   * Secondary appraisal: Assesses personal coping potential—the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive resources, knowledge, and skills required to master the stimulus.   When high novelty is paired with high coping potential, individuals experience intense epistemic interest. However, if a stimulus is novel but exceeds coping potential (i.e., it is too complex or confusing), the individual experiences anxiety or confusion rather than engagement. This highlights why optimal challenge is a prerequisite for interest development. === Westgate and Wilson's Meaning and Attentional Components model === While control-value theory focuses primarily on structured achievement contexts, Westgate and Wilson's (2018) Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model isolates the immediate psychological architecture of boredom. The MAC model proposes that boredom stems from two independent cognitive deficits:   # An attentional mismatch: Occurs when cognitive demands either overwhelm working memory capacity or fail to meet baseline neural stimulation thresholds.   # A meaning deficit: Arises when an activity lacks personal purpose, existential value, or relevance to broader life goals.   This theoretical distinction is crucial because it explains why individuals often experience profound disengagement even during routine, highly predictable tasks that they technically possess complete control and high coping potential over. An individual can easily pay attention to a boring task if they find inherent meaning in it; conversely, if an activity feels entirely purposeless, attention inevitably collapses regardless of how simple the task is to execute. === Sansone and Thoman's self-regulation of motivation model === Expanding on how individuals navigate these affective states, Sansone and Thoman (2005) proposed that learners actively self-regulate motivation by restructuring mundane tasks to make them more engaging. Individuals implement interest-enhancing strategies, such as creating personal mini-challenges or adding playful elements to otherwise tedious activities (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Long-term goal achievement therefore requires balancing disciplined effort with the dynamic generation of situational interest, bridging the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). === Critical perspective on theoretical integration === While these models provide robust explanations, a critical analysis reveals notable tensions between them. Pekrun's control-value theory treats control and value as broad global appraisals, whereas Silvia's model focuses sharply on micro-appraisals of novelty and coping potential. Integrating these frameworks reveals that boredom and interest are not absolute opposites on a single continuum, but rather dual regulatory systems. Boredom acts as a signal of misfit (attentional mismatch or meaning deficit), whereas interest acts as an approach signal of growth and mastery. Future theoretical models must better account for the neurobiological interplay between default mode network (DMN) mind-wandering and dopaminergic reward pathways to fully capture how these cognitive appraisals translate into physiological arousal.<quiz display="simple"> {According to the MAC model (Westgate & Wilson, 2018), a person can experience boredom during a task even when the difficulty is optimal, provided they find the activity lacking in personal meaning or value: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Research and empirical investigations == Psychological research has increasingly moved away from treating boredom and interest as minor emotional by-products, establishing them instead through rigorous empirical paradigms, including experience sampling methodology (Goetz et al., 2014), psychophysical attentional tasks (Eastwood et al., 2012), and longitudinal field interventions (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Critical evaluation of this literature reveals how structural task features interact with individual cognitive vulnerabilities to dictate whether engagement is maintained or collapses into aversive disengagement. These empirical findings provide the evidentiary foundation for understanding the real-world behavioural consequences of affective states. === Experience sampling methodology and boredom subtypes === Seminal empirical work by Goetz et al. (2014) transformed the assessment of academic emotions by deploying experience sampling methodology (ESM) across high school and university cohorts, capturing real-time emotional fluctuations in naturalistic learning environments rather than relying solely on retrospective student evaluations. Their findings empirically invalidated the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, identifying five distinct phenomenological subtypes (indifferent, apathetic, calibrating, searching, and reactant) that differ systematically in valence, cognitive appraisals, and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). Subsequent ecological momentary assessments (EMA) confirmed that these subtypes dictate downstream behaviour differently; searching and reactant subtypes prompt immediate urges to escape, whereas indifferent and apathetic subtypes manifest as cognitive withdrawal. While ESM offers high ecological validity by reducing recall bias, repeated daily polling can introduce participant fatigue over extended periods (Goetz et al., 2014). === Attentional failures versus meaning deficits in experimental studies === While Eastwood et al. (2012) demonstrated that state boredom is fundamentally a bottom-up failure of sustained attention, Westgate and Wilson (2018) proved that under-stimulation alone fails to induce boredom if a task possesses perceived subjective meaning. Synthesising these views, perceptual-attentional constraints and existential meaning deficits represent dual, independent pathways to disengagement. === Psychosocial consequences of trait boredom proneness and meta-analytic evidence === Population-based research utilising the Boredom Proneness Scale (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986) has consistently linked chronic trait susceptibility to severe psychosocial maladjustment and psychopathology. Recent systematic reviews and large-scale meta-analytic evidence confirm robust positive correlations between elevated boredom proneness and behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, emotional dysregulation, and depressive symptomatology (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). Expanding on these associations, recent comprehensive meta-analyses examining boredom and digital media use demonstrate a large positive pooled effect size (''r'' = .342) between trait boredom and problematic digital media use, compared to a much smaller association with non-problematic use (''r'' = .084) (Camerini et al., 2023). Longitudinal tracking demonstrates that individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened vulnerability to compulsive digital media consumption, utilising rapid-fire online scrolling and smartphone notifications as a maladaptive regulatory attempt to escape chronic under-arousal and down-regulate negative affect (Camerini et al., 2023). However, a critical limitation across much of this correlational literature is its heavy reliance on cross-sectional self-report designs, which restricts definitive causal inference due to shared-method variance and potential reporting biases, necessitating more prospective cross-lagged panel designs (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986; Danckert et al., 2018). === Psychophysiological and neurobiological underpinnings === Neurobiologically, functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies reveal that state boredom is associated with altered functional connectivity within the brain's default mode network (DMN), particularly involving the precuneus and medial prefrontal cortex (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals encounter monotonous or under-stimulating tasks, failure of frontoparietal control networks to suppress task-irrelevant DMN mind-wandering generates subjective restlessness and attentional lapses. In contrast, states of high interest recruit dopaminergic reward pathways (ventral striatum) and executive control networks, facilitating sustained, effortless cognitive focus without psychological depletion (Hidi & Renninger, 2006).    === Experimental validation of interest and utility-value interventions === Moving from descriptive research to applied empirical trials, Hulleman and Harackiewicz (2009) conducted a landmark randomised controlled field experiment demonstrating the causal efficacy of cultivating situational interest. By assigning high school science students to write brief reflections connecting course material directly to their personal lives, the authors observed significant gains in both situational interest and final course performance, with strongest positive effects among students with low initial performance expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). These empirical findings validate Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation theory, proving that learners are not passive victims of uninteresting curricula; rather, targeted cognitive framing can successfully bridge the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Subsequent educational trials have replicated these findings across diverse learning contexts, proving that systematic manipulation of utility value successfully converts aversive state disengagement into sustained, approach-oriented engagement. == Integration: Bridging theory and empirical research == Synthesising theoretical frameworks with contemporary empirical investigations reveals how cognitive appraisals, attentional mechanisms, and subjective valuations directly dictate real-world motivational outcomes. Rather than existing in academic isolation, psychological models of motivation and emotion are continuously shaped and validated by rigorous experimental and field research. By examining how empirical findings inform theoretical interpretations, researchers and practitioners gain a comprehensive understanding of why individuals transition between profound disengagement and energised immersion. === Empirical validation and refinement of appraisal models === Silvia's (2005, 2008) appraisal model posits that interest is triggered by novelty-complexity and coping potential. Goetz et al.'s (2014) experience sampling methodology (ESM) empirically substantiates this by showing that classroom emotional states fluctuate dynamically in response to these micro-appraisals. When instruction matches student coping potential and introduces moderate novelty, high-arousal engagement and searching boredom are activated rather than apathetic withdrawal, validating static appraisal theories in naturalistic settings. === Resolving theoretical tensions through experimental paradigms === Furthermore, empirical research directly addresses and reconciles apparent tensions between competing theoretical models of boredom. The ongoing scholarly debate between Eastwood et al. (2012), who conceptualise boredom primarily as a bottom-up attentional failure, and Westgate and Wilson (2018), who emphasise top-down meaning deficits via the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model, highlights the necessity of an integrated theoretical perspective. While Eastwood et al.'s psychophysical experiments prove that working memory and sustained attention impairments generate bottom-up disengagement during monotonous tasks, Westgate and Wilson's experimental trials demonstrate that top-down cognitive appraisals of personal utility can override under-stimulation. Integrating these findings with Pekrun's (2006) control-value framework reveals that comprehensive models of emotion must account for both perceptual-attentional constraints and existential meaning; an individual may possess complete cognitive control over a task, yet still experience acute boredom if top-down value appraisals are entirely absent.    === Translating theory into self-regulation and applied interventions === Finally, the theoretical premise that learners are active agents of their own motivational states, as articulated in Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation model, finds robust causal validation in Hulleman and Harackiewicz's (2009) randomised controlled field experiments. By demonstrating that brief utility-value writing reflections significantly boost situational interest and academic performance, experimental research proves that targeted cognitive reframing bridges the gap between objective curriculum demands and subjective motivational relevance. This integration of theory and empirical trials confirms that interventions do not merely alter external environments; rather, they reshape the cognitive appraisals that govern emotional and motivational states, transforming aversive boredom into sustainable, lifelong engagement. == Individual differences: Trait boredom, curiosity, and personality == Trait boredom is a stable personality susceptibility involving chronic difficulty in engaging attention and finding daily meaning (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986). Individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened vulnerability to behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, and distress, frequently seeking external stimulation to compensate for internal under-arousal (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). In contrast, trait curiosity, particularly epistemic and perceptual curiosity, acts as an intrinsic psychological resource that buffers against aversive disengagement (Litman, 2005). Highly curious individuals actively seek out novel, complex stimuli, framing challenging academic or occupational tasks as opportunities for exploration rather than sources of frustration (Litman, 2005; Silvia, 2008). These distinct personality profiles demonstrate that vulnerability to boredom versus the capacity for interest is determined by an interaction between enduring trait structures and immediate task affordances. Neurobiologically, individual susceptibility to chronic boredom is linked to functional connectivity differences within the brain's default mode network (DMN) (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals with high boredom proneness encounter monotonous tasks, their DMN fails to suppress task-irrelevant mind-wandering efficiently, leading to subjective restlessness and attentional lapses (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). Understanding these individual differences allows educators and practitioners to tailor learning environments to support vulnerable learners. === Psychological dimension matrix === Although state boredom and state interest operate as dual self-regulatory signals, they diverge sharply across core affective, cognitive, and motivational dimensions (see Table 1). '''Table 1''' ''Comparison of Psychological Dimensions Between State Boredom and State Interest'' {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! Dimension !State Boredom!! State Interest !! Key Citations |- | '''Affective Valence''' |Unpleasant, aversive|| Pleasant, invigorating || Eastwood et al. (2012); Silvia (2008) |- | '''Arousal Level''' |Variable (apathetic low to reactant high)|| Moderate to high (engaged alertness) || Goetz et al. (2014); Silvia (2005) |- |'''Attentional State''' |Effortful, frequent mind-wandering |Effortless absorption, sustained focus |Westgate & Wilson (2018) |- |'''Primary Appraisals''' |Low intrinsic value; control mismatch |High novelty-complexity; high coping |Pekrun (2006); Silvia (2008) |- |'''Motivational Goal''' |Avoidance, task-switching, escape |Approach, exploration, knowledge acquisition |Bench & Lench (2013); Hidi & Renninger (2006) |- |'''Time Perception''' |Overestimated ("time drags") |Underestimated ("time flies") |Eastwood et al. (2012) |} == Applied interventions: Transforming boredom into interest == Psychological science provides actionable frameworks to convert maladaptive state boredom into productive situational interest. One highly validated approach is the utility-value intervention, where learners explicitly connect course material to personal goals; experimental trials confirm this significantly boosts interest and performance, particularly among students with low initial expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Furthermore, task-crafting allows individuals to introduce playful elements and autonomy into tedious routines, bridging the gap between objective demands and subjective relevance (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Finally, dynamically calibrating task difficulty prevents both overload anxiety and under-stimulation, fostering sustained engagement (Pekrun, 2006; Silvia, 2008). ==Conclusion== How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational lives? Psychological science reveals that state boredom and state interest act as powerful, complementary internal barometers guiding daily attention and behaviour. Rather than being mere psychological nuisances, boredom functions as an adaptive evolutionary signal warning individuals when an activity lacks personal meaning or optimal challenge, whereas interest serves as an approach-oriented engine driving exploration and mastery. As demonstrated by Pekrun's control-value theory, Silvia's appraisal framework, and Westgate and Wilson's MAC model, these states are governed by continuous evaluations of control, value, novelty, and existential purpose. When appraisals align, learners enter states of effortless immersion; when they break down, disengagement follows. Crucially, individuals are not passive victims of unengaging environments. By applying targeted psychological strategies, such as utility-value reflections, task-crafting, and calibrating challenge, students and professionals can successfully transform aversive boredom into enduring interest, bridging the gap between objective demands and personal fulfilment. ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Attention|Attention]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Boredom|Boredom]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Curiosity|Curiosity]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Curiosity and interest|Curiosity and interest]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2021) * [[wikipedia:Flow (psychology)|Flow (psychology)]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Flow and optimal experience|Flow and optimal experience]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2020) * [[wikipedia:Interest (emotion)|Interest (emotion)]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/Intrinsic motivation in education|Intrinsic motivation in education]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2019) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Metacognition and emotional regulation|Metacognition and emotional regulation]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2022/Self-regulation and academic procrastination|Self-regulation and academic procrastination]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2022) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bench, S. W., & Lench, H. C. (2013). On the function of boredom. ''Behavioral Sciences'', ''3''(3), 459–472. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs3030459 Camerini, A.-L., Morlino, S., & Marciano, L. (2023). Boredom and digital media use: A systematic review and meta-analysis. ''Computers in Human Behavior Reports'', ''11'', Article 100313. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chbr.2023.100313 Clay, G., Mlynski, C., Korb, F. M., Goschke, T., & Job, V. (2024). Autonomic nervous system activity during state boredom. ''Psychophysiology'', ''61''(4), Article e14507. https://doi.org/10.1111/psyp.14507 Danckert, J., & Merrifield, C. (2018). Boredom, sustained attention and the default mode network. ''Experimental Brain Research'', ''236''(9), 2507–2518. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00221-016-4617-5 Danckert, J., Mugon, J., Struk, A., & Eastwood, J. (2018). Boredom: What is it, why does it matter, and what can we do about it? ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''32''(6), 1163–1172. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699931.2018.1462148 Eastwood, J. D., Frischen, A., Fenske, M. J., & Smilek, D. (2012). The unengaged mind: Defining boredom in terms of attention. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''7''(5), 482–495. https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612456044 Farmer, R., & Sundberg, N. D. (1986). Boredom proneness: The development and correlates of a new scale. ''Journal of Personality Assessment'', ''50''(1), 4–17. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15327752jpa5001_2 Goetz, T., Frenzel, A. C., Hall, N. C., Nett, U. E., Pekrun, R., & Lipnevich, A. A. (2014). Types of boredom: An experience sampling approach. ''Motivation and Emotion'', ''38''(3), 401–419. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11031-013-9385-y Hidi, S., & Renninger, K. A. (2006). The four-phase model of interest development. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''41''(2), 111–127. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15326985ep4102_4 Hulleman, C. S., & Harackiewicz, J. M. (2009). Promoting interest and performance in high school science classes. ''Science'', ''326''(5958), 1410–1412. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1177067 Litman, J. (2005). Curiosity and the pleasures of learning: Wanting and liking new information. ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''19''(6), 793–814. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699930541000101 Pekrun, R. (2006). The control-value theory of achievement emotions: Assumptions, corollaries, and implications for educational research and practice. ''Educational Psychology Review'', ''18''(4), 315–341. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10648-006-9029-9 Pekrun, R., Goetz, T., Daniels, L. M., Stupnisky, R. H., & Perry, R. P. (2010). Boredom in achievement settings: Exploring control–value antecedents and performance outcomes of a neglected emotion. ''Journal of Educational Psychology'', ''102''(3), 531–549. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0019243 Renninger, K. A., & Hidi, S. (2015). ''The power of interest for motivation and engagement''. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315771045 Sansone, C., & Thoman, D. B. (2005). Interest as the missing motivator in self-regulation. ''European Psychologist'', ''10''(3), 175–186. https://doi.org/10.1027/1016-9040.10.3.175 Schiefele, U. (1991). Interest, learning, and motivation. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''26''(3–4), 299–323. https://doi.org/10.1080/00461520.1991.9653136 Silvia, P. J. (2005). What is interesting? Exploring the appraisal structure of interest. ''Emotion'', ''5''(1), 89–102. https://doi.org/10.1037/1528-3542.5.1.89 Silvia, P. J. (2008). Interest—The curious emotion. ''Current Directions in Psychological Science'', ''17''(1), 57–60. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8721.2008.00548.x Tam, K. Y. Y., Van Tilburg, W. A. P., & Chan, C. S. (2021). What is boredom proneness? A theoretical investigation. ''Personality and Social Psychology Review'', ''25''(3), 291–310. https://doi.org/10.1177/10888683211010297 Thoman, D. B., Smith, J. L., & Silvia, P. J. (2011). The resource replenishment function of interest. ''Social Psychological and Personality Science'', ''2''(6), 592–599. https://doi.org/10.1177/1948550611402521 Westgate, E. C., & Wilson, T. D. (2018). Boring by design: A Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model of boredom. ''Psychological Review'', ''125''(5), 689–713. https://doi.org/10.1037/rev0000097 }} ==External links== * [https://www.hiddenbrain.org/podcast/boredom/ Boredom] (Hidden Brain Media) * [https://www.ted.com/talks/manoush_zomorodi_how_boredom_can_lead_to_your_most_brilliant_ideas How boredom can lead to your most brilliant ideas] (TED) * [https://www.artofmanliness.com/character/self-improvement/podcast-686-the-psychology-of-boredom/ The psychology of boredom] (The Art of Manliness) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Boredom]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Interest]] b1eghhmx493rp5d4dy90d508y9znwj9 2840301 2840297 2026-10-14T16:39:21Z U3239431 3106807 2840301 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Boredom and interest:<br>How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational states?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=5}} [[File:Student in Library Pittsburg State University.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. Cognitive engagement shifts dramatically depending on whether a learning task triggers state boredom or state interest.]] ; Case scenario:The tale of two study tasks Megan sits in the campus library preparing for an upcoming cognitive psychology examination. After twenty minutes of reading abstract, repetitive definitions of perceptual thresholds and psychophysical scaling, a heavy lethargy sets in: Megan repeatedly checks the clock, opens short-form social media videos, and experiences an aversive feeling of physical and mental restlessness. Later that evening, Megan switches to an interactive computer simulation analysing real-world flight simulator data and cognitive load thresholds; suddenly, Megan experiences heightened alertness, voluntary concentration, and loses all track of time (See figure 1). Both tasks require intense cognitive exertion, yet one produces paralysing disengagement while the other elicits effortless immersion. What psychological mechanisms explain how identical emotional appraisals transform identical cognitive demands into either profound boredom or energised interest? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This chapter explores the psychological science of [[wikipedia:Boredom|boredom]] and [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Interest|interest]], drawing on appraisal theories, the control-value framework, and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model to explain how these emotional states regulate [[motivation]], [[wikipedia:Attention|attention]], and goal-directed behaviour. State boredom functions as an aversive state characterised by low arousal and attentional disruption, whereas state interest acts as an approach-oriented emotion fostering intrinsic motivation. Both serve as critical self-regulatory indicators signalling when activities lack subjective value or optimal challenge. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * How are boredom and interest defined, classified, and operationalised in cognitive and affective psychological science? * What cognitive appraisal processes and neurobiological networks mediate the transition between boredom and interest? * How do the control-value theory and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model explain the motivational outcomes of these emotional states? * What individual differences (e.g., boredom proneness, trait curiosity) influence vulnerability to boredom and the capacity for interest? * How can students, educators, and professionals implement psychological interventions to convert state boredom into productive situational and individual interest?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Conceptualising boredom: Definitions, typologies and functions == Boredom is a pervasive yet historically under-researched aversive emotional state defined by an inability to engage attention in satisfying activity, accompanied by distorted time perception and an urgent desire to escape the immediate setting. Far from being a simple lack of things to do, psychological science conceptualises boredom as a complex, multi-dimensional affective and cognitive phenomenon that serves vital self-regulatory functions while carrying significant vulnerability risks when chronic. ==== '''Attentional and phenomenological characteristics''' ==== State boredom is primarily characterised as an attentional failure where individuals find themselves unable to direct cognitive focus toward internal thoughts or external tasks, while remaining acutely and painfully aware of this inability (Eastwood et al., 2012). Phenomenologically, boredom possesses distinct qualitative signatures, most notably "time drag", the subjective, distorted perception that time is passing unusually slowly, coupled with a restless, agitated desire for alternative stimulation. Researchers emphasise the critical need to distinguish state boredom from related affective states: unlike apathy, which is marked by complete emotional indifference and flat affect, boredom involves an active, frustrated yearning for engagement. Similarly, while depression involves persistent sadness, feelings of worthlessness, and generalised anhedonia across all life domains, state boredom is typically tied to specific situational contexts or tasks where meaning or optimal challenge is absent (Danckert et al., 2018; Eastwood et al., 2012). ==== '''Multidimensional typologies of boredom''' ==== Challenging the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, contemporary experience sampling methodology (ESM) reveals that boredom manifests in several distinct phenomenological subtypes differentiated by their underlying valence and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). These subtypes capture the diverse ways individuals experience and react to unengaging environments: * Indifferent boredom: A relaxed, low-arousal state with minimal affect where individuals drift comfortably. * Apathetic boredom: A distressing, low-arousal state marked by total withdrawal and helplessness. * Calibrating boredom: A mild-arousal state featuring wandering daydreams and openness to distraction. * Searching boredom: An active, restless state driven by the goal-directed pursuit of alternative stimulation. * Reactant boredom: A high-arousal, aversive state prompting urgent urges to rebel against constraints. ==== '''Functional and evolutionary perspectives''' ==== Evolutionary perspectives conceptualise boredom as an adaptive "stop signal" designed by natural selection (Bench & Lench, 2013). When energetic costs outweigh adaptive benefits, boredom signals this mismatch to motivate task switching or environmental modification (Danckert et al., 2018). In modern educational settings where physical escape is constrained, this alarm can misfire, manifesting as maladaptive coping mechanisms like sensation-seeking or compulsive digital media consumption (Camerini et al., 2023). == The psychology of interest: Appraisal structure and developmental phases == Interest operates as a counter-regulatory epistemic emotion that facilitates learning, exploration, and the acquisition of complex competencies. Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model demonstrates that interest is elicited by evaluations of novelty-complexity and coping potential. The primary appraisal evaluates whether an event or stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected, while the secondary appraisal assesses personal coping potential, the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive capacity and resources to comprehend and master the novel stimulus. Expanding beyond immediate state appraisals, Hidi and Renninger (2006) traced the evolution from transient environmental stimulation to enduring personal interest across four distinct phases. Phase 1 (Triggered Situational Interest) is externally elicited by surprising or vivid features, whereas Phase 2 (Maintained Situational Interest) involves sustained task engagement supported by meaningful learning activities. Phase 3 (Emerging Individual Interest) and Phase 4 (Well-Developed Individual Interest) are internally generated, characterised by stored knowledge, deep personal value, and self-regulated goal pursuit. Experiencing state interest stimulates spontaneous, focused attention, which reduces reliance on deliberate and effortful executive control (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). In educational environments, interest directly predicts the adoption of deep cognitive processing strategies over shallow surface memorisation (Schiefele, 1991). Furthermore, it serves as an emotional buffer against ego depletion, sustaining psychological resources during demanding tasks (Silvia, 2008; Thoman et al., 2011).<quiz display="simple"> {According to Silvia's (2008) appraisal model, high novelty-complexity automatically sparks interest, even if a person feels they have zero capacity or coping potential to understand it: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Theoretical frameworks: Control-value and Meaning-Attentional models == To understand how individuals transition between profound boredom and energised interest, psychological science relies on multidimensional theoretical frameworks that link cognitive appraisals, environmental demands, and emotional outcomes (Pekrun, 2006; Westgate & Wilson, 2018). Rather than viewing emotional and motivational states as static personality traits, contemporary models conceptualise state boredom and state interest as dynamic, functional barometers driven by continuous evaluations of control, value, novelty, and meaning (Silvia, 2008). These theoretical models provide the structural lens through which cognitive and motivational processes can be systematically analysed and applied. === Pekrun's control-value theory of achievement emotions === Pekrun's (2006) control-value theory posits that achievement emotions are systematically governed by two primary cognitive appraisals: subjective control, which is the perception of personal agency over an activity, and subjective value, which represents the personal importance assigned to outcomes. State boredom typically peaks under conditions of mismatched control and low intrinsic value, manifesting either as deficient control when demands overwhelm capability or excessive control when tasks are trivial (Pekrun et al., 2010). Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit (Schiefele, 1991). For example, in the opening scenario, when Megan is forced to memorise exhaustive, repetitive lists of historical data without practical application, she experiences excessive control coupled with zero value, triggering acute boredom. Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic or attainment value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit. === Silvia's two-component appraisal model of interest === Complementing Pekrun's framework, Silvia's (2005, 2008) appraisal model explains that state interest is an epistemic emotion triggered by two sequential cognitive evaluations: novelty-complexity and coping potential.   * Primary appraisal: Evaluates whether a stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected. This evaluation automatically captures attention and initiates exploratory processing.   * Secondary appraisal: Assesses personal coping potential—the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive resources, knowledge, and skills required to master the stimulus.   When high novelty is paired with high coping potential, individuals experience intense epistemic interest. However, if a stimulus is novel but exceeds coping potential (i.e., it is too complex or confusing), the individual experiences anxiety or confusion rather than engagement. This highlights why optimal challenge is a prerequisite for interest development. === Westgate and Wilson's Meaning and Attentional Components model === While control-value theory focuses primarily on structured achievement contexts, Westgate and Wilson's (2018) Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model isolates the immediate psychological architecture of boredom. The MAC model proposes that boredom stems from two independent cognitive deficits:   # An attentional mismatch: Occurs when cognitive demands either overwhelm working memory capacity or fail to meet baseline neural stimulation thresholds.   # A meaning deficit: Arises when an activity lacks personal purpose, existential value, or relevance to broader life goals.   This theoretical distinction is crucial because it explains why individuals often experience profound disengagement even during routine, highly predictable tasks that they technically possess complete control and high coping potential over. An individual can easily pay attention to a boring task if they find inherent meaning in it; conversely, if an activity feels entirely purposeless, attention inevitably collapses regardless of how simple the task is to execute. === Sansone and Thoman's self-regulation of motivation model === Expanding on how individuals navigate these affective states, Sansone and Thoman (2005) proposed that learners actively self-regulate motivation by restructuring mundane tasks to make them more engaging. Individuals implement interest-enhancing strategies, such as creating personal mini-challenges or adding playful elements to otherwise tedious activities (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Long-term goal achievement therefore requires balancing disciplined effort with the dynamic generation of situational interest, bridging the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). === Critical perspective on theoretical integration === While these models provide robust explanations, a critical analysis reveals notable tensions between them. Pekrun's control-value theory treats control and value as broad global appraisals, whereas Silvia's model focuses sharply on micro-appraisals of novelty and coping potential. Integrating these frameworks reveals that boredom and interest are not absolute opposites on a single continuum, but rather dual regulatory systems. Boredom acts as a signal of misfit (attentional mismatch or meaning deficit), whereas interest acts as an approach signal of growth and mastery. Future theoretical models must better account for the neurobiological interplay between default mode network (DMN) mind-wandering and dopaminergic reward pathways to fully capture how these cognitive appraisals translate into physiological arousal.<quiz display="simple"> {According to the MAC model (Westgate & Wilson, 2018), a person can experience boredom during a task even when the difficulty is optimal, provided they find the activity lacking in personal meaning or value: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Research and empirical investigations == Psychological research has increasingly moved away from treating boredom and interest as minor emotional by-products, establishing them instead through rigorous empirical paradigms, including experience sampling methodology (Goetz et al., 2014), psychophysical attentional tasks (Eastwood et al., 2012), and longitudinal field interventions (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Critical evaluation of this literature reveals how structural task features interact with individual cognitive vulnerabilities to dictate whether engagement is maintained or collapses into aversive disengagement. These empirical findings provide the evidentiary foundation for understanding the real-world behavioural consequences of affective states. === Experience sampling methodology and boredom subtypes === Seminal empirical work by Goetz et al. (2014) transformed the assessment of academic emotions by deploying experience sampling methodology (ESM) across high school and university cohorts, capturing real-time emotional fluctuations in naturalistic learning environments rather than relying solely on retrospective student evaluations. Their findings empirically invalidated the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, identifying five distinct phenomenological subtypes (indifferent, apathetic, calibrating, searching, and reactant) that differ systematically in valence, cognitive appraisals, and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). Subsequent ecological momentary assessments (EMA) confirmed that these subtypes dictate downstream behaviour differently; searching and reactant subtypes prompt immediate urges to escape, whereas indifferent and apathetic subtypes manifest as cognitive withdrawal. While ESM offers high ecological validity by reducing recall bias, repeated daily polling can introduce participant fatigue over extended periods (Goetz et al., 2014). === Attentional failures versus meaning deficits in experimental studies === While Eastwood et al. (2012) demonstrated that state boredom is fundamentally a bottom-up failure of sustained attention, Westgate and Wilson (2018) proved that under-stimulation alone fails to induce boredom if a task possesses perceived subjective meaning. Synthesising these views, perceptual-attentional constraints and existential meaning deficits represent dual, independent pathways to disengagement. === Psychosocial consequences of trait boredom proneness and meta-analytic evidence === Population-based research utilising the Boredom Proneness Scale (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986) has consistently linked chronic trait susceptibility to severe psychosocial maladjustment and psychopathology. Recent systematic reviews and large-scale meta-analytic evidence confirm robust positive correlations between elevated boredom proneness and behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, emotional dysregulation, and depressive symptomatology (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). Expanding on these associations, recent comprehensive meta-analyses examining boredom and digital media use demonstrate a large positive pooled effect size (''r'' = .342) between trait boredom and problematic digital media use, compared to a much smaller association with non-problematic use (''r'' = .084) (Camerini et al., 2023). Longitudinal tracking demonstrates that individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened vulnerability to compulsive digital media consumption, utilising rapid-fire online scrolling and smartphone notifications as a maladaptive regulatory attempt to escape chronic under-arousal and down-regulate negative affect (Camerini et al., 2023). However, a critical limitation across much of this correlational literature is its heavy reliance on cross-sectional self-report designs, which restricts definitive causal inference due to shared-method variance and potential reporting biases, necessitating more prospective cross-lagged panel designs (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986; Danckert et al., 2018). === Psychophysiological and neurobiological underpinnings === Neurobiologically, functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies reveal that state boredom is associated with altered functional connectivity within the brain's default mode network (DMN), particularly involving the precuneus and medial prefrontal cortex (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals encounter monotonous or under-stimulating tasks, failure of frontoparietal control networks to suppress task-irrelevant DMN mind-wandering generates subjective restlessness and attentional lapses. In contrast, states of high interest recruit dopaminergic reward pathways (ventral striatum) and executive control networks, facilitating sustained, effortless cognitive focus without psychological depletion (Hidi & Renninger, 2006).    === Experimental validation of interest and utility-value interventions === Moving from descriptive research to applied empirical trials, Hulleman and Harackiewicz (2009) conducted a landmark randomised controlled field experiment demonstrating the causal efficacy of cultivating situational interest. By assigning high school science students to write brief reflections connecting course material directly to their personal lives, the authors observed significant gains in both situational interest and final course performance, with strongest positive effects among students with low initial performance expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). These empirical findings validate Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation theory, proving that learners are not passive victims of uninteresting curricula; rather, targeted cognitive framing can successfully bridge the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Subsequent educational trials have replicated these findings across diverse learning contexts, proving that systematic manipulation of utility value successfully converts aversive state disengagement into sustained, approach-oriented engagement. == Integration: Bridging theory and empirical research == Synthesising theoretical frameworks with contemporary empirical investigations reveals how cognitive appraisals, attentional mechanisms, and subjective valuations directly dictate real-world motivational outcomes. Rather than existing in academic isolation, psychological models of motivation and emotion are continuously shaped and validated by rigorous experimental and field research. By examining how empirical findings inform theoretical interpretations, researchers and practitioners gain a comprehensive understanding of why individuals transition between profound disengagement and energised immersion. === Empirical validation and refinement of appraisal models === Silvia's (2005, 2008) appraisal model posits that interest is triggered by novelty-complexity and coping potential. Goetz et al.'s (2014) experience sampling methodology (ESM) empirically substantiates this by showing that classroom emotional states fluctuate dynamically in response to these micro-appraisals. When instruction matches student coping potential and introduces moderate novelty, high-arousal engagement and searching boredom are activated rather than apathetic withdrawal, validating static appraisal theories in naturalistic settings. === Resolving theoretical tensions through experimental paradigms === Furthermore, empirical research directly addresses and reconciles apparent tensions between competing theoretical models of boredom. The ongoing scholarly debate between Eastwood et al. (2012), who conceptualise boredom primarily as a bottom-up attentional failure, and Westgate and Wilson (2018), who emphasise top-down meaning deficits via the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model, highlights the necessity of an integrated theoretical perspective. While Eastwood et al.'s psychophysical experiments prove that working memory and sustained attention impairments generate bottom-up disengagement during monotonous tasks, Westgate and Wilson's experimental trials demonstrate that top-down cognitive appraisals of personal utility can override under-stimulation. Integrating these findings with Pekrun's (2006) control-value framework reveals that comprehensive models of emotion must account for both perceptual-attentional constraints and existential meaning; an individual may possess complete cognitive control over a task, yet still experience acute boredom if top-down value appraisals are entirely absent.    === Translating theory into self-regulation and applied interventions === Finally, the theoretical premise that learners are active agents of their own motivational states, as articulated in Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation model, finds robust causal validation in Hulleman and Harackiewicz's (2009) randomised controlled field experiments. By demonstrating that brief utility-value writing reflections significantly boost situational interest and academic performance, experimental research proves that targeted cognitive reframing bridges the gap between objective curriculum demands and subjective motivational relevance. This integration of theory and empirical trials confirms that interventions do not merely alter external environments; rather, they reshape the cognitive appraisals that govern emotional and motivational states, transforming aversive boredom into sustainable, lifelong engagement. == Individual differences: Trait boredom, curiosity, and personality == Trait boredom is a stable personality susceptibility involving chronic difficulty in engaging attention and finding daily meaning (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986). Individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened vulnerability to behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, and distress, frequently seeking external stimulation to compensate for internal under-arousal (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). In contrast, trait curiosity, particularly epistemic and perceptual curiosity, acts as an intrinsic psychological resource that buffers against aversive disengagement (Litman, 2005). Highly curious individuals actively seek out novel, complex stimuli, framing challenging academic or occupational tasks as opportunities for exploration rather than sources of frustration (Litman, 2005; Silvia, 2008). These distinct personality profiles demonstrate that vulnerability to boredom versus the capacity for interest is determined by an interaction between enduring trait structures and immediate task affordances. Neurobiologically, individual susceptibility to chronic boredom is linked to functional connectivity differences within the brain's default mode network (DMN) (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals with high boredom proneness encounter monotonous tasks, their DMN fails to suppress task-irrelevant mind-wandering efficiently, leading to subjective restlessness and attentional lapses (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). Understanding these individual differences allows educators and practitioners to tailor learning environments to support vulnerable learners. === Psychological dimension matrix === Although state boredom and state interest operate as dual self-regulatory signals, they diverge sharply across core affective, cognitive, and motivational dimensions (see Table 1). '''Table 1''' ''Comparison of Psychological Dimensions Between State Boredom and State Interest'' {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! Dimension !State Boredom!! State Interest !! Key Citations |- | '''Affective Valence''' |Unpleasant, aversive|| Pleasant, invigorating || Eastwood et al. (2012); Silvia (2008) |- | '''Arousal Level''' |Variable (apathetic low to reactant high)|| Moderate to high (engaged alertness) || Goetz et al. (2014); Silvia (2005) |- |'''Attentional State''' |Effortful, frequent mind-wandering |Effortless absorption, sustained focus |Westgate & Wilson (2018) |- |'''Primary Appraisals''' |Low intrinsic value; control mismatch |High novelty-complexity; high coping |Pekrun (2006); Silvia (2008) |- |'''Motivational Goal''' |Avoidance, task-switching, escape |Approach, exploration, knowledge acquisition |Bench & Lench (2013); Hidi & Renninger (2006) |- |'''Time Perception''' |Overestimated ("time drags") |Underestimated ("time flies") |Eastwood et al. (2012) |} == Applied interventions: Transforming boredom into interest == Psychological science provides actionable frameworks to convert maladaptive state boredom into productive situational interest. One highly validated approach is the utility-value intervention, where learners explicitly connect course material to personal goals; experimental trials confirm this significantly boosts interest and performance, particularly among students with low initial expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Furthermore, task-crafting allows individuals to introduce playful elements and autonomy into tedious routines, bridging the gap between objective demands and subjective relevance (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Finally, dynamically calibrating task difficulty prevents both overload anxiety and under-stimulation, fostering sustained engagement (Pekrun, 2006; Silvia, 2008). ==Conclusion== How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational lives? Psychological science reveals that state boredom and state interest act as powerful, complementary internal barometers guiding daily attention and behaviour. Rather than being mere psychological nuisances, boredom functions as an adaptive evolutionary signal warning individuals when an activity lacks personal meaning or optimal challenge, whereas interest serves as an approach-oriented engine driving exploration and mastery. As demonstrated by Pekrun's control-value theory, Silvia's appraisal framework, and Westgate and Wilson's MAC model, these states are governed by continuous evaluations of control, value, novelty, and existential purpose. When appraisals align, learners enter states of effortless immersion; when they break down, disengagement follows. Crucially, individuals are not passive victims of unengaging environments. By applying targeted psychological strategies, such as utility-value reflections, task-crafting, and calibrating challenge, students and professionals can successfully transform aversive boredom into enduring interest, bridging the gap between objective demands and personal fulfilment. ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Attention|Attention]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Boredom|Boredom]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Curiosity|Curiosity]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Curiosity and interest|Curiosity and interest]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2021) * [[wikipedia:Flow (psychology)|Flow (psychology)]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Flow and optimal experience|Flow and optimal experience]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2020) * [[wikipedia:Interest (emotion)|Interest (emotion)]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/Intrinsic motivation in education|Intrinsic motivation in education]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2019) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Metacognition and emotional regulation|Metacognition and emotional regulation]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2022/Self-regulation and academic procrastination|Self-regulation and academic procrastination]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2022) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bench, S. W., & Lench, H. C. (2013). On the function of boredom. ''Behavioral Sciences'', ''3''(3), 459–472. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs3030459 Camerini, A.-L., Morlino, S., & Marciano, L. (2023). Boredom and digital media use: A systematic review and meta-analysis. ''Computers in Human Behavior Reports'', ''11'', Article 100313. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chbr.2023.100313 Clay, G., Mlynski, C., Korb, F. M., Goschke, T., & Job, V. (2024). Autonomic nervous system activity during state boredom. ''Psychophysiology'', ''61''(4), Article e14507. https://doi.org/10.1111/psyp.14507 Danckert, J., & Merrifield, C. (2018). Boredom, sustained attention and the default mode network. ''Experimental Brain Research'', ''236''(9), 2507–2518. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00221-016-4617-5 Danckert, J., Mugon, J., Struk, A., & Eastwood, J. (2018). Boredom: What is it, why does it matter, and what can we do about it? ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''32''(6), 1163–1172. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699931.2018.1462148 Eastwood, J. D., Frischen, A., Fenske, M. J., & Smilek, D. (2012). The unengaged mind: Defining boredom in terms of attention. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''7''(5), 482–495. https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612456044 Farmer, R., & Sundberg, N. D. (1986). Boredom proneness: The development and correlates of a new scale. ''Journal of Personality Assessment'', ''50''(1), 4–17. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15327752jpa5001_2 Goetz, T., Frenzel, A. C., Hall, N. C., Nett, U. E., Pekrun, R., & Lipnevich, A. A. (2014). Types of boredom: An experience sampling approach. ''Motivation and Emotion'', ''38''(3), 401–419. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11031-013-9385-y Hidi, S., & Renninger, K. A. (2006). The four-phase model of interest development. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''41''(2), 111–127. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15326985ep4102_4 Hulleman, C. S., & Harackiewicz, J. M. (2009). Promoting interest and performance in high school science classes. ''Science'', ''326''(5958), 1410–1412. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1177067 Litman, J. (2005). Curiosity and the pleasures of learning: Wanting and liking new information. ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''19''(6), 793–814. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699930541000101 Pekrun, R. (2006). The control-value theory of achievement emotions: Assumptions, corollaries, and implications for educational research and practice. ''Educational Psychology Review'', ''18''(4), 315–341. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10648-006-9029-9 Pekrun, R., Goetz, T., Daniels, L. M., Stupnisky, R. H., & Perry, R. P. (2010). Boredom in achievement settings: Exploring control–value antecedents and performance outcomes of a neglected emotion. ''Journal of Educational Psychology'', ''102''(3), 531–549. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0019243 Renninger, K. A., & Hidi, S. (2015). ''The power of interest for motivation and engagement''. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315771045 Sansone, C., & Thoman, D. B. (2005). Interest as the missing motivator in self-regulation. ''European Psychologist'', ''10''(3), 175–186. https://doi.org/10.1027/1016-9040.10.3.175 Schiefele, U. (1991). Interest, learning, and motivation. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''26''(3–4), 299–323. https://doi.org/10.1080/00461520.1991.9653136 Silvia, P. J. (2005). What is interesting? Exploring the appraisal structure of interest. ''Emotion'', ''5''(1), 89–102. https://doi.org/10.1037/1528-3542.5.1.89 Silvia, P. J. (2008). Interest—The curious emotion. ''Current Directions in Psychological Science'', ''17''(1), 57–60. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8721.2008.00548.x Tam, K. Y. Y., Van Tilburg, W. A. P., & Chan, C. S. (2021). What is boredom proneness? A theoretical investigation. ''Personality and Social Psychology Review'', ''25''(3), 291–310. https://doi.org/10.1177/10888683211010297 Thoman, D. B., Smith, J. L., & Silvia, P. J. (2011). The resource replenishment function of interest. ''Social Psychological and Personality Science'', ''2''(6), 592–599. https://doi.org/10.1177/1948550611402521 Westgate, E. C., & Wilson, T. D. (2018). Boring by design: A Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model of boredom. ''Psychological Review'', ''125''(5), 689–713. https://doi.org/10.1037/rev0000097 }} ==External links== * [https://www.hiddenbrain.org/podcast/boredom/ Boredom] (Hidden Brain Media) * [https://www.ted.com/talks/manoush_zomorodi_how_boredom_can_lead_to_your_most_brilliant_ideas How boredom can lead to your most brilliant ideas] (TED) * [https://www.artofmanliness.com/character/self-improvement/podcast-686-the-psychology-of-boredom/ The psychology of boredom] (The Art of Manliness) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Boredom]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Interest]] d573q7ugug06k5vlzvkv5u1l64003ls 2840302 2840301 2026-10-14T16:46:42Z U3239431 3106807 2840302 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Boredom and interest:<br>How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational states?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=5}} [[File:Student in Library Pittsburg State University.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. Cognitive engagement shifts dramatically depending on whether a learning task triggers state boredom or state interest.]] ; Case scenario:The tale of two study tasks Megan sits in the campus library preparing for an upcoming cognitive psychology examination. After twenty minutes of reading abstract, repetitive definitions of perceptual thresholds and psychophysical scaling, a heavy lethargy sets in: Megan repeatedly checks the clock, opens short-form social media videos, and experiences an aversive feeling of physical and mental restlessness. Later that evening, Megan switches to an interactive computer simulation analysing real-world flight simulator data and cognitive load thresholds; suddenly, Megan experiences heightened alertness, voluntary concentration, and loses all track of time (See figure 1). Both tasks require intense cognitive exertion, yet one produces paralysing disengagement while the other elicits effortless immersion. What psychological mechanisms explain how identical emotional appraisals transform identical cognitive demands into either profound boredom or energised interest? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This chapter explores the psychological science of [[wikipedia:Boredom|boredom]] and [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Interest|interest]], drawing on appraisal theories, the control-value framework, and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model to explain how these emotional states regulate [[motivation]], [[wikipedia:Attention|attention]], and goal-directed behaviour. State boredom functions as an aversive state characterised by low arousal and attentional disruption, whereas state interest acts as an approach-oriented emotion fostering intrinsic motivation. Both serve as critical self-regulatory indicators signalling when activities lack subjective value or optimal challenge. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * How are boredom and interest defined, classified, and operationalised in cognitive and affective psychological science? * What cognitive appraisal processes and neurobiological networks mediate the transition between boredom and interest? * How do the control-value theory and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model explain the motivational outcomes of these emotional states? * What individual differences (e.g., boredom proneness, trait curiosity) influence vulnerability to boredom and the capacity for interest? * How can students, educators, and professionals implement psychological interventions to convert state boredom into productive situational and individual interest?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Conceptualising boredom: Definitions, typologies and functions == Boredom is a pervasive yet historically under-researched aversive emotional state defined by an inability to engage attention in satisfying activity, accompanied by distorted time perception and an urgent desire to escape the immediate setting. Far from being a simple lack of things to do, psychological science conceptualises boredom as a complex, multi-dimensional affective and cognitive phenomenon that serves vital self-regulatory functions while carrying significant vulnerability risks when chronic. ==== '''Attentional and phenomenological characteristics''' ==== State boredom is primarily characterised as an attentional failure where individuals find themselves unable to direct cognitive focus toward internal thoughts or external tasks, while remaining acutely and painfully aware of this inability (Eastwood et al., 2012). Phenomenologically, boredom possesses distinct qualitative signatures, most notably "time drag", the subjective, distorted perception that time is passing unusually slowly, coupled with a restless, agitated desire for alternative stimulation. Researchers emphasise the critical need to distinguish state boredom from related affective states: unlike apathy, which is marked by complete emotional indifference and flat affect, boredom involves an active, frustrated yearning for engagement. Similarly, while depression involves persistent sadness, feelings of worthlessness, and generalised anhedonia across all life domains, state boredom is typically tied to specific situational contexts or tasks where meaning or optimal challenge is absent (Danckert et al., 2018; Eastwood et al., 2012). ==== '''Multidimensional typologies of boredom''' ==== Challenging the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, contemporary experience sampling methodology (ESM) reveals that boredom manifests in several distinct phenomenological subtypes differentiated by their underlying valence and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). These subtypes capture the diverse ways individuals experience and react to unengaging environments: * Indifferent boredom: A relaxed, low-arousal state with minimal affect where individuals drift comfortably. * Apathetic boredom: A distressing, low-arousal state marked by total withdrawal and helplessness. * Calibrating boredom: A mild-arousal state featuring wandering daydreams and openness to distraction. * Searching boredom: An active, restless state driven by the goal-directed pursuit of alternative stimulation. * Reactant boredom: A high-arousal, aversive state prompting urgent urges to rebel against constraints. ==== '''Functional and evolutionary perspectives''' ==== Evolutionary perspectives conceptualise boredom as an adaptive "stop signal" designed by natural selection (Bench & Lench, 2013). When energetic costs outweigh adaptive benefits, boredom signals this mismatch to motivate task switching or environmental modification (Danckert et al., 2018). In modern educational settings where physical escape is constrained, this alarm can misfire, manifesting as maladaptive coping mechanisms like sensation-seeking or compulsive digital media consumption (Camerini et al., 2023). == The psychology of interest: Appraisal structure and developmental phases == Interest operates as a counter-regulatory epistemic emotion that facilitates learning, exploration, and the acquisition of complex competencies. Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model demonstrates that interest is elicited by evaluations of novelty-complexity and coping potential. The primary appraisal evaluates whether an event or stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected, while the secondary appraisal assesses personal coping potential, the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive capacity and resources to comprehend and master the novel stimulus. Expanding beyond immediate state appraisals, Hidi and Renninger (2006) traced the evolution from transient environmental stimulation to enduring personal interest across four distinct phases. Phase 1 (Triggered Situational Interest) is externally elicited by surprising or vivid features, whereas Phase 2 (Maintained Situational Interest) involves sustained task engagement supported by meaningful learning activities. Phase 3 (Emerging Individual Interest) and Phase 4 (Well-Developed Individual Interest) are internally generated, characterised by stored knowledge, deep personal value, and self-regulated goal pursuit. Experiencing state interest stimulates spontaneous, focused attention, which reduces reliance on deliberate and effortful executive control (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). In educational environments, interest directly predicts the adoption of deep cognitive processing strategies over shallow surface memorisation (Schiefele, 1991). Furthermore, it serves as an emotional buffer against ego depletion, sustaining psychological resources during demanding tasks (Silvia, 2008; Thoman et al., 2011).<quiz display="simple"> {According to Silvia's (2008) appraisal model, high novelty-complexity automatically sparks interest, even if a person feels they have zero capacity or coping potential to understand it: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Theoretical frameworks: Control-value and Meaning-Attentional models == To understand how individuals transition between profound boredom and energised interest, psychological science relies on multidimensional theoretical frameworks that link cognitive appraisals, environmental demands, and emotional outcomes (Pekrun, 2006; Westgate & Wilson, 2018). Rather than viewing emotional and motivational states as static personality traits, contemporary models conceptualise state boredom and state interest as dynamic, functional barometers driven by continuous evaluations of control, value, novelty, and meaning (Silvia, 2008). These theoretical models provide the structural lens through which cognitive and motivational processes can be systematically analysed and applied. === Pekrun's control-value theory of achievement emotions === Pekrun's (2006) control-value theory posits that achievement emotions are systematically governed by two primary cognitive appraisals: subjective control, which is the perception of personal agency over an activity, and subjective value, which represents the personal importance assigned to outcomes. State boredom typically peaks under conditions of mismatched control and low intrinsic value, manifesting either as deficient control when demands overwhelm capability or excessive control when tasks are trivial (Pekrun et al., 2010). Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit (Schiefele, 1991). For example, in the opening scenario, when Megan is forced to memorise exhaustive, repetitive lists of historical data without practical application, she experiences excessive control coupled with zero value, triggering acute boredom. Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic or attainment value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit. === Silvia's two-component appraisal model of interest === Complementing Pekrun's framework, Silvia's (2005, 2008) appraisal model explains that state interest is an epistemic emotion triggered by two sequential cognitive evaluations: novelty-complexity and coping potential.   * Primary appraisal: Evaluates whether a stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected. This evaluation automatically captures attention and initiates exploratory processing.   * Secondary appraisal: Assesses personal coping potential—the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive resources, knowledge, and skills required to master the stimulus.   When high novelty is paired with high coping potential, individuals experience intense epistemic interest. However, if a stimulus is novel but exceeds coping potential (i.e., it is too complex or confusing), the individual experiences anxiety or confusion rather than engagement. This highlights why optimal challenge is a prerequisite for interest development. === Westgate and Wilson's Meaning and Attentional Components model === While control-value theory focuses primarily on structured achievement contexts, Westgate and Wilson's (2018) Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model isolates the immediate psychological architecture of boredom. The MAC model proposes that boredom stems from two independent cognitive deficits:   # An attentional mismatch: Occurs when cognitive demands either overwhelm working memory capacity or fail to meet baseline neural stimulation thresholds.   # A meaning deficit: Arises when an activity lacks personal purpose, existential value, or relevance to broader life goals.   This theoretical distinction is crucial because it explains why individuals often experience profound disengagement even during routine, highly predictable tasks that they technically possess complete control and high coping potential over. An individual can easily pay attention to a boring task if they find inherent meaning in it; conversely, if an activity feels entirely purposeless, attention inevitably collapses regardless of how simple the task is to execute. === Sansone and Thoman's self-regulation of motivation model === Expanding on how individuals navigate these affective states, Sansone and Thoman (2005) proposed that learners actively self-regulate motivation by restructuring mundane tasks to make them more engaging. Individuals implement interest-enhancing strategies, such as creating personal mini-challenges or adding playful elements to otherwise tedious activities (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Long-term goal achievement therefore requires balancing disciplined effort with the dynamic generation of situational interest, bridging the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). === Critical perspective on theoretical integration === While these models provide robust explanations, a critical analysis reveals notable tensions between them. Pekrun's control-value theory treats control and value as broad global appraisals, whereas Silvia's model focuses sharply on micro-appraisals of novelty and coping potential. Integrating these frameworks reveals that boredom and interest are not absolute opposites on a single continuum, but rather dual regulatory systems. Boredom acts as a signal of misfit (attentional mismatch or meaning deficit), whereas interest acts as an approach signal of growth and mastery. Future theoretical models must better account for the neurobiological interplay between default mode network (DMN) mind-wandering and dopaminergic reward pathways to fully capture how these cognitive appraisals translate into physiological arousal.<quiz display="simple"> {According to the MAC model (Westgate & Wilson, 2018), a person can experience boredom during a task even when the difficulty is optimal, provided they find the activity lacking in personal meaning or value: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Research and empirical investigations == Psychological research has increasingly moved away from treating boredom and interest as minor emotional by-products, establishing them instead through rigorous empirical paradigms, including experience sampling methodology (Goetz et al., 2014), psychophysical attentional tasks (Eastwood et al., 2012), and longitudinal field interventions (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Critical evaluation of this literature reveals how structural task features interact with individual cognitive vulnerabilities to dictate whether engagement is maintained or collapses into aversive disengagement. These empirical findings provide the evidentiary foundation for understanding the real-world behavioural consequences of affective states. === Experience sampling methodology and boredom subtypes === Goetz et al. (2014) transformed the assessment of academic emotions using experience sampling methodology (ESM) across cohorts, capturing real-time emotional fluctuations rather than relying on retrospective evaluations. Their findings invalidated the assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, identifying five distinct phenomenological subtypes (indifferent, apathetic, calibrating, searching, and reactant) that differ in valence, appraisals, and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014).    Subsequent ecological momentary assessments (EMA) confirmed that these subtypes dictate downstream behaviour differently; searching and reactant subtypes prompt immediate urges to escape, whereas indifferent and apathetic subtypes manifest as cognitive withdrawal. While ESM offers high ecological validity by reducing recall bias, repeated daily polling can introduce participant fatigue over extended periods (Goetz et al., 2014). === Attentional failures versus meaning deficits in experimental studies === While Eastwood et al. (2012) demonstrated that state boredom is fundamentally a bottom-up failure of sustained attention, Westgate and Wilson (2018) proved that under-stimulation alone fails to induce boredom if a task possesses perceived subjective meaning. Synthesising these views, perceptual-attentional constraints and existential meaning deficits represent dual, independent pathways to disengagement. === Psychosocial consequences of trait boredom proneness and meta-analytic evidence === Population-based research utilising the Boredom Proneness Scale (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986) has consistently linked chronic trait susceptibility to severe psychosocial maladjustment and psychopathology. Recent systematic reviews and large-scale meta-analytic evidence confirm robust positive correlations between elevated boredom proneness and behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, emotional dysregulation, and depressive symptomatology (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). Expanding on these associations, recent comprehensive meta-analyses examining boredom and digital media use demonstrate a large positive pooled effect size (''r'' = .342) between trait boredom and problematic digital media use, compared to a much smaller association with non-problematic use (''r'' = .084) (Camerini et al., 2023). Longitudinal tracking demonstrates that individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened vulnerability to compulsive digital media consumption, utilising rapid-fire online scrolling and smartphone notifications as a maladaptive regulatory attempt to escape chronic under-arousal and down-regulate negative affect (Camerini et al., 2023). However, a critical limitation across much of this correlational literature is its heavy reliance on cross-sectional self-report designs, which restricts definitive causal inference due to shared-method variance and potential reporting biases, necessitating more prospective cross-lagged panel designs (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986; Danckert et al., 2018). === Psychophysiological and neurobiological underpinnings === Neurobiologically, functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies reveal that state boredom is associated with altered functional connectivity within the brain's default mode network (DMN), particularly involving the precuneus and medial prefrontal cortex (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals encounter monotonous or under-stimulating tasks, failure of frontoparietal control networks to suppress task-irrelevant DMN mind-wandering generates subjective restlessness and attentional lapses. In contrast, states of high interest recruit dopaminergic reward pathways (ventral striatum) and executive control networks, facilitating sustained, effortless cognitive focus without psychological depletion (Hidi & Renninger, 2006).    === Experimental validation of interest and utility-value interventions === Hulleman and Harackiewicz (2009) demonstrated the causal efficacy of cultivating situational interest through a randomised controlled field experiment. Assigning high school science students to write brief reflections connecting course material to their personal lives yielded significant gains in situational interest and course performance, particularly among students with low initial expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). These empirical findings validate Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation theory, proving that learners are not passive victims of uninteresting curricula; rather, targeted cognitive framing can successfully bridge the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Subsequent educational trials have replicated these findings across diverse learning contexts, proving that systematic manipulation of utility value successfully converts aversive state disengagement into sustained, approach-oriented engagement. == Integration: Bridging theory and empirical research == Synthesising theoretical frameworks with empirical investigations reveals how cognitive appraisals, attentional mechanisms, and subjective valuations dictate real-world motivational outcomes. Psychological models of motivation and emotion are continuously validated by experimental research, providing a comprehensive understanding of why individuals transition between disengagement and immersion. === Empirical validation and refinement of appraisal models === Silvia's (2005, 2008) appraisal model posits that interest is triggered by novelty-complexity and coping potential. Goetz et al.'s (2014) experience sampling methodology (ESM) empirically substantiates this by showing that classroom emotional states fluctuate dynamically in response to these micro-appraisals. When instruction matches student coping potential and introduces moderate novelty, high-arousal engagement and searching boredom are activated rather than apathetic withdrawal, validating static appraisal theories in naturalistic settings. === Resolving theoretical tensions through experimental paradigms === Furthermore, empirical research directly addresses and reconciles apparent tensions between competing theoretical models of boredom. The ongoing scholarly debate between Eastwood et al. (2012), who conceptualise boredom primarily as a bottom-up attentional failure, and Westgate and Wilson (2018), who emphasise top-down meaning deficits via the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model, highlights the necessity of an integrated theoretical perspective. While Eastwood et al.'s psychophysical experiments prove that working memory and sustained attention impairments generate bottom-up disengagement during monotonous tasks, Westgate and Wilson's experimental trials demonstrate that top-down cognitive appraisals of personal utility can override under-stimulation. Integrating these findings with Pekrun's (2006) control-value framework reveals that comprehensive models of emotion must account for both perceptual-attentional constraints and existential meaning; an individual may possess complete cognitive control over a task, yet still experience acute boredom if top-down value appraisals are entirely absent.    === Translating theory into self-regulation and applied interventions === Finally, the theoretical premise that learners are active agents of their own motivational states, as articulated in Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation model, finds robust causal validation in Hulleman and Harackiewicz's (2009) randomised controlled field experiments. By demonstrating that brief utility-value writing reflections significantly boost situational interest and academic performance, experimental research proves that targeted cognitive reframing bridges the gap between objective curriculum demands and subjective motivational relevance. This integration of theory and empirical trials confirms that interventions do not merely alter external environments; rather, they reshape the cognitive appraisals that govern emotional and motivational states, transforming aversive boredom into sustainable, lifelong engagement. == Individual differences: Trait boredom, curiosity, and personality == Trait boredom is a stable personality susceptibility involving chronic difficulty in engaging attention and finding daily meaning (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986). Individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened vulnerability to behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, and distress, frequently seeking external stimulation to compensate for internal under-arousal (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). In contrast, trait curiosity acts as an intrinsic resource buffering against disengagement (Litman, 2005). Highly curious individuals actively seek novel stimuli, framing challenging tasks as opportunities for exploration rather than frustration (Litman, 2005; Silvia, 2008). These profiles demonstrate that vulnerability to boredom versus capacity for interest is determined by enduring trait structures interacting with task affordances. Neurobiologically, individual susceptibility to chronic boredom is linked to functional connectivity differences within the brain's default mode network (DMN) (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals with high boredom proneness encounter monotonous tasks, their DMN fails to suppress task-irrelevant mind-wandering efficiently, leading to subjective restlessness and attentional lapses (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). Understanding these individual differences allows educators and practitioners to tailor learning environments to support vulnerable learners. === Psychological dimension matrix === Although state boredom and state interest operate as dual self-regulatory signals, they diverge sharply across core affective, cognitive, and motivational dimensions (see Table 1). '''Table 1''' ''Comparison of Psychological Dimensions Between State Boredom and State Interest'' {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! Dimension !State Boredom!! State Interest !! Key Citations |- | '''Affective Valence''' |Unpleasant, aversive|| Pleasant, invigorating || Eastwood et al. (2012); Silvia (2008) |- | '''Arousal Level''' |Variable (apathetic low to reactant high)|| Moderate to high (engaged alertness) || Goetz et al. (2014); Silvia (2005) |- |'''Attentional State''' |Effortful, frequent mind-wandering |Effortless absorption, sustained focus |Westgate & Wilson (2018) |- |'''Primary Appraisals''' |Low intrinsic value; control mismatch |High novelty-complexity; high coping |Pekrun (2006); Silvia (2008) |- |'''Motivational Goal''' |Avoidance, task-switching, escape |Approach, exploration, knowledge acquisition |Bench & Lench (2013); Hidi & Renninger (2006) |- |'''Time Perception''' |Overestimated ("time drags") |Underestimated ("time flies") |Eastwood et al. (2012) |} == Applied interventions: Transforming boredom into interest == Psychological science provides actionable frameworks to convert maladaptive state boredom into productive situational interest. One highly validated approach is the utility-value intervention, where learners explicitly connect course material to personal goals; experimental trials confirm this significantly boosts interest and performance, particularly among students with low initial expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Furthermore, task-crafting allows individuals to introduce playful elements and autonomy into tedious routines, bridging the gap between objective demands and subjective relevance (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Finally, dynamically calibrating task difficulty prevents both overload anxiety and under-stimulation, fostering sustained engagement (Pekrun, 2006; Silvia, 2008). ==Conclusion== How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational lives? Psychological science reveals that state boredom and state interest act as powerful, complementary internal barometers guiding daily attention and behaviour. Rather than being mere psychological nuisances, boredom functions as an adaptive evolutionary signal warning individuals when an activity lacks personal meaning or optimal challenge, whereas interest serves as an approach-oriented engine driving exploration and mastery. As demonstrated by Pekrun's control-value theory, Silvia's appraisal framework, and Westgate and Wilson's MAC model, these states are governed by continuous evaluations of control, value, novelty, and existential purpose. When appraisals align, learners enter states of effortless immersion; when they break down, disengagement follows. Crucially, individuals are not passive victims of unengaging environments. By applying targeted psychological strategies, such as utility-value reflections, task-crafting, and calibrating challenge, students and professionals can successfully transform aversive boredom into enduring interest, bridging the gap between objective demands and personal fulfilment. ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Attention|Attention]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Boredom|Boredom]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Curiosity|Curiosity]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Curiosity and interest|Curiosity and interest]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2021) * [[wikipedia:Flow (psychology)|Flow (psychology)]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Flow and optimal experience|Flow and optimal experience]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2020) * [[wikipedia:Interest (emotion)|Interest (emotion)]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/Intrinsic motivation in education|Intrinsic motivation in education]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2019) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Metacognition and emotional regulation|Metacognition and emotional regulation]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2022/Self-regulation and academic procrastination|Self-regulation and academic procrastination]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2022) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bench, S. W., & Lench, H. C. (2013). On the function of boredom. ''Behavioral Sciences'', ''3''(3), 459–472. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs3030459 Camerini, A.-L., Morlino, S., & Marciano, L. (2023). Boredom and digital media use: A systematic review and meta-analysis. ''Computers in Human Behavior Reports'', ''11'', Article 100313. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chbr.2023.100313 Clay, G., Mlynski, C., Korb, F. M., Goschke, T., & Job, V. (2024). Autonomic nervous system activity during state boredom. ''Psychophysiology'', ''61''(4), Article e14507. https://doi.org/10.1111/psyp.14507 Danckert, J., & Merrifield, C. (2018). Boredom, sustained attention and the default mode network. ''Experimental Brain Research'', ''236''(9), 2507–2518. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00221-016-4617-5 Danckert, J., Mugon, J., Struk, A., & Eastwood, J. (2018). Boredom: What is it, why does it matter, and what can we do about it? ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''32''(6), 1163–1172. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699931.2018.1462148 Eastwood, J. D., Frischen, A., Fenske, M. J., & Smilek, D. (2012). The unengaged mind: Defining boredom in terms of attention. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''7''(5), 482–495. https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612456044 Farmer, R., & Sundberg, N. D. (1986). Boredom proneness: The development and correlates of a new scale. ''Journal of Personality Assessment'', ''50''(1), 4–17. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15327752jpa5001_2 Goetz, T., Frenzel, A. C., Hall, N. C., Nett, U. E., Pekrun, R., & Lipnevich, A. A. (2014). Types of boredom: An experience sampling approach. ''Motivation and Emotion'', ''38''(3), 401–419. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11031-013-9385-y Hidi, S., & Renninger, K. A. (2006). The four-phase model of interest development. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''41''(2), 111–127. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15326985ep4102_4 Hulleman, C. S., & Harackiewicz, J. M. (2009). Promoting interest and performance in high school science classes. ''Science'', ''326''(5958), 1410–1412. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1177067 Litman, J. (2005). Curiosity and the pleasures of learning: Wanting and liking new information. ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''19''(6), 793–814. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699930541000101 Pekrun, R. (2006). The control-value theory of achievement emotions: Assumptions, corollaries, and implications for educational research and practice. ''Educational Psychology Review'', ''18''(4), 315–341. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10648-006-9029-9 Pekrun, R., Goetz, T., Daniels, L. M., Stupnisky, R. H., & Perry, R. P. (2010). Boredom in achievement settings: Exploring control–value antecedents and performance outcomes of a neglected emotion. ''Journal of Educational Psychology'', ''102''(3), 531–549. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0019243 Renninger, K. A., & Hidi, S. (2015). ''The power of interest for motivation and engagement''. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315771045 Sansone, C., & Thoman, D. B. (2005). Interest as the missing motivator in self-regulation. ''European Psychologist'', ''10''(3), 175–186. https://doi.org/10.1027/1016-9040.10.3.175 Schiefele, U. (1991). Interest, learning, and motivation. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''26''(3–4), 299–323. https://doi.org/10.1080/00461520.1991.9653136 Silvia, P. J. (2005). What is interesting? Exploring the appraisal structure of interest. ''Emotion'', ''5''(1), 89–102. https://doi.org/10.1037/1528-3542.5.1.89 Silvia, P. J. (2008). Interest—The curious emotion. ''Current Directions in Psychological Science'', ''17''(1), 57–60. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8721.2008.00548.x Tam, K. Y. Y., Van Tilburg, W. A. P., & Chan, C. S. (2021). What is boredom proneness? A theoretical investigation. ''Personality and Social Psychology Review'', ''25''(3), 291–310. https://doi.org/10.1177/10888683211010297 Thoman, D. B., Smith, J. L., & Silvia, P. J. (2011). The resource replenishment function of interest. ''Social Psychological and Personality Science'', ''2''(6), 592–599. https://doi.org/10.1177/1948550611402521 Westgate, E. C., & Wilson, T. D. (2018). Boring by design: A Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model of boredom. ''Psychological Review'', ''125''(5), 689–713. https://doi.org/10.1037/rev0000097 }} ==External links== * [https://www.hiddenbrain.org/podcast/boredom/ Boredom] (Hidden Brain Media) * [https://www.ted.com/talks/manoush_zomorodi_how_boredom_can_lead_to_your_most_brilliant_ideas How boredom can lead to your most brilliant ideas] (TED) * [https://www.artofmanliness.com/character/self-improvement/podcast-686-the-psychology-of-boredom/ The psychology of boredom] (The Art of Manliness) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Boredom]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Interest]] qnuhuqjudhf69cbdfr94wfm1ljhbxzc 2840304 2840302 2026-10-14T16:52:41Z U3239431 3106807 2840304 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Boredom and interest:<br>How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational states?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=5}} [[File:Student in Library Pittsburg State University.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. Cognitive engagement shifts dramatically depending on whether a learning task triggers state boredom or state interest.]] ; Case scenario:The tale of two study tasks Megan sits in the campus library preparing for an upcoming cognitive psychology examination. After twenty minutes of reading abstract, repetitive definitions of perceptual thresholds and psychophysical scaling, a heavy lethargy sets in: Megan repeatedly checks the clock, opens short-form social media videos, and experiences an aversive feeling of physical and mental restlessness. Later that evening, Megan switches to an interactive computer simulation analysing real-world flight simulator data and cognitive load thresholds; suddenly, Megan experiences heightened alertness, voluntary concentration, and loses all track of time (See figure 1). Both tasks require intense cognitive exertion, yet one produces paralysing disengagement while the other elicits effortless immersion. What psychological mechanisms explain how identical emotional appraisals transform identical cognitive demands into either profound boredom or energised interest? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This chapter explores the psychological science of [[wikipedia:Boredom|boredom]] and [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Interest|interest]], drawing on appraisal theories, the control-value framework, and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model to explain how these emotional states regulate [[motivation]], [[wikipedia:Attention|attention]], and goal-directed behaviour. State boredom functions as an aversive state characterised by low arousal and attentional disruption, whereas state interest acts as an approach-oriented emotion fostering intrinsic motivation. Both serve as critical self-regulatory indicators signalling when activities lack subjective value or optimal challenge. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * How are boredom and interest defined, classified, and operationalised in cognitive and affective psychological science? * What cognitive appraisal processes and neurobiological networks mediate the transition between boredom and interest? * How do the control-value theory and the Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model explain the motivational outcomes of these emotional states? * What individual differences (e.g., boredom proneness, trait curiosity) influence vulnerability to boredom and the capacity for interest? * How can students, educators, and professionals implement psychological interventions to convert state boredom into productive situational and individual interest?{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Conceptualising boredom: Definitions, typologies and functions == Boredom is a pervasive yet historically under-researched aversive emotional state defined by an inability to engage attention in satisfying activity, accompanied by distorted time perception and an urgent desire to escape the immediate setting. Far from being a simple lack of things to do, psychological science conceptualises boredom as a complex, multi-dimensional affective and cognitive phenomenon that serves vital self-regulatory functions while carrying significant vulnerability risks when chronic. ==== '''Attentional and phenomenological characteristics''' ==== State boredom is primarily characterised as an attentional failure where individuals find themselves unable to direct cognitive focus toward internal thoughts or external tasks, while remaining acutely and painfully aware of this inability (Eastwood et al., 2012). Phenomenologically, boredom possesses distinct qualitative signatures, most notably "time drag", the subjective, distorted perception that time is passing unusually slowly, coupled with a restless, agitated desire for alternative stimulation. Researchers emphasise the critical need to distinguish state boredom from related affective states: unlike apathy, which is marked by complete emotional indifference and flat affect, boredom involves an active, frustrated yearning for engagement. Similarly, while depression involves persistent sadness, feelings of worthlessness, and generalised anhedonia across all life domains, state boredom is typically tied to specific situational contexts or tasks where meaning or optimal challenge is absent (Danckert et al., 2018; Eastwood et al., 2012). ==== '''Multidimensional typologies of boredom''' ==== Challenging the historical assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, contemporary experience sampling methodology (ESM) reveals that boredom manifests in several distinct phenomenological subtypes differentiated by their underlying valence and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014). These subtypes capture the diverse ways individuals experience and react to unengaging environments: * Indifferent boredom: A relaxed, low-arousal state with minimal affect where individuals drift comfortably. * Apathetic boredom: A distressing, low-arousal state marked by total withdrawal and helplessness. * Calibrating boredom: A mild-arousal state featuring wandering daydreams and openness to distraction. * Searching boredom: An active, restless state driven by the goal-directed pursuit of alternative stimulation. * Reactant boredom: A high-arousal, aversive state prompting urgent urges to rebel against constraints. ==== '''Functional and evolutionary perspectives''' ==== Trimmed: Evolutionary perspectives conceptualise boredom as an adaptive "stop signal" (Bench & Lench, 2013). When energetic costs outweigh benefits, boredom signals this mismatch to motivate task switching or environmental modification (Danckert et al., 2018). == The psychology of interest: Appraisal structure and developmental phases == Interest operates as a counter-regulatory epistemic emotion that facilitates learning, exploration, and the acquisition of complex competencies. Silvia's (2005, 2008) cognitive appraisal model demonstrates that interest is elicited by evaluations of novelty-complexity and coping potential. The primary appraisal evaluates whether an event or stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected, while the secondary appraisal assesses personal coping potential, the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive capacity and resources to comprehend and master the novel stimulus. Expanding beyond immediate state appraisals, Hidi and Renninger (2006) traced the evolution from transient environmental stimulation to enduring personal interest across four distinct phases. Phase 1 (Triggered Situational Interest) is externally elicited by surprising or vivid features, whereas Phase 2 (Maintained Situational Interest) involves sustained task engagement supported by meaningful learning activities. Phase 3 (Emerging Individual Interest) and Phase 4 (Well-Developed Individual Interest) are internally generated, characterised by stored knowledge, deep personal value, and self-regulated goal pursuit. Experiencing state interest stimulates spontaneous, focused attention, which reduces reliance on deliberate and effortful executive control (Hidi & Renninger, 2006). In educational environments, interest directly predicts the adoption of deep cognitive processing strategies over shallow surface memorisation (Schiefele, 1991). Furthermore, it serves as an emotional buffer against ego depletion, sustaining psychological resources during demanding tasks (Silvia, 2008; Thoman et al., 2011).<quiz display="simple"> {According to Silvia's (2008) appraisal model, high novelty-complexity automatically sparks interest, even if a person feels they have zero capacity or coping potential to understand it: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Theoretical frameworks: Control-value and Meaning-Attentional models == To understand how individuals transition between profound boredom and energised interest, psychological science relies on multidimensional theoretical frameworks that link cognitive appraisals, environmental demands, and emotional outcomes (Pekrun, 2006; Westgate & Wilson, 2018). Rather than viewing emotional and motivational states as static personality traits, contemporary models conceptualise state boredom and state interest as dynamic, functional barometers driven by continuous evaluations of control, value, novelty, and meaning (Silvia, 2008). These theoretical models provide the structural lens through which cognitive and motivational processes can be systematically analysed and applied. === Pekrun's control-value theory of achievement emotions === Pekrun's (2006) control-value theory posits that achievement emotions are systematically governed by two primary cognitive appraisals: subjective control, which is the perception of personal agency over an activity, and subjective value, which represents the personal importance assigned to outcomes. State boredom typically peaks under conditions of mismatched control and low intrinsic value, manifesting either as deficient control when demands overwhelm capability or excessive control when tasks are trivial (Pekrun et al., 2010). Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit (Schiefele, 1991). For example, in the opening scenario, when Megan is forced to memorise exhaustive, repetitive lists of historical data without practical application, she experiences excessive control coupled with zero value, triggering acute boredom. Conversely, state interest emerges when an individual perceives moderate-to-high control paired with high intrinsic or attainment value, transforming the learning process into an inherently rewarding pursuit. === Silvia's two-component appraisal model of interest === Complementing Pekrun's framework, Silvia's (2005, 2008) appraisal model explains that state interest is an epistemic emotion triggered by two sequential cognitive evaluations: novelty-complexity and coping potential.   * Primary appraisal: Evaluates whether a stimulus is novel, complex, ambiguous, or unexpected. This evaluation automatically captures attention and initiates exploratory processing.   * Secondary appraisal: Assesses personal coping potential—the subjective evaluation of whether one possesses the cognitive resources, knowledge, and skills required to master the stimulus.   When high novelty is paired with high coping potential, individuals experience intense epistemic interest. However, if a stimulus is novel but exceeds coping potential (i.e., it is too complex or confusing), the individual experiences anxiety or confusion rather than engagement. This highlights why optimal challenge is a prerequisite for interest development. === Westgate and Wilson's Meaning and Attentional Components model === While control-value theory focuses primarily on structured achievement contexts, Westgate and Wilson's (2018) Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model isolates the immediate psychological architecture of boredom. The MAC model proposes that boredom stems from two independent cognitive deficits:   # An attentional mismatch: Occurs when cognitive demands either overwhelm working memory capacity or fail to meet baseline neural stimulation thresholds.   # A meaning deficit: Arises when an activity lacks personal purpose, existential value, or relevance to broader life goals.   This theoretical distinction is crucial because it explains why individuals often experience profound disengagement even during routine, highly predictable tasks that they technically possess complete control and high coping potential over. An individual can easily pay attention to a boring task if they find inherent meaning in it; conversely, if an activity feels entirely purposeless, attention inevitably collapses regardless of how simple the task is to execute. === Sansone and Thoman's self-regulation of motivation model === Expanding on how individuals navigate these affective states, Sansone and Thoman (2005) proposed that learners actively self-regulate motivation by restructuring mundane tasks to make them more engaging. Individuals implement interest-enhancing strategies, such as creating personal mini-challenges or adding playful elements to otherwise tedious activities (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Long-term goal achievement therefore requires balancing disciplined effort with the dynamic generation of situational interest, bridging the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). === Critical perspective on theoretical integration === While these models provide robust explanations, a critical analysis reveals notable tensions between them. Pekrun's control-value theory treats control and value as broad global appraisals, whereas Silvia's model focuses sharply on micro-appraisals of novelty and coping potential. Integrating these frameworks reveals that boredom and interest are not absolute opposites on a single continuum, but rather dual regulatory systems. Boredom acts as a signal of misfit (attentional mismatch or meaning deficit), whereas interest acts as an approach signal of growth and mastery. Future theoretical models must better account for the neurobiological interplay between default mode network (DMN) mind-wandering and dopaminergic reward pathways to fully capture how these cognitive appraisals translate into physiological arousal.<quiz display="simple"> {According to the MAC model (Westgate & Wilson, 2018), a person can experience boredom during a task even when the difficulty is optimal, provided they find the activity lacking in personal meaning or value: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Research and empirical investigations == Psychological research has increasingly moved away from treating boredom and interest as minor emotional by-products, establishing them instead through rigorous empirical paradigms, including experience sampling methodology (Goetz et al., 2014), psychophysical attentional tasks (Eastwood et al., 2012), and longitudinal field interventions (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Critical evaluation of this literature reveals how structural task features interact with individual cognitive vulnerabilities to dictate whether engagement is maintained or collapses into aversive disengagement. These empirical findings provide the evidentiary foundation for understanding the real-world behavioural consequences of affective states. === Experience sampling methodology and boredom subtypes === Goetz et al. (2014) transformed the assessment of academic emotions using experience sampling methodology (ESM) across cohorts, capturing real-time emotional fluctuations rather than relying on retrospective evaluations. Their findings invalidated the assumption that boredom is a uniform, flat state of low arousal, identifying five distinct phenomenological subtypes (indifferent, apathetic, calibrating, searching, and reactant) that differ in valence, appraisals, and physiological activation (Goetz et al., 2014).    Subsequent ecological momentary assessments (EMA) confirmed that these subtypes dictate downstream behaviour differently; searching and reactant subtypes prompt immediate urges to escape, whereas indifferent and apathetic subtypes manifest as cognitive withdrawal. While ESM offers high ecological validity by reducing recall bias, repeated daily polling can introduce participant fatigue over extended periods (Goetz et al., 2014). === Attentional failures versus meaning deficits in experimental studies === While Eastwood et al. (2012) demonstrated that state boredom is fundamentally a bottom-up failure of sustained attention, Westgate and Wilson (2018) proved that under-stimulation alone fails to induce boredom if a task possesses perceived subjective meaning. Synthesising these views, perceptual-attentional constraints and existential meaning deficits represent dual, independent pathways to disengagement. === Psychosocial consequences of trait boredom proneness and meta-analytic evidence === Population-based research utilising the Boredom Proneness Scale (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986) has consistently linked chronic trait susceptibility to severe psychosocial maladjustment and psychopathology. Recent systematic reviews and large-scale meta-analytic evidence confirm robust positive correlations between elevated boredom proneness and behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, emotional dysregulation, and depressive symptomatology (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). Expanding on these associations, recent comprehensive meta-analyses examining boredom and digital media use demonstrate a large positive pooled effect size (''r'' = .342) between trait boredom and problematic digital media use, compared to a much smaller association with non-problematic use (''r'' = .084) (Camerini et al., 2023). Longitudinal tracking demonstrates that individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened vulnerability to compulsive digital media consumption, utilising rapid-fire online scrolling and smartphone notifications as a maladaptive regulatory attempt to escape chronic under-arousal and down-regulate negative affect (Camerini et al., 2023). However, a critical limitation across much of this correlational literature is its heavy reliance on cross-sectional self-report designs, which restricts definitive causal inference due to shared-method variance and potential reporting biases, necessitating more prospective cross-lagged panel designs (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986; Danckert et al., 2018). === Psychophysiological and neurobiological underpinnings === Neurobiologically, functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies reveal that state boredom is associated with altered functional connectivity within the brain's default mode network (DMN), particularly involving the precuneus and medial prefrontal cortex (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals encounter monotonous or under-stimulating tasks, failure of frontoparietal control networks to suppress task-irrelevant DMN mind-wandering generates subjective restlessness and attentional lapses. In contrast, states of high interest recruit dopaminergic reward pathways (ventral striatum) and executive control networks, facilitating sustained, effortless cognitive focus without psychological depletion (Hidi & Renninger, 2006).    === Experimental validation of interest and utility-value interventions === Hulleman and Harackiewicz (2009) demonstrated the causal efficacy of cultivating situational interest through a randomised controlled field experiment. Assigning high school science students to write brief reflections connecting course material to their personal lives yielded significant gains in situational interest and course performance, particularly among students with low initial expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). These empirical findings validate Sansone and Thoman's (2005) self-regulation theory, proving that learners are not passive victims of uninteresting curricula; rather, targeted cognitive framing can successfully bridge the gap between objective instructional demands and subjective motivational relevance (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Subsequent educational trials have replicated these findings across diverse learning contexts, proving that systematic manipulation of utility value successfully converts aversive state disengagement into sustained, approach-oriented engagement. == Integration: Bridging theory and empirical research == Synthesising theoretical frameworks with empirical investigations reveals how cognitive appraisals, attentional mechanisms, and subjective valuations dictate real-world motivational outcomes, explaining why individuals transition between disengagement and immersion. === Empirical validation and refinement of appraisal models === Silvia's (2005, 2008) appraisal model posits that interest is triggered by novelty-complexity and coping potential. Goetz et al.'s (2014) experience sampling methodology (ESM) empirically substantiates this by showing that classroom emotional states fluctuate dynamically in response to these micro-appraisals. When instruction matches student coping potential and introduces moderate novelty, high-arousal engagement and searching boredom are activated rather than apathetic withdrawal, validating static appraisal theories in naturalistic settings. === Resolving theoretical tensions through experimental paradigms === Empirical research reconciles apparent tensions between competing models of boredom. The debate between Eastwood et al. (2012), who view boredom as a bottom-up attentional failure, and Westgate and Wilson (2018), who emphasize top-down meaning deficits via the MAC model, highlights the need for an integrated perspective. Eastwood et al. show that working memory and sustained attention impairments generate bottom-up disengagement during monotonous tasks. Conversely, Westgate and Wilson demonstrate that top-down cognitive appraisals of personal utility can override under-stimulation. Integrating these findings with Pekrun's (2006) control-value framework reveals that comprehensive emotional models must account for both perceptual-attentional constraints and existential meaning: an individual may possess full cognitive control over a task yet experience acute boredom if top-down value appraisals are missing. === Translating theory into self-regulation and applied interventions === .Sansone and Thoman's (2005) model posits that learners actively regulate their own motivation, a premise empirically validated by Hulleman and Harackiewicz's (2009) randomised controlled trials. Their experiments demonstrated that brief utility-value reflections enhance situational interest and academic performance by aligning curriculum demands with personal relevance. Ultimately, targeted cognitive reframing reshapes motivational appraisals, effectively transforming boredom into sustained engagement. == Individual differences: Trait boredom, curiosity, and personality == Trait boredom is a stable personality susceptibility involving chronic difficulty in engaging attention and finding daily meaning (Farmer & Sundberg, 1986). Individuals high in trait boredom exhibit heightened vulnerability to behavioural addictions, academic procrastination, and distress, frequently seeking external stimulation to compensate for internal under-arousal (Danckert et al., 2018; Tam et al., 2021). In contrast, trait curiosity acts as an intrinsic resource buffering against disengagement (Litman, 2005). Highly curious individuals actively seek novel stimuli, framing challenging tasks as opportunities for exploration rather than frustration (Litman, 2005; Silvia, 2008). These profiles demonstrate that vulnerability to boredom versus capacity for interest is determined by enduring trait structures interacting with task affordances. Neurobiologically, individual susceptibility to chronic boredom is linked to functional connectivity differences within the brain's default mode network (DMN) (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). When individuals with high boredom proneness encounter monotonous tasks, their DMN fails to suppress task-irrelevant mind-wandering efficiently, leading to subjective restlessness and attentional lapses (Danckert & Merrifield, 2018). Understanding these individual differences allows educators and practitioners to tailor learning environments to support vulnerable learners. === Psychological dimension matrix === Although state boredom and state interest operate as dual self-regulatory signals, they diverge sharply across core affective, cognitive, and motivational dimensions (see Table 1). '''Table 1''' ''Comparison of Psychological Dimensions Between State Boredom and State Interest'' {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! Dimension !State Boredom!! State Interest !! Key Citations |- | '''Affective Valence''' |Unpleasant, aversive|| Pleasant, invigorating || Eastwood et al. (2012); Silvia (2008) |- | '''Arousal Level''' |Variable (apathetic low to reactant high)|| Moderate to high (engaged alertness) || Goetz et al. (2014); Silvia (2005) |- |'''Attentional State''' |Effortful, frequent mind-wandering |Effortless absorption, sustained focus |Westgate & Wilson (2018) |- |'''Primary Appraisals''' |Low intrinsic value; control mismatch |High novelty-complexity; high coping |Pekrun (2006); Silvia (2008) |- |'''Motivational Goal''' |Avoidance, task-switching, escape |Approach, exploration, knowledge acquisition |Bench & Lench (2013); Hidi & Renninger (2006) |- |'''Time Perception''' |Overestimated ("time drags") |Underestimated ("time flies") |Eastwood et al. (2012) |} == Applied interventions: Transforming boredom into interest == Psychological science provides actionable frameworks to convert maladaptive state boredom into productive situational interest. One highly validated approach is the utility-value intervention, where learners explicitly connect course material to personal goals; experimental trials confirm this significantly boosts interest and performance, particularly among students with low initial expectations (Hulleman & Harackiewicz, 2009). Furthermore, task-crafting allows individuals to introduce playful elements and autonomy into tedious routines, bridging the gap between objective demands and subjective relevance (Sansone & Thoman, 2005). Finally, dynamically calibrating task difficulty prevents both overload anxiety and under-stimulation, fostering sustained engagement (Pekrun, 2006; Silvia, 2008). ==Conclusion== How do boredom and interest shape emotional and motivational lives? Psychological science reveals that state boredom and state interest act as powerful, complementary internal barometers guiding daily attention and behaviour. Rather than being mere psychological nuisances, boredom functions as an adaptive evolutionary signal warning individuals when an activity lacks personal meaning or optimal challenge, whereas interest serves as an approach-oriented engine driving exploration and mastery. As demonstrated by Pekrun's control-value theory, Silvia's appraisal framework, and Westgate and Wilson's MAC model, these states are governed by continuous evaluations of control, value, novelty, and existential purpose. When appraisals align, learners enter states of effortless immersion; when they break down, disengagement follows. Crucially, individuals are not passive victims of unengaging environments. By applying targeted psychological strategies, such as utility-value reflections, task-crafting, and calibrating challenge, students and professionals can successfully transform aversive boredom into enduring interest, bridging the gap between objective demands and personal fulfilment. ==See also== * [[wikipedia:Attention|Attention]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Boredom|Boredom]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Curiosity|Curiosity]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Curiosity and interest|Curiosity and interest]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2021) * [[wikipedia:Flow (psychology)|Flow (psychology)]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Flow and optimal experience|Flow and optimal experience]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2020) * [[wikipedia:Interest (emotion)|Interest (emotion)]] (Wikipedia) * [[wikipedia:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/Intrinsic motivation in education|Intrinsic motivation in education]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2019) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Metacognition and emotional regulation|Metacognition and emotional regulation]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2022/Self-regulation and academic procrastination|Self-regulation and academic procrastination]] (Wikiversity book chapter, 2022) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bench, S. W., & Lench, H. C. (2013). On the function of boredom. ''Behavioral Sciences'', ''3''(3), 459–472. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs3030459 Camerini, A.-L., Morlino, S., & Marciano, L. (2023). Boredom and digital media use: A systematic review and meta-analysis. ''Computers in Human Behavior Reports'', ''11'', Article 100313. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chbr.2023.100313 Clay, G., Mlynski, C., Korb, F. M., Goschke, T., & Job, V. (2024). Autonomic nervous system activity during state boredom. ''Psychophysiology'', ''61''(4), Article e14507. https://doi.org/10.1111/psyp.14507 Danckert, J., & Merrifield, C. (2018). Boredom, sustained attention and the default mode network. ''Experimental Brain Research'', ''236''(9), 2507–2518. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00221-016-4617-5 Danckert, J., Mugon, J., Struk, A., & Eastwood, J. (2018). Boredom: What is it, why does it matter, and what can we do about it? ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''32''(6), 1163–1172. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699931.2018.1462148 Eastwood, J. D., Frischen, A., Fenske, M. J., & Smilek, D. (2012). The unengaged mind: Defining boredom in terms of attention. ''Perspectives on Psychological Science'', ''7''(5), 482–495. https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691612456044 Farmer, R., & Sundberg, N. D. (1986). Boredom proneness: The development and correlates of a new scale. ''Journal of Personality Assessment'', ''50''(1), 4–17. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15327752jpa5001_2 Goetz, T., Frenzel, A. C., Hall, N. C., Nett, U. E., Pekrun, R., & Lipnevich, A. A. (2014). Types of boredom: An experience sampling approach. ''Motivation and Emotion'', ''38''(3), 401–419. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11031-013-9385-y Hidi, S., & Renninger, K. A. (2006). The four-phase model of interest development. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''41''(2), 111–127. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15326985ep4102_4 Hulleman, C. S., & Harackiewicz, J. M. (2009). Promoting interest and performance in high school science classes. ''Science'', ''326''(5958), 1410–1412. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1177067 Litman, J. (2005). Curiosity and the pleasures of learning: Wanting and liking new information. ''Cognition and Emotion'', ''19''(6), 793–814. https://doi.org/10.1080/02699930541000101 Pekrun, R. (2006). The control-value theory of achievement emotions: Assumptions, corollaries, and implications for educational research and practice. ''Educational Psychology Review'', ''18''(4), 315–341. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10648-006-9029-9 Pekrun, R., Goetz, T., Daniels, L. M., Stupnisky, R. H., & Perry, R. P. (2010). Boredom in achievement settings: Exploring control–value antecedents and performance outcomes of a neglected emotion. ''Journal of Educational Psychology'', ''102''(3), 531–549. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0019243 Renninger, K. A., & Hidi, S. (2015). ''The power of interest for motivation and engagement''. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315771045 Sansone, C., & Thoman, D. B. (2005). Interest as the missing motivator in self-regulation. ''European Psychologist'', ''10''(3), 175–186. https://doi.org/10.1027/1016-9040.10.3.175 Schiefele, U. (1991). Interest, learning, and motivation. ''Educational Psychologist'', ''26''(3–4), 299–323. https://doi.org/10.1080/00461520.1991.9653136 Silvia, P. J. (2005). What is interesting? Exploring the appraisal structure of interest. ''Emotion'', ''5''(1), 89–102. https://doi.org/10.1037/1528-3542.5.1.89 Silvia, P. J. (2008). Interest—The curious emotion. ''Current Directions in Psychological Science'', ''17''(1), 57–60. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8721.2008.00548.x Tam, K. Y. Y., Van Tilburg, W. A. P., & Chan, C. S. (2021). What is boredom proneness? A theoretical investigation. ''Personality and Social Psychology Review'', ''25''(3), 291–310. https://doi.org/10.1177/10888683211010297 Thoman, D. B., Smith, J. L., & Silvia, P. J. (2011). The resource replenishment function of interest. ''Social Psychological and Personality Science'', ''2''(6), 592–599. https://doi.org/10.1177/1948550611402521 Westgate, E. C., & Wilson, T. D. (2018). Boring by design: A Meaning and Attentional Components (MAC) model of boredom. ''Psychological Review'', ''125''(5), 689–713. https://doi.org/10.1037/rev0000097 }} ==External links== * [https://www.hiddenbrain.org/podcast/boredom/ Boredom] (Hidden Brain Media) * [https://www.ted.com/talks/manoush_zomorodi_how_boredom_can_lead_to_your_most_brilliant_ideas How boredom can lead to your most brilliant ideas] (TED) * [https://www.artofmanliness.com/character/self-improvement/podcast-686-the-psychology-of-boredom/ The psychology of boredom] (The Art of Manliness) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Boredom]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Interest]] 6kr5n0sabd06crc66mt7ixcem49sty2 1 331592 2840379 2829603 2026-10-15T05:05:03Z Jtneill 10242 Book chapter feedback 2840379 wikitext text/x-wiki == Recognising cognitive closure on social media == Hi, I really liked how you explained epistemic motivation and the need for cognitive closure using everyday examples. The scenario about Sofia makes the concepts easier to understand, especially how someone may want a quick answer but also want to consider the evidence carefully. I also liked that you explained both the benefits and limitations of cognitive closure instead of presenting it as completely negative. One suggestion could be to expand the social media example a little more by explaining how people could recognise when they are reaching a conclusion too quickly and what they could do differently. I think this would make the topic even more practical and relatable. [[User:Vivekidid|Vivekidid]] ([[User talk:Vivekidid|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vivekidid|contribs]]) 10:25, 27 August 2026 (UTC) --[[User:Vivekidid|Vivekidid]] ([[User talk:Vivekidid|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vivekidid|contribs]]) 10:26, 27 August 2026 (UTC) <!-- Official topic development feedback --> {{METF/2026 |1= <!-- Title --> # Title and subtitle are correctly worded and use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] |2= <!-- Heading structure --> <!-- 2-level --> # Excellent – Well developed [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Major project/Structure|2-level heading structure]]. Meaningful headings clearly relate directly to the core topic. <!-- Alignment with focus questions --> # Excellent alignment between sub-title, focus questions, and heading structure |3= <!-- Overview--> # Excellent – Scenario, image, evocative description of the problem/topic, and focus questions <!-- Focus questions --> # Focus questions are aligned with sub-title and top-level headings |4= <!-- Key points--> <!-- Overall --> # Key points are well developed for each section # The most relevant theory(ies) are not clearly identified # Consider connecting with the Zeignarik chapter <!-- Scope --> # The scope is excellent (i.e., not too little/narrow or too big/broad) # Select the best theories about this topic # Select the best research about this topic <!-- Citations --> # Good use of citations <!-- GenAI ---> # Do these key points include [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|genAI content]]? If so, this needs to be acknowledged in the edit summaries, otherwise it violates academic integrity. <!-- Conclusion --> # Conclusion is underway # What are the practical, take-home messages that address the focus questions? |5= <!-- Figure --> # Excellent - Relevant figure(s) presented, captioned, and cited # A figure that better matches the scenario would be ideal as Figure 1 |6= <!-- Learning feature --> <!-- Interwiki links ---> # One in-text [[m:Help:Interwiki linking|interwiki link]] for first mention of key term to [[w:|Wikipedia]]. Also embed links to [[Motivation and emotion/Book|book chapters]]. <!-- Scenarios/examples/case studies --> # Consider use of more scenarios/examples/case studies <!-- Quiz --> # Promising use of quiz question(s) <!-- Tables --> # Promising use of table(s) |7= <!-- References --> <!-- Overall --> # Very good <!-- Systematic reviews --> # What are the most relevant systematic reviews/meta-analyses about this topic? <!-- APA style --> # Check and correct [https://apastyle.apa.org/instructional-aids/reference-guide.pdf APA referencing style]: ## make doi hyperlinks active (i.e., clickable) |8= <!-- Resources --> <!-- See also --> # See also ## Excellent <!-- External links --> # External links ## Excellent ## Use alphabetical order (fixed) |9= <!-- User page --> # Not created – see [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 2]] |10= <!-- Social contribution --> # None summarised on user page with direct link(s) to evidence (see [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing#Social contributions|Tutorial 2]]). Looking ahead to the book chapter, see [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter#Socialcontribution|social contributions]]. }} -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 01:36, 30 August 2026 (UTC) <!-- Official book chapter feedback --> {{MEBF/2026 |1= <!-- Overall comments... --> # This is an insufficient chapter. It provides basic evidence of a simple understanding of the concepts, but lacks rigour and depth associated with a high-level of understanding and ability to make scientific concepts readily understandable to a lay audience. # This chapter is incomplete in that it has retained many bullet-points from the topic development which haven't been developed into full sentences and paragraphs. # Ironically, there is little evidence of epistemic motivation behind this chapter (i.e., a drive to develop a thorough understanding) and instead, a lot of evidence of a hurriedness to achieve completion/closure by using genAI with insufficient acknowlegement/ # The main area(s) for potential improvement: #* more detailed review of the best psychological research about the topic #* overuse of genAI—express more in your own words; watch out for [[w:AI slop|AI slop]] #* I suspect that the [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment#Assessment items|recommended 75 hours]] were not invested in preparing this chapter <!-- Overall - GenAI --> #* There is overreliance on genAI, with insufficient acknowledge. The feedback about the topic development in this respect appears to have gone largely unheeded; see [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|GenAI use]] for more information. <!-- Overall – Citations --> # Insufficient use of academic, peer-reviewed citations to support many claims <!-- Overall – Copyedits --> # For additional feedback, see the following comments and [ these copyedits] |2= <!-- Overview – Comments... --> # Reasonably good <!-- Overview – Scenario --> <!-- Overview – Scenario - Description --> # Reasonably engaging scenario or case study # Cite Figure 1 from within the scenario; a more appropriate image could be selected to more engaging illustrate the scenario <!-- Overview – Scenario - Feature --> # Scenario uses an appropriate feature box <!-- Overview – Explains problem --> # Problem description is promising, but bullet-points are overused; write mostly using sentences and paragraphs <!-- Overview – Focus questions --> # The focus questions are excellent |3= <!-- Theory comments... --> <!-- Theory – Breadth --> # Basic—a basic range of relevant theories are selected, described, and explained; there is a lack of depth (e.g., few practical examples) # There is a lot of content about EM and CC in groups (social psychology), but this wasn't part of the sub-title question or related to a focus question (mis-alignment of topic and content). What is the reason for the social psychology emphasis? # Personality is also mentioned several times, but with insufficient explanation as to its relevance # Perhaps the distinction between EM and CC could be understood as different mindsets? <!-- Theory – Builds on --> # Doesn't build on [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and/or/but not related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms e.g., consider connecting cognitive closure to cognitive dissonance theory and the Zeignarik effect <!-- Theory – Depth --> # The chapter is well structured # Theories are described in a basic, somewhat repetitive way, in a style that is typical of overreliance on genAI # Insufficient depth is provided about key theory(ies) <!-- Theory – Tables/Figures/Lists --> # Reasonably good use of tables, figures, and/or lists to clearly convey theoretical information <!-- Theory – Citations --> # In many places, there is insufficient use of academic, peer-reviewed citations (e.g., see the {{f}} tags) # If you didn't consult an original source, cite it as a [https://apastyle.apa.org/style-grammar-guidelines/citations/secondary-sources secondary source] <!-- Theory – Examples --> # Insufficient use of practical, real-world examples to illustrate theoretical concepts |4= <!-- Research comments... --> <!-- Research – Key findings --> # Insufficient review of relevant research # Greater emphasis on systematic reviews and/or meta-analyses would be ideal # More detail about key studies would be ideal # In many places, there is insufficient use of academic, peer-reviewed citations (e.g., see the {{f}} tags) <!-- Research – Critical thinking --> # Insufficient [[w:Critical thinking|critical thinking]] about relevant research is evident # [[w:Critical thinking|Critical thinking]] about research could be further evidenced by: ## describing the methodology (e.g., sample, measures) in important studies ## considering the strength of relationships ## acknowledging limitations ## pointing out critiques/counterarguments ## suggesting ''specific'' directions for future research |5= <!-- Integration comments... --> # Insufficient integration between the most relevant theory(ies) and the best research # There are many theoretical statements made without sufficient argument, explanation, or citation |6= <!-- Conclusion comments... --> # Basic summary and conclusion using bullet-points rather than sentences and paragraphs # Reads like generic [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|genAI output]]; write more compellingly in your own words # Remind the reader about the importance of the problem or phenomenon of interest <!-- Conclusion – Focus questions --> # Address the focus questions |7= <!-- Written expression – Style comments... --> <!-- Written expression – Written expression --> # Written expression ## The quality of written expression is poor due to overuse of bullet-points and insufficient acknowledgement of genAI with links to conversations as per the unit's using genAI guidelines ## Bullet points are overused. Develop more of the bullet point statements into full sentences and paragraphs. <!-- Written expression – APA style --> # APA style ## Use [[w:Serial comma|serial comma]]s[https://www.buzzfeed.com/adamdavis/the-oxford-comma-is-extremely-important-and-everyone-should][https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gBx8ooDupXY] <!-- Written expression – References --> ## References use very good APA style: ### Include hyperlinked dois (for 1-click access) |8= <!-- Learning features comments... --> # Very good use of learning features <!-- Learning features – Wikipedia embedded links --> # Add more embedded in-text [[m:Help:Interwiki linking|interwiki links]] to Wikipedia articles. Adding interwiki links for the first mention of key words and technical concepts would make the text more interactive. See [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Nutrition and anxiety|example]]. <!-- Learning features – Wikiversity embedded links --> # Add embedded in-text links to related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|book chapters]]. Embedding in-text links to related book chapters helps to integrate this chapter into the broader book project. <!-- Learning features – Figures, tables, feature boxes, scenarios --> # Basic use of figure(s) # Basic use of table(s) # No use of feature box(es) (other than the scenario) # Insufficient use of scenarios, case studies, or examples <!-- Learning features – Quizzes --> # Very good use of quiz(zes) and/or reflection question(s) <!-- Learning features – See also --> # Basic use of the [[{{PAGENAME}}#See also|See also]] section <!-- Learning features – External links --> # Basic use of the [[{{PAGENAME}}#External links|External links]] section ## Use alphabetical order |9= <!-- Social contribution comments... --> # No logged contributions }} -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 05:04, 15 October 2026 (UTC) 4wvbzltmau689uwzisvhfzfjpbnq6sr 2840381 2840379 2026-10-15T05:05:54Z Jtneill 10242 2840381 wikitext text/x-wiki == Recognising cognitive closure on social media == Hi, I really liked how you explained epistemic motivation and the need for cognitive closure using everyday examples. The scenario about Sofia makes the concepts easier to understand, especially how someone may want a quick answer but also want to consider the evidence carefully. I also liked that you explained both the benefits and limitations of cognitive closure instead of presenting it as completely negative. One suggestion could be to expand the social media example a little more by explaining how people could recognise when they are reaching a conclusion too quickly and what they could do differently. I think this would make the topic even more practical and relatable. [[User:Vivekidid|Vivekidid]] ([[User talk:Vivekidid|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vivekidid|contribs]]) 10:25, 27 August 2026 (UTC) --[[User:Vivekidid|Vivekidid]] ([[User talk:Vivekidid|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vivekidid|contribs]]) 10:26, 27 August 2026 (UTC) <!-- Official topic development feedback --> {{METF/2026 |1= <!-- Title --> # Title and subtitle are correctly worded and use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] |2= <!-- Heading structure --> <!-- 2-level --> # Excellent – Well developed [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Major project/Structure|2-level heading structure]]. Meaningful headings clearly relate directly to the core topic. <!-- Alignment with focus questions --> # Excellent alignment between sub-title, focus questions, and heading structure |3= <!-- Overview--> # Excellent – Scenario, image, evocative description of the problem/topic, and focus questions <!-- Focus questions --> # Focus questions are aligned with sub-title and top-level headings |4= <!-- Key points--> <!-- Overall --> # Key points are well developed for each section # The most relevant theory(ies) are not clearly identified # Consider connecting with the Zeignarik chapter <!-- Scope --> # The scope is excellent (i.e., not too little/narrow or too big/broad) # Select the best theories about this topic # Select the best research about this topic <!-- Citations --> # Good use of citations <!-- GenAI ---> # Do these key points include [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|genAI content]]? If so, this needs to be acknowledged in the edit summaries, otherwise it violates academic integrity. <!-- Conclusion --> # Conclusion is underway # What are the practical, take-home messages that address the focus questions? |5= <!-- Figure --> # Excellent - Relevant figure(s) presented, captioned, and cited # A figure that better matches the scenario would be ideal as Figure 1 |6= <!-- Learning feature --> <!-- Interwiki links ---> # One in-text [[m:Help:Interwiki linking|interwiki link]] for first mention of key term to [[w:|Wikipedia]]. Also embed links to [[Motivation and emotion/Book|book chapters]]. <!-- Scenarios/examples/case studies --> # Consider use of more scenarios/examples/case studies <!-- Quiz --> # Promising use of quiz question(s) <!-- Tables --> # Promising use of table(s) |7= <!-- References --> <!-- Overall --> # Very good <!-- Systematic reviews --> # What are the most relevant systematic reviews/meta-analyses about this topic? <!-- APA style --> # Check and correct [https://apastyle.apa.org/instructional-aids/reference-guide.pdf APA referencing style]: ## make doi hyperlinks active (i.e., clickable) |8= <!-- Resources --> <!-- See also --> # See also ## Excellent <!-- External links --> # External links ## Excellent ## Use alphabetical order (fixed) |9= <!-- User page --> # Not created – see [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 2]] |10= <!-- Social contribution --> # None summarised on user page with direct link(s) to evidence (see [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing#Social contributions|Tutorial 2]]). Looking ahead to the book chapter, see [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter#Socialcontribution|social contributions]]. }} -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 01:36, 30 August 2026 (UTC) <!-- Official book chapter feedback --> {{MEBF/2026 |1= <!-- Overall comments... --> # This is an insufficient chapter. It provides basic evidence of a simple understanding of the concepts, but lacks rigour and depth associated with a high-level of understanding and ability to make scientific concepts readily understandable to a lay audience. # This chapter is incomplete in that it has retained many bullet-points from the topic development which haven't been developed into full sentences and paragraphs. # Ironically, there is little evidence of epistemic motivation behind this chapter (i.e., a drive to develop a thorough understanding) and instead, a lot of evidence of a hurriedness to achieve completion/closure by using genAI with insufficient acknowlegement/ # The main area(s) for potential improvement: #* more detailed review of the best psychological research about the topic #* overuse of genAI—express more in your own words; watch out for [[w:AI slop|AI slop]] #* I suspect that the [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment#Assessment items|recommended 75 hours]] were not invested in preparing this chapter <!-- Overall - GenAI --> #* There is overreliance on genAI, with insufficient acknowledge. The feedback about the topic development in this respect appears to have gone largely unheeded; see [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|GenAI use]] for more information. <!-- Overall – Citations --> # Insufficient use of academic, peer-reviewed citations to support many claims <!-- Overall – Copyedits --> # For additional feedback, see the following comments and [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FEpistemic_motivation_and_the_need_for_cognitive_closure&diff=2840380&oldid=2834484 these copyedits] |2= <!-- Overview – Comments... --> # Reasonably good <!-- Overview – Scenario --> <!-- Overview – Scenario - Description --> # Reasonably engaging scenario or case study # Cite Figure 1 from within the scenario; a more appropriate image could be selected to more engaging illustrate the scenario <!-- Overview – Scenario - Feature --> # Scenario uses an appropriate feature box <!-- Overview – Explains problem --> # Problem description is promising, but bullet-points are overused; write mostly using sentences and paragraphs <!-- Overview – Focus questions --> # The focus questions are excellent |3= <!-- Theory comments... --> <!-- Theory – Breadth --> # Basic—a basic range of relevant theories are selected, described, and explained; there is a lack of depth (e.g., few practical examples) # There is a lot of content about EM and CC in groups (social psychology), but this wasn't part of the sub-title question or related to a focus question (mis-alignment of topic and content). What is the reason for the social psychology emphasis? # Personality is also mentioned several times, but with insufficient explanation as to its relevance # Perhaps the distinction between EM and CC could be understood as different mindsets? <!-- Theory – Builds on --> # Doesn't build on [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and/or/but not related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms e.g., consider connecting cognitive closure to cognitive dissonance theory and the Zeignarik effect <!-- Theory – Depth --> # The chapter is well structured # Theories are described in a basic, somewhat repetitive way, in a style that is typical of overreliance on genAI # Insufficient depth is provided about key theory(ies) <!-- Theory – Tables/Figures/Lists --> # Reasonably good use of tables, figures, and/or lists to clearly convey theoretical information <!-- Theory – Citations --> # In many places, there is insufficient use of academic, peer-reviewed citations (e.g., see the {{f}} tags) # If you didn't consult an original source, cite it as a [https://apastyle.apa.org/style-grammar-guidelines/citations/secondary-sources secondary source] <!-- Theory – Examples --> # Insufficient use of practical, real-world examples to illustrate theoretical concepts |4= <!-- Research comments... --> <!-- Research – Key findings --> # Insufficient review of relevant research # Greater emphasis on systematic reviews and/or meta-analyses would be ideal # More detail about key studies would be ideal # In many places, there is insufficient use of academic, peer-reviewed citations (e.g., see the {{f}} tags) <!-- Research – Critical thinking --> # Insufficient [[w:Critical thinking|critical thinking]] about relevant research is evident # [[w:Critical thinking|Critical thinking]] about research could be further evidenced by: ## describing the methodology (e.g., sample, measures) in important studies ## considering the strength of relationships ## acknowledging limitations ## pointing out critiques/counterarguments ## suggesting ''specific'' directions for future research |5= <!-- Integration comments... --> # Insufficient integration between the most relevant theory(ies) and the best research # There are many theoretical statements made without sufficient argument, explanation, or citation |6= <!-- Conclusion comments... --> # Basic summary and conclusion using bullet-points rather than sentences and paragraphs # Reads like generic [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|genAI output]]; write more compellingly in your own words # Remind the reader about the importance of the problem or phenomenon of interest <!-- Conclusion – Focus questions --> # Address the focus questions |7= <!-- Written expression – Style comments... --> <!-- Written expression – Written expression --> # Written expression ## The quality of written expression is poor due to overuse of bullet-points and insufficient acknowledgement of genAI with links to conversations as per the unit's using genAI guidelines ## Bullet points are overused. Develop more of the bullet point statements into full sentences and paragraphs. <!-- Written expression – APA style --> # APA style ## Use [[w:Serial comma|serial comma]]s[https://www.buzzfeed.com/adamdavis/the-oxford-comma-is-extremely-important-and-everyone-should][https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gBx8ooDupXY] <!-- Written expression – References --> ## References use very good APA style: ### Include hyperlinked dois (for 1-click access) |8= <!-- Learning features comments... --> # Very good use of learning features <!-- Learning features – Wikipedia embedded links --> # Add more embedded in-text [[m:Help:Interwiki linking|interwiki links]] to Wikipedia articles. Adding interwiki links for the first mention of key words and technical concepts would make the text more interactive. See [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Nutrition and anxiety|example]]. <!-- Learning features – Wikiversity embedded links --> # Add embedded in-text links to related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|book chapters]]. Embedding in-text links to related book chapters helps to integrate this chapter into the broader book project. <!-- Learning features – Figures, tables, feature boxes, scenarios --> # Basic use of figure(s) # Basic use of table(s) # No use of feature box(es) (other than the scenario) # Insufficient use of scenarios, case studies, or examples <!-- Learning features – Quizzes --> # Very good use of quiz(zes) and/or reflection question(s) <!-- Learning features – See also --> # Basic use of the [[{{PAGENAME}}#See also|See also]] section <!-- Learning features – External links --> # Basic use of the [[{{PAGENAME}}#External links|External links]] section ## Use alphabetical order |9= <!-- Social contribution comments... --> # No logged contributions }} -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 05:04, 15 October 2026 (UTC) l2o6to094rzoz8iay9v4ybdqrf3fjxf 2840384 2840381 2026-10-15T05:12:43Z Jtneill 10242 2840384 wikitext text/x-wiki == Recognising cognitive closure on social media == Hi, I really liked how you explained epistemic motivation and the need for cognitive closure using everyday examples. The scenario about Sofia makes the concepts easier to understand, especially how someone may want a quick answer but also want to consider the evidence carefully. I also liked that you explained both the benefits and limitations of cognitive closure instead of presenting it as completely negative. One suggestion could be to expand the social media example a little more by explaining how people could recognise when they are reaching a conclusion too quickly and what they could do differently. I think this would make the topic even more practical and relatable. [[User:Vivekidid|Vivekidid]] ([[User talk:Vivekidid|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vivekidid|contribs]]) 10:25, 27 August 2026 (UTC) --[[User:Vivekidid|Vivekidid]] ([[User talk:Vivekidid|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Vivekidid|contribs]]) 10:26, 27 August 2026 (UTC) <!-- Official topic development feedback --> {{METF/2026 |1= <!-- Title --> # Title and subtitle are correctly worded and use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] |2= <!-- Heading structure --> <!-- 2-level --> # Excellent – Well developed [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Major project/Structure|2-level heading structure]]. Meaningful headings clearly relate directly to the core topic. <!-- Alignment with focus questions --> # Excellent alignment between sub-title, focus questions, and heading structure |3= <!-- Overview--> # Excellent – Scenario, image, evocative description of the problem/topic, and focus questions <!-- Focus questions --> # Focus questions are aligned with sub-title and top-level headings |4= <!-- Key points--> <!-- Overall --> # Key points are well developed for each section # The most relevant theory(ies) are not clearly identified # Consider connecting with the Zeignarik chapter <!-- Scope --> # The scope is excellent (i.e., not too little/narrow or too big/broad) # Select the best theories about this topic # Select the best research about this topic <!-- Citations --> # Good use of citations <!-- GenAI ---> # Do these key points include [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|genAI content]]? If so, this needs to be acknowledged in the edit summaries, otherwise it violates academic integrity. <!-- Conclusion --> # Conclusion is underway # What are the practical, take-home messages that address the focus questions? |5= <!-- Figure --> # Excellent - Relevant figure(s) presented, captioned, and cited # A figure that better matches the scenario would be ideal as Figure 1 |6= <!-- Learning feature --> <!-- Interwiki links ---> # One in-text [[m:Help:Interwiki linking|interwiki link]] for first mention of key term to [[w:|Wikipedia]]. Also embed links to [[Motivation and emotion/Book|book chapters]]. <!-- Scenarios/examples/case studies --> # Consider use of more scenarios/examples/case studies <!-- Quiz --> # Promising use of quiz question(s) <!-- Tables --> # Promising use of table(s) |7= <!-- References --> <!-- Overall --> # Very good <!-- Systematic reviews --> # What are the most relevant systematic reviews/meta-analyses about this topic? <!-- APA style --> # Check and correct [https://apastyle.apa.org/instructional-aids/reference-guide.pdf APA referencing style]: ## make doi hyperlinks active (i.e., clickable) |8= <!-- Resources --> <!-- See also --> # See also ## Excellent <!-- External links --> # External links ## Excellent ## Use alphabetical order (fixed) |9= <!-- User page --> # Not created – see [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 2]] |10= <!-- Social contribution --> # None summarised on user page with direct link(s) to evidence (see [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing#Social contributions|Tutorial 2]]). Looking ahead to the book chapter, see [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter#Socialcontribution|social contributions]]. }} -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 01:36, 30 August 2026 (UTC) <!-- Official book chapter feedback --> {{MEBF/2026 |1= <!-- Overall comments... --> # This is a promising, but underdone, insufficient chapter. It provides evidence of a basic understanding of the concepts, but lacks sufficient academic rigour and depth associated with a high-level of understanding and ability to communicate scientific concepts to a lay audience. # This chapter is incomplete in that it has retained many bullet-points from the topic development without building them out into full sentences and paragraphs. # Ironically, there is little evidence of epistemic motivation behind this chapter (i.e., a drive to develop a thorough understanding) and instead, a lot of evidence of a hurriedness to achieve completion/closure by using genAI without sufficient acknowlegement. Why weren't the [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|using generative AI]] guidelines followed? # The main area(s) for potential improvement: #* more detailed review of the best psychological research about the topic #* overuse of genAI—express more in your own words; watch out for [[w:AI slop|AI slop]] #* I suspect that the [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment#Assessment items|recommended 75 hours]] were not invested in preparing this chapter <!-- Overall - GenAI --> #* There is overreliance on genAI, with insufficient acknowledge. The feedback about the topic development in this respect appears to have gone largely unheeded; see [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|GenAI use]] for more information. <!-- Overall – Citations --> # Insufficient use of academic, peer-reviewed citations to support many claims <!-- Overall – Copyedits --> # For additional feedback, see the following comments and [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FEpistemic_motivation_and_the_need_for_cognitive_closure&diff=2840380&oldid=2834484 these copyedits] |2= <!-- Overview – Comments... --> # Reasonably good <!-- Overview – Scenario --> <!-- Overview – Scenario - Description --> # Reasonably engaging scenario or case study # Cite Figure 1 from within the scenario; a more appropriate image could be selected to more engaging illustrate the scenario <!-- Overview – Scenario - Feature --> # Scenario uses an appropriate feature box <!-- Overview – Explains problem --> # Problem description is promising, but bullet-points are overused; write mostly using sentences and paragraphs <!-- Overview – Focus questions --> # The focus questions are excellent |3= <!-- Theory comments... --> <!-- Theory – Breadth --> # Basic—a basic range of relevant theories are selected, described, and explained; there is a lack of depth (e.g., few practical examples) # There is a lot of content about EM and CC in groups (social psychology), but this wasn't part of the sub-title question or related to a focus question (mis-alignment of topic and content). What is the reason for the social psychology emphasis? # Personality is also mentioned several times, but with insufficient explanation as to its relevance # Perhaps the distinction between EM and CC could be understood as different mindsets? <!-- Theory – Builds on --> # Doesn't build on [[w:|Wikipedia]] articles and/or/but not related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|chapters]] by embedding interwiki links for key terms e.g., consider connecting cognitive closure to cognitive dissonance theory and the Zeignarik effect <!-- Theory – Depth --> # The chapter is well structured # Theories are described in a basic, somewhat repetitive way, in a style that is typical of overreliance on genAI # Insufficient depth is provided about key theory(ies) <!-- Theory – Tables/Figures/Lists --> # Reasonably good use of tables, figures, and/or lists to clearly convey theoretical information <!-- Theory – Citations --> # In many places, there is insufficient use of academic, peer-reviewed citations (e.g., see the {{f}} tags) # If you didn't consult an original source, cite it as a [https://apastyle.apa.org/style-grammar-guidelines/citations/secondary-sources secondary source] <!-- Theory – Examples --> # Insufficient use of practical, real-world examples to illustrate theoretical concepts |4= <!-- Research comments... --> <!-- Research – Key findings --> # Insufficient review of relevant research # Greater emphasis on systematic reviews and/or meta-analyses would be ideal # More detail about key studies would be ideal # In many places, there is insufficient use of academic, peer-reviewed citations (e.g., see the {{f}} tags) <!-- Research – Critical thinking --> # Insufficient [[w:Critical thinking|critical thinking]] about relevant research is evident # [[w:Critical thinking|Critical thinking]] about research could be further evidenced by: ## describing the methodology (e.g., sample, measures) in important studies ## considering the strength of relationships ## acknowledging limitations ## pointing out critiques/counterarguments ## suggesting ''specific'' directions for future research |5= <!-- Integration comments... --> # Insufficient integration between the most relevant theory(ies) and the best research # There are many theoretical statements made without sufficient argument, explanation, or citation |6= <!-- Conclusion comments... --> # Basic summary and conclusion using bullet-points rather than sentences and paragraphs # Reads like generic [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|genAI output]]; write more compellingly in your own words # Remind the reader about the importance of the problem or phenomenon of interest <!-- Conclusion – Focus questions --> # Address the focus questions |7= <!-- Written expression – Style comments... --> <!-- Written expression – Written expression --> # Written expression ## The quality of written expression is poor due to overuse of bullet-points and insufficient acknowledgement of genAI with links to conversations as per the unit's using genAI guidelines ## Bullet points are overused. Develop more of the bullet point statements into full sentences and paragraphs. <!-- Written expression – APA style --> # APA style ## Use [[w:Serial comma|serial comma]]s[https://www.buzzfeed.com/adamdavis/the-oxford-comma-is-extremely-important-and-everyone-should][https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gBx8ooDupXY] <!-- Written expression – References --> ## References use very good APA style: ### Include hyperlinked dois (for 1-click access) |8= <!-- Learning features comments... --> # Very good use of learning features <!-- Learning features – Wikipedia embedded links --> # Add more embedded in-text [[m:Help:Interwiki linking|interwiki links]] to Wikipedia articles. Adding interwiki links for the first mention of key words and technical concepts would make the text more interactive. See [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Nutrition and anxiety|example]]. <!-- Learning features – Wikiversity embedded links --> # Add embedded in-text links to related [[Motivation and emotion/Book|book chapters]]. Embedding in-text links to related book chapters helps to integrate this chapter into the broader book project. <!-- Learning features – Figures, tables, feature boxes, scenarios --> # Basic use of figure(s) # Basic use of table(s) # No use of feature box(es) (other than the scenario) # Insufficient use of scenarios, case studies, or examples <!-- Learning features – Quizzes --> # Very good use of quiz(zes) and/or reflection question(s) <!-- Learning features – See also --> # Basic use of the [[{{PAGENAME}}#See also|See also]] section <!-- Learning features – External links --> # Basic use of the [[{{PAGENAME}}#External links|External links]] section ## Use alphabetical order |9= <!-- Social contribution comments... --> # No logged contributions }} -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 05:04, 15 October 2026 (UTC) di6r6b096czuytov8tlj3e1ophq8x6w 0 331620 2840369 2836210 2026-10-15T03:25:54Z U3281277 3109857 /* Overview */ 2840369 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when slef-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What is self-blame and how does it develop following negative events? * Why does self-blame influence emotional responses? * How are different forms of self-blame associated with emotions such as guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety? * When might self-blame be adaptive or maladaptive? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is Self-blame?== {{ic|Include an introductory paragraph before branching into sub-sections}} === Focus Question: What is self-blame and how does it develop following negative events? === * Self-blame occurs when an individual attributes responsibility or causation for a negative event or outcome to themselves. * Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame, demonstrating that self-blame can involve different explanations for why a negative event occurred. * Behavioural self-blame focuses on specific and potentially modifiable actions, such as “I didn't study enough”, whereas characterological self-blame focuses on relatively stable characteristics of the self, such as “I'm not intelligent enough” (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Behavioural self-blame may provide a greater sense of control because the perceived cause can potentially be changed, whereas characterological self-blame may reduce perceived control because the cause is viewed as relatively stable (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Research suggests these different attributional styles have different relationships with psychological adjustment, highlighting the importance of distinguishing between forms of self-blame (Anderson et al., 1994; Peterson et al., 1981). ==Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?== ===Focus question 2: Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?=== * Emotional responses are influenced not only by what happens but also by how an individual interprets the cause and meaning of the event. * Attribution theory proposes that causal explanations can differ according to dimensions such as locus, stability, and controllability, which can influence subsequent emotional responses (Weiner, 1985). * Self-blame represents an internal attribution, but whether the attributed cause is viewed as stable, unstable, controllable, or uncontrollable can influence the emotion experienced. * Appraisal models similarly propose that different evaluations of the same negative event can produce different emotional responses. * Supporting this, Tracy and Robins (2006) found that internal, stable, uncontrollable attributions following failure were associated with shame, whereas internal, unstable, controllable attributions were associated with guilt. ==How does self-blame influence different emotions?== ===Focus question 3: How does self-blame influence different emotions?=== * Self-blame can contribute to different emotional responses depending on whether negative evaluation is directed toward a particular behaviour or more broadly toward the self. * Guilt and shame are especially relevant, research indicates that internal attributions can contribute to both emotions, while differences in perceived stability and controllability help determine which response occurs (Tracy & Robins, 2006). * Internal, unstable, controllable explanations are more strongly associated with guilt, whereas internal, stable, uncontrollable explanations are more strongly associated with shame. * Characterological self-blame has also been associated with depressive symptoms, whereas Peterson et al. (1981) found behavioural self-blame was associated with a lack of depressive symptoms in their undergraduate sample. * This relationship is not entirely straightforward. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame uniquely contributed to depression and loneliness, highlighting the importance of context and measurement. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] rqfh0sgvp6c6m76bhja51wuun8171f2 2840372 2840369 2026-10-15T03:39:05Z U3281277 3109857 /* What is Self-blame? */ 2840372 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when slef-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What is self-blame and how does it develop following negative events? * Why does self-blame influence emotional responses? * How are different forms of self-blame associated with emotions such as guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety? * When might self-blame be adaptive or maladaptive? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is Self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future. Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. '''Behavioural self-blame''' Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. {{RoundBoxBottom}} === Focus Question: What is self-blame and how does it develop following negative events? === * Self-blame occurs when an individual attributes responsibility or causation for a negative event or outcome to themselves. * Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame, demonstrating that self-blame can involve different explanations for why a negative event occurred. * Behavioural self-blame focuses on specific and potentially modifiable actions, such as “I didn't study enough”, whereas characterological self-blame focuses on relatively stable characteristics of the self, such as “I'm not intelligent enough” (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Behavioural self-blame may provide a greater sense of control because the perceived cause can potentially be changed, whereas characterological self-blame may reduce perceived control because the cause is viewed as relatively stable (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Research suggests these different attributional styles have different relationships with psychological adjustment, highlighting the importance of distinguishing between forms of self-blame (Anderson et al., 1994; Peterson et al., 1981). ==Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?== ===Focus question 2: Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?=== * Emotional responses are influenced not only by what happens but also by how an individual interprets the cause and meaning of the event. * Attribution theory proposes that causal explanations can differ according to dimensions such as locus, stability, and controllability, which can influence subsequent emotional responses (Weiner, 1985). * Self-blame represents an internal attribution, but whether the attributed cause is viewed as stable, unstable, controllable, or uncontrollable can influence the emotion experienced. * Appraisal models similarly propose that different evaluations of the same negative event can produce different emotional responses. * Supporting this, Tracy and Robins (2006) found that internal, stable, uncontrollable attributions following failure were associated with shame, whereas internal, unstable, controllable attributions were associated with guilt. ==How does self-blame influence different emotions?== ===Focus question 3: How does self-blame influence different emotions?=== * Self-blame can contribute to different emotional responses depending on whether negative evaluation is directed toward a particular behaviour or more broadly toward the self. * Guilt and shame are especially relevant, research indicates that internal attributions can contribute to both emotions, while differences in perceived stability and controllability help determine which response occurs (Tracy & Robins, 2006). * Internal, unstable, controllable explanations are more strongly associated with guilt, whereas internal, stable, uncontrollable explanations are more strongly associated with shame. * Characterological self-blame has also been associated with depressive symptoms, whereas Peterson et al. (1981) found behavioural self-blame was associated with a lack of depressive symptoms in their undergraduate sample. * This relationship is not entirely straightforward. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame uniquely contributed to depression and loneliness, highlighting the importance of context and measurement. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] 01bpf3we039hgbqgfa3t50v3m9qbo33 2840391 2840372 2026-10-15T05:38:27Z U3281277 3109857 /* What is Self-blame? */ 2840391 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when slef-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What is self-blame and how does it develop following negative events? * Why does self-blame influence emotional responses? * How are different forms of self-blame associated with emotions such as guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety? * When might self-blame be adaptive or maladaptive? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is Self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future. Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. '''Behavioural self-blame''' Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. '''Characterological self-blame''' Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. {{RoundBoxBottom}} === Focus Question: What is self-blame and how does it develop following negative events? === * Self-blame occurs when an individual attributes responsibility or causation for a negative event or outcome to themselves. * Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame, demonstrating that self-blame can involve different explanations for why a negative event occurred. * Behavioural self-blame focuses on specific and potentially modifiable actions, such as “I didn't study enough”, whereas characterological self-blame focuses on relatively stable characteristics of the self, such as “I'm not intelligent enough” (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Behavioural self-blame may provide a greater sense of control because the perceived cause can potentially be changed, whereas characterological self-blame may reduce perceived control because the cause is viewed as relatively stable (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Research suggests these different attributional styles have different relationships with psychological adjustment, highlighting the importance of distinguishing between forms of self-blame (Anderson et al., 1994; Peterson et al., 1981). ==Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?== ===Focus question 2: Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?=== * Emotional responses are influenced not only by what happens but also by how an individual interprets the cause and meaning of the event. * Attribution theory proposes that causal explanations can differ according to dimensions such as locus, stability, and controllability, which can influence subsequent emotional responses (Weiner, 1985). * Self-blame represents an internal attribution, but whether the attributed cause is viewed as stable, unstable, controllable, or uncontrollable can influence the emotion experienced. * Appraisal models similarly propose that different evaluations of the same negative event can produce different emotional responses. * Supporting this, Tracy and Robins (2006) found that internal, stable, uncontrollable attributions following failure were associated with shame, whereas internal, unstable, controllable attributions were associated with guilt. ==How does self-blame influence different emotions?== ===Focus question 3: How does self-blame influence different emotions?=== * Self-blame can contribute to different emotional responses depending on whether negative evaluation is directed toward a particular behaviour or more broadly toward the self. * Guilt and shame are especially relevant, research indicates that internal attributions can contribute to both emotions, while differences in perceived stability and controllability help determine which response occurs (Tracy & Robins, 2006). * Internal, unstable, controllable explanations are more strongly associated with guilt, whereas internal, stable, uncontrollable explanations are more strongly associated with shame. * Characterological self-blame has also been associated with depressive symptoms, whereas Peterson et al. (1981) found behavioural self-blame was associated with a lack of depressive symptoms in their undergraduate sample. * This relationship is not entirely straightforward. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame uniquely contributed to depression and loneliness, highlighting the importance of context and measurement. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] o03e5xib1l7mbvcxtdx3chyvhq7h8rv 2840392 2840391 2026-10-15T05:40:25Z U3281277 3109857 /* What is Self-blame? */ 2840392 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when slef-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What is self-blame and how does it develop following negative events? * Why does self-blame influence emotional responses? * How are different forms of self-blame associated with emotions such as guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety? * When might self-blame be adaptive or maladaptive? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is Self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future. Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. '''Behavioural self-blame:''' Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. '''Characterological self-blame:''' Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. {{RoundBoxBottom}} === Focus Question: What is self-blame and how does it develop following negative events? === * Self-blame occurs when an individual attributes responsibility or causation for a negative event or outcome to themselves. * Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame, demonstrating that self-blame can involve different explanations for why a negative event occurred. * Behavioural self-blame focuses on specific and potentially modifiable actions, such as “I didn't study enough”, whereas characterological self-blame focuses on relatively stable characteristics of the self, such as “I'm not intelligent enough” (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Behavioural self-blame may provide a greater sense of control because the perceived cause can potentially be changed, whereas characterological self-blame may reduce perceived control because the cause is viewed as relatively stable (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Research suggests these different attributional styles have different relationships with psychological adjustment, highlighting the importance of distinguishing between forms of self-blame (Anderson et al., 1994; Peterson et al., 1981). ==Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?== ===Focus question 2: Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?=== * Emotional responses are influenced not only by what happens but also by how an individual interprets the cause and meaning of the event. * Attribution theory proposes that causal explanations can differ according to dimensions such as locus, stability, and controllability, which can influence subsequent emotional responses (Weiner, 1985). * Self-blame represents an internal attribution, but whether the attributed cause is viewed as stable, unstable, controllable, or uncontrollable can influence the emotion experienced. * Appraisal models similarly propose that different evaluations of the same negative event can produce different emotional responses. * Supporting this, Tracy and Robins (2006) found that internal, stable, uncontrollable attributions following failure were associated with shame, whereas internal, unstable, controllable attributions were associated with guilt. ==How does self-blame influence different emotions?== ===Focus question 3: How does self-blame influence different emotions?=== * Self-blame can contribute to different emotional responses depending on whether negative evaluation is directed toward a particular behaviour or more broadly toward the self. * Guilt and shame are especially relevant, research indicates that internal attributions can contribute to both emotions, while differences in perceived stability and controllability help determine which response occurs (Tracy & Robins, 2006). * Internal, unstable, controllable explanations are more strongly associated with guilt, whereas internal, stable, uncontrollable explanations are more strongly associated with shame. * Characterological self-blame has also been associated with depressive symptoms, whereas Peterson et al. (1981) found behavioural self-blame was associated with a lack of depressive symptoms in their undergraduate sample. * This relationship is not entirely straightforward. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame uniquely contributed to depression and loneliness, highlighting the importance of context and measurement. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] gf78uu2t4ly82lnzvnyezzyuwzbve6h 2840393 2840392 2026-10-15T05:41:16Z U3281277 3109857 /* What is Self-blame? */ 2840393 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when slef-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What is self-blame and how does it develop following negative events? * Why does self-blame influence emotional responses? * How are different forms of self-blame associated with emotions such as guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety? * When might self-blame be adaptive or maladaptive? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is Self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future. Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. '''Behavioural self-blame:''' Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. '''Characterological self-blame:''' Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. {{RoundBoxBottom}} === Focus Question: What is self-blame and how does it develop following negative events? === * Self-blame occurs when an individual attributes responsibility or causation for a negative event or outcome to themselves. * Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame, demonstrating that self-blame can involve different explanations for why a negative event occurred. * Behavioural self-blame focuses on specific and potentially modifiable actions, such as “I didn't study enough”, whereas characterological self-blame focuses on relatively stable characteristics of the self, such as “I'm not intelligent enough” (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Behavioural self-blame may provide a greater sense of control because the perceived cause can potentially be changed, whereas characterological self-blame may reduce perceived control because the cause is viewed as relatively stable (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Research suggests these different attributional styles have different relationships with psychological adjustment, highlighting the importance of distinguishing between forms of self-blame (Anderson et al., 1994; Peterson et al., 1981). ==Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?== ===Focus question 2: Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?=== * Emotional responses are influenced not only by what happens but also by how an individual interprets the cause and meaning of the event. * Attribution theory proposes that causal explanations can differ according to dimensions such as locus, stability, and controllability, which can influence subsequent emotional responses (Weiner, 1985). * Self-blame represents an internal attribution, but whether the attributed cause is viewed as stable, unstable, controllable, or uncontrollable can influence the emotion experienced. * Appraisal models similarly propose that different evaluations of the same negative event can produce different emotional responses. * Supporting this, Tracy and Robins (2006) found that internal, stable, uncontrollable attributions following failure were associated with shame, whereas internal, unstable, controllable attributions were associated with guilt. ==How does self-blame influence different emotions?== ===Focus question 3: How does self-blame influence different emotions?=== * Self-blame can contribute to different emotional responses depending on whether negative evaluation is directed toward a particular behaviour or more broadly toward the self. * Guilt and shame are especially relevant, research indicates that internal attributions can contribute to both emotions, while differences in perceived stability and controllability help determine which response occurs (Tracy & Robins, 2006). * Internal, unstable, controllable explanations are more strongly associated with guilt, whereas internal, stable, uncontrollable explanations are more strongly associated with shame. * Characterological self-blame has also been associated with depressive symptoms, whereas Peterson et al. (1981) found behavioural self-blame was associated with a lack of depressive symptoms in their undergraduate sample. * This relationship is not entirely straightforward. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame uniquely contributed to depression and loneliness, highlighting the importance of context and measurement. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] h5jmuj0atpkirp0alkfm1yj4stlwvx9 2840395 2840393 2026-10-15T05:51:01Z U3281277 3109857 /* Focus Question: What is self-blame and how does it develop following negative events? */ 2840395 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when slef-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What is self-blame and how does it develop following negative events? * Why does self-blame influence emotional responses? * How are different forms of self-blame associated with emotions such as guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety? * When might self-blame be adaptive or maladaptive? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is Self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future. Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. '''Behavioural self-blame:''' Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. '''Characterological self-blame:''' Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. {{RoundBoxBottom}} === Focus Question: How does self-blame develop following negative events? === * Self-blame occurs when an individual attributes responsibility or causation for a negative event or outcome to themselves. * Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame, demonstrating that self-blame can involve different explanations for why a negative event occurred. * Behavioural self-blame focuses on specific and potentially modifiable actions, such as “I didn't study enough”, whereas characterological self-blame focuses on relatively stable characteristics of the self, such as “I'm not intelligent enough” (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Behavioural self-blame may provide a greater sense of control because the perceived cause can potentially be changed, whereas characterological self-blame may reduce perceived control because the cause is viewed as relatively stable (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Research suggests these different attributional styles have different relationships with psychological adjustment, highlighting the importance of distinguishing between forms of self-blame (Anderson et al., 1994; Peterson et al., 1981). ==Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?== ===Focus question 2: Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?=== * Emotional responses are influenced not only by what happens but also by how an individual interprets the cause and meaning of the event. * Attribution theory proposes that causal explanations can differ according to dimensions such as locus, stability, and controllability, which can influence subsequent emotional responses (Weiner, 1985). * Self-blame represents an internal attribution, but whether the attributed cause is viewed as stable, unstable, controllable, or uncontrollable can influence the emotion experienced. * Appraisal models similarly propose that different evaluations of the same negative event can produce different emotional responses. * Supporting this, Tracy and Robins (2006) found that internal, stable, uncontrollable attributions following failure were associated with shame, whereas internal, unstable, controllable attributions were associated with guilt. ==How does self-blame influence different emotions?== ===Focus question 3: How does self-blame influence different emotions?=== * Self-blame can contribute to different emotional responses depending on whether negative evaluation is directed toward a particular behaviour or more broadly toward the self. * Guilt and shame are especially relevant, research indicates that internal attributions can contribute to both emotions, while differences in perceived stability and controllability help determine which response occurs (Tracy & Robins, 2006). * Internal, unstable, controllable explanations are more strongly associated with guilt, whereas internal, stable, uncontrollable explanations are more strongly associated with shame. * Characterological self-blame has also been associated with depressive symptoms, whereas Peterson et al. (1981) found behavioural self-blame was associated with a lack of depressive symptoms in their undergraduate sample. * This relationship is not entirely straightforward. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame uniquely contributed to depression and loneliness, highlighting the importance of context and measurement. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] q25v5jnr4jq3ytldmj5y5n4ifoqlkx3 2840396 2840395 2026-10-15T05:56:33Z U3281277 3109857 /* Overview */ 2840396 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What is self-blame and how does it develop following negative events? * Why does self-blame influence emotional responses? * How are different forms of self-blame associated with emotions such as guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety? * When might self-blame be adaptive or maladaptive? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is Self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future. Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. '''Behavioural self-blame:''' Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. '''Characterological self-blame:''' Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. {{RoundBoxBottom}} === Focus Question: How does self-blame develop following negative events? === * Self-blame occurs when an individual attributes responsibility or causation for a negative event or outcome to themselves. * Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame, demonstrating that self-blame can involve different explanations for why a negative event occurred. * Behavioural self-blame focuses on specific and potentially modifiable actions, such as “I didn't study enough”, whereas characterological self-blame focuses on relatively stable characteristics of the self, such as “I'm not intelligent enough” (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Behavioural self-blame may provide a greater sense of control because the perceived cause can potentially be changed, whereas characterological self-blame may reduce perceived control because the cause is viewed as relatively stable (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Research suggests these different attributional styles have different relationships with psychological adjustment, highlighting the importance of distinguishing between forms of self-blame (Anderson et al., 1994; Peterson et al., 1981). ==Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?== ===Focus question 2: Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?=== * Emotional responses are influenced not only by what happens but also by how an individual interprets the cause and meaning of the event. * Attribution theory proposes that causal explanations can differ according to dimensions such as locus, stability, and controllability, which can influence subsequent emotional responses (Weiner, 1985). * Self-blame represents an internal attribution, but whether the attributed cause is viewed as stable, unstable, controllable, or uncontrollable can influence the emotion experienced. * Appraisal models similarly propose that different evaluations of the same negative event can produce different emotional responses. * Supporting this, Tracy and Robins (2006) found that internal, stable, uncontrollable attributions following failure were associated with shame, whereas internal, unstable, controllable attributions were associated with guilt. ==How does self-blame influence different emotions?== ===Focus question 3: How does self-blame influence different emotions?=== * Self-blame can contribute to different emotional responses depending on whether negative evaluation is directed toward a particular behaviour or more broadly toward the self. * Guilt and shame are especially relevant, research indicates that internal attributions can contribute to both emotions, while differences in perceived stability and controllability help determine which response occurs (Tracy & Robins, 2006). * Internal, unstable, controllable explanations are more strongly associated with guilt, whereas internal, stable, uncontrollable explanations are more strongly associated with shame. * Characterological self-blame has also been associated with depressive symptoms, whereas Peterson et al. (1981) found behavioural self-blame was associated with a lack of depressive symptoms in their undergraduate sample. * This relationship is not entirely straightforward. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame uniquely contributed to depression and loneliness, highlighting the importance of context and measurement. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] j14y630hhqm5jiupepzig8q1hejowrw 2840397 2840396 2026-10-15T06:07:14Z U3281277 3109857 /* What is Self-blame? */ 2840397 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What is self-blame and how does it develop following negative events? * Why does self-blame influence emotional responses? * How are different forms of self-blame associated with emotions such as guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety? * When might self-blame be adaptive or maladaptive? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future. Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. '''Behavioural self-blame:''' Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. '''Characterological self-blame:''' Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. {{RoundBoxBottom}} === Focus Question: How does self-blame develop following negative events? === * Self-blame occurs when an individual attributes responsibility or causation for a negative event or outcome to themselves. * Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame, demonstrating that self-blame can involve different explanations for why a negative event occurred. * Behavioural self-blame focuses on specific and potentially modifiable actions, such as “I didn't study enough”, whereas characterological self-blame focuses on relatively stable characteristics of the self, such as “I'm not intelligent enough” (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Behavioural self-blame may provide a greater sense of control because the perceived cause can potentially be changed, whereas characterological self-blame may reduce perceived control because the cause is viewed as relatively stable (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Research suggests these different attributional styles have different relationships with psychological adjustment, highlighting the importance of distinguishing between forms of self-blame (Anderson et al., 1994; Peterson et al., 1981). ==Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?== ===Focus question 2: Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?=== * Emotional responses are influenced not only by what happens but also by how an individual interprets the cause and meaning of the event. * Attribution theory proposes that causal explanations can differ according to dimensions such as locus, stability, and controllability, which can influence subsequent emotional responses (Weiner, 1985). * Self-blame represents an internal attribution, but whether the attributed cause is viewed as stable, unstable, controllable, or uncontrollable can influence the emotion experienced. * Appraisal models similarly propose that different evaluations of the same negative event can produce different emotional responses. * Supporting this, Tracy and Robins (2006) found that internal, stable, uncontrollable attributions following failure were associated with shame, whereas internal, unstable, controllable attributions were associated with guilt. ==How does self-blame influence different emotions?== ===Focus question 3: How does self-blame influence different emotions?=== * Self-blame can contribute to different emotional responses depending on whether negative evaluation is directed toward a particular behaviour or more broadly toward the self. * Guilt and shame are especially relevant, research indicates that internal attributions can contribute to both emotions, while differences in perceived stability and controllability help determine which response occurs (Tracy & Robins, 2006). * Internal, unstable, controllable explanations are more strongly associated with guilt, whereas internal, stable, uncontrollable explanations are more strongly associated with shame. * Characterological self-blame has also been associated with depressive symptoms, whereas Peterson et al. (1981) found behavioural self-blame was associated with a lack of depressive symptoms in their undergraduate sample. * This relationship is not entirely straightforward. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame uniquely contributed to depression and loneliness, highlighting the importance of context and measurement. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] pauvanrgq0qq7ja9n6kd5h9a4sib4vf 2840398 2840397 2026-10-15T06:10:23Z U3281277 3109857 /* What is self-blame? */ 2840398 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What is self-blame and how does it develop following negative events? * Why does self-blame influence emotional responses? * How are different forms of self-blame associated with emotions such as guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety? * When might self-blame be adaptive or maladaptive? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future. Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. '''Behavioural self-blame:''' Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. '''Characterological self-blame:''' Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. {{RoundBoxBottom}} === Focus Question: How does self-blame develop following negative events? === * Self-blame occurs when an individual attributes responsibility or causation for a negative event or outcome to themselves. * Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame, demonstrating that self-blame can involve different explanations for why a negative event occurred. * Behavioural self-blame focuses on specific and potentially modifiable actions, such as “I didn't study enough”, whereas characterological self-blame focuses on relatively stable characteristics of the self, such as “I'm not intelligent enough” (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Behavioural self-blame may provide a greater sense of control because the perceived cause can potentially be changed, whereas characterological self-blame may reduce perceived control because the cause is viewed as relatively stable (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Research suggests these different attributional styles have different relationships with psychological adjustment, highlighting the importance of distinguishing between forms of self-blame (Anderson et al., 1994; Peterson et al., 1981). ==Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?== ===Focus question 2: Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?=== * Emotional responses are influenced not only by what happens but also by how an individual interprets the cause and meaning of the event. * Attribution theory proposes that causal explanations can differ according to dimensions such as locus, stability, and controllability, which can influence subsequent emotional responses (Weiner, 1985). * Self-blame represents an internal attribution, but whether the attributed cause is viewed as stable, unstable, controllable, or uncontrollable can influence the emotion experienced. * Appraisal models similarly propose that different evaluations of the same negative event can produce different emotional responses. * Supporting this, Tracy and Robins (2006) found that internal, stable, uncontrollable attributions following failure were associated with shame, whereas internal, unstable, controllable attributions were associated with guilt. ==How does self-blame influence different emotions?== ===Focus question 3: How does self-blame influence different emotions?=== * Self-blame can contribute to different emotional responses depending on whether negative evaluation is directed toward a particular behaviour or more broadly toward the self. * Guilt and shame are especially relevant, research indicates that internal attributions can contribute to both emotions, while differences in perceived stability and controllability help determine which response occurs (Tracy & Robins, 2006). * Internal, unstable, controllable explanations are more strongly associated with guilt, whereas internal, stable, uncontrollable explanations are more strongly associated with shame. * Characterological self-blame has also been associated with depressive symptoms, whereas Peterson et al. (1981) found behavioural self-blame was associated with a lack of depressive symptoms in their undergraduate sample. * This relationship is not entirely straightforward. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame uniquely contributed to depression and loneliness, highlighting the importance of context and measurement. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] hydo88avjv7tsrlpvq4odjmofbrog4j 2840401 2840398 2026-10-15T06:14:12Z U3281277 3109857 /* Overview */ 2840401 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * How does sel-blame develop following negative events? * Why does self-blame influence emotional responses? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future. Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. '''Behavioural self-blame:''' Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. '''Characterological self-blame:''' Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. {{RoundBoxBottom}} === Focus Question: How does self-blame develop following negative events? === * Self-blame occurs when an individual attributes responsibility or causation for a negative event or outcome to themselves. * Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame, demonstrating that self-blame can involve different explanations for why a negative event occurred. * Behavioural self-blame focuses on specific and potentially modifiable actions, such as “I didn't study enough”, whereas characterological self-blame focuses on relatively stable characteristics of the self, such as “I'm not intelligent enough” (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Behavioural self-blame may provide a greater sense of control because the perceived cause can potentially be changed, whereas characterological self-blame may reduce perceived control because the cause is viewed as relatively stable (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Research suggests these different attributional styles have different relationships with psychological adjustment, highlighting the importance of distinguishing between forms of self-blame (Anderson et al., 1994; Peterson et al., 1981). ==Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?== ===Focus question 2: Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?=== * Emotional responses are influenced not only by what happens but also by how an individual interprets the cause and meaning of the event. * Attribution theory proposes that causal explanations can differ according to dimensions such as locus, stability, and controllability, which can influence subsequent emotional responses (Weiner, 1985). * Self-blame represents an internal attribution, but whether the attributed cause is viewed as stable, unstable, controllable, or uncontrollable can influence the emotion experienced. * Appraisal models similarly propose that different evaluations of the same negative event can produce different emotional responses. * Supporting this, Tracy and Robins (2006) found that internal, stable, uncontrollable attributions following failure were associated with shame, whereas internal, unstable, controllable attributions were associated with guilt. ==How does self-blame influence different emotions?== ===Focus question 3: How does self-blame influence different emotions?=== * Self-blame can contribute to different emotional responses depending on whether negative evaluation is directed toward a particular behaviour or more broadly toward the self. * Guilt and shame are especially relevant, research indicates that internal attributions can contribute to both emotions, while differences in perceived stability and controllability help determine which response occurs (Tracy & Robins, 2006). * Internal, unstable, controllable explanations are more strongly associated with guilt, whereas internal, stable, uncontrollable explanations are more strongly associated with shame. * Characterological self-blame has also been associated with depressive symptoms, whereas Peterson et al. (1981) found behavioural self-blame was associated with a lack of depressive symptoms in their undergraduate sample. * This relationship is not entirely straightforward. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame uniquely contributed to depression and loneliness, highlighting the importance of context and measurement. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] razc3x4qgkzyufk162a9kokippsaz6v 2840406 2840401 2026-10-15T06:45:14Z U3281277 3109857 /* What is self-blame? */ 2840406 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * How does sel-blame develop following negative events? * Why does self-blame influence emotional responses? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. '''Behavioural self-blame:''' Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. '''Characterological self-blame:''' Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. === Focus Question: How does self-blame develop following negative events? === * Self-blame occurs when an individual attributes responsibility or causation for a negative event or outcome to themselves. * Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame, demonstrating that self-blame can involve different explanations for why a negative event occurred. * Behavioural self-blame focuses on specific and potentially modifiable actions, such as “I didn't study enough”, whereas characterological self-blame focuses on relatively stable characteristics of the self, such as “I'm not intelligent enough” (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Behavioural self-blame may provide a greater sense of control because the perceived cause can potentially be changed, whereas characterological self-blame may reduce perceived control because the cause is viewed as relatively stable (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Research suggests these different attributional styles have different relationships with psychological adjustment, highlighting the importance of distinguishing between forms of self-blame (Anderson et al., 1994; Peterson et al., 1981). ==Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?== ===Focus question 2: Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?=== * Emotional responses are influenced not only by what happens but also by how an individual interprets the cause and meaning of the event. * Attribution theory proposes that causal explanations can differ according to dimensions such as locus, stability, and controllability, which can influence subsequent emotional responses (Weiner, 1985). * Self-blame represents an internal attribution, but whether the attributed cause is viewed as stable, unstable, controllable, or uncontrollable can influence the emotion experienced. * Appraisal models similarly propose that different evaluations of the same negative event can produce different emotional responses. * Supporting this, Tracy and Robins (2006) found that internal, stable, uncontrollable attributions following failure were associated with shame, whereas internal, unstable, controllable attributions were associated with guilt. ==How does self-blame influence different emotions?== ===Focus question 3: How does self-blame influence different emotions?=== * Self-blame can contribute to different emotional responses depending on whether negative evaluation is directed toward a particular behaviour or more broadly toward the self. * Guilt and shame are especially relevant, research indicates that internal attributions can contribute to both emotions, while differences in perceived stability and controllability help determine which response occurs (Tracy & Robins, 2006). * Internal, unstable, controllable explanations are more strongly associated with guilt, whereas internal, stable, uncontrollable explanations are more strongly associated with shame. * Characterological self-blame has also been associated with depressive symptoms, whereas Peterson et al. (1981) found behavioural self-blame was associated with a lack of depressive symptoms in their undergraduate sample. * This relationship is not entirely straightforward. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame uniquely contributed to depression and loneliness, highlighting the importance of context and measurement. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] 798r81qdh2yrfy5z9tx9uuzo0g18a6z 2840407 2840406 2026-10-15T06:46:10Z U3281277 3109857 /* Focus Question: How does self-blame develop following negative events? */ 2840407 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * How does sel-blame develop following negative events? * Why does self-blame influence emotional responses? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. '''Behavioural self-blame:''' Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. '''Characterological self-blame:''' Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question: How does self-blame develop following negative events? == * Self-blame occurs when an individual attributes responsibility or causation for a negative event or outcome to themselves. * Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame, demonstrating that self-blame can involve different explanations for why a negative event occurred. * Behavioural self-blame focuses on specific and potentially modifiable actions, such as “I didn't study enough”, whereas characterological self-blame focuses on relatively stable characteristics of the self, such as “I'm not intelligent enough” (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Behavioural self-blame may provide a greater sense of control because the perceived cause can potentially be changed, whereas characterological self-blame may reduce perceived control because the cause is viewed as relatively stable (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Research suggests these different attributional styles have different relationships with psychological adjustment, highlighting the importance of distinguishing between forms of self-blame (Anderson et al., 1994; Peterson et al., 1981). ==Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?== ===Focus question 2: Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?=== * Emotional responses are influenced not only by what happens but also by how an individual interprets the cause and meaning of the event. * Attribution theory proposes that causal explanations can differ according to dimensions such as locus, stability, and controllability, which can influence subsequent emotional responses (Weiner, 1985). * Self-blame represents an internal attribution, but whether the attributed cause is viewed as stable, unstable, controllable, or uncontrollable can influence the emotion experienced. * Appraisal models similarly propose that different evaluations of the same negative event can produce different emotional responses. * Supporting this, Tracy and Robins (2006) found that internal, stable, uncontrollable attributions following failure were associated with shame, whereas internal, unstable, controllable attributions were associated with guilt. ==How does self-blame influence different emotions?== ===Focus question 3: How does self-blame influence different emotions?=== * Self-blame can contribute to different emotional responses depending on whether negative evaluation is directed toward a particular behaviour or more broadly toward the self. * Guilt and shame are especially relevant, research indicates that internal attributions can contribute to both emotions, while differences in perceived stability and controllability help determine which response occurs (Tracy & Robins, 2006). * Internal, unstable, controllable explanations are more strongly associated with guilt, whereas internal, stable, uncontrollable explanations are more strongly associated with shame. * Characterological self-blame has also been associated with depressive symptoms, whereas Peterson et al. (1981) found behavioural self-blame was associated with a lack of depressive symptoms in their undergraduate sample. * This relationship is not entirely straightforward. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame uniquely contributed to depression and loneliness, highlighting the importance of context and measurement. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] k02cyo64uilpa2m3vx42yfcd1cmz8u1 2840408 2840407 2026-10-15T06:47:34Z U3281277 3109857 /* Focus Question: How does self-blame develop following negative events? */ 2840408 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * How does sel-blame develop following negative events? * Why does self-blame influence emotional responses? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. '''Behavioural self-blame:''' Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. '''Characterological self-blame:''' Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. === Focus Question: How does self-blame develop following negative events? === * Self-blame occurs when an individual attributes responsibility or causation for a negative event or outcome to themselves. * Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame, demonstrating that self-blame can involve different explanations for why a negative event occurred. * Behavioural self-blame focuses on specific and potentially modifiable actions, such as “I didn't study enough”, whereas characterological self-blame focuses on relatively stable characteristics of the self, such as “I'm not intelligent enough” (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Behavioural self-blame may provide a greater sense of control because the perceived cause can potentially be changed, whereas characterological self-blame may reduce perceived control because the cause is viewed as relatively stable (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Research suggests these different attributional styles have different relationships with psychological adjustment, highlighting the importance of distinguishing between forms of self-blame (Anderson et al., 1994; Peterson et al., 1981). ==Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?== ===Focus question 2: Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?=== * Emotional responses are influenced not only by what happens but also by how an individual interprets the cause and meaning of the event. * Attribution theory proposes that causal explanations can differ according to dimensions such as locus, stability, and controllability, which can influence subsequent emotional responses (Weiner, 1985). * Self-blame represents an internal attribution, but whether the attributed cause is viewed as stable, unstable, controllable, or uncontrollable can influence the emotion experienced. * Appraisal models similarly propose that different evaluations of the same negative event can produce different emotional responses. * Supporting this, Tracy and Robins (2006) found that internal, stable, uncontrollable attributions following failure were associated with shame, whereas internal, unstable, controllable attributions were associated with guilt. ==How does self-blame influence different emotions?== ===Focus question 3: How does self-blame influence different emotions?=== * Self-blame can contribute to different emotional responses depending on whether negative evaluation is directed toward a particular behaviour or more broadly toward the self. * Guilt and shame are especially relevant, research indicates that internal attributions can contribute to both emotions, while differences in perceived stability and controllability help determine which response occurs (Tracy & Robins, 2006). * Internal, unstable, controllable explanations are more strongly associated with guilt, whereas internal, stable, uncontrollable explanations are more strongly associated with shame. * Characterological self-blame has also been associated with depressive symptoms, whereas Peterson et al. (1981) found behavioural self-blame was associated with a lack of depressive symptoms in their undergraduate sample. * This relationship is not entirely straightforward. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame uniquely contributed to depression and loneliness, highlighting the importance of context and measurement. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] 798r81qdh2yrfy5z9tx9uuzo0g18a6z 2840409 2840408 2026-10-15T06:55:55Z U3281277 3109857 /* What is self-blame? */ 2840409 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * How does sel-blame develop following negative events? * Why does self-blame influence emotional responses? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} === Focus Question: What are the different forms of self-blame? === Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. ==== Behavioural self-blame:==== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. ==== Characterological self-blame: ==== Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. === Focus Question: How does self-blame develop following negative events? === * Self-blame occurs when an individual attributes responsibility or causation for a negative event or outcome to themselves. * Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame, demonstrating that self-blame can involve different explanations for why a negative event occurred. * Behavioural self-blame focuses on specific and potentially modifiable actions, such as “I didn't study enough”, whereas characterological self-blame focuses on relatively stable characteristics of the self, such as “I'm not intelligent enough” (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Behavioural self-blame may provide a greater sense of control because the perceived cause can potentially be changed, whereas characterological self-blame may reduce perceived control because the cause is viewed as relatively stable (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Research suggests these different attributional styles have different relationships with psychological adjustment, highlighting the importance of distinguishing between forms of self-blame (Anderson et al., 1994; Peterson et al., 1981). ==Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?== ===Focus question 2: Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?=== * Emotional responses are influenced not only by what happens but also by how an individual interprets the cause and meaning of the event. * Attribution theory proposes that causal explanations can differ according to dimensions such as locus, stability, and controllability, which can influence subsequent emotional responses (Weiner, 1985). * Self-blame represents an internal attribution, but whether the attributed cause is viewed as stable, unstable, controllable, or uncontrollable can influence the emotion experienced. * Appraisal models similarly propose that different evaluations of the same negative event can produce different emotional responses. * Supporting this, Tracy and Robins (2006) found that internal, stable, uncontrollable attributions following failure were associated with shame, whereas internal, unstable, controllable attributions were associated with guilt. ==How does self-blame influence different emotions?== ===Focus question 3: How does self-blame influence different emotions?=== * Self-blame can contribute to different emotional responses depending on whether negative evaluation is directed toward a particular behaviour or more broadly toward the self. * Guilt and shame are especially relevant, research indicates that internal attributions can contribute to both emotions, while differences in perceived stability and controllability help determine which response occurs (Tracy & Robins, 2006). * Internal, unstable, controllable explanations are more strongly associated with guilt, whereas internal, stable, uncontrollable explanations are more strongly associated with shame. * Characterological self-blame has also been associated with depressive symptoms, whereas Peterson et al. (1981) found behavioural self-blame was associated with a lack of depressive symptoms in their undergraduate sample. * This relationship is not entirely straightforward. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame uniquely contributed to depression and loneliness, highlighting the importance of context and measurement. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] 7ubmfzqzd9me254kif0mbmgm96tfa80 2840410 2840409 2026-10-15T06:56:56Z U3281277 3109857 /* Focus Question: What are the different forms of self-blame? */ 2840410 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * How does sel-blame develop following negative events? * Why does self-blame influence emotional responses? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. ==== Behavioural self-blame:==== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. ==== Characterological self-blame: ==== Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. === Focus Question: How does self-blame develop following negative events? === * Self-blame occurs when an individual attributes responsibility or causation for a negative event or outcome to themselves. * Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame, demonstrating that self-blame can involve different explanations for why a negative event occurred. * Behavioural self-blame focuses on specific and potentially modifiable actions, such as “I didn't study enough”, whereas characterological self-blame focuses on relatively stable characteristics of the self, such as “I'm not intelligent enough” (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Behavioural self-blame may provide a greater sense of control because the perceived cause can potentially be changed, whereas characterological self-blame may reduce perceived control because the cause is viewed as relatively stable (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Research suggests these different attributional styles have different relationships with psychological adjustment, highlighting the importance of distinguishing between forms of self-blame (Anderson et al., 1994; Peterson et al., 1981). ==Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?== ===Focus question 2: Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?=== * Emotional responses are influenced not only by what happens but also by how an individual interprets the cause and meaning of the event. * Attribution theory proposes that causal explanations can differ according to dimensions such as locus, stability, and controllability, which can influence subsequent emotional responses (Weiner, 1985). * Self-blame represents an internal attribution, but whether the attributed cause is viewed as stable, unstable, controllable, or uncontrollable can influence the emotion experienced. * Appraisal models similarly propose that different evaluations of the same negative event can produce different emotional responses. * Supporting this, Tracy and Robins (2006) found that internal, stable, uncontrollable attributions following failure were associated with shame, whereas internal, unstable, controllable attributions were associated with guilt. ==How does self-blame influence different emotions?== ===Focus question 3: How does self-blame influence different emotions?=== * Self-blame can contribute to different emotional responses depending on whether negative evaluation is directed toward a particular behaviour or more broadly toward the self. * Guilt and shame are especially relevant, research indicates that internal attributions can contribute to both emotions, while differences in perceived stability and controllability help determine which response occurs (Tracy & Robins, 2006). * Internal, unstable, controllable explanations are more strongly associated with guilt, whereas internal, stable, uncontrollable explanations are more strongly associated with shame. * Characterological self-blame has also been associated with depressive symptoms, whereas Peterson et al. (1981) found behavioural self-blame was associated with a lack of depressive symptoms in their undergraduate sample. * This relationship is not entirely straightforward. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame uniquely contributed to depression and loneliness, highlighting the importance of context and measurement. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] ax48adz7jg2gb1iuacuex9010yc5kzx 2840414 2840410 2026-10-15T07:03:42Z U3281277 3109857 /* Overview */ 2840414 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. ==== Behavioural self-blame:==== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. ==== Characterological self-blame: ==== Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. === Focus Question: How does self-blame develop following negative events? === * Self-blame occurs when an individual attributes responsibility or causation for a negative event or outcome to themselves. * Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame, demonstrating that self-blame can involve different explanations for why a negative event occurred. * Behavioural self-blame focuses on specific and potentially modifiable actions, such as “I didn't study enough”, whereas characterological self-blame focuses on relatively stable characteristics of the self, such as “I'm not intelligent enough” (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Behavioural self-blame may provide a greater sense of control because the perceived cause can potentially be changed, whereas characterological self-blame may reduce perceived control because the cause is viewed as relatively stable (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Research suggests these different attributional styles have different relationships with psychological adjustment, highlighting the importance of distinguishing between forms of self-blame (Anderson et al., 1994; Peterson et al., 1981). ==Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?== ===Focus question 2: Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?=== * Emotional responses are influenced not only by what happens but also by how an individual interprets the cause and meaning of the event. * Attribution theory proposes that causal explanations can differ according to dimensions such as locus, stability, and controllability, which can influence subsequent emotional responses (Weiner, 1985). * Self-blame represents an internal attribution, but whether the attributed cause is viewed as stable, unstable, controllable, or uncontrollable can influence the emotion experienced. * Appraisal models similarly propose that different evaluations of the same negative event can produce different emotional responses. * Supporting this, Tracy and Robins (2006) found that internal, stable, uncontrollable attributions following failure were associated with shame, whereas internal, unstable, controllable attributions were associated with guilt. ==How does self-blame influence different emotions?== ===Focus question 3: How does self-blame influence different emotions?=== * Self-blame can contribute to different emotional responses depending on whether negative evaluation is directed toward a particular behaviour or more broadly toward the self. * Guilt and shame are especially relevant, research indicates that internal attributions can contribute to both emotions, while differences in perceived stability and controllability help determine which response occurs (Tracy & Robins, 2006). * Internal, unstable, controllable explanations are more strongly associated with guilt, whereas internal, stable, uncontrollable explanations are more strongly associated with shame. * Characterological self-blame has also been associated with depressive symptoms, whereas Peterson et al. (1981) found behavioural self-blame was associated with a lack of depressive symptoms in their undergraduate sample. * This relationship is not entirely straightforward. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame uniquely contributed to depression and loneliness, highlighting the importance of context and measurement. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] ayywr2kzi0pak2jjjl359y5pd450yfm 2840416 2840414 2026-10-15T07:12:44Z U3281277 3109857 /* Focus Question: How does self-blame develop following negative events? */ 2840416 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. ==== Behavioural self-blame:==== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. ==== Characterological self-blame: ==== Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. ==Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?== ===Focus question 2: Why does self-blame influence emotional responses?=== * Emotional responses are influenced not only by what happens but also by how an individual interprets the cause and meaning of the event. * Attribution theory proposes that causal explanations can differ according to dimensions such as locus, stability, and controllability, which can influence subsequent emotional responses (Weiner, 1985). * Self-blame represents an internal attribution, but whether the attributed cause is viewed as stable, unstable, controllable, or uncontrollable can influence the emotion experienced. * Appraisal models similarly propose that different evaluations of the same negative event can produce different emotional responses. * Supporting this, Tracy and Robins (2006) found that internal, stable, uncontrollable attributions following failure were associated with shame, whereas internal, unstable, controllable attributions were associated with guilt. ==How does self-blame influence different emotions?== ===Focus question 3: How does self-blame influence different emotions?=== * Self-blame can contribute to different emotional responses depending on whether negative evaluation is directed toward a particular behaviour or more broadly toward the self. * Guilt and shame are especially relevant, research indicates that internal attributions can contribute to both emotions, while differences in perceived stability and controllability help determine which response occurs (Tracy & Robins, 2006). * Internal, unstable, controllable explanations are more strongly associated with guilt, whereas internal, stable, uncontrollable explanations are more strongly associated with shame. * Characterological self-blame has also been associated with depressive symptoms, whereas Peterson et al. (1981) found behavioural self-blame was associated with a lack of depressive symptoms in their undergraduate sample. * This relationship is not entirely straightforward. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame uniquely contributed to depression and loneliness, highlighting the importance of context and measurement. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] 8xip1xdg4aehheolt5ocxdykkxjqczx 2840421 2840416 2026-10-15T08:19:27Z U3281277 3109857 /* Why does self-blame influence emotional responses? */ 2840421 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. ==== Behavioural self-blame:==== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. ==== Characterological self-blame: ==== Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. ==How does self-blame influence different emotions?== ===Focus question 3: How does self-blame influence different emotions?=== * Self-blame can contribute to different emotional responses depending on whether negative evaluation is directed toward a particular behaviour or more broadly toward the self. * Guilt and shame are especially relevant, research indicates that internal attributions can contribute to both emotions, while differences in perceived stability and controllability help determine which response occurs (Tracy & Robins, 2006). * Internal, unstable, controllable explanations are more strongly associated with guilt, whereas internal, stable, uncontrollable explanations are more strongly associated with shame. * Characterological self-blame has also been associated with depressive symptoms, whereas Peterson et al. (1981) found behavioural self-blame was associated with a lack of depressive symptoms in their undergraduate sample. * This relationship is not entirely straightforward. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame uniquely contributed to depression and loneliness, highlighting the importance of context and measurement. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] 4cn4qk678l2eohm2m5bgnppawhyq1je 2840426 2840421 2026-10-15T09:30:16Z U3281277 3109857 /* How does self-blame influence different emotions? */ 2840426 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. ==== Behavioural self-blame:==== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. ==== Characterological self-blame: ==== Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. == Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms == Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] aorrvyi52khcna6gspm2omdmq6njala 2840427 2840426 2026-10-15T09:33:38Z U3281277 3109857 /* Behavioural self-blame: */ 2840427 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. ==== Characterological self-blame: ==== Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. == Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms == Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] gtop2ciammvk5h5s3tinzi43584p2g1 2840428 2840427 2026-10-15T09:33:55Z U3281277 3109857 /* Characterological self-blame: */ 2840428 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. == Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms == Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] e6ndpgexy2hq4iljgwxr695c6nwwmwf 2840429 2840428 2026-10-15T09:34:25Z U3281277 3109857 /* Focus Question: What are the different forms of self-blame? */ 2840429 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. == Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms == Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] jdig1a3ivuslvsyn98tww4q9hhm7nyp 2840431 2840429 2026-10-15T09:34:40Z U3281277 3109857 /* Focus Question: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? */ 2840431 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. == Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms == Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. ==When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?== ===Focus question 4: When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive?=== *Whether self-blame is adaptive or maladaptive may depend on what an individual blames, whether the cause is perceived as changeable, and the emotional response that follows. * Behavioural self-blame may sometimes be adaptive because attributing a negative outcome to a modifiable behaviour can preserve perceived control and the belief that similar outcomes can be avoided in the future (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * Characterological self-blame may be more maladaptive because it attributes negative outcomes to relatively enduring and less changeable aspects of the self; it has been associated with depressive symptoms (Janoff-Bulman, 1979). * However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered adaptive. Anderson et al. (1994) found that both behavioural and characterological attributional styles could contribute to depression and loneliness. * Therefore, the psychological consequences of self-blame depend on the form, context, and meaning of the attribution, rather than self-blame being inherently helpful or harmful. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] j0crdwepn3ynubygh3vnwyqb0m8dr0b 2840432 2840431 2026-10-15T09:41:33Z U3281277 3109857 /* When is self-blame adaptive or maladaptive? */ 2840432 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. == Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms == Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Self-blame is not a single process; distinguishing between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why individuals can respond differently to similar negative events * Attribution and appraisal processes help explain how perceptions of responsibility, stability, and controllability influence emotional responses, particularly guilt and shame (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Characterological self-blame appears particularly relevant to depressive symptoms, while the consequences of behavioural self-blame are more complex and should not automatically be considered adaptive (Peterson et al., 1981; Anderson et al., 1994). * Overall, the emotional consequences of self-blame depend not simply on whether an individual blames themselves, but how they blame themselves. Author Note: Expand the distinction between guilt and shame, including why behaviour-focused and self-focused appraisals may produce different emotional consequences (Tracy & Robins, 2006). Discuss the evidence linking characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms, while acknowledging that behavioural self-blame is not always adaptive * Include a brief critical evaluation of the research, noting that findings about behavioural self-blame are mixed and may depend on context and how self-blame is measured. * Link the conclusion back to the broader theme of using psychological science to understand and improve emotional experiences. * Return to the opening university scenario and explain how “I didn't prepare enough” and “I'm not smart enough” represent different forms of self-blame and may lead to different emotional responses. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] lfvkzozafte6unevsn7jcs7cgg5fed2 2840436 2840432 2026-10-15T09:45:52Z U3281277 3109857 /* Conclusion */ 2840436 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. == Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms == Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] pro8hxxu492llfichue2mtcpeufhwoo 2840437 2840436 2026-10-15T09:48:02Z U3281277 3109857 /* See also */ 2840437 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. == Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms == Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] pn8szjzrd9tiocek2iscqyufp184r4t 2840438 2840437 2026-10-15T09:49:00Z U3281277 3109857 /* See also */ 2840438 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. == Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms == Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] npqrglfrmu4oz1w08vuh9iwqdviu23j 2840440 2840438 2026-10-15T10:03:26Z U3281277 3109857 /* Behavioural self-blame: */ 2840440 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{SquareBoxTop}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{SquareBoxBottom}} === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. == Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms == Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] hz8v9hftnaj5j8on2jj25semth6it77 2840441 2840440 2026-10-15T10:05:43Z U3281277 3109857 /* Behavioural self-blame: */ 2840441 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundedBoxTop}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundedBoxBottom}} [['''Figure 2''' Study Results ]] === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. == Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms == Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] h5r9g4twqdjlmo5kldu5mtl794tp9ya 2840442 2840441 2026-10-15T10:07:48Z U3281277 3109857 /* Behavioural self-blame: */ 2840442 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ['''Figure 2,''' Study results] === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. == Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms == Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] 5i5ik1unpifrqjtvzxvemz2faago7ub 2840443 2840442 2026-10-15T10:08:31Z U3281277 3109857 /* Behavioural self-blame: */ 2840443 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=14}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ['''Figure 2,''' Study results] === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. == Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms == Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] fdk49ho7rip8mg5bzx457bsjvp472oo 2840444 2840443 2026-10-15T10:08:51Z U3281277 3109857 /* Behavioural self-blame: */ 2840444 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ['''Figure 2,''' Study results] === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. == Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms == Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] 30i83a8mhkteql7i8dafi9r0e5hfytm 2840445 2840444 2026-10-15T10:25:34Z U3281277 3109857 /* Learning features */ 2840445 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ['''Figure 2,''' Study results] === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. == Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms == Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] 5x1ostkjwooekr1iigwpddtfxrj9jve 2840446 2840445 2026-10-15T10:26:25Z U3281277 3109857 /* Learning features */ 2840446 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ['''Figure 2,''' Study results] === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. == Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms == Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Choose your answers and click "Submit": {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] 4yxr2ol7z9um4hrpkzrvz1h555l6cwg 2840447 2840446 2026-10-15T10:27:09Z U3281277 3109857 /* Learning features */ 2840447 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ['''Figure 2,''' Study results] === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. == Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms == Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] 99q87ermnu1vz80wq5a2pa03s6kp5kj 2840448 2840447 2026-10-15T10:27:54Z U3281277 3109857 /* Learning features */ 2840448 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ['''Figure 2,''' Study results] === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. == Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms == Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] e0f52f52vsxmjofrrdgjyjy7n4338xj 2840453 2840448 2026-10-15T10:42:36Z U3281277 3109857 /* Guilt and shame */ 2840453 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ['''Figure 2,''' Study results] === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Does research suggest that characterological self-blame is closely associated with feelings of shame?: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms == Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] dqrv5gsujer17m6q3wwfkh79gs7sxcm 2840454 2840453 2026-10-15T10:43:26Z U3281277 3109857 /* Guilt and shame */ 2840454 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ['''Figure 2,''' Study results] === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Research suggests that characterological self-blame is closely associated with feelings of shame: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> == Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms == Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] hgm29x0kqj5jz6zaspi65g6jg2n1fze 2840456 2840454 2026-10-15T10:44:13Z U3281277 3109857 /* Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms */ 2840456 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundBoxBottom}} ['''Figure 2,''' Study results] === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Research suggests that characterological self-blame is closely associated with feelings of shame: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> === Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms === Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] ohw67m0uvkkc4by1u850m3hsi1ob2wi 2840458 2840456 2026-10-15T10:46:36Z U3281277 3109857 /* Behavioural self-blame: */ 2840458 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundBoxBottom}} === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Research suggests that characterological self-blame is closely associated with feelings of shame: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> === Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms === Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] 0jd7l2bc3sc978te0r2f7eahv7vkg9h 2840459 2840458 2026-10-15T10:47:02Z U3281277 3109857 /* Characterological self-blame: */ 2840459 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundBoxBottom}} === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Research suggests that characterological self-blame is closely associated with feelings of shame: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> === Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms === Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] chio0iigojqn3r8p6skqzbc6y7vfc9n 2840461 2840459 2026-10-15T10:47:19Z U3281277 3109857 /* Behavioural self-blame: */ 2840461 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundBoxBottom}} === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Research suggests that characterological self-blame is closely associated with feelings of shame: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> === Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms === Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Furthermore, the evidence discussed here is stronger for guilt, shame and depressive symptoms than for anxiety specifically. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] anq5846ik3ctwzdo14w6n7td08on1q6 2840463 2840461 2026-10-15T10:53:13Z U3281277 3109857 /* Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms */ 2840463 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundBoxBottom}} === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Research suggests that characterological self-blame is closely associated with feelings of shame: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> === Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms === Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Further evidence comes from Kim et al. (2011), who conducted a meta-analysis of 108 studies involving 22,411 participants. They found that shame had a stronger association with depressive symptoms (r = .43) than guilt (r = .28). However, guilt involving exaggerated responsibility for events beyond a person's control was also strongly associated with depressive symptoms (r = .39). These findings suggest that emotional difficulties may depend not only on whether someone experiences guilt or shame, but also on how they interpret their responsibility for a negative event. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] 2nc64675wk9kzdgho9xurkpf10z73cm 2840464 2840463 2026-10-15T10:54:18Z U3281277 3109857 /* When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress */ 2840464 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundBoxBottom}} === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Research suggests that characterological self-blame is closely associated with feelings of shame: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> === Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms === Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Further evidence comes from Kim et al. (2011), who conducted a meta-analysis of 108 studies involving 22,411 participants. They found that shame had a stronger association with depressive symptoms (r = .43) than guilt (r = .28). However, guilt involving exaggerated responsibility for events beyond a person's control was also strongly associated with depressive symptoms (r = .39). These findings suggest that emotional difficulties may depend not only on whether someone experiences guilt or shame, but also on how they interpret their responsibility for a negative event. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Research by Frazier (1990) also challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily less harmful than characterological self-blame. In a study involving women who had experienced sexual assault, both forms of self-blame were significantly associated with greater depressive symptoms. This suggests that focusing on one's behaviour does not always reduce emotional distress. However, because the study examined responses to a traumatic experience, its findings may not apply in the same way to less severe negative events, such as everyday mistakes or disappointing performance. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] h76u5pkfvo748covkuy7iay37r0z24t 2840467 2840464 2026-10-15T10:57:10Z U3281277 3109857 /* Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? */ 2840467 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundBoxBottom}} === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Research suggests that characterological self-blame is closely associated with feelings of shame: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> === Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms === Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Further evidence comes from Kim et al. (2011), who conducted a meta-analysis of 108 studies involving 22,411 participants. They found that shame had a stronger association with depressive symptoms (r = .43) than guilt (r = .28). However, guilt involving exaggerated responsibility for events beyond a person's control was also strongly associated with depressive symptoms (r = .39). These findings suggest that emotional difficulties may depend not only on whether someone experiences guilt or shame, but also on how they interpret their responsibility for a negative event. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to more forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. Research by Tangney et al. (2007) also suggests that feelings of guilt can encourage constructive responses following negative experiences. Their review found that guilt is often associated with taking responsibility and attempting to repair mistakes, rather than avoiding the situation. For example, someone who recognises that their actions have negatively affected another person may feel guilty and decide to apologise or change their behaviour. This suggests that recognising responsibility for a negative outcome may encourage positive change when attention is directed towards what can be done differently in the future. However, guilt should not automatically be considered helpful, particularly when someone takes responsibility for circumstances beyond their control. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Research by Frazier (1990) also challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily less harmful than characterological self-blame. In a study involving women who had experienced sexual assault, both forms of self-blame were significantly associated with greater depressive symptoms. This suggests that focusing on one's behaviour does not always reduce emotional distress. However, because the study examined responses to a traumatic experience, its findings may not apply in the same way to less severe negative events, such as everyday mistakes or disappointing performance. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] h8ouxbkgfgu7alwpd8wfcvngbirslsk 2840468 2840467 2026-10-15T10:58:13Z U3281277 3109857 /* Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? */ 2840468 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundBoxBottom}} === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Research suggests that characterological self-blame is closely associated with feelings of shame: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> === Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms === Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Further evidence comes from Kim et al. (2011), who conducted a meta-analysis of 108 studies involving 22,411 participants. They found that shame had a stronger association with depressive symptoms (r = .43) than guilt (r = .28). However, guilt involving exaggerated responsibility for events beyond a person's control was also strongly associated with depressive symptoms (r = .39). These findings suggest that emotional difficulties may depend not only on whether someone experiences guilt or shame, but also on how they interpret their responsibility for a negative event. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts the responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to move forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. Research by Tangney et al. (2007) also suggests that feelings of guilt can encourage constructive responses following negative experiences. Their review found that guilt is often associated with taking responsibility and attempting to repair mistakes, rather than avoiding the situation. For example, someone who recognises that their actions have negatively affected another person may feel guilty and decide to apologise or change their behaviour. This suggests that recognising responsibility for a negative outcome may encourage positive change when attention is directed towards what can be done differently in the future. However, guilt should not automatically be considered helpful, particularly when someone takes responsibility for circumstances beyond their control. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. Research by Frazier (1990) also challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily less harmful than characterological self-blame. In a study involving women who had experienced sexual assault, both forms of self-blame were significantly associated with greater depressive symptoms. This suggests that focusing on one's behaviour does not always reduce emotional distress. However, because the study examined responses to a traumatic experience, its findings may not apply in the same way to less severe negative events, such as everyday mistakes or disappointing performance. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic and whether reflecting on the experience allows them to move forward. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances that cannot be changed may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] q0j9rmgb8vav80de019fv9p6vctopgj 2840470 2840468 2026-10-15T11:00:16Z U3281277 3109857 /* Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? */ 2840470 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundBoxBottom}} === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Research suggests that characterological self-blame is closely associated with feelings of shame: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> === Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms === Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Further evidence comes from Kim et al. (2011), who conducted a meta-analysis of 108 studies involving 22,411 participants. They found that shame had a stronger association with depressive symptoms (r = .43) than guilt (r = .28). However, guilt involving exaggerated responsibility for events beyond a person's control was also strongly associated with depressive symptoms (r = .39). These findings suggest that emotional difficulties may depend not only on whether someone experiences guilt or shame, but also on how they interpret their responsibility for a negative event. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to move forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. Research by Tangney et al. (2007) suggests that guilt can encourage constructive responses following negative experiences. Their review discusses how guilt is often associated with taking responsibility and attempting to repair mistakes, such as apologising after hurting someone. This suggests that recognising responsibility may encourage positive change when attention is directed towards what can be done differently in the future. However, guilt is not necessarily helpful when someone takes responsibility for circumstances beyond their control. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. The potential harm of self-blame is not limited to repeatedly thinking about negative experiences. Frazier (1990) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with greater depressive symptoms among women who had experienced sexual assault. These findings challenge the assumption that focusing on one's behaviour is necessarily less harmful than blaming personal characteristics. However, because the study examined responses to a traumatic experience, its findings may not apply in the same way to everyday mistakes or disappointing performance. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic, whether the person has control over future outcomes, and whether reflecting on the experience encourages constructive action. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances beyond one's control may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How people explain their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they interpret an event as evidence of something wrong with their behaviour or personal characteristics. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain this relationship by showing that emotional responses depend not only on what happened, but also on how individuals understand the cause and meaning of the experience. Although behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive than characterological self-blame, research suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning that focusing on a particular behaviour does not necessarily protect someone from distress. This highlights the importance of considering how people respond to their perceived responsibility, rather than assuming that one form of self-blame is always helpful. Ultimately, self-blame may be more constructive when it involves realistic responsibility and encourages someone to learn from an experience. However, when it involves repeated negative thoughts or responsibility for circumstances beyond a person's control, it may contribute to ongoing distress. Understanding these differences helps explain why similar negative experiences can lead to very different emotional outcomes. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] 0s3lsg2ujrkblk1x0n0nvorm2v4aj9n 2840471 2840470 2026-10-15T11:01:31Z U3281277 3109857 /* Conclusion */ 2840471 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Student experiencing high levels of stress due to poor grades ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are a university student who has just received a disappointing grade on an assignment you worked hard on (see Figure 1). Your first thought is, "I should have started earlier. I didn't prepare well enough." As you continue thinking about the result, your thoughts become more personal, "maybe I'm just not smart enough to do well at university." You begin to feel guilty about how you prepared, ashamed of your performance, and anxious about your next assignment. Both reactions involve blaming yourself for the same negative event, but are they psychologically the same? Blaming a specific behaviour may have different emotional consequences from blaming an enduring characteristic of yourself. How might these different forms of self-blame influence your emotions and how you respond to future setbacks? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundBoxBottom}} === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Research suggests that characterological self-blame is closely associated with feelings of shame: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> === Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms === Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Further evidence comes from Kim et al. (2011), who conducted a meta-analysis of 108 studies involving 22,411 participants. They found that shame had a stronger association with depressive symptoms (r = .43) than guilt (r = .28). However, guilt involving exaggerated responsibility for events beyond a person's control was also strongly associated with depressive symptoms (r = .39). These findings suggest that emotional difficulties may depend not only on whether someone experiences guilt or shame, but also on how they interpret their responsibility for a negative event. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to move forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. Research by Tangney et al. (2007) suggests that guilt can encourage constructive responses following negative experiences. Their review discusses how guilt is often associated with taking responsibility and attempting to repair mistakes, such as apologising after hurting someone. This suggests that recognising responsibility may encourage positive change when attention is directed towards what can be done differently in the future. However, guilt is not necessarily helpful when someone takes responsibility for circumstances beyond their control. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. The potential harm of self-blame is not limited to repeatedly thinking about negative experiences. Frazier (1990) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with greater depressive symptoms among women who had experienced sexual assault. These findings challenge the assumption that focusing on one's behaviour is necessarily less harmful than blaming personal characteristics. However, because the study examined responses to a traumatic experience, its findings may not apply in the same way to everyday mistakes or disappointing performance. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic, whether the person has control over future outcomes, and whether reflecting on the experience encourages constructive action. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances beyond one's control may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How individuals interpret their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they attribute an outcome to their behaviour or personal characteristics. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why people may respond differently to similar experiences. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory further demonstrate that emotional responses are influenced not only by what happens, but also by how individuals understand the cause and meaning of an event. Research highlights the relationship between self-blame and emotions such as guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. While behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive because it focuses on actions that may be changed, the evidence suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms of self-blame have been associated with emotional difficulties, challenging the assumption that focusing on one's behaviour necessarily protects against distress. Similarly, although guilt may encourage individuals to take responsibility and repair mistakes, it can also become distressing when someone assumes responsibility for circumstances beyond their control. Ultimately, whether self-blame is helpful or harmful may depend on how realistically individuals assess their responsibility and what they do with that understanding. Recognising a mistake may encourage reflection and positive change, particularly when future outcomes can be influenced by different actions. However, repeated negative thoughts or blaming oneself for uncontrollable circumstances may contribute to ongoing emotional distress. Understanding these differences is important because it shows that taking responsibility does not have to involve continued self-criticism. Instead, learning from negative experiences may be more constructive when individuals recognise what they can change without assuming responsibility for everything that went wrong. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] 1ssp0gplmr3ofs7z97dk0vvyls9z4jr 2840473 2840471 2026-10-15T11:08:22Z U3281277 3109857 /* Overview */ 2840473 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Two friends having an argument ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are having an argument with someone close to you. Afterwards, you begin thinking about what went wrong and whether you could have handled the situation differently. You might think, "I should have listened more carefully" or "I shouldn't have reacted that way." Alternatively, you might begin questioning yourself more personally, thinking, "I'm a terrible friend" or "There's something wrong with me." Although both responses involve blaming yourself for the same negative experience, they focus on different aspects of responsibility. These thoughts may also lead to different emotional responses. You might feel guilty about what you said and want to apologise, or you might feel ashamed and begin questioning your worth as a person. For some people, reflecting on the experience may encourage them to approach future disagreements differently. For others, repeatedly blaming themselves may make it difficult to move forward, particularly when they believe the problem is part of who they are. This raises an important question: Why can blaming ourselves for a negative experience sometimes encourage positive change, while at other times contributing to ongoing emotional distress? {{RoundBoxBottom}} When people experience negative events, they often reflect on what went wrong and whether they could have done something differently. This can sometimes lead to self-blame, where an individual believes that their actions or personal characteristics contributed to the negative outcome. These thoughts can influence how a person feels about the experience, including feelings of guilt, shame, sadness or anxiety. They may also affect how someone approaches similar situations in the future, particularly if they are worried about making the same mistake again. However, not all forms of self-blame have the same emotional consequences. For example, blaming yourself for not preparing enough is different from believing that you are simply not capable of succeeding. The first explanation focuses on a behaviour that could potentially be changed, while the second involves a more negative judgement about yourself. This distinction is important because the way people explain negative experiences may influence whether they learn from the situation or continue experiencing emotional distress. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores different forms of self-blame, the psychological theories that help explain these responses, and research examining their emotional consequences. It also considers when self-blame may encourage constructive changes and when it may contribute to ongoing negative emotions. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundBoxBottom}} === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Research suggests that characterological self-blame is closely associated with feelings of shame: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> === Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms === Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Further evidence comes from Kim et al. (2011), who conducted a meta-analysis of 108 studies involving 22,411 participants. They found that shame had a stronger association with depressive symptoms (r = .43) than guilt (r = .28). However, guilt involving exaggerated responsibility for events beyond a person's control was also strongly associated with depressive symptoms (r = .39). These findings suggest that emotional difficulties may depend not only on whether someone experiences guilt or shame, but also on how they interpret their responsibility for a negative event. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to move forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. Research by Tangney et al. (2007) suggests that guilt can encourage constructive responses following negative experiences. Their review discusses how guilt is often associated with taking responsibility and attempting to repair mistakes, such as apologising after hurting someone. This suggests that recognising responsibility may encourage positive change when attention is directed towards what can be done differently in the future. However, guilt is not necessarily helpful when someone takes responsibility for circumstances beyond their control. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. The potential harm of self-blame is not limited to repeatedly thinking about negative experiences. Frazier (1990) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with greater depressive symptoms among women who had experienced sexual assault. These findings challenge the assumption that focusing on one's behaviour is necessarily less harmful than blaming personal characteristics. However, because the study examined responses to a traumatic experience, its findings may not apply in the same way to everyday mistakes or disappointing performance. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic, whether the person has control over future outcomes, and whether reflecting on the experience encourages constructive action. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances beyond one's control may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How individuals interpret their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they attribute an outcome to their behaviour or personal characteristics. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why people may respond differently to similar experiences. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory further demonstrate that emotional responses are influenced not only by what happens, but also by how individuals understand the cause and meaning of an event. Research highlights the relationship between self-blame and emotions such as guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. While behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive because it focuses on actions that may be changed, the evidence suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms of self-blame have been associated with emotional difficulties, challenging the assumption that focusing on one's behaviour necessarily protects against distress. Similarly, although guilt may encourage individuals to take responsibility and repair mistakes, it can also become distressing when someone assumes responsibility for circumstances beyond their control. Ultimately, whether self-blame is helpful or harmful may depend on how realistically individuals assess their responsibility and what they do with that understanding. Recognising a mistake may encourage reflection and positive change, particularly when future outcomes can be influenced by different actions. However, repeated negative thoughts or blaming oneself for uncontrollable circumstances may contribute to ongoing emotional distress. Understanding these differences is important because it shows that taking responsibility does not have to involve continued self-criticism. Instead, learning from negative experiences may be more constructive when individuals recognise what they can change without assuming responsibility for everything that went wrong. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] ruuzso1d6bfau7k6ce3alhlfrti1lqw 2840475 2840473 2026-10-15T11:10:06Z U3281277 3109857 /* Overview */ 2840475 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Self-blame and emotion:<br>How does self-blame influence emotional responses to negative events?}} ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} [[File:Workplace Stress.jpg|alt=Workplace_Stress jpg|thumb|right|200px|'''Figure 1'''. Two friends having an argument ]] '''Imagine this...''' You are having an argument with someone close to you. Afterwards, you begin thinking about what went wrong and whether you could have handled the situation differently. You might think, "I should have listened more carefully" or "I shouldn't have reacted that way." Alternatively, you might begin questioning yourself more personally, thinking, "I'm a terrible friend" or "There's something wrong with me." Although both responses involve blaming yourself for the same negative experience, they focus on different aspects of responsibility. These thoughts may also lead to different emotional responses. You might feel guilty about what you said and want to apologise, or you might feel ashamed and begin questioning your worth as a person. For some people, reflecting on the experience may encourage them to approach future disagreements differently. For others, repeatedly blaming themselves may make it difficult to move forward, particularly when they believe the problem is part of who they are. This raises an important question: Why can blaming ourselves for a negative experience sometimes encourage positive change, while at other times contributing to ongoing emotional distress? {{RoundBoxBottom}} Self-blame is a common response to negative experiences, but its emotional consequences are not always straightforward. While some individuals may use these experiences to reflect on their actions and consider what they could do differently, others may develop negative beliefs about themselves that contribute to ongoing emotional distress. Psychological research suggests that the way individuals interpret their responsibility for an event can influence both their emotional responses and how they approach similar situations in the future. Understanding this relationship is important because self-blame is not necessarily helpful or harmful in every situation. Its consequences may depend on how individuals explain the event, whether they believe they have control over future outcomes, and whether their response encourages constructive action or repeated negative thinking. This chapter examines how self-blame influences emotional responses following negative events. It explores the different forms of self-blame, psychological theories that explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion, and research examining its emotional consequences. It also considers the circumstances in which self-blame may encourage positive change or contribute to ongoing distress. * Understanding factors that influence emotional responses to negative experiences may be particularly relevant for young adults. In Australia, 38.8% of people aged 16–24 experienced a mental disorder in the previous 12 months, while 13.5% experienced an affective disorder (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2023). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=12}} '''Focus questions''' * What are the different forms of self-blame? * How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? * How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? * Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==What is self-blame?== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=8}} Self-blame occurs when someone believes they are responsible for a negative event or outcome. When something goes wrong, people often try to understand why it happened and whether they could have prevented it. Sometimes, this involves thinking about their own actions, while other times, they may question their personal abilities or characteristics. Although both involve blaming oneself, the difference is important because it may influence how much control someone believes they have over similar situations in the future.{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Focus Question 1: What are the different forms of self-blame? == Janoff-Bulman (1979) distinguishes between the two forms of self-blame, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame. These differ based on whether a person blames something they did or something they believe is wrong with them as a person. === Behavioural self-blame:=== Behavioural self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of something they did or failed to do which directly impacted the outcome of the event. For example, an employee who misses an important work deadline may blame themselves for not managing their time effectively. Rather than believing they are incapable of doing their job, they recognise that their preparation or time management may have contributed to the outcome. Janoff-Bulman (1979) suggested that behavioural self-blame may help individuals maintain a sense of control because their actions can potentially be changed. If someone believes they could have prepared differently, they may also believe they can improve their approach next time. This does not mean that behavioural self-blame is always helpful, as someone may still feel guilty or continue blaming themselves for a mistake. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) challenges the assumption that behavioural self-blame is necessarily beneficial (see Figure 2). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=10}} Did you know 💡 Anderson et al. (1994) examined two samples of university students, involving 1,001 participants in total. Their findings indicated that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with depression and loneliness. This suggests that focusing on one's actions rather than personal characteristics does not necessarily protect someone from emotional difficulties. {{RoundBoxBottom}} === Characterological self-blame: === Characterological self-blame occurs when someone believes a negative event happened because of their personal characteristics or abilities. Rather than focusing on a particular action, they may interpret the experience as evidence of something negative about themselves. For example, an employee who receives negative feedback from their manager may believe they are incompetent or simply not good enough at their job. Rather than considering whether there are specific areas they could improve, they interpret the feedback as evidence that they lack the personal abilities needed to succeed. Janoff-Bulman (1979) implied that characterological self-blame can be particularly distressing because people may view these characteristics as difficult to change. If someone believes the problem is part of who they are, they may feel that similar negative outcomes are likely to happen again. This distinction helps explain why two people can blame themselves for a similar experience but respond differently. However, behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered positive or characterological self-blame the only harmful form. Research by Anderson et al. (1994) suggests that both forms can be associated with emotional difficulties, meaning the consequences of self-blame may depend on more than what a person believes caused the event. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> == Focus Question 2: How do psychological theories explain the relationship between self-blame and emotion? == People do not always respond emotionally to negative experiences in the same way. Although two people may experience a similar situation, their emotions can differ depending on how they understand what happened. For example, two employees who make a mistake at work may both blame themselves, but one might feel guilty about their actions while the other feels ashamed of their abilities. This suggests that emotional responses are influenced not only by the negative event itself, but also by how a person explains and interprets it. Two psychological approaches that help explain this relationship are attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory. Whilst they focus on different aspects of emotional responses, both suggest that the meaning a person gives to a negative experience is important. === Attribution theory === Attribution theory focuses on how people explain why events happen. Weiner (1985) proposed that these explanations can be understood through three dimensions, locus, stability and controllability. Locus refers to whether someone believes the cause of an event comes from themselves or from an external factor. Stability refers to whether the cause is seen as something temporary or likely to remain the same. Controllability considers whether the person believes they can influence the cause of the event. These dimensions help explain why self-blame can lead to different emotional responses. For example, someone who believes they missed an important deadline because they did not manage their time effectively may feel guilty but also believe they can prevent the same mistake in the future. However, someone who believes they missed the deadline because they are naturally incompetent may feel ashamed and less confident about improving. Both individuals blame themselves, but they understand the cause of the mistake differently. This is important because Weiner's (1985) theory suggests that emotional responses depend partly on whether the perceived cause is stable and controllable, rather than simply whether a person believes they are responsible. === Cognitive appraisal theory === Cognitive appraisal theory focuses on how people evaluate the meaning of an experience. Rather than suggesting that an event automatically produces a particular emotion, this approach considers how an individual interprets the situation and what it means for them. For example, receiving negative feedback on a sporting performance by a coach may be viewed as an opportunity to improve or as evidence of personal failure. Someone who believes the feedback identifies an area they can improve may feel disappointed but remain motivated. In comparison, someone who interprets the feedback as evidence they are not capable of succeeding may experience shame or anxiety about making further mistakes. Tracy and Robins (2006) examined how different interpretations of negative experiences relate to guilt and shame. Their findings supported the idea that shame is more closely associated with explanations involving behaviours that can potentially be changed. This research helps explain why self-blame does not always produce the same emotional response. The way people understand their responsibility can influence whether they focus on correcting a particular mistake or develop more negative feelings about themselves. Overall, attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory help explain why self-blame can influence emotions differently. Attribution theory examines what people believe caused an event, while cognitive appraisal theory considers how they evaluate the meaning of the event. Together, these approaches suggest that understanding emotional responses to self-blame requires considering both the explanation for what happened and what that explanation means to the individual. == Focus question 3: How do different forms of self-blame influence emotional responses? == Self-blame can be associated with several emotional responses, including guilt, shame, sadness and anxiety. However, these emotions are not necessarily experienced in the same way. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame is important because it helps explain whether someone focuses on a particular mistake or develops negative beliefs about themselves. Research suggests that these different interpretations can influence both emotions and peoples experience and how they respond to negative events. === Guilt and shame === Guilt and shame are both emotions that can arise when someone believes they have done something wrong. However, guilt generally involves a negative evaluation of a particular action, while shame involves a negative evaluation of oneself. For example, someone who forgets an important friend's birthday might feel guilty about being forgetful and decide to make it up to them. However, if they interpret the mistake as evidence that they are a terrible friend, they may experience shame. Although both reactions involve self-blame, the second involves a broader judgement about the person's character. Tracy and Robins (2006) found support for the relationship between different types of appraisals and experiences of guilt and shame. Their research suggests that shame is more closely associated with negative evaluations of the self, whereas guilt is more closely associated with evaluations of particular behaviours. Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) further examined this relationship in a longitudinal study involving 221 adolescents. The researchers found that shame and characterological self-blame were closely related, suggesting that they may reflect a similar underlying pattern of negative self-evaluation. However, the relationship between guilt and behavioural self-blame was less consistent. This is important because it suggests that the distinction between the two forms of self-blame does not perfectly explain which emotion someone will experience. Although behavioural self-blame and guilt share similarities, they should not automatically be treated as the same experience. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Research suggests that characterological self-blame is closely associated with feelings of shame: |type="()"} + True - False </quiz> === Sadness, anxiety, and depressive symptoms === Beyond guilt and shame, self-blame may also contribute to broader emotional difficulties. When someone repeatedly interprets negative experiences as evidence of personal inadequacy, these beliefs may affect how they feel about themselves and their expectations for the future. For example, a student who receives several disappointing grades might begin questioning their ability to succeed at university. Rather than feeling disappointed about one assessment, they may become increasingly discouraged and anxious about future results. This illustrates how negative self-evaluations can extend beyond an immediate emotional reaction. Janoff-Bulman (1979) found that depressed female university students reported greater characterological self-blame than non-depressed students, while behavioural self-blame did not differ significantly between the groups. This suggested that blaming negative experiences on personal characteristics may be particularly relevant to depressive symptoms. However, subsequent research has complicated this distinction. Anderson et al. (1994) found associations between both forms of self-blame and emotional difficulties, including depression and loneliness. Similarly, Tilghman-Osborne et al. (2008) identified a significant relationship between shame, characterological self-blame and depressive symptoms among adolescents. Together, these studies suggest that negative judgements about the self may be particularly important in understanding depressive symptoms. However, they also show that behavioural self-blame should not automatically be considered harmless. The relationship may depend on how people interpret their responsibility and whether self-blame becomes a repeated pattern. There are also limitations to consider. Much of this research examines associations between self-blame and depressive symptoms rather than establishing a direct cause-and-effect relationship. The studies also involve different populations, including university students and adolescents, which may limit how broadly their findings can be applied. Further evidence comes from Kim et al. (2011), who conducted a meta-analysis of 108 studies involving 22,411 participants. They found that shame had a stronger association with depressive symptoms (r = .43) than guilt (r = .28). However, guilt involving exaggerated responsibility for events beyond a person's control was also strongly associated with depressive symptoms (r = .39). These findings suggest that emotional difficulties may depend not only on whether someone experiences guilt or shame, but also on how they interpret their responsibility for a negative event. Overall, research indicates that different forms of self-blame are related to emotional responses, particularly guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. However, the findings suggest that these relationships are more complex than simply associating behavioural self-blame with guilt and characterological self-blame with shame. == Focus question 4: Under what circumstances might self-blame be helpful or harmful? == The consequences of self-blame may depend on what happens after someone accepts responsibility for a negative experience. In some situations, recognising a mistake can encourage reflection and improvement. In others, blaming oneself may make it more difficult to move forward, especially when the person continues focusing on what went wrong. Understanding the difference is important because recognising responsibility does not necessarily lead to a helpful emotional response. === When self-blame encourages constructive change === Self-blame may be helpful when someone uses the experience to identify what they could do differently in the future. For example, a person who performs poorly in a job interview might recognise that they did not prepare enough. Although they may feel disappointed, they can use this experience to practise their interview skills and approach future opportunities differently. Research by Tangney et al. (2007) suggests that guilt can encourage constructive responses following negative experiences. Their review discusses how guilt is often associated with taking responsibility and attempting to repair mistakes, such as apologising after hurting someone. This suggests that recognising responsibility may encourage positive change when attention is directed towards what can be done differently in the future. However, guilt is not necessarily helpful when someone takes responsibility for circumstances beyond their control. An important factor is whether the person believes they have control over what happens next. Weiner's (1985) attribution theory suggests that perceived controllability influences how people respond to negative outcomes. If someone believes their actions can make a difference, recognising a mistake may encourage them to take steps towards improving the situation. However, there is a difference between accepting responsibility and unnecessarily blaming oneself. Recognising that a particular decision contributed to an outcome can be useful, but this does not mean that a person needs to continue feeling guilty to make a positive change. What may be helpful is the opportunity to learn from the experience, rather than the negative emotion itself. === When self-blame contributes to ongoing distress === Self-blame may become harmful when someone repeatedly thinks about a negative experience without reaching a useful conclusion. Instead of identifying a way forward, they may continue questioning what they should have done differently. This pattern resembles rumination, which involves repeatedly focusing on distressing experiences and their possible causes or consequences. Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (2008) reviewed research showing that rumination is associated with prolonged negative mood and greater vulnerability to depressive symptoms. Although rumination and self-blame are not the same process, the findings help explain why repeatedly revisiting perceived personal mistakes may contribute to ongoing emotional difficulties. The potential harm of self-blame is not limited to repeatedly thinking about negative experiences. Frazier (1990) found that both behavioural and characterological self-blame were associated with greater depressive symptoms among women who had experienced sexual assault. These findings challenge the assumption that focusing on one's behaviour is necessarily less harmful than blaming personal characteristics. However, because the study examined responses to a traumatic experience, its findings may not apply in the same way to everyday mistakes or disappointing performance. Another concern is that people do not always accurately judge how much responsibility they had for an event. For example, someone whose friendship ends may blame themselves entirely, even though the relationship was influenced by both people. If they overlook circumstances outside their control, their self-blame may reinforce feelings of guilt or inadequacy without helping them understand what happened. This highlights an important limitation in treating self-blame as a way of improving future outcomes. Even when someone believes they could have prevented an event, that belief does not necessarily mean they had the ability to do so. Self-blame may therefore be particularly unhelpful when it involves unrealistic responsibility or repeated negative thoughts that do not lead to constructive action. Overall, the distinction between helpful and harmful self-blame is not simply whether someone accepts responsibility. It also depends on whether that responsibility is realistic, whether the person has control over future outcomes, and whether reflecting on the experience encourages constructive action. Recognising a mistake may provide an opportunity for change, whereas repeatedly blaming oneself for circumstances beyond one's control may prolong emotional distress. ==Learning features== Authors Notes: Edit all of this out, keep for topic development so you can come back to add in case study, table and edit quiz Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto;" |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {Characterological self-blame focuses on specific behaviours that can be changed to prevent similar negative outcomes in the future: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> ==Conclusion== Self-blame is more complex than simply believing that a negative event was one's own fault. How individuals interpret their responsibility can influence the emotions they experience, particularly when they attribute an outcome to their behaviour or personal characteristics. The distinction between behavioural and characterological self-blame helps explain why people may respond differently to similar experiences. Attribution theory and cognitive appraisal theory further demonstrate that emotional responses are influenced not only by what happens, but also by how individuals understand the cause and meaning of an event. Research highlights the relationship between self-blame and emotions such as guilt, shame and depressive symptoms. While behavioural self-blame is often considered more constructive because it focuses on actions that may be changed, the evidence suggests that this distinction is not always straightforward. Both forms of self-blame have been associated with emotional difficulties, challenging the assumption that focusing on one's behaviour necessarily protects against distress. Similarly, although guilt may encourage individuals to take responsibility and repair mistakes, it can also become distressing when someone assumes responsibility for circumstances beyond their control. Ultimately, whether self-blame is helpful or harmful may depend on how realistically individuals assess their responsibility and what they do with that understanding. Recognising a mistake may encourage reflection and positive change, particularly when future outcomes can be influenced by different actions. However, repeated negative thoughts or blaming oneself for uncontrollable circumstances may contribute to ongoing emotional distress. Understanding these differences is important because it shows that taking responsibility does not have to involve continued self-criticism. Instead, learning from negative experiences may be more constructive when individuals recognise what they can change without assuming responsibility for everything that went wrong. ==See also== https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-blame_(psychology) Self-blame https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attribution_(psychology) Attribution theory ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Anderson, C. A., et al. ''“Behavioral and Characterological Attributional Styles as Predictors of Depression and Loneliness:'' Review, Refinement, and Test.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 66, no. 3, 1 Mar. 1994, pp. 549–558, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/8169764/ ''National Study of Mental Health and Wellbeing, 2020-21.'' (2022, July 22). Australian Bureau of Statistics. https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/health/mental-health/national-study-mental-health-and-wellbeing/2020-21?utm_ Janoff-Bulman, R. (1979). ''Characterological versus behavioral self-blame: Inquiries into depression and rape. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 37(10), 1798–1809. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.37.10.1798 Peterson, C., Schwartz, S. M., & Seligman, M. E. P. (1981). ''Self-blame and depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,'' 41(2), 253–259. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.41.2.253 Tilghman-Osborne, C., Cole, D. A., Felton, J. W., & Ciesla, J. A. (2008). ''Relation of guilt, shame, behavioral and characterological self-blame to depressive symptoms in adolescents over time. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology'', 27(8), 809–842. https://doi.org/10.1521/jscp.2008.27.8.809 Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32(10), 1339–1351. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167206290212 }} ==External links== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Self-blame]] qn78fyt61eq2v13707c0r2xd3n5jt89 0 331645 2840363 2840186 2026-10-15T02:35:28Z Chloebateup 3109816 see also and external links 2840363 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Surrender-Motivation:<br>What is the motivational state of surrender and what are its impacts?}} == Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Delaware River Port Authority Police Department Ford Police Interceptor Utility on patrol.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. Police surrender{{expand}}]] '''Scenario - When giving up becomes the goal''' Imagine a police negotiator is called out to a tense situation in which a person has barricaded themselves inside a building. The person is convinced that surrendering to the police officer will lead to serious consequences {{ic|consequences for who? good or bad consequences?}}. Hours pass as the negotiator tried{{g}} to establish communication and understand what might persuade the person to come out. At the same, the person inside begins to realise that staying secluded may become increasingly difficult. They are exhausted, have limited resources, {{ic|APA style uses serial commas}} and are unsure what might happen next. The negotiator must consider an important question: What motivates a person to surrender when continuing to resist may seem like the better option? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This scenario illustrates the psychological problem of '''surrender motivation''' {{g}} understanding why a person decides to stop resisting, withdraw from a conflict, or submit to another party. The decision may be influenced by the situation itself, the person's [[Emotion|perceptions and emotions]], their expectations about the consequences, and the behaviour of those attempting to persuade them. As we explore surrender motivation, we can return to this scenario to consider what might cause the person's motivation to shift from resistance toward surrender. * A person is involved in a high-pressure conflict and initially refuses to surrender. * They believe that continuing to resist is their best option. * As the situation continues, they become increasingly tired, stressed, fearful, or uncertain. * They begin to question whether resistance will achieve their original goal. * The person considers the possible consequences of continuing to resist versus surrendering. * Communication with authorities or another opposing party may influence how safe or trustworthy surrender appears. * The person may start to believe that surrender offers a better outcome or reduces immediate danger. * This creates a shift in motivation from resistance toward surrender. * The scenario provides an opportunity to explore why people change their behaviour under pressure. * Later sections can connect the scenario to psychological concepts such as motivation, decision-making, perceived control, emotion, stress, and social influences {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} ;Focus questions {{ic|Use bullet points as shown in [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 2]]}} {{ic|Develop closer alignment between the focus questions and the top-level headings}} What psychological factors influence a person's decision to surrender? How do fear, stress, and emotional states affect surrender motivation? How do situational and social factors influence the decision to stop resisting? Why might a person change from being motivated to resist to being motivated to surrender{{g}} {{RoundBoxBottom}} == What is surrender motivation? == In everyday language, surrender often implies weakness or failure. In psychological terms, however, surrender motivation describes a shift in [[w:Motivation|motivation]] that moves a person from actively resisting a threat, opponent, or demand toward deliberately stopping that resistance. The person withdraws effort from one [[w:Goal|goal]] (e.g., holding out, winning, or escaping) and redirects their behaviour toward another (e.g., safety, ending the conflict, or conserving energy). This reflects what Klinger (1975) described as disengagement from an incentive that can no longer be attained. In the opening scenario, the barricaded person has not simply "given up"; their goals and their expectations about what resistance can achieve have changed. Surrender overlaps with several related concepts but is not identical to any of them (see Table 1). [[w:Compliance (psychology)|Compliance]] involves agreeing to an explicit or implicit request from another person (Cialdini & Goldstein, 2004), whereas surrender can occur without any request being made. Submission describes yielding to a more dominant party and has been explained as an evolved response to losing a competitive encounter (Price et al., 1994). Goal disengagement refers to withdrawing effort and commitment from a goal that has become unattainable (Wrosch et al., 2003). Surrender sits where these processes meet: it is usually triggered by perceived defeat, is often directed toward another party, and always involves letting go of a goal. {| class="wikitable" |+ '''Table 1'''<br>''Surrender and related motivational concepts'' ! Concept !! Definition !! Example |- | Surrender || Deliberately stopping resistance and redirecting effort toward a new goal || A barricaded person walks out to end a standoff |- | Compliance || Agreeing to a direct or implied request from another person || Following a police officer's instruction to step back |- | Submission || Yielding to a more dominant party to end a contest || An athlete conceding a match against a far stronger opponent |- | Goal disengagement || Withdrawing effort and commitment from an unattainable goal || Abandoning a career plan after repeated rejection |- | [[w:Learned helplessness|Learned helplessness]] || Passivity following prolonged exposure to uncontrollable events || No longer trying to escape a situation because effort feels pointless |} The key question is whether surrender helps or harms the person who surrenders. Research suggests the answer depends on why surrender happens. Surrender that reflects a realistic reappraisal of an unwinnable situation, followed by commitment to new goals, is associated with better [[w:Well-being|wellbeing]] (Wrosch et al., 2003). In contrast, surrender that reflects a belief that nothing one does matters, or a sense of being defeated yet unable to escape, is associated with depression and anxiety (Maier & Seligman, 2016; Taylor et al., 2011). Distinguishing adaptive from maladaptive surrender is therefore central to understanding, and improving, how people respond when continuing to fight no longer makes sense. == Emotional and social influences == The theories outlined above explain why surrender motivation develops, but they do not fully explain when a person decides to act on it. Emotions and the social context of a conflict strongly influence whether surrender feels safe, acceptable, or even possible. Fear and stress can change how people weigh risks, while the behaviour of the opposing party can either reduce or intensify resistance. This section examines three key influences: emotional states, psychological reactance, and trust in the other party. === Fear, anger, and stress === Specific emotions shape how people judge risk. In a series of studies, Lerner and Keltner (2001) found that fearful people made more pessimistic risk estimates and preferred safer choices, whereas angry people made more optimistic risk estimates and preferred riskier choices. This suggests that the emotion a person feels during a conflict may influence whether they surrender. A person who feels mainly [[w:Fear|fear]] may be drawn toward surrender if it appears to be the safest option, whereas a person who feels mainly [[w:Anger|anger]] may underestimate the risks of continuing to resist. Prolonged [[w:Stress (biology)|stress]] also changes how decisions are made. A review by Starcke and Brand (2012) concluded that stress tends to shift decision making away from careful deliberation and toward quicker, more habitual responses. In a long standoff, exhaustion and stress may therefore narrow a person's options to whatever response feels most immediate, which may be either continued resistance or sudden surrender. However, most of this research involves laboratory tasks with student samples and hypothetical choices, which differ substantially from real, life-threatening conflicts. === Psychological reactance === [[w:Reactance (psychology)|Psychological reactance]] is the motivational state that arises when a person feels their freedom is being threatened, which drives them to restore that freedom (Steindl et al., 2015). Reactance can explain why direct pressure to surrender may backfire. When people feel pushed toward a particular behaviour, they may resist more strongly simply to reassert their independence (Rosenberg & Siegel, 2018). A review of 50 years of reactance research found that controlling language and forceful demands consistently increase reactance, whereas messages that acknowledge the person's choice tend to reduce it (Rosenberg & Siegel, 2018). This has a clear link to learned helplessness theory. Both theories suggest that a sense of control matters, but in different ways: reactance explains why removing a person's freedom can increase resistance, while learned helplessness explains why a complete loss of control can produce passive, unhealthy surrender. Surrender is therefore most likely to be healthy when a person feels they are choosing to surrender rather than being forced to. === Trust, legitimacy, and negotiation === Whether surrender appears safe depends heavily on how much the person trusts the opposing party. Research on [[w:Procedural justice|procedural justice]] shows that people are more willing to cooperate with authorities they perceive as fair and legitimate (Tyler, 2003). Liang and Li (2019) found that perceived procedural justice predicted perceived legitimacy of authorities, through people's concern about being treated with respect as well as their concern about outcomes. A person who expects to be treated fairly is therefore more likely to see surrender as a safe option. Crisis negotiators apply these principles directly. The Behavioural Change Stairway Model describes a sequence of steps that negotiators move through: active listening, empathy, rapport, influence, and finally behavioural change (Vecchi et al., 2005). The model proposes that influence is only possible once trust and rapport have been established, which aligns with research on both procedural justice and reactance. A key limitation is that evidence for crisis negotiation models comes mainly from case studies and practitioner reports, because controlled experiments in real crises are neither practical nor ethical. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Scenario update''' Hours into the standoff, the negotiator changes approach. Instead of repeating demands to come out, they ask the person what has happened to them and listen without interrupting. They acknowledge the person's fear and explain exactly what will happen if they choose to come out, and that the decision is theirs to make. The person begins to feel heard. Their anger gives way to fear and exhaustion, and surrender starts to look less like defeat and more like a safe way out. What psychological processes do you think are at work here? {{RoundBoxBottom}} <quiz display=simple> {According to Lerner and Keltner (2001), which emotion is associated with preferring safer choices? |type="()"} + Fear - Anger - Pride {Why might repeated demands to surrender increase resistance? |type="()"} - They increase learned helplessness + They threaten the person's sense of freedom, triggering reactance - They increase goal re-engagement </quiz> == Impacts of surrender == Research on goal disengagement, defeat, and coerced compliance suggests that the impact of surrender depends less on the act itself than on the psychological state behind it. When surrender involves a realistic decision to let go of an unattainable goal, it tends to benefit both mental and physical health. When it involves helplessness, entrapment, or pressure from others, it tends to cause harm. Table 3 summarises key research findings. === When surrender helps === A meta-analysis by Barlow et al. (2020) found that people with a stronger capacity to disengage from unattainable goals, and to re-engage with new ones, reported better quality of life. Importantly, the benefits of surrender are not limited to self-reported wellbeing. In a year-long longitudinal study, Miller and Wrosch (2007) found that adolescents who had difficulty disengaging from unattainable goals showed increasing levels of systemic [[w:Inflammation|inflammation]], a biological marker linked to later physical illness. Because this study measured a biological outcome over time, it partly addresses the limitation that most goal disengagement research relies on self-report at a single time point. These findings support goal disengagement theory's claim that knowing when to give up is an important self-regulation skill (Wrosch et al., 2003). However, they raise a difficult practical question: how can a person tell whether a goal is truly unattainable? Persistence is also valuable, and giving up too early may mean abandoning goals that could have been achieved. The research does not yet offer clear guidance on where this line falls, and most studies have been conducted with Western samples, so it is unclear whether the benefits of disengagement apply equally across cultures. === When surrender harms === Surrender becomes harmful when it reflects defeat combined with entrapment. A meta-analysis by Siddaway et al. (2015) found that perceptions of defeat and entrapment were strongly associated with depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress, and suicidality. This is consistent with social rank theory's proposal that yielding is only protective when it actually ends the conflict (Gilbert & Allan, 1998). However, because the studies included were mostly cross-sectional, they cannot establish whether defeat and entrapment cause these problems or result from them. Surrender under pressure can also be harmful when it is coerced. A review by Kassin et al. (2010) found that factors such as lengthy interrogations, exhaustion, and isolation increase the risk of people giving [[w:False confession|false confessions]], effectively surrendering to an authority's version of events to escape an unbearable situation. This finding links the emotional and social influences discussed earlier to real-world harm, because the same stress and fatigue that can encourage surrender can also distort decision making. It also raises an important ethical point: psychological knowledge about surrender should be used to support people's choices, not to override them. {| class="wikitable" |+ '''Table 3'''<br>''Key research findings on the impacts of surrender'' ! Study !! Design !! Key finding !! Limitation |- | Barlow et al. (2020) || Meta-analysis || Disengagement and re-engagement linked to better quality of life || Mostly self-report, correlational studies |- | Miller & Wrosch (2007) || Longitudinal || Poor disengagement linked to rising inflammation || Adolescent sample only |- | Siddaway et al. (2015) || Meta-analysis || Defeat and entrapment linked to depression, anxiety, PTSD, and suicidality || Mostly cross-sectional |- | Kassin et al. (2010) || Review || Stress and exhaustion increase risk of false confessions || Relies partly on case studies of known false confessions |} {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Applying this to your life: Healthy surrender''' Research suggests several questions you can ask when deciding whether to keep fighting or let go: * '''Is the goal still achievable?''' If repeated effort is not bringing you closer, disengaging may protect your wellbeing. * '''What will replace it?''' Letting go works best when you commit to a new, meaningful goal. * '''Does this feel like a choice or a trap?''' Choosing to let go is linked to better outcomes than feeling defeated with no way out. * '''Am I deciding under pressure?''' Stress and exhaustion distort decisions, so wait until you are rested before making major choices if you can. If you feel defeated and trapped with no way out, talk to someone you trust or contact a local crisis support service. {{RoundBoxBottom}} <quiz display=simple> {What did Miller and Wrosch (2007) find in adolescents who struggled to let go of unattainable goals? |type="()"} - Lower stress hormones + Increasing levels of inflammation - Higher quality of life {Which combination of factors does research most consistently link to harmful outcomes? |type="()"} - Disengagement and re-engagement + Defeat and entrapment - Fear and trust </quiz> == Theories of surrender == No single theory fully explains surrender motivation. Instead, three theoretical perspectives each explain a different pathway from resistance to surrender (see Table 2). Goal disengagement theory treats surrender as a strategic decision to let go of an unattainable goal. Learned helplessness theory treats surrender as the result of losing a sense of control. [[w:Social rank theory|Social rank theory]] treats surrender as an evolved response to defeat. Together, these perspectives help explain why some forms of surrender are healthy while others are harmful. === Goal disengagement theory === Klinger (1975) proposed that when a valued goal is blocked, people move through an incentive–disengagement cycle. They first increase their effort, then become frustrated or angry, then experience low mood as commitment fades, and finally recover once the goal has been released (Klinger, 1975). Wrosch et al. (2003) extended this idea by distinguishing two separate capacities: goal disengagement, which involves withdrawing effort and commitment from an unattainable goal, and goal re-engagement, which involves identifying and committing to new goals. Across several studies, people who were better able to disengage from unattainable goals reported higher subjective wellbeing, and the capacity to re-engage with new goals was also associated with wellbeing (Wrosch et al., 2003). The standoff in the opening scenario maps closely onto this cycle. The person's initial determination to resist reflects increased effort, while their growing exhaustion and uncertainty suggest that disengagement has begun. From this perspective, a negotiator who offers a credible alternative goal, such as safety or the chance to be heard, may help the person re-engage rather than simply collapse. However, much of the supporting evidence relies on self-report questionnaires, which makes it difficult to establish whether disengagement causes better wellbeing or whether people with better wellbeing simply find it easier to disengage. === Learned helplessness theory === In early experiments, Seligman and Maier (1967) found that dogs exposed to inescapable shocks later failed to escape shocks even when escape became possible. The original theory proposed that animals learned that their behaviour had no effect on outcomes, and this learning produced passivity (Seligman & Maier, 1967). Fifty years later, Maier and Seligman (2016) revised the theory based on neuroscience evidence. They concluded that passivity is the brain's default, unlearned response to prolonged uncontrollable threat, and that what is actually learned is control: detecting that one's actions matter is what overrides the passive response (Maier & Seligman, 2016). Applied to surrender, this suggests that some surrender is not a choice at all, but what happens when a person no longer perceives any control. If the barricaded person comes to believe that nothing they do will change the outcome, their surrender may reflect helplessness rather than a considered decision. This distinction matters because helplessness is closely linked to depression (Maier & Seligman, 2016). A key limitation is that the foundational research was conducted with animals, and generalising these findings to complex human decisions made under threat should be done with caution. === Social rank theory === Social rank theory proposes that humans, like other social animals, evolved mechanisms for managing competition with others. Price et al. (1994) argued that when an animal is losing a fight, an "involuntary subordinate strategy" causes it to yield, signalling that it is no longer a threat and ending the conflict before serious injury occurs. Gilbert and Allan (1998) proposed that defeat becomes harmful when it is combined with entrapment, in which a strong desire to escape is blocked. They found that feelings of defeat and entrapment were strongly associated with depression (Gilbert & Allan, 1998). A systematic review by Taylor et al. (2011) later confirmed that defeat and entrapment are consistently associated with depression, anxiety, and suicidal thoughts and behaviour. This theory explains why surrender in the opening scenario can be protective, because yielding ends a dangerous conflict, and also why the period before surrender may be the most psychologically dangerous. A person who feels defeated but sees no safe way out is experiencing exactly the combination that Gilbert and Allan (1998) identified as most harmful. However, evolutionary explanations are difficult to test directly, and most of the supporting research is cross-sectional, so it cannot show whether defeat and entrapment cause distress or result from it. {| class="wikitable" |+ '''Table 2'''<br>''Comparison of three theories of surrender'' ! Theory !! Why surrender occurs !! Adaptive when... !! Maladaptive when... |- | Goal disengagement || A goal is judged unattainable || The person re-engages with new goals || No new goals replace the old one |- | Learned helplessness || Control is no longer perceived || Rarely adaptive || Passivity generalises to situations that are controllable |- | Social rank || Defeat in a conflict signals the need to yield || Yielding ends a dangerous conflict || Defeat is combined with entrapment |} <quiz display=simple> {According to Wrosch et al. (2003), surrender is most likely to benefit wellbeing when it is followed by: |type="()"} - Increased effort toward the original goal + Re-engagement with new goals - Compliance with an authority figure {According to Maier and Seligman's (2016) revised theory, what is actually learned? |type="()"} - Helplessness + Control - Submission {According to social rank theory, defeat is most harmful when it is combined with: |type="()"} - Compliance - Goal re-engagement + Entrapment </quiz> == Conclusion == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Scenario resolution''' After several more hours of talking, the person tells the negotiator they want to see their family again. The negotiator confirms that they will be safe and explains each step of what will happen next. Shortly afterwards, the person opens the door and walks out. Looking back, several processes contributed to this outcome. The person disengaged from the goal of holding out and re-engaged with a new goal: safety and reconnecting with family. The negotiator's respectful approach built trust and reduced reactance, and because the person felt they were choosing to come out, their surrender was less likely to be experienced as defeat. {{RoundBoxBottom}}Surrender motivation is the shift from actively resisting toward deliberately stopping resistance, usually involving the release of one goal and the adoption of another. Rather than being a single process, surrender can follow different pathways. Goal disengagement theory explains surrender as a strategic decision to let go of an unattainable goal, learned helplessness theory explains it as a response to lost control, and social rank theory explains it as an evolved response to defeat (Gilbert & Allan, 1998; Maier & Seligman, 2016; Wrosch et al., 2003). Emotions and social context strongly influence whether people act on surrender motivation. Fear and stress change how people weigh risks, while direct pressure can trigger reactance and increase resistance (Lerner & Keltner, 2001; Rosenberg & Siegel, 2018). Trust in the other party and a sense of being treated fairly make surrender feel safer, which is why effective crisis negotiation focuses on listening and rapport before influence (Tyler, 2003; Vecchi et al., 2005). The impact of surrender depends on the state behind it. Surrender that involves realistic disengagement and re-engagement with new goals is linked to better quality of life and physical health, whereas surrender involving defeat, entrapment, or coercion is linked to depression, anxiety, and false confessions (Barlow et al., 2020; Kassin et al., 2010; Siddaway et al., 2015). Much of this evidence is correlational, relies on self-report, and comes from Western samples, so further longitudinal and cross-cultural research is needed. The key take-home message is that knowing when and how to let go is a valuable skill: surrender is healthiest when it is chosen, realistic, and followed by commitment to something new. == See also == * [[w:Learned helplessness|Learned helplessness]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Reactance (psychology)|Psychological reactance]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Crisis negotiation|Crisis negotiation]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Social rank theory|Social rank theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Giving up goals|Giving up goals]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2010/Learned helplessness|Learned helplessness]] (Book chapter, 2010) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2017/Reactance|Reactance]] (Book chapter, 2017) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/False confession motivation|False confession motivation]] (Book chapter, 2019) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Stress on motivation|Stress on motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Perseverance|Perseverance]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[w:Learned helplessness|Learned helplessness]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Reactance (psychology)|Reactance (psychology)]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Social rank theory|Social rank theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Rank theory of depression|Rank theory of depression]] (Wikipedia) == External links == * [https://www.psychologicalscience.org/?p=35515 Why quitting may be good for you] (Association for Psychological Science) * [https://crestresearch.ac.uk/download/4897/csr18_van_der_klok_p8-9.pdf Insights from crisis negotiation practitioners on the stairway model] (CREST Security Review) * [https://www.artofmanliness.com/character/self-improvement/the-art-of-moving-on-when-and-how-to-disengage-from-a-goal/ The art of moving on: When and how to disengage from a goal] (The Art of Manliness) == References == {{Hanging indent|1= * Sahu, A. K., Padhy, R. K., & Dhir, A. (2020). Envisioning the future of behavioral decision-making: A systematic literature review of behavioral reasoning theory. ''Australasian Marketing Journal'', ''28''(4), 145–159. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ausmj.2020.05.001</nowiki> * Chai, J., Weng, Z., & Liu, W. (2021). Behavioral decision making in normative and descriptive views: A critical review of literature. ''Journal of Risk and Financial Management'', ''14''(10), 1–14. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.3390/jrfm14100490</nowiki> * Jiao, Y., Liu, H., Liang, Y., & Wei, Z. (2026). The Effects of “Time” and “Probability” Formats on Risk Perception and Decision‐Making About Long‐Term Hazards. ''Journal of Behavioral Decision Making'', ''39''(2). <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1002/bdm.70072</nowiki> * Malik, A., Goel, S., & Sinha, S. (2026). Security fatigue: manifestation of emotional exhaustion and cynicism by depletion of self-regulation capacity. ''European Journal of Information Systems'', 1–20. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1080/0960085X.2026.2621809</nowiki> * Liang, J., & Li, X. (2019). Explaining the procedural justice–perceived legitimacy relationship: Relying on relational concern or instrumental concern? ''Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology'', ''29''(3), 193–206. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1002/casp.2394</nowiki> }} 2r1iwl7z91ie91xjl2br145ltch91xe 2840364 2840363 2026-10-15T02:37:07Z Chloebateup 3109816 2840364 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Surrender-Motivation:<br>What is the motivational state of surrender and what are its impacts?}} == Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Delaware River Port Authority Police Department Ford Police Interceptor Utility on patrol.jpg|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. Police surrender{{expand}}]] '''Scenario - When giving up becomes the goal''' Imagine a police negotiator is called out to a tense situation in which a person has barricaded themselves inside a building. The person is convinced that surrendering to the police officer will lead to serious consequences {{ic|consequences for who? good or bad consequences?}}. Hours pass as the negotiator tried{{g}} to establish communication and understand what might persuade the person to come out. At the same, the person inside begins to realise that staying secluded may become increasingly difficult. They are exhausted, have limited resources, {{ic|APA style uses serial commas}} and are unsure what might happen next. The negotiator must consider an important question: What motivates a person to surrender when continuing to resist may seem like the better option? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This scenario illustrates the psychological problem of '''surrender motivation''' {{g}} understanding why a person decides to stop resisting, withdraw from a conflict, or submit to another party. The decision may be influenced by the situation itself, the person's [[Emotion|perceptions and emotions]], their expectations about the consequences, and the behaviour of those attempting to persuade them. As we explore surrender motivation, we can return to this scenario to consider what might cause the person's motivation to shift from resistance toward surrender. * A person is involved in a high-pressure conflict and initially refuses to surrender. * They believe that continuing to resist is their best option. * As the situation continues, they become increasingly tired, stressed, fearful, or uncertain. * They begin to question whether resistance will achieve their original goal. * The person considers the possible consequences of continuing to resist versus surrendering. * Communication with authorities or another opposing party may influence how safe or trustworthy surrender appears. * The person may start to believe that surrender offers a better outcome or reduces immediate danger. * This creates a shift in motivation from resistance toward surrender. * The scenario provides an opportunity to explore why people change their behaviour under pressure. * Later sections can connect the scenario to psychological concepts such as motivation, decision-making, perceived control, emotion, stress, and social influences {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} ;Focus questions {{ic|Use bullet points as shown in [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 2]]}} {{ic|Develop closer alignment between the focus questions and the top-level headings}} What psychological factors influence a person's decision to surrender? How do fear, stress, and emotional states affect surrender motivation? How do situational and social factors influence the decision to stop resisting? Why might a person change from being motivated to resist to being motivated to surrender{{g}} {{RoundBoxBottom}} == What is surrender motivation? == In everyday language, surrender often implies weakness or failure. In psychological terms, however, surrender motivation describes a shift in [[w:Motivation|motivation]] that moves a person from actively resisting a threat, opponent, or demand toward deliberately stopping that resistance. The person withdraws effort from one [[w:Goal|goal]] (e.g., holding out, winning, or escaping) and redirects their behaviour toward another (e.g., safety, ending the conflict, or conserving energy). This reflects what Klinger (1975) described as disengagement from an incentive that can no longer be attained. In the opening scenario, the barricaded person has not simply "given up"; their goals and their expectations about what resistance can achieve have changed. Surrender overlaps with several related concepts but is not identical to any of them (see Table 1). [[w:Compliance (psychology)|Compliance]] involves agreeing to an explicit or implicit request from another person (Cialdini & Goldstein, 2004), whereas surrender can occur without any request being made. Submission describes yielding to a more dominant party and has been explained as an evolved response to losing a competitive encounter (Price et al., 1994). Goal disengagement refers to withdrawing effort and commitment from a goal that has become unattainable (Wrosch et al., 2003). Surrender sits where these processes meet: it is usually triggered by perceived defeat, is often directed toward another party, and always involves letting go of a goal. {| class="wikitable" |+ '''Table 1'''<br>''Surrender and related motivational concepts'' ! Concept !! Definition !! Example |- | Surrender || Deliberately stopping resistance and redirecting effort toward a new goal || A barricaded person walks out to end a standoff |- | Compliance || Agreeing to a direct or implied request from another person || Following a police officer's instruction to step back |- | Submission || Yielding to a more dominant party to end a contest || An athlete conceding a match against a far stronger opponent |- | Goal disengagement || Withdrawing effort and commitment from an unattainable goal || Abandoning a career plan after repeated rejection |- | [[w:Learned helplessness|Learned helplessness]] || Passivity following prolonged exposure to uncontrollable events || No longer trying to escape a situation because effort feels pointless |} The key question is whether surrender helps or harms the person who surrenders. Research suggests the answer depends on why surrender happens. Surrender that reflects a realistic reappraisal of an unwinnable situation, followed by commitment to new goals, is associated with better [[w:Well-being|wellbeing]] (Wrosch et al., 2003). In contrast, surrender that reflects a belief that nothing one does matters, or a sense of being defeated yet unable to escape, is associated with depression and anxiety (Maier & Seligman, 2016; Taylor et al., 2011). Distinguishing adaptive from maladaptive surrender is therefore central to understanding, and improving, how people respond when continuing to fight no longer makes sense. == Emotional and social influences == The theories outlined above explain why surrender motivation develops, but they do not fully explain when a person decides to act on it. Emotions and the social context of a conflict strongly influence whether surrender feels safe, acceptable, or even possible. Fear and stress can change how people weigh risks, while the behaviour of the opposing party can either reduce or intensify resistance. This section examines three key influences: emotional states, psychological reactance, and trust in the other party. === Fear, anger, and stress === Specific emotions shape how people judge risk. In a series of studies, Lerner and Keltner (2001) found that fearful people made more pessimistic risk estimates and preferred safer choices, whereas angry people made more optimistic risk estimates and preferred riskier choices. This suggests that the emotion a person feels during a conflict may influence whether they surrender. A person who feels mainly [[w:Fear|fear]] may be drawn toward surrender if it appears to be the safest option, whereas a person who feels mainly [[w:Anger|anger]] may underestimate the risks of continuing to resist. Prolonged [[w:Stress (biology)|stress]] also changes how decisions are made. A review by Starcke and Brand (2012) concluded that stress tends to shift decision making away from careful deliberation and toward quicker, more habitual responses. In a long standoff, exhaustion and stress may therefore narrow a person's options to whatever response feels most immediate, which may be either continued resistance or sudden surrender. However, most of this research involves laboratory tasks with student samples and hypothetical choices, which differ substantially from real, life-threatening conflicts. === Psychological reactance === [[w:Reactance (psychology)|Psychological reactance]] is the motivational state that arises when a person feels their freedom is being threatened, which drives them to restore that freedom (Steindl et al., 2015). Reactance can explain why direct pressure to surrender may backfire. When people feel pushed toward a particular behaviour, they may resist more strongly simply to reassert their independence (Rosenberg & Siegel, 2018). A review of 50 years of reactance research found that controlling language and forceful demands consistently increase reactance, whereas messages that acknowledge the person's choice tend to reduce it (Rosenberg & Siegel, 2018). This has a clear link to learned helplessness theory. Both theories suggest that a sense of control matters, but in different ways: reactance explains why removing a person's freedom can increase resistance, while learned helplessness explains why a complete loss of control can produce passive, unhealthy surrender. Surrender is therefore most likely to be healthy when a person feels they are choosing to surrender rather than being forced to. === Trust, legitimacy, and negotiation === Whether surrender appears safe depends heavily on how much the person trusts the opposing party. Research on [[w:Procedural justice|procedural justice]] shows that people are more willing to cooperate with authorities they perceive as fair and legitimate (Tyler, 2003). Liang and Li (2019) found that perceived procedural justice predicted perceived legitimacy of authorities, through people's concern about being treated with respect as well as their concern about outcomes. A person who expects to be treated fairly is therefore more likely to see surrender as a safe option. Crisis negotiators apply these principles directly. The Behavioural Change Stairway Model describes a sequence of steps that negotiators move through: active listening, empathy, rapport, influence, and finally behavioural change (Vecchi et al., 2005). The model proposes that influence is only possible once trust and rapport have been established, which aligns with research on both procedural justice and reactance. A key limitation is that evidence for crisis negotiation models comes mainly from case studies and practitioner reports, because controlled experiments in real crises are neither practical nor ethical. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Scenario update''' Hours into the standoff, the negotiator changes approach. Instead of repeating demands to come out, they ask the person what has happened to them and listen without interrupting. They acknowledge the person's fear and explain exactly what will happen if they choose to come out, and that the decision is theirs to make. The person begins to feel heard. Their anger gives way to fear and exhaustion, and surrender starts to look less like defeat and more like a safe way out. What psychological processes do you think are at work here? {{RoundBoxBottom}} <quiz display=simple> {According to Lerner and Keltner (2001), which emotion is associated with preferring safer choices? |type="()"} + Fear - Anger - Pride {Why might repeated demands to surrender increase resistance? |type="()"} - They increase learned helplessness + They threaten the person's sense of freedom, triggering reactance - They increase goal re-engagement </quiz> == Impacts of surrender == Research on goal disengagement, defeat, and coerced compliance suggests that the impact of surrender depends less on the act itself than on the psychological state behind it. When surrender involves a realistic decision to let go of an unattainable goal, it tends to benefit both mental and physical health. When it involves helplessness, entrapment, or pressure from others, it tends to cause harm. Table 3 summarises key research findings. === When surrender helps === A meta-analysis by Barlow et al. (2020) found that people with a stronger capacity to disengage from unattainable goals, and to re-engage with new ones, reported better quality of life. Importantly, the benefits of surrender are not limited to self-reported wellbeing. In a year-long longitudinal study, Miller and Wrosch (2007) found that adolescents who had difficulty disengaging from unattainable goals showed increasing levels of systemic [[w:Inflammation|inflammation]], a biological marker linked to later physical illness. Because this study measured a biological outcome over time, it partly addresses the limitation that most goal disengagement research relies on self-report at a single time point. These findings support goal disengagement theory's claim that knowing when to give up is an important self-regulation skill (Wrosch et al., 2003). However, they raise a difficult practical question: how can a person tell whether a goal is truly unattainable? Persistence is also valuable, and giving up too early may mean abandoning goals that could have been achieved. The research does not yet offer clear guidance on where this line falls, and most studies have been conducted with Western samples, so it is unclear whether the benefits of disengagement apply equally across cultures. === When surrender harms === Surrender becomes harmful when it reflects defeat combined with entrapment. A meta-analysis by Siddaway et al. (2015) found that perceptions of defeat and entrapment were strongly associated with depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress, and suicidality. This is consistent with social rank theory's proposal that yielding is only protective when it actually ends the conflict (Gilbert & Allan, 1998). However, because the studies included were mostly cross-sectional, they cannot establish whether defeat and entrapment cause these problems or result from them. Surrender under pressure can also be harmful when it is coerced. A review by Kassin et al. (2010) found that factors such as lengthy interrogations, exhaustion, and isolation increase the risk of people giving [[w:False confession|false confessions]], effectively surrendering to an authority's version of events to escape an unbearable situation. This finding links the emotional and social influences discussed earlier to real-world harm, because the same stress and fatigue that can encourage surrender can also distort decision making. It also raises an important ethical point: psychological knowledge about surrender should be used to support people's choices, not to override them. {| class="wikitable" |+ '''Table 3'''<br>''Key research findings on the impacts of surrender'' ! Study !! Design !! Key finding !! Limitation |- | Barlow et al. (2020) || Meta-analysis || Disengagement and re-engagement linked to better quality of life || Mostly self-report, correlational studies |- | Miller & Wrosch (2007) || Longitudinal || Poor disengagement linked to rising inflammation || Adolescent sample only |- | Siddaway et al. (2015) || Meta-analysis || Defeat and entrapment linked to depression, anxiety, PTSD, and suicidality || Mostly cross-sectional |- | Kassin et al. (2010) || Review || Stress and exhaustion increase risk of false confessions || Relies partly on case studies of known false confessions |} {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Applying this to your life: Healthy surrender''' Research suggests several questions you can ask when deciding whether to keep fighting or let go: * '''Is the goal still achievable?''' If repeated effort is not bringing you closer, disengaging may protect your wellbeing. * '''What will replace it?''' Letting go works best when you commit to a new, meaningful goal. * '''Does this feel like a choice or a trap?''' Choosing to let go is linked to better outcomes than feeling defeated with no way out. * '''Am I deciding under pressure?''' Stress and exhaustion distort decisions, so wait until you are rested before making major choices if you can. If you feel defeated and trapped with no way out, talk to someone you trust or contact a local crisis support service. {{RoundBoxBottom}} <quiz display=simple> {What did Miller and Wrosch (2007) find in adolescents who struggled to let go of unattainable goals? |type="()"} - Lower stress hormones + Increasing levels of inflammation - Higher quality of life {Which combination of factors does research most consistently link to harmful outcomes? |type="()"} - Disengagement and re-engagement + Defeat and entrapment - Fear and trust </quiz> == Theories of surrender == No single theory fully explains surrender motivation. Instead, three theoretical perspectives each explain a different pathway from resistance to surrender (see Table 2). Goal disengagement theory treats surrender as a strategic decision to let go of an unattainable goal. Learned helplessness theory treats surrender as the result of losing a sense of control. [[w:Social rank theory|Social rank theory]] treats surrender as an evolved response to defeat. Together, these perspectives help explain why some forms of surrender are healthy while others are harmful. === Goal disengagement theory === Klinger (1975) proposed that when a valued goal is blocked, people move through an incentive–disengagement cycle. They first increase their effort, then become frustrated or angry, then experience low mood as commitment fades, and finally recover once the goal has been released (Klinger, 1975). Wrosch et al. (2003) extended this idea by distinguishing two separate capacities: goal disengagement, which involves withdrawing effort and commitment from an unattainable goal, and goal re-engagement, which involves identifying and committing to new goals. Across several studies, people who were better able to disengage from unattainable goals reported higher subjective wellbeing, and the capacity to re-engage with new goals was also associated with wellbeing (Wrosch et al., 2003). The standoff in the opening scenario maps closely onto this cycle. The person's initial determination to resist reflects increased effort, while their growing exhaustion and uncertainty suggest that disengagement has begun. From this perspective, a negotiator who offers a credible alternative goal, such as safety or the chance to be heard, may help the person re-engage rather than simply collapse. However, much of the supporting evidence relies on self-report questionnaires, which makes it difficult to establish whether disengagement causes better wellbeing or whether people with better wellbeing simply find it easier to disengage. === Learned helplessness theory === In early experiments, Seligman and Maier (1967) found that dogs exposed to inescapable shocks later failed to escape shocks even when escape became possible. The original theory proposed that animals learned that their behaviour had no effect on outcomes, and this learning produced passivity (Seligman & Maier, 1967). Fifty years later, Maier and Seligman (2016) revised the theory based on neuroscience evidence. They concluded that passivity is the brain's default, unlearned response to prolonged uncontrollable threat, and that what is actually learned is control: detecting that one's actions matter is what overrides the passive response (Maier & Seligman, 2016). Applied to surrender, this suggests that some surrender is not a choice at all, but what happens when a person no longer perceives any control. If the barricaded person comes to believe that nothing they do will change the outcome, their surrender may reflect helplessness rather than a considered decision. This distinction matters because helplessness is closely linked to depression (Maier & Seligman, 2016). A key limitation is that the foundational research was conducted with animals, and generalising these findings to complex human decisions made under threat should be done with caution. === Social rank theory === Social rank theory proposes that humans, like other social animals, evolved mechanisms for managing competition with others. Price et al. (1994) argued that when an animal is losing a fight, an "involuntary subordinate strategy" causes it to yield, signalling that it is no longer a threat and ending the conflict before serious injury occurs. Gilbert and Allan (1998) proposed that defeat becomes harmful when it is combined with entrapment, in which a strong desire to escape is blocked. They found that feelings of defeat and entrapment were strongly associated with depression (Gilbert & Allan, 1998). A systematic review by Taylor et al. (2011) later confirmed that defeat and entrapment are consistently associated with depression, anxiety, and suicidal thoughts and behaviour. This theory explains why surrender in the opening scenario can be protective, because yielding ends a dangerous conflict, and also why the period before surrender may be the most psychologically dangerous. A person who feels defeated but sees no safe way out is experiencing exactly the combination that Gilbert and Allan (1998) identified as most harmful. However, evolutionary explanations are difficult to test directly, and most of the supporting research is cross-sectional, so it cannot show whether defeat and entrapment cause distress or result from it. {| class="wikitable" |+ '''Table 2'''<br>''Comparison of three theories of surrender'' ! Theory !! Why surrender occurs !! Adaptive when... !! Maladaptive when... |- | Goal disengagement || A goal is judged unattainable || The person re-engages with new goals || No new goals replace the old one |- | Learned helplessness || Control is no longer perceived || Rarely adaptive || Passivity generalises to situations that are controllable |- | Social rank || Defeat in a conflict signals the need to yield || Yielding ends a dangerous conflict || Defeat is combined with entrapment |} <quiz display=simple> {According to Wrosch et al. (2003), surrender is most likely to benefit wellbeing when it is followed by: |type="()"} - Increased effort toward the original goal + Re-engagement with new goals - Compliance with an authority figure {According to Maier and Seligman's (2016) revised theory, what is actually learned? |type="()"} - Helplessness + Control - Submission {According to social rank theory, defeat is most harmful when it is combined with: |type="()"} - Compliance - Goal re-engagement + Entrapment </quiz> == Conclusion == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Scenario resolution''' After several more hours of talking, the person tells the negotiator they want to see their family again. The negotiator confirms that they will be safe and explains each step of what will happen next. Shortly afterwards, the person opens the door and walks out. Looking back, several processes contributed to this outcome. The person disengaged from the goal of holding out and re-engaged with a new goal: safety and reconnecting with family. The negotiator's respectful approach built trust and reduced reactance, and because the person felt they were choosing to come out, their surrender was less likely to be experienced as defeat. {{RoundBoxBottom}}Surrender motivation is the shift from actively resisting toward deliberately stopping resistance, usually involving the release of one goal and the adoption of another. Rather than being a single process, surrender can follow different pathways. Goal disengagement theory explains surrender as a strategic decision to let go of an unattainable goal, learned helplessness theory explains it as a response to lost control, and social rank theory explains it as an evolved response to defeat (Gilbert & Allan, 1998; Maier & Seligman, 2016; Wrosch et al., 2003). Emotions and social context strongly influence whether people act on surrender motivation. Fear and stress change how people weigh risks, while direct pressure can trigger reactance and increase resistance (Lerner & Keltner, 2001; Rosenberg & Siegel, 2018). Trust in the other party and a sense of being treated fairly make surrender feel safer, which is why effective crisis negotiation focuses on listening and rapport before influence (Tyler, 2003; Vecchi et al., 2005). The impact of surrender depends on the state behind it. Surrender that involves realistic disengagement and re-engagement with new goals is linked to better quality of life and physical health, whereas surrender involving defeat, entrapment, or coercion is linked to depression, anxiety, and false confessions (Barlow et al., 2020; Kassin et al., 2010; Siddaway et al., 2015). Much of this evidence is correlational, relies on self-report, and comes from Western samples, so further longitudinal and cross-cultural research is needed. The key take-home message is that knowing when and how to let go is a valuable skill: surrender is healthiest when it is chosen, realistic, and followed by commitment to something new. == See also == * [[w:Learned helplessness|Learned helplessness]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Reactance (psychology)|Psychological reactance]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Crisis negotiation|Crisis negotiation]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Social rank theory|Social rank theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Giving up goals|Giving up goals]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2010/Learned helplessness|Learned helplessness]] (Book chapter, 2010) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2017/Reactance|Reactance]] (Book chapter, 2017) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/False confession motivation|False confession motivation]] (Book chapter, 2019) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Stress on motivation|Stress on motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Perseverance|Perseverance]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[w:Learned helplessness|Learned helplessness]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Reactance (psychology)|Reactance (psychology)]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Social rank theory|Social rank theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Rank theory of depression|Rank theory of depression]] (Wikipedia) == External links == * [https://www.psychologicalscience.org/?p=35515 Why quitting may be good for you] (Association for Psychological Science) * [https://crestresearch.ac.uk/download/4897/csr18_van_der_klok_p8-9.pdf Insights from crisis negotiation practitioners on the stairway model] (CREST Security Review) * [https://www.artofmanliness.com/character/self-improvement/the-art-of-moving-on-when-and-how-to-disengage-from-a-goal/ The art of moving on: When and how to disengage from a goal] (The Art of Manliness) == References == Barlow, M. A., Wrosch, C., & McGrath, J. J. (2020). Goal adjustment capacities and quality of life: A meta-analytic review. ''Journal of Personality, 88''(2), 307–323. https://doi.org/10.1111/jopy.12492 Cialdini, R. B., & Goldstein, N. J. (2004). Social influence: Compliance and conformity. ''Annual Review of Psychology, 55'', 591–621. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.psych.55.090902.142015 Gilbert, P., & Allan, S. (1998). The role of defeat and entrapment (arrested flight) in depression: An exploration of an evolutionary view. ''Psychological Medicine, 28''(3), 585–598. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0033291798006710 Kassin, S. M., Drizin, S. A., Grisso, T., Gudjonsson, G. H., Leo, R. A., & Redlich, A. D. (2010). Police-induced confessions: Risk factors and recommendations. ''Law and Human Behavior, 34''(1), 3–38. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10979-009-9188-6 Klinger, E. (1975). Consequences of commitment to and disengagement from incentives. ''Psychological Review, 82''(1), 1–25. https://doi.org/10.1037/h0076171 Lerner, J. S., & Keltner, D. (2001). Fear, anger, and risk. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 81''(1), 146–159. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.81.1.146 Liang, J., & Li, X. (2019). Explaining the procedural justice–perceived legitimacy relationship: Relying on relational concern or instrumental concern? ''Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, 29''(3), 193–206. https://doi.org/10.1002/casp.2394 Maier, S. F., & Seligman, M. E. P. (2016). Learned helplessness at fifty: Insights from neuroscience. ''Psychological Review, 123''(4), 349–367. https://doi.org/10.1037/rev0000033 Miller, G. E., & Wrosch, C. (2007). You've gotta know when to fold 'em: Goal disengagement and systemic inflammation in adolescence. ''Psychological Science, 18''(9), 773–777. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2007.01977.x Price, J., Sloman, L., Gardner, R., Gilbert, P., & Rohde, P. (1994). The social competition hypothesis of depression. ''British Journal of Psychiatry, 164''(3), 309–315. https://doi.org/10.1192/bjp.164.3.309 Rosenberg, B. D., & Siegel, J. T. (2018). A 50-year review of psychological reactance theory: Do not read this article. ''Motivation Science, 4''(4), 281–300. https://doi.org/10.1037/mot0000091 Seligman, M. E. P., & Maier, S. F. (1967). Failure to escape traumatic shock. ''Journal of Experimental Psychology, 74''(1), 1–9. https://doi.org/10.1037/h0024514 Siddaway, A. P., Taylor, P. J., Wood, A. M., & Schulz, J. (2015). A meta-analysis of perceptions of defeat and entrapment in depression, anxiety problems, posttraumatic stress disorder, and suicidality. ''Journal of Affective Disorders, 184'', 149–159. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jad.2015.05.046 Starcke, K., & Brand, M. (2012). Decision making under stress: A selective review. ''Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews, 36''(4), 1228–1248. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2012.02.003 Steindl, C., Jonas, E., Sittenthaler, S., Traut-Mattausch, E., & Greenberg, J. (2015). Understanding psychological reactance: New developments and findings. ''Zeitschrift für Psychologie, 223''(4), 205–214. https://doi.org/10.1027/2151-2604/a000222 Taylor, P. J., Gooding, P., Wood, A. M., & Tarrier, N. (2011). The role of defeat and entrapment in depression, anxiety, and suicide. ''Psychological Bulletin, 137''(3), 391–420. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0022935 Tyler, T. R. (2003). Procedural justice, legitimacy, and the effective rule of law. ''Crime and Justice, 30'', 283–357. https://doi.org/10.1086/652233 Vecchi, G. M., Van Hasselt, V. B., & Romano, S. J. (2005). Crisis (hostage) negotiation: Current strategies and issues in high-risk conflict resolution. ''Aggression and Violent Behavior, 10''(5), 533–551. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2004.10.001 Wrosch, C., Scheier, M. F., Miller, G. E., Schulz, R., & Carver, C. S. (2003). Adaptive self-regulation of unattainable goals: Goal disengagement, goal reengagement, and subjective well-being. ''Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 29''(12), 1494–1508. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167203256921 tnosw4yonzjk1o2o9wqlvy77cks0but 2840365 2840364 2026-10-15T02:39:29Z Chloebateup 3109816 fixed focus questions and grammar errors 2840365 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Surrender-Motivation:<br>What is the motivational state of surrender and what are its impacts?}} == Overview == [[File:YOUR-EXISTING-IMAGE-FILENAME.jpg|thumb|300px|'''Figure 1'''. Police officers at the scene of a standoff. In crisis situations like this, negotiators try to persuade a person to end their resistance and surrender peacefully.]] {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Scenario: When giving up becomes the goal''' Imagine a police negotiator is called to a tense situation in which a person has barricaded themselves inside a building (see Figure 1). The person is convinced that surrendering will lead to serious consequences for themselves, such as harsh punishment or being harmed. Hours pass as the negotiator tries to establish communication and understand what might persuade the person to come out. At the same time, the person inside begins to realise that staying inside is becoming increasingly difficult. They are exhausted, have limited resources, and are unsure what might happen next. What motivates a person to surrender when continuing to resist may seem like the better option? {{RoundBoxBottom}} This scenario illustrates the psychological problem of surrender motivation: understanding why a person decides to stop resisting, withdraw from a conflict, or yield to another party. Surrender is often seen as weakness or failure, yet it can also be a healthy and even life-saving decision. The challenge is understanding when surrender helps a person and when it harms them. This chapter first defines surrender motivation and distinguishes it from related concepts such as compliance and submission. It then explains three theories that describe different pathways to surrender: goal disengagement theory, learned helplessness theory, and social rank theory. Next, it examines how emotions such as fear, together with social factors such as trust and pressure, influence the decision to stop resisting. Finally, it reviews research on the impacts of surrender and offers practical, evidence-based guidance on when and how letting go can improve people's lives. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Focus questions''' * What is surrender motivation? * Why do people shift from resisting to surrendering? * How do emotions and social context shape surrender? * When is surrender helpful or harmful? {{RoundBoxBottom}} == What is surrender motivation? == In everyday language, surrender often implies weakness or failure. In psychological terms, however, surrender motivation describes a shift in [[w:Motivation|motivation]] that moves a person from actively resisting a threat, opponent, or demand toward deliberately stopping that resistance. The person withdraws effort from one [[w:Goal|goal]] (e.g., holding out, winning, or escaping) and redirects their behaviour toward another (e.g., safety, ending the conflict, or conserving energy). This reflects what Klinger (1975) described as disengagement from an incentive that can no longer be attained. In the opening scenario, the barricaded person has not simply "given up"; their goals and their expectations about what resistance can achieve have changed. Surrender overlaps with several related concepts but is not identical to any of them (see Table 1). [[w:Compliance (psychology)|Compliance]] involves agreeing to an explicit or implicit request from another person (Cialdini & Goldstein, 2004), whereas surrender can occur without any request being made. Submission describes yielding to a more dominant party and has been explained as an evolved response to losing a competitive encounter (Price et al., 1994). Goal disengagement refers to withdrawing effort and commitment from a goal that has become unattainable (Wrosch et al., 2003). Surrender sits where these processes meet: it is usually triggered by perceived defeat, is often directed toward another party, and always involves letting go of a goal. {| class="wikitable" |+ '''Table 1'''<br>''Surrender and related motivational concepts'' ! Concept !! Definition !! Example |- | Surrender || Deliberately stopping resistance and redirecting effort toward a new goal || A barricaded person walks out to end a standoff |- | Compliance || Agreeing to a direct or implied request from another person || Following a police officer's instruction to step back |- | Submission || Yielding to a more dominant party to end a contest || An athlete conceding a match against a far stronger opponent |- | Goal disengagement || Withdrawing effort and commitment from an unattainable goal || Abandoning a career plan after repeated rejection |- | [[w:Learned helplessness|Learned helplessness]] || Passivity following prolonged exposure to uncontrollable events || No longer trying to escape a situation because effort feels pointless |} The key question is whether surrender helps or harms the person who surrenders. Research suggests the answer depends on why surrender happens. Surrender that reflects a realistic reappraisal of an unwinnable situation, followed by commitment to new goals, is associated with better [[w:Well-being|wellbeing]] (Wrosch et al., 2003). In contrast, surrender that reflects a belief that nothing one does matters, or a sense of being defeated yet unable to escape, is associated with depression and anxiety (Maier & Seligman, 2016; Taylor et al., 2011). Distinguishing adaptive from maladaptive surrender is therefore central to understanding, and improving, how people respond when continuing to fight no longer makes sense. == Emotional and social influences == The theories outlined above explain why surrender motivation develops, but they do not fully explain when a person decides to act on it. Emotions and the social context of a conflict strongly influence whether surrender feels safe, acceptable, or even possible. Fear and stress can change how people weigh risks, while the behaviour of the opposing party can either reduce or intensify resistance. This section examines three key influences: emotional states, psychological reactance, and trust in the other party. === Fear, anger, and stress === Specific emotions shape how people judge risk. In a series of studies, Lerner and Keltner (2001) found that fearful people made more pessimistic risk estimates and preferred safer choices, whereas angry people made more optimistic risk estimates and preferred riskier choices. This suggests that the emotion a person feels during a conflict may influence whether they surrender. A person who feels mainly [[w:Fear|fear]] may be drawn toward surrender if it appears to be the safest option, whereas a person who feels mainly [[w:Anger|anger]] may underestimate the risks of continuing to resist. Prolonged [[w:Stress (biology)|stress]] also changes how decisions are made. A review by Starcke and Brand (2012) concluded that stress tends to shift decision making away from careful deliberation and toward quicker, more habitual responses. In a long standoff, exhaustion and stress may therefore narrow a person's options to whatever response feels most immediate, which may be either continued resistance or sudden surrender. However, most of this research involves laboratory tasks with student samples and hypothetical choices, which differ substantially from real, life-threatening conflicts. === Psychological reactance === [[w:Reactance (psychology)|Psychological reactance]] is the motivational state that arises when a person feels their freedom is being threatened, which drives them to restore that freedom (Steindl et al., 2015). Reactance can explain why direct pressure to surrender may backfire. When people feel pushed toward a particular behaviour, they may resist more strongly simply to reassert their independence (Rosenberg & Siegel, 2018). A review of 50 years of reactance research found that controlling language and forceful demands consistently increase reactance, whereas messages that acknowledge the person's choice tend to reduce it (Rosenberg & Siegel, 2018). This has a clear link to learned helplessness theory. Both theories suggest that a sense of control matters, but in different ways: reactance explains why removing a person's freedom can increase resistance, while learned helplessness explains why a complete loss of control can produce passive, unhealthy surrender. Surrender is therefore most likely to be healthy when a person feels they are choosing to surrender rather than being forced to. === Trust, legitimacy, and negotiation === Whether surrender appears safe depends heavily on how much the person trusts the opposing party. Research on [[w:Procedural justice|procedural justice]] shows that people are more willing to cooperate with authorities they perceive as fair and legitimate (Tyler, 2003). Liang and Li (2019) found that perceived procedural justice predicted perceived legitimacy of authorities, through people's concern about being treated with respect as well as their concern about outcomes. A person who expects to be treated fairly is therefore more likely to see surrender as a safe option. Crisis negotiators apply these principles directly. The Behavioural Change Stairway Model describes a sequence of steps that negotiators move through: active listening, empathy, rapport, influence, and finally behavioural change (Vecchi et al., 2005). The model proposes that influence is only possible once trust and rapport have been established, which aligns with research on both procedural justice and reactance. A key limitation is that evidence for crisis negotiation models comes mainly from case studies and practitioner reports, because controlled experiments in real crises are neither practical nor ethical. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Scenario update''' Hours into the standoff, the negotiator changes approach. Instead of repeating demands to come out, they ask the person what has happened to them and listen without interrupting. They acknowledge the person's fear and explain exactly what will happen if they choose to come out, and that the decision is theirs to make. The person begins to feel heard. Their anger gives way to fear and exhaustion, and surrender starts to look less like defeat and more like a safe way out. What psychological processes do you think are at work here? {{RoundBoxBottom}} <quiz display=simple> {According to Lerner and Keltner (2001), which emotion is associated with preferring safer choices? |type="()"} + Fear - Anger - Pride {Why might repeated demands to surrender increase resistance? |type="()"} - They increase learned helplessness + They threaten the person's sense of freedom, triggering reactance - They increase goal re-engagement </quiz> == Impacts of surrender == Research on goal disengagement, defeat, and coerced compliance suggests that the impact of surrender depends less on the act itself than on the psychological state behind it. When surrender involves a realistic decision to let go of an unattainable goal, it tends to benefit both mental and physical health. When it involves helplessness, entrapment, or pressure from others, it tends to cause harm. Table 3 summarises key research findings. === When surrender helps === A meta-analysis by Barlow et al. (2020) found that people with a stronger capacity to disengage from unattainable goals, and to re-engage with new ones, reported better quality of life. Importantly, the benefits of surrender are not limited to self-reported wellbeing. In a year-long longitudinal study, Miller and Wrosch (2007) found that adolescents who had difficulty disengaging from unattainable goals showed increasing levels of systemic [[w:Inflammation|inflammation]], a biological marker linked to later physical illness. Because this study measured a biological outcome over time, it partly addresses the limitation that most goal disengagement research relies on self-report at a single time point. These findings support goal disengagement theory's claim that knowing when to give up is an important self-regulation skill (Wrosch et al., 2003). However, they raise a difficult practical question: how can a person tell whether a goal is truly unattainable? Persistence is also valuable, and giving up too early may mean abandoning goals that could have been achieved. The research does not yet offer clear guidance on where this line falls, and most studies have been conducted with Western samples, so it is unclear whether the benefits of disengagement apply equally across cultures. === When surrender harms === Surrender becomes harmful when it reflects defeat combined with entrapment. A meta-analysis by Siddaway et al. (2015) found that perceptions of defeat and entrapment were strongly associated with depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress, and suicidality. This is consistent with social rank theory's proposal that yielding is only protective when it actually ends the conflict (Gilbert & Allan, 1998). However, because the studies included were mostly cross-sectional, they cannot establish whether defeat and entrapment cause these problems or result from them. Surrender under pressure can also be harmful when it is coerced. A review by Kassin et al. (2010) found that factors such as lengthy interrogations, exhaustion, and isolation increase the risk of people giving [[w:False confession|false confessions]], effectively surrendering to an authority's version of events to escape an unbearable situation. This finding links the emotional and social influences discussed earlier to real-world harm, because the same stress and fatigue that can encourage surrender can also distort decision making. It also raises an important ethical point: psychological knowledge about surrender should be used to support people's choices, not to override them. {| class="wikitable" |+ '''Table 3'''<br>''Key research findings on the impacts of surrender'' ! Study !! Design !! Key finding !! Limitation |- | Barlow et al. (2020) || Meta-analysis || Disengagement and re-engagement linked to better quality of life || Mostly self-report, correlational studies |- | Miller & Wrosch (2007) || Longitudinal || Poor disengagement linked to rising inflammation || Adolescent sample only |- | Siddaway et al. (2015) || Meta-analysis || Defeat and entrapment linked to depression, anxiety, PTSD, and suicidality || Mostly cross-sectional |- | Kassin et al. (2010) || Review || Stress and exhaustion increase risk of false confessions || Relies partly on case studies of known false confessions |} {{RoundBoxTop|theme=2}} '''Applying this to your life: Healthy surrender''' Research suggests several questions you can ask when deciding whether to keep fighting or let go: * '''Is the goal still achievable?''' If repeated effort is not bringing you closer, disengaging may protect your wellbeing. * '''What will replace it?''' Letting go works best when you commit to a new, meaningful goal. * '''Does this feel like a choice or a trap?''' Choosing to let go is linked to better outcomes than feeling defeated with no way out. * '''Am I deciding under pressure?''' Stress and exhaustion distort decisions, so wait until you are rested before making major choices if you can. If you feel defeated and trapped with no way out, talk to someone you trust or contact a local crisis support service. {{RoundBoxBottom}} <quiz display=simple> {What did Miller and Wrosch (2007) find in adolescents who struggled to let go of unattainable goals? |type="()"} - Lower stress hormones + Increasing levels of inflammation - Higher quality of life {Which combination of factors does research most consistently link to harmful outcomes? |type="()"} - Disengagement and re-engagement + Defeat and entrapment - Fear and trust </quiz> == Theories of surrender == No single theory fully explains surrender motivation. Instead, three theoretical perspectives each explain a different pathway from resistance to surrender (see Table 2). Goal disengagement theory treats surrender as a strategic decision to let go of an unattainable goal. Learned helplessness theory treats surrender as the result of losing a sense of control. [[w:Social rank theory|Social rank theory]] treats surrender as an evolved response to defeat. Together, these perspectives help explain why some forms of surrender are healthy while others are harmful. === Goal disengagement theory === Klinger (1975) proposed that when a valued goal is blocked, people move through an incentive–disengagement cycle. They first increase their effort, then become frustrated or angry, then experience low mood as commitment fades, and finally recover once the goal has been released (Klinger, 1975). Wrosch et al. (2003) extended this idea by distinguishing two separate capacities: goal disengagement, which involves withdrawing effort and commitment from an unattainable goal, and goal re-engagement, which involves identifying and committing to new goals. Across several studies, people who were better able to disengage from unattainable goals reported higher subjective wellbeing, and the capacity to re-engage with new goals was also associated with wellbeing (Wrosch et al., 2003). The standoff in the opening scenario maps closely onto this cycle. The person's initial determination to resist reflects increased effort, while their growing exhaustion and uncertainty suggest that disengagement has begun. From this perspective, a negotiator who offers a credible alternative goal, such as safety or the chance to be heard, may help the person re-engage rather than simply collapse. However, much of the supporting evidence relies on self-report questionnaires, which makes it difficult to establish whether disengagement causes better wellbeing or whether people with better wellbeing simply find it easier to disengage. === Learned helplessness theory === In early experiments, Seligman and Maier (1967) found that dogs exposed to inescapable shocks later failed to escape shocks even when escape became possible. The original theory proposed that animals learned that their behaviour had no effect on outcomes, and this learning produced passivity (Seligman & Maier, 1967). Fifty years later, Maier and Seligman (2016) revised the theory based on neuroscience evidence. They concluded that passivity is the brain's default, unlearned response to prolonged uncontrollable threat, and that what is actually learned is control: detecting that one's actions matter is what overrides the passive response (Maier & Seligman, 2016). Applied to surrender, this suggests that some surrender is not a choice at all, but what happens when a person no longer perceives any control. If the barricaded person comes to believe that nothing they do will change the outcome, their surrender may reflect helplessness rather than a considered decision. This distinction matters because helplessness is closely linked to depression (Maier & Seligman, 2016). A key limitation is that the foundational research was conducted with animals, and generalising these findings to complex human decisions made under threat should be done with caution. === Social rank theory === Social rank theory proposes that humans, like other social animals, evolved mechanisms for managing competition with others. Price et al. (1994) argued that when an animal is losing a fight, an "involuntary subordinate strategy" causes it to yield, signalling that it is no longer a threat and ending the conflict before serious injury occurs. Gilbert and Allan (1998) proposed that defeat becomes harmful when it is combined with entrapment, in which a strong desire to escape is blocked. They found that feelings of defeat and entrapment were strongly associated with depression (Gilbert & Allan, 1998). A systematic review by Taylor et al. (2011) later confirmed that defeat and entrapment are consistently associated with depression, anxiety, and suicidal thoughts and behaviour. This theory explains why surrender in the opening scenario can be protective, because yielding ends a dangerous conflict, and also why the period before surrender may be the most psychologically dangerous. A person who feels defeated but sees no safe way out is experiencing exactly the combination that Gilbert and Allan (1998) identified as most harmful. However, evolutionary explanations are difficult to test directly, and most of the supporting research is cross-sectional, so it cannot show whether defeat and entrapment cause distress or result from it. {| class="wikitable" |+ '''Table 2'''<br>''Comparison of three theories of surrender'' ! Theory !! Why surrender occurs !! Adaptive when... !! Maladaptive when... |- | Goal disengagement || A goal is judged unattainable || The person re-engages with new goals || No new goals replace the old one |- | Learned helplessness || Control is no longer perceived || Rarely adaptive || Passivity generalises to situations that are controllable |- | Social rank || Defeat in a conflict signals the need to yield || Yielding ends a dangerous conflict || Defeat is combined with entrapment |} <quiz display=simple> {According to Wrosch et al. (2003), surrender is most likely to benefit wellbeing when it is followed by: |type="()"} - Increased effort toward the original goal + Re-engagement with new goals - Compliance with an authority figure {According to Maier and Seligman's (2016) revised theory, what is actually learned? |type="()"} - Helplessness + Control - Submission {According to social rank theory, defeat is most harmful when it is combined with: |type="()"} - Compliance - Goal re-engagement + Entrapment </quiz> == Conclusion == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Scenario resolution''' After several more hours of talking, the person tells the negotiator they want to see their family again. The negotiator confirms that they will be safe and explains each step of what will happen next. Shortly afterwards, the person opens the door and walks out. Looking back, several processes contributed to this outcome. The person disengaged from the goal of holding out and re-engaged with a new goal: safety and reconnecting with family. The negotiator's respectful approach built trust and reduced reactance, and because the person felt they were choosing to come out, their surrender was less likely to be experienced as defeat. {{RoundBoxBottom}}Surrender motivation is the shift from actively resisting toward deliberately stopping resistance, usually involving the release of one goal and the adoption of another. Rather than being a single process, surrender can follow different pathways. Goal disengagement theory explains surrender as a strategic decision to let go of an unattainable goal, learned helplessness theory explains it as a response to lost control, and social rank theory explains it as an evolved response to defeat (Gilbert & Allan, 1998; Maier & Seligman, 2016; Wrosch et al., 2003). Emotions and social context strongly influence whether people act on surrender motivation. Fear and stress change how people weigh risks, while direct pressure can trigger reactance and increase resistance (Lerner & Keltner, 2001; Rosenberg & Siegel, 2018). Trust in the other party and a sense of being treated fairly make surrender feel safer, which is why effective crisis negotiation focuses on listening and rapport before influence (Tyler, 2003; Vecchi et al., 2005). The impact of surrender depends on the state behind it. Surrender that involves realistic disengagement and re-engagement with new goals is linked to better quality of life and physical health, whereas surrender involving defeat, entrapment, or coercion is linked to depression, anxiety, and false confessions (Barlow et al., 2020; Kassin et al., 2010; Siddaway et al., 2015). Much of this evidence is correlational, relies on self-report, and comes from Western samples, so further longitudinal and cross-cultural research is needed. The key take-home message is that knowing when and how to let go is a valuable skill: surrender is healthiest when it is chosen, realistic, and followed by commitment to something new. == See also == * [[w:Learned helplessness|Learned helplessness]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Reactance (psychology)|Psychological reactance]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Crisis negotiation|Crisis negotiation]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Social rank theory|Social rank theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Giving up goals|Giving up goals]] (Book chapter, 2020) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2010/Learned helplessness|Learned helplessness]] (Book chapter, 2010) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2017/Reactance|Reactance]] (Book chapter, 2017) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2019/False confession motivation|False confession motivation]] (Book chapter, 2019) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Stress on motivation|Stress on motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Perseverance|Perseverance]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[w:Learned helplessness|Learned helplessness]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Reactance (psychology)|Reactance (psychology)]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Social rank theory|Social rank theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[w:Rank theory of depression|Rank theory of depression]] (Wikipedia) == External links == * [https://www.psychologicalscience.org/?p=35515 Why quitting may be good for you] (Association for Psychological Science) * [https://crestresearch.ac.uk/download/4897/csr18_van_der_klok_p8-9.pdf Insights from crisis negotiation practitioners on the stairway model] (CREST Security Review) * [https://www.artofmanliness.com/character/self-improvement/the-art-of-moving-on-when-and-how-to-disengage-from-a-goal/ The art of moving on: When and how to disengage from a goal] (The Art of Manliness) == References == Barlow, M. A., Wrosch, C., & McGrath, J. J. (2020). Goal adjustment capacities and quality of life: A meta-analytic review. ''Journal of Personality, 88''(2), 307–323. https://doi.org/10.1111/jopy.12492 Cialdini, R. B., & Goldstein, N. J. (2004). Social influence: Compliance and conformity. ''Annual Review of Psychology, 55'', 591–621. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.psych.55.090902.142015 Gilbert, P., & Allan, S. (1998). The role of defeat and entrapment (arrested flight) in depression: An exploration of an evolutionary view. ''Psychological Medicine, 28''(3), 585–598. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0033291798006710 Kassin, S. M., Drizin, S. A., Grisso, T., Gudjonsson, G. H., Leo, R. A., & Redlich, A. D. (2010). Police-induced confessions: Risk factors and recommendations. ''Law and Human Behavior, 34''(1), 3–38. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10979-009-9188-6 Klinger, E. (1975). Consequences of commitment to and disengagement from incentives. ''Psychological Review, 82''(1), 1–25. https://doi.org/10.1037/h0076171 Lerner, J. S., & Keltner, D. (2001). Fear, anger, and risk. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 81''(1), 146–159. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.81.1.146 Liang, J., & Li, X. (2019). Explaining the procedural justice–perceived legitimacy relationship: Relying on relational concern or instrumental concern? ''Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, 29''(3), 193–206. https://doi.org/10.1002/casp.2394 Maier, S. F., & Seligman, M. E. P. (2016). Learned helplessness at fifty: Insights from neuroscience. ''Psychological Review, 123''(4), 349–367. https://doi.org/10.1037/rev0000033 Miller, G. E., & Wrosch, C. (2007). You've gotta know when to fold 'em: Goal disengagement and systemic inflammation in adolescence. ''Psychological Science, 18''(9), 773–777. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2007.01977.x Price, J., Sloman, L., Gardner, R., Gilbert, P., & Rohde, P. (1994). The social competition hypothesis of depression. ''British Journal of Psychiatry, 164''(3), 309–315. https://doi.org/10.1192/bjp.164.3.309 Rosenberg, B. D., & Siegel, J. T. (2018). A 50-year review of psychological reactance theory: Do not read this article. ''Motivation Science, 4''(4), 281–300. https://doi.org/10.1037/mot0000091 Seligman, M. E. P., & Maier, S. F. (1967). Failure to escape traumatic shock. ''Journal of Experimental Psychology, 74''(1), 1–9. https://doi.org/10.1037/h0024514 Siddaway, A. P., Taylor, P. J., Wood, A. M., & Schulz, J. (2015). A meta-analysis of perceptions of defeat and entrapment in depression, anxiety problems, posttraumatic stress disorder, and suicidality. ''Journal of Affective Disorders, 184'', 149–159. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jad.2015.05.046 Starcke, K., & Brand, M. (2012). Decision making under stress: A selective review. ''Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews, 36''(4), 1228–1248. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2012.02.003 Steindl, C., Jonas, E., Sittenthaler, S., Traut-Mattausch, E., & Greenberg, J. (2015). Understanding psychological reactance: New developments and findings. ''Zeitschrift für Psychologie, 223''(4), 205–214. https://doi.org/10.1027/2151-2604/a000222 Taylor, P. J., Gooding, P., Wood, A. M., & Tarrier, N. (2011). The role of defeat and entrapment in depression, anxiety, and suicide. ''Psychological Bulletin, 137''(3), 391–420. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0022935 Tyler, T. R. (2003). Procedural justice, legitimacy, and the effective rule of law. ''Crime and Justice, 30'', 283–357. https://doi.org/10.1086/652233 Vecchi, G. M., Van Hasselt, V. B., & Romano, S. J. (2005). Crisis (hostage) negotiation: Current strategies and issues in high-risk conflict resolution. ''Aggression and Violent Behavior, 10''(5), 533–551. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2004.10.001 Wrosch, C., Scheier, M. F., Miller, G. E., Schulz, R., & Carver, C. S. (2003). Adaptive self-regulation of unattainable goals: Goal disengagement, goal reengagement, and subjective well-being. ''Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 29''(12), 1494–1508. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167203256921 l1p36181g4fly7s7iy1uvb50q52pb9f 2 331654 2840275 2838551 2026-10-14T13:41:19Z U3275873 3110137 added social contributions 2840275 wikitext text/x-wiki == About me == Hello! I am a third-year student currently studying a Bachelor of Psychology/Bachelor of Law. I am most interested in clinical psychology, with a particular interests in criminal, child, family, and religion psychology. == My book chapter == The book chapter I am working on is [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2026/Romantic rejection and emotional response|romantic rejection and emotional response]]. It explores the ways in which romantic attachments develop, what happens when an attachment is lost, how this affects one's responses to romantic rejection, as well as, methods to support emotional regulation in light of rejection. == Social contributions == My social contributions include: * [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FReinforcement_sensitivity_theory&diff=2829144&oldid=2828970 1:20, 29 August 26 - Put 'See also' resources in alphabetical order, and fixed doi links in references to be working clickable hyperlinks.] * [[Talk:Motivation and emotion/Book/2026/Empathy and jury decision-making#c-U3275873-20260828150100-Impacts of personal bias|1:01, 29 August 26 - Feedback on a book chapter - Empathy and jury decision-making]] * [https://uclearn.canberra.edu.au/courses/20143/discussion_topics/457904?entry_id=810833 1:11, 29 August 26 - Feedback provided on a topic development page on Motivation and Emotion Discussion page on UCLearn] * [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2025%2FPositive_criminology_and_motivation&diff=2838451&oldid=2790143 16:41, 11 October 26 - Made improvements to grammar throughout the page - Positive criminology and motivation] * [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2014%2FDeath_and_emotion&diff=2838496&oldid=2418856 17:03, 11 October 26 - Rewrote to improve clarity, and added initial scenario into a feature box - Death and emotion] * [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2019%2FEmotional_intelligence_and_anti-social_behaviour&diff=2838547&oldid=2552350 17:27, 11 October 26 - Rewrote sentences to improve clarity, improved grammar, and corrected in-text references - Emotional intelligence and anti-social behaviour] * [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FAutomaticity_and_goal_pursuit&diff=2840263&oldid=2840082 12:05, 15 October 26 - Formatted 'See also' section to be a bulleted list, and reordered into alphabetical order - Automaticity and goal pursuit] * [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FAutomaticity_and_goal_pursuit&diff=2840265&oldid=2840263 12:11, 15 October 26 - Italicised journal names in reference list in accordance with APA7 rules - Automaticity and goal pursuit] * [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FSensation-seeking_and_dopamine&diff=2840270&oldid=2839475 12:19, 15 October 26 - Formatted table captions, alphabetised 'See also' and 'External links' links - Sensation seeking and dopamine] * [https://uclearn.canberra.edu.au/courses/20143/discussion_topics/465466?entry_id=825457 12:25, 15 October 26 - Feedback provided on book chapter page on Motivation and Emotion Discussion page on UCLearn] * [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2025%2FPregnancy_loss_and_emotion&diff=2840274&oldid=2825415 12:40, 15 October 26 - Formatted reference list, made improvements to grammar - Pregnancy loss and emotion] 62d0swft1axgzj38nfos5eu3vpr945i 0 331663 2840449 2840012 2026-10-15T10:30:59Z U3203283 3110021 /* Self-Determination Theory */ 2840449 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Relatedness motivation in self-determination theory:<br>How does the need for relatedness function within self-determination theory to shape motivation and behaviour?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Raise hand gesture occupy.svg|Raise_hand_gesture_occupy|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. A raised hand: Lauren's tutor encouraged students to ask for help and connect with each other. {{expand}}]] ; Imagine this Lauren is a first-year university student studying psychology who recently started a demanding course. During the first few weeks, she finds the workload difficult and is unsure whether she is capable of succeeding. She chose to study psychology because she is interested in the subject, however, she feels isolated because her classmates seem to already know one another. One of Lauren’s tutors makes an effort to learn about students, encourages them to contribute to discussions, and provides feedback. The tutor also organises small-group activities where students can get to know one another and emphasises that asking for help is a normal part of learning. Lauren engages with these opportunities. Over time, Lauren begins to feel that she belongs in the course and that both her tutor and classmates value her participation. As Lauren feels increasingly connected to the people around her, she becomes more willing to attend tutorials, participate in discussions, ask questions (see Figure 1), and seek feedback when she does not understand something. She also starts studying with classmates outside class. Lauren is no longer completing the course requirements only because she feels she has to. Her growing sense of belonging helps her internalise the value of the course, so she begins to think, “Psychology is important to me, and I want to do well because I see myself as part of this community.” This shift leads to more persistent, engaged behaviour. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Self-determination theory (SDT) suggests people are most effectively motivated when motivation is intrinsic. SDT argues people have an innate tendency toward growth, and three distinct basic needs. Within SDT is the basic psychological needs theory (BPNT or BNT), which suggests three psychological needs related to intrinsic motivation which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Relatedness refers to the human desire to form strong relationships and bonds with those around them. This chapter will examine how the concept of relatedness, within self-determination theory, shapes human motivation and behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000) The goal contents theory (GCT) expands on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and their impact on wellness. Extrinsic goals including financial success, fame, and physical appearance have been compared to intrinsic goals which include personal growth, forming strong, high-quality relationships, and community which are associated with higher well-being than the latter. The role of relatedness can be understood through another micro-theory of SDT; the relationship motivation theory (RMT), which suggests that closeness to others is not only preferable, but essential to wellbeing. Not only do high-quality relationships satisfy the need for relatedness, but they can also satisfy the need for autonomy and competence (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In a meta-analysis, Slempt et. al (2024), note that support from others likely facilitates people’s motivational processes, finding that interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs were small to moderately positively associated with performance. Slempt et. al (2024), {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is the need for relatedness within Self-Determination Theory, and why is it important in shaping motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction influence the development of autonomous versus controlled motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction or frustration affect individuals’ behaviour, such as engagement, persistence, and disengagement? * How do social environments and relationships affect relatedness, and what are the implications on motivation and behaviour? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Self-Determination Theory== [[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] is a macro-theory of psychology created by [[w:Edward Deci|Edward Deci]] and [[w:Richard Ryan|Richard Ryan]] relating to motivation, behaviour, and personality. SDT utilises an organismic-dialectical approach, which assumes people are ‘active organisms’ who have tendencies toward growth, overcoming challenges, and integrating new experiences into their sense of self. SDT posits this inherent tendency toward growth as well as peoples’ innate psychological needs are the basis for self-motivation and personality integration. Ryan and Deci (2000), propose that humans have three basic psychological needs which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness and when these needs are met, they are essential to optimal personal growth, wellbeing, and development. The social context can either support or ‘thwart’ these natural tendencies toward psychological growth. (Ryan & Deci, 2000) * SDT posits that social and cultural factors either support or damage individuals' motivation, well-being, and the quality of their involvement. (Ryan & Deci, 2000) ==Relatedness satisfaction and autonomous motivation== * Relatedness satisfaction versus relatedness frustration. * When an individual is satisfied with their relatedness, they are more likely to perceive a task as meaningful opposed to an obligation. This futher motivates that individual to engage in the task. * Relatedness frustration, characterised by rejection, loneliness and feeling excluded, was found to mediate amotivation. (Van Tuin et. al, 2020) ==Relatedness, engagement and behaviour== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Parallel mediation model with both satisfaction and frustration of basic needs (Van Tuin et al., 2020)]] * Relatedness satisfaction of students predicted identified regulation and was found to increase behavioural engagement in mathematics (Hofverberg et. al., 2022). * When relatedness is satisfied, participation has been found to feel more meaningful socially and emotionally, therefore motivating participation behaviours (Kaefer & Chiviacowsky, 2021). * Students' perception of relatedness with teachers was associated with better homework engagement and practices (Collie, 2024). ==Relatedness and well-being== * Interpersonal support of autonomy, competence, and relatedness were associated with satisfaction of those psychological needs. * Environmental support for needs were associated with greater wellbeing and improved performance. * Relatedness supports wellbeing which supports motivation. (Slemp et. al, 2024) {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || |} * '''Interactive learning Quiz - Choose your answers and click "Submit":''' <quiz display="simple"> {Relatedness satisfaction has been shown to influence welbeing: |type="(true)"} + True - False {Relatedness is an element of self-determination theory: |type="(true)"} + True - False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Relatedness is a key psychological need within self-determination theory. When this need is satisfied, psychological well-being is more likely to increase and individuals are more likely to develop greater self-determined motivation * Both relatedness satisfaction and relatedness frustration can influence the quality of motivation, not just its strength * Relatedness satisfaction can shape behaviour by facilitating greater engagement, participation, and persistence and sustain their behaviour for longer. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== {{ic|Use alphabetical order}} * [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cognitive_evaluation_theory Cognitive evaluation theory] (Wikipedia) *[[Cognitive evaluation theory|Cognitive evaluation theory]] (Wikipedia) *[https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Motivation_and_emotion/Lectures/Extrinsic_motivation_and_psychological_needs Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs] (Wikiversity) {{ic|Use an internal link as shown in Tutorial 2}} * [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_relation Relatedness] (Wikipedia) {{ic|Use an internal link as shown in Tutorial 2}} *[[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to Student Motivation: A Meta-Analysis of Antecedents of Autonomous and Controlled Motivations. Review of Educational Research, 92(1), 46-72. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426 Collie, R. J. (2024). Social-emotional need satisfaction and students’ academic engagement and social-emotional skills. Educational Psychology, 44(2), 117–135. https://doi.org/10.1080/01443410.2024.2324751 Hagger, M. S., Hankonen, N., Chatzisarantis, N. L. D., & Ryan, R. M. (2020). Changing Behavior Using Self-Determination Theory. In M. S. Hagger, L. D. Cameron, K. Hamilton, N. Hankonen, & T. Lintunen (Eds.), The Handbook of Behaviour Change (pp. 104–119). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108677318.008 Hofverberg, A., Winberg, M., Palmberg, B., Andersson, C., & Palm, T. (2022). Relationships between basic psychological need satisfaction, regulations, and behavioral engagement in mathematics. Frontiers in Psychology, 13. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.829958 Kaefer, A., & Chiviacowsky, S. (2021). Relatedness support enhances motivation, positive affect, and motor learning in adolescents. Human Movement Science, 79, 102864. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.humov.2021.102864 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.68 Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of personality and social psychology, 127(5), 1012–1037. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459 Van Tuin, L., Schaufeli, W. B., & van Rhenen, W. (2020). The satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in engaging leadership. Journal of Leadership Studies, 14(2), 6–23. https://doi.org/10.1002/jls.21695 Weinstein, N. (Ed.). (2014). Human Motivation and Interpersonal Relationships : Theory, Research, and Applications (1st ed. 2014.). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8542-6 }} {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Important aspects of APA referencing style ** Author surname, followed by a comma, then the author initials separated by full stops and spaces ** Year of publication in parentheses ** Title of work in lower case (except first letter and proper names), ending in a full-stop ** Journal title in italics, volume number in italics, issue number in parentheses, first and last page numbers separated by an en-dash(–), followed by a full-stop ** doi as a URL which is a working hyperlink (i.e., clickable) ** Hanging indent: Wrap the set of references in the [[Template:Hanging indent|hanging indent template]]: *** Use "Edit source" *** <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1= the full list of references}}</nowiki> * The most common mistakes include: ** Incorrect capitalisation ** Incorrect italicisation ** dois which aren't clickable as working hyperlinks ** Citing sources that haven't been consulted }} ==External links== {{ic|Use sentence casing}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VGrcets0E6I Promoting Motivation, Health, and Excellence: Ed Deci TEDX] (Youtube) * [https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/theory/ Self-determination Theory] (Center for Self-determination Theory) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Needs/Relatedness]] mo72bcgoeuykx4jwfrctie19t55xce3 2840450 2840449 2026-10-15T10:36:11Z U3203283 3110021 /* Self-Determination Theory */ 2840450 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Relatedness motivation in self-determination theory:<br>How does the need for relatedness function within self-determination theory to shape motivation and behaviour?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Raise hand gesture occupy.svg|Raise_hand_gesture_occupy|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. A raised hand: Lauren's tutor encouraged students to ask for help and connect with each other. {{expand}}]] ; Imagine this Lauren is a first-year university student studying psychology who recently started a demanding course. During the first few weeks, she finds the workload difficult and is unsure whether she is capable of succeeding. She chose to study psychology because she is interested in the subject, however, she feels isolated because her classmates seem to already know one another. One of Lauren’s tutors makes an effort to learn about students, encourages them to contribute to discussions, and provides feedback. The tutor also organises small-group activities where students can get to know one another and emphasises that asking for help is a normal part of learning. Lauren engages with these opportunities. Over time, Lauren begins to feel that she belongs in the course and that both her tutor and classmates value her participation. As Lauren feels increasingly connected to the people around her, she becomes more willing to attend tutorials, participate in discussions, ask questions (see Figure 1), and seek feedback when she does not understand something. She also starts studying with classmates outside class. Lauren is no longer completing the course requirements only because she feels she has to. Her growing sense of belonging helps her internalise the value of the course, so she begins to think, “Psychology is important to me, and I want to do well because I see myself as part of this community.” This shift leads to more persistent, engaged behaviour. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Self-determination theory (SDT) suggests people are most effectively motivated when motivation is intrinsic. SDT argues people have an innate tendency toward growth, and three distinct basic needs. Within SDT is the basic psychological needs theory (BPNT or BNT), which suggests three psychological needs related to intrinsic motivation which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Relatedness refers to the human desire to form strong relationships and bonds with those around them. This chapter will examine how the concept of relatedness, within self-determination theory, shapes human motivation and behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000) The goal contents theory (GCT) expands on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and their impact on wellness. Extrinsic goals including financial success, fame, and physical appearance have been compared to intrinsic goals which include personal growth, forming strong, high-quality relationships, and community which are associated with higher well-being than the latter. The role of relatedness can be understood through another micro-theory of SDT; the relationship motivation theory (RMT), which suggests that closeness to others is not only preferable, but essential to wellbeing. Not only do high-quality relationships satisfy the need for relatedness, but they can also satisfy the need for autonomy and competence (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In a meta-analysis, Slempt et. al (2024), note that support from others likely facilitates people’s motivational processes, finding that interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs were small to moderately positively associated with performance. Slempt et. al (2024), {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is the need for relatedness within Self-Determination Theory, and why is it important in shaping motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction influence the development of autonomous versus controlled motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction or frustration affect individuals’ behaviour, such as engagement, persistence, and disengagement? * How do social environments and relationships affect relatedness, and what are the implications on motivation and behaviour? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Self-Determination Theory== [[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] is a macro-theory of psychology created by [[w:Edward Deci|Edward Deci]] and [[w:Richard Ryan|Richard Ryan]] relating to motivation, behaviour, and personality. SDT utilises an organismic-dialectical approach, which assumes people are ‘active organisms’ who have tendencies toward growth, overcoming challenges, and integrating new experiences into their sense of self. SDT posits this inherent tendency toward growth as well as peoples’ innate psychological needs are the basis for self-motivation and personality integration. Ryan and Deci (2000), propose that humans have three basic psychological needs which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness and when these needs are met, they are essential to optimal personal growth, wellbeing, and development. Social or cultural factors can either support or 'thwart' individuals' motivation, well-being, and personal growth. (Ryan & Deci, 2000) {{anchor|Basic psychological needs theory}} ;Basic psychological needs theory Basic psychological needs theory posits that people have three basic psychological needs that they have a natural tendency toward, and are central to wellbeing and motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Autonomy refers to the individual experiencing their actions as voluntary and personally endorsed as opposed to being controlled or imposed upon them. Competence ==Relatedness satisfaction and autonomous motivation== * Relatedness satisfaction versus relatedness frustration. * When an individual is satisfied with their relatedness, they are more likely to perceive a task as meaningful opposed to an obligation. This futher motivates that individual to engage in the task. * Relatedness frustration, characterised by rejection, loneliness and feeling excluded, was found to mediate amotivation. (Van Tuin et. al, 2020) ==Relatedness, engagement and behaviour== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Parallel mediation model with both satisfaction and frustration of basic needs (Van Tuin et al., 2020)]] * Relatedness satisfaction of students predicted identified regulation and was found to increase behavioural engagement in mathematics (Hofverberg et. al., 2022). * When relatedness is satisfied, participation has been found to feel more meaningful socially and emotionally, therefore motivating participation behaviours (Kaefer & Chiviacowsky, 2021). * Students' perception of relatedness with teachers was associated with better homework engagement and practices (Collie, 2024). ==Relatedness and well-being== * Interpersonal support of autonomy, competence, and relatedness were associated with satisfaction of those psychological needs. * Environmental support for needs were associated with greater wellbeing and improved performance. * Relatedness supports wellbeing which supports motivation. (Slemp et. al, 2024) {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || |} * '''Interactive learning Quiz - Choose your answers and click "Submit":''' <quiz display="simple"> {Relatedness satisfaction has been shown to influence welbeing: |type="(true)"} + True - False {Relatedness is an element of self-determination theory: |type="(true)"} + True - False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Relatedness is a key psychological need within self-determination theory. When this need is satisfied, psychological well-being is more likely to increase and individuals are more likely to develop greater self-determined motivation * Both relatedness satisfaction and relatedness frustration can influence the quality of motivation, not just its strength * Relatedness satisfaction can shape behaviour by facilitating greater engagement, participation, and persistence and sustain their behaviour for longer. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== {{ic|Use alphabetical order}} * [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cognitive_evaluation_theory Cognitive evaluation theory] (Wikipedia) *[[Cognitive evaluation theory|Cognitive evaluation theory]] (Wikipedia) *[https://en.wikiversity.org/wiki/Motivation_and_emotion/Lectures/Extrinsic_motivation_and_psychological_needs Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs] (Wikiversity) {{ic|Use an internal link as shown in Tutorial 2}} * [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_relation Relatedness] (Wikipedia) {{ic|Use an internal link as shown in Tutorial 2}} *[[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to Student Motivation: A Meta-Analysis of Antecedents of Autonomous and Controlled Motivations. Review of Educational Research, 92(1), 46-72. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426 Collie, R. J. (2024). Social-emotional need satisfaction and students’ academic engagement and social-emotional skills. Educational Psychology, 44(2), 117–135. https://doi.org/10.1080/01443410.2024.2324751 Hagger, M. S., Hankonen, N., Chatzisarantis, N. L. D., & Ryan, R. M. (2020). Changing Behavior Using Self-Determination Theory. In M. S. Hagger, L. D. Cameron, K. Hamilton, N. Hankonen, & T. Lintunen (Eds.), The Handbook of Behaviour Change (pp. 104–119). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108677318.008 Hofverberg, A., Winberg, M., Palmberg, B., Andersson, C., & Palm, T. (2022). Relationships between basic psychological need satisfaction, regulations, and behavioral engagement in mathematics. Frontiers in Psychology, 13. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.829958 Kaefer, A., & Chiviacowsky, S. (2021). Relatedness support enhances motivation, positive affect, and motor learning in adolescents. Human Movement Science, 79, 102864. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.humov.2021.102864 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.68 Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of personality and social psychology, 127(5), 1012–1037. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459 Van Tuin, L., Schaufeli, W. B., & van Rhenen, W. (2020). The satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in engaging leadership. Journal of Leadership Studies, 14(2), 6–23. https://doi.org/10.1002/jls.21695 Weinstein, N. (Ed.). (2014). Human Motivation and Interpersonal Relationships : Theory, Research, and Applications (1st ed. 2014.). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8542-6 }} {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Important aspects of APA referencing style ** Author surname, followed by a comma, then the author initials separated by full stops and spaces ** Year of publication in parentheses ** Title of work in lower case (except first letter and proper names), ending in a full-stop ** Journal title in italics, volume number in italics, issue number in parentheses, first and last page numbers separated by an en-dash(–), followed by a full-stop ** doi as a URL which is a working hyperlink (i.e., clickable) ** Hanging indent: Wrap the set of references in the [[Template:Hanging indent|hanging indent template]]: *** Use "Edit source" *** <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1= the full list of references}}</nowiki> * The most common mistakes include: ** Incorrect capitalisation ** Incorrect italicisation ** dois which aren't clickable as working hyperlinks ** Citing sources that haven't been consulted }} ==External links== {{ic|Use sentence casing}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VGrcets0E6I Promoting Motivation, Health, and Excellence: Ed Deci TEDX] (Youtube) * [https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/theory/ Self-determination Theory] (Center for Self-determination Theory) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Needs/Relatedness]] 648ihpvy7jj7efim1f64ay1xo5n3lud 2840451 2840450 2026-10-15T10:40:11Z U3203283 3110021 /* See also */ fixing links to be internal instead of external 2840451 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Relatedness motivation in self-determination theory:<br>How does the need for relatedness function within self-determination theory to shape motivation and behaviour?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Raise hand gesture occupy.svg|Raise_hand_gesture_occupy|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. A raised hand: Lauren's tutor encouraged students to ask for help and connect with each other. {{expand}}]] ; Imagine this Lauren is a first-year university student studying psychology who recently started a demanding course. During the first few weeks, she finds the workload difficult and is unsure whether she is capable of succeeding. She chose to study psychology because she is interested in the subject, however, she feels isolated because her classmates seem to already know one another. One of Lauren’s tutors makes an effort to learn about students, encourages them to contribute to discussions, and provides feedback. The tutor also organises small-group activities where students can get to know one another and emphasises that asking for help is a normal part of learning. Lauren engages with these opportunities. Over time, Lauren begins to feel that she belongs in the course and that both her tutor and classmates value her participation. As Lauren feels increasingly connected to the people around her, she becomes more willing to attend tutorials, participate in discussions, ask questions (see Figure 1), and seek feedback when she does not understand something. She also starts studying with classmates outside class. Lauren is no longer completing the course requirements only because she feels she has to. Her growing sense of belonging helps her internalise the value of the course, so she begins to think, “Psychology is important to me, and I want to do well because I see myself as part of this community.” This shift leads to more persistent, engaged behaviour. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Self-determination theory (SDT) suggests people are most effectively motivated when motivation is intrinsic. SDT argues people have an innate tendency toward growth, and three distinct basic needs. Within SDT is the basic psychological needs theory (BPNT or BNT), which suggests three psychological needs related to intrinsic motivation which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Relatedness refers to the human desire to form strong relationships and bonds with those around them. This chapter will examine how the concept of relatedness, within self-determination theory, shapes human motivation and behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000) The goal contents theory (GCT) expands on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and their impact on wellness. Extrinsic goals including financial success, fame, and physical appearance have been compared to intrinsic goals which include personal growth, forming strong, high-quality relationships, and community which are associated with higher well-being than the latter. The role of relatedness can be understood through another micro-theory of SDT; the relationship motivation theory (RMT), which suggests that closeness to others is not only preferable, but essential to wellbeing. Not only do high-quality relationships satisfy the need for relatedness, but they can also satisfy the need for autonomy and competence (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In a meta-analysis, Slempt et. al (2024), note that support from others likely facilitates people’s motivational processes, finding that interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs were small to moderately positively associated with performance. Slempt et. al (2024), {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is the need for relatedness within Self-Determination Theory, and why is it important in shaping motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction influence the development of autonomous versus controlled motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction or frustration affect individuals’ behaviour, such as engagement, persistence, and disengagement? * How do social environments and relationships affect relatedness, and what are the implications on motivation and behaviour? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Self-Determination Theory== [[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] is a macro-theory of psychology created by [[w:Edward Deci|Edward Deci]] and [[w:Richard Ryan|Richard Ryan]] relating to motivation, behaviour, and personality. SDT utilises an organismic-dialectical approach, which assumes people are ‘active organisms’ who have tendencies toward growth, overcoming challenges, and integrating new experiences into their sense of self. SDT posits this inherent tendency toward growth as well as peoples’ innate psychological needs are the basis for self-motivation and personality integration. Ryan and Deci (2000), propose that humans have three basic psychological needs which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness and when these needs are met, they are essential to optimal personal growth, wellbeing, and development. Social or cultural factors can either support or 'thwart' individuals' motivation, well-being, and personal growth. (Ryan & Deci, 2000) {{anchor|Basic psychological needs theory}} ;Basic psychological needs theory Basic psychological needs theory posits that people have three basic psychological needs that they have a natural tendency toward, and are central to wellbeing and motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Autonomy refers to the individual experiencing their actions as voluntary and personally endorsed as opposed to being controlled or imposed upon them. Competence ==Relatedness satisfaction and autonomous motivation== * Relatedness satisfaction versus relatedness frustration. * When an individual is satisfied with their relatedness, they are more likely to perceive a task as meaningful opposed to an obligation. This futher motivates that individual to engage in the task. * Relatedness frustration, characterised by rejection, loneliness and feeling excluded, was found to mediate amotivation. (Van Tuin et. al, 2020) ==Relatedness, engagement and behaviour== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Parallel mediation model with both satisfaction and frustration of basic needs (Van Tuin et al., 2020)]] * Relatedness satisfaction of students predicted identified regulation and was found to increase behavioural engagement in mathematics (Hofverberg et. al., 2022). * When relatedness is satisfied, participation has been found to feel more meaningful socially and emotionally, therefore motivating participation behaviours (Kaefer & Chiviacowsky, 2021). * Students' perception of relatedness with teachers was associated with better homework engagement and practices (Collie, 2024). ==Relatedness and well-being== * Interpersonal support of autonomy, competence, and relatedness were associated with satisfaction of those psychological needs. * Environmental support for needs were associated with greater wellbeing and improved performance. * Relatedness supports wellbeing which supports motivation. (Slemp et. al, 2024) {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || |} * '''Interactive learning Quiz - Choose your answers and click "Submit":''' <quiz display="simple"> {Relatedness satisfaction has been shown to influence welbeing: |type="(true)"} + True - False {Relatedness is an element of self-determination theory: |type="(true)"} + True - False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Relatedness is a key psychological need within self-determination theory. When this need is satisfied, psychological well-being is more likely to increase and individuals are more likely to develop greater self-determined motivation * Both relatedness satisfaction and relatedness frustration can influence the quality of motivation, not just its strength * Relatedness satisfaction can shape behaviour by facilitating greater engagement, participation, and persistence and sustain their behaviour for longer. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== *[[w:Cognitive evaluation theory|Cognitive evaluation theory]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs|Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Social relation|Relatedness]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to Student Motivation: A Meta-Analysis of Antecedents of Autonomous and Controlled Motivations. Review of Educational Research, 92(1), 46-72. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426 Collie, R. J. (2024). Social-emotional need satisfaction and students’ academic engagement and social-emotional skills. Educational Psychology, 44(2), 117–135. https://doi.org/10.1080/01443410.2024.2324751 Hagger, M. S., Hankonen, N., Chatzisarantis, N. L. D., & Ryan, R. M. (2020). Changing Behavior Using Self-Determination Theory. In M. S. Hagger, L. D. Cameron, K. Hamilton, N. Hankonen, & T. Lintunen (Eds.), The Handbook of Behaviour Change (pp. 104–119). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108677318.008 Hofverberg, A., Winberg, M., Palmberg, B., Andersson, C., & Palm, T. (2022). Relationships between basic psychological need satisfaction, regulations, and behavioral engagement in mathematics. Frontiers in Psychology, 13. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.829958 Kaefer, A., & Chiviacowsky, S. (2021). Relatedness support enhances motivation, positive affect, and motor learning in adolescents. Human Movement Science, 79, 102864. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.humov.2021.102864 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.68 Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of personality and social psychology, 127(5), 1012–1037. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459 Van Tuin, L., Schaufeli, W. B., & van Rhenen, W. (2020). The satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in engaging leadership. Journal of Leadership Studies, 14(2), 6–23. https://doi.org/10.1002/jls.21695 Weinstein, N. (Ed.). (2014). Human Motivation and Interpersonal Relationships : Theory, Research, and Applications (1st ed. 2014.). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8542-6 }} {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Important aspects of APA referencing style ** Author surname, followed by a comma, then the author initials separated by full stops and spaces ** Year of publication in parentheses ** Title of work in lower case (except first letter and proper names), ending in a full-stop ** Journal title in italics, volume number in italics, issue number in parentheses, first and last page numbers separated by an en-dash(–), followed by a full-stop ** doi as a URL which is a working hyperlink (i.e., clickable) ** Hanging indent: Wrap the set of references in the [[Template:Hanging indent|hanging indent template]]: *** Use "Edit source" *** <nowiki>{{Hanging indent|1= the full list of references}}</nowiki> * The most common mistakes include: ** Incorrect capitalisation ** Incorrect italicisation ** dois which aren't clickable as working hyperlinks ** Citing sources that haven't been consulted }} ==External links== {{ic|Use sentence casing}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VGrcets0E6I Promoting Motivation, Health, and Excellence: Ed Deci TEDX] (Youtube) * [https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/theory/ Self-determination Theory] (Center for Self-determination Theory) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Needs/Relatedness]] d8d7csna8s6ci5onckatmgcrd6afo4t 2840455 2840451 2026-10-15T10:43:46Z U3203283 3110021 /* References */ remove box from template 2840455 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Relatedness motivation in self-determination theory:<br>How does the need for relatedness function within self-determination theory to shape motivation and behaviour?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Raise hand gesture occupy.svg|Raise_hand_gesture_occupy|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. A raised hand: Lauren's tutor encouraged students to ask for help and connect with each other. {{expand}}]] ; Imagine this Lauren is a first-year university student studying psychology who recently started a demanding course. During the first few weeks, she finds the workload difficult and is unsure whether she is capable of succeeding. She chose to study psychology because she is interested in the subject, however, she feels isolated because her classmates seem to already know one another. One of Lauren’s tutors makes an effort to learn about students, encourages them to contribute to discussions, and provides feedback. The tutor also organises small-group activities where students can get to know one another and emphasises that asking for help is a normal part of learning. Lauren engages with these opportunities. Over time, Lauren begins to feel that she belongs in the course and that both her tutor and classmates value her participation. As Lauren feels increasingly connected to the people around her, she becomes more willing to attend tutorials, participate in discussions, ask questions (see Figure 1), and seek feedback when she does not understand something. She also starts studying with classmates outside class. Lauren is no longer completing the course requirements only because she feels she has to. Her growing sense of belonging helps her internalise the value of the course, so she begins to think, “Psychology is important to me, and I want to do well because I see myself as part of this community.” This shift leads to more persistent, engaged behaviour. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Self-determination theory (SDT) suggests people are most effectively motivated when motivation is intrinsic. SDT argues people have an innate tendency toward growth, and three distinct basic needs. Within SDT is the basic psychological needs theory (BPNT or BNT), which suggests three psychological needs related to intrinsic motivation which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Relatedness refers to the human desire to form strong relationships and bonds with those around them. This chapter will examine how the concept of relatedness, within self-determination theory, shapes human motivation and behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000) The goal contents theory (GCT) expands on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and their impact on wellness. Extrinsic goals including financial success, fame, and physical appearance have been compared to intrinsic goals which include personal growth, forming strong, high-quality relationships, and community which are associated with higher well-being than the latter. The role of relatedness can be understood through another micro-theory of SDT; the relationship motivation theory (RMT), which suggests that closeness to others is not only preferable, but essential to wellbeing. Not only do high-quality relationships satisfy the need for relatedness, but they can also satisfy the need for autonomy and competence (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In a meta-analysis, Slempt et. al (2024), note that support from others likely facilitates people’s motivational processes, finding that interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs were small to moderately positively associated with performance. Slempt et. al (2024), {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is the need for relatedness within Self-Determination Theory, and why is it important in shaping motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction influence the development of autonomous versus controlled motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction or frustration affect individuals’ behaviour, such as engagement, persistence, and disengagement? * How do social environments and relationships affect relatedness, and what are the implications on motivation and behaviour? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Self-Determination Theory== [[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] is a macro-theory of psychology created by [[w:Edward Deci|Edward Deci]] and [[w:Richard Ryan|Richard Ryan]] relating to motivation, behaviour, and personality. SDT utilises an organismic-dialectical approach, which assumes people are ‘active organisms’ who have tendencies toward growth, overcoming challenges, and integrating new experiences into their sense of self. SDT posits this inherent tendency toward growth as well as peoples’ innate psychological needs are the basis for self-motivation and personality integration. Ryan and Deci (2000), propose that humans have three basic psychological needs which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness and when these needs are met, they are essential to optimal personal growth, wellbeing, and development. Social or cultural factors can either support or 'thwart' individuals' motivation, well-being, and personal growth. (Ryan & Deci, 2000) {{anchor|Basic psychological needs theory}} ;Basic psychological needs theory Basic psychological needs theory posits that people have three basic psychological needs that they have a natural tendency toward, and are central to wellbeing and motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Autonomy refers to the individual experiencing their actions as voluntary and personally endorsed as opposed to being controlled or imposed upon them. Competence ==Relatedness satisfaction and autonomous motivation== * Relatedness satisfaction versus relatedness frustration. * When an individual is satisfied with their relatedness, they are more likely to perceive a task as meaningful opposed to an obligation. This futher motivates that individual to engage in the task. * Relatedness frustration, characterised by rejection, loneliness and feeling excluded, was found to mediate amotivation. (Van Tuin et. al, 2020) ==Relatedness, engagement and behaviour== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Parallel mediation model with both satisfaction and frustration of basic needs (Van Tuin et al., 2020)]] * Relatedness satisfaction of students predicted identified regulation and was found to increase behavioural engagement in mathematics (Hofverberg et. al., 2022). * When relatedness is satisfied, participation has been found to feel more meaningful socially and emotionally, therefore motivating participation behaviours (Kaefer & Chiviacowsky, 2021). * Students' perception of relatedness with teachers was associated with better homework engagement and practices (Collie, 2024). ==Relatedness and well-being== * Interpersonal support of autonomy, competence, and relatedness were associated with satisfaction of those psychological needs. * Environmental support for needs were associated with greater wellbeing and improved performance. * Relatedness supports wellbeing which supports motivation. (Slemp et. al, 2024) {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || |} * '''Interactive learning Quiz - Choose your answers and click "Submit":''' <quiz display="simple"> {Relatedness satisfaction has been shown to influence welbeing: |type="(true)"} + True - False {Relatedness is an element of self-determination theory: |type="(true)"} + True - False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Relatedness is a key psychological need within self-determination theory. When this need is satisfied, psychological well-being is more likely to increase and individuals are more likely to develop greater self-determined motivation * Both relatedness satisfaction and relatedness frustration can influence the quality of motivation, not just its strength * Relatedness satisfaction can shape behaviour by facilitating greater engagement, participation, and persistence and sustain their behaviour for longer. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== *[[w:Cognitive evaluation theory|Cognitive evaluation theory]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs|Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Social relation|Relatedness]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to Student Motivation: A Meta-Analysis of Antecedents of Autonomous and Controlled Motivations. Review of Educational Research, 92(1), 46-72. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426 Collie, R. J. (2024). Social-emotional need satisfaction and students’ academic engagement and social-emotional skills. Educational Psychology, 44(2), 117–135. https://doi.org/10.1080/01443410.2024.2324751 Hagger, M. S., Hankonen, N., Chatzisarantis, N. L. D., & Ryan, R. M. (2020). Changing Behavior Using Self-Determination Theory. In M. S. Hagger, L. D. Cameron, K. Hamilton, N. Hankonen, & T. Lintunen (Eds.), The Handbook of Behaviour Change (pp. 104–119). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108677318.008 Hofverberg, A., Winberg, M., Palmberg, B., Andersson, C., & Palm, T. (2022). Relationships between basic psychological need satisfaction, regulations, and behavioral engagement in mathematics. Frontiers in Psychology, 13. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.829958 Kaefer, A., & Chiviacowsky, S. (2021). Relatedness support enhances motivation, positive affect, and motor learning in adolescents. Human Movement Science, 79, 102864. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.humov.2021.102864 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.68 Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of personality and social psychology, 127(5), 1012–1037. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459 Van Tuin, L., Schaufeli, W. B., & van Rhenen, W. (2020). The satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in engaging leadership. Journal of Leadership Studies, 14(2), 6–23. https://doi.org/10.1002/jls.21695 Weinstein, N. (Ed.). (2014). Human Motivation and Interpersonal Relationships : Theory, Research, and Applications (1st ed. 2014.). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8542-6 }} ==External links== {{ic|Use sentence casing}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VGrcets0E6I Promoting Motivation, Health, and Excellence: Ed Deci TEDX] (Youtube) * [https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/theory/ Self-determination Theory] (Center for Self-determination Theory) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Needs/Relatedness]] o4gsuezhv1cpvf3bbta0vwnguxrhcdd 2840457 2840455 2026-10-15T10:46:13Z U3203283 3110021 /* See also */ add link 2840457 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Relatedness motivation in self-determination theory:<br>How does the need for relatedness function within self-determination theory to shape motivation and behaviour?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Raise hand gesture occupy.svg|Raise_hand_gesture_occupy|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. A raised hand: Lauren's tutor encouraged students to ask for help and connect with each other. {{expand}}]] ; Imagine this Lauren is a first-year university student studying psychology who recently started a demanding course. During the first few weeks, she finds the workload difficult and is unsure whether she is capable of succeeding. She chose to study psychology because she is interested in the subject, however, she feels isolated because her classmates seem to already know one another. One of Lauren’s tutors makes an effort to learn about students, encourages them to contribute to discussions, and provides feedback. The tutor also organises small-group activities where students can get to know one another and emphasises that asking for help is a normal part of learning. Lauren engages with these opportunities. Over time, Lauren begins to feel that she belongs in the course and that both her tutor and classmates value her participation. As Lauren feels increasingly connected to the people around her, she becomes more willing to attend tutorials, participate in discussions, ask questions (see Figure 1), and seek feedback when she does not understand something. She also starts studying with classmates outside class. Lauren is no longer completing the course requirements only because she feels she has to. Her growing sense of belonging helps her internalise the value of the course, so she begins to think, “Psychology is important to me, and I want to do well because I see myself as part of this community.” This shift leads to more persistent, engaged behaviour. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Self-determination theory (SDT) suggests people are most effectively motivated when motivation is intrinsic. SDT argues people have an innate tendency toward growth, and three distinct basic needs. Within SDT is the basic psychological needs theory (BPNT or BNT), which suggests three psychological needs related to intrinsic motivation which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Relatedness refers to the human desire to form strong relationships and bonds with those around them. This chapter will examine how the concept of relatedness, within self-determination theory, shapes human motivation and behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000) The goal contents theory (GCT) expands on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and their impact on wellness. Extrinsic goals including financial success, fame, and physical appearance have been compared to intrinsic goals which include personal growth, forming strong, high-quality relationships, and community which are associated with higher well-being than the latter. The role of relatedness can be understood through another micro-theory of SDT; the relationship motivation theory (RMT), which suggests that closeness to others is not only preferable, but essential to wellbeing. Not only do high-quality relationships satisfy the need for relatedness, but they can also satisfy the need for autonomy and competence (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In a meta-analysis, Slempt et. al (2024), note that support from others likely facilitates people’s motivational processes, finding that interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs were small to moderately positively associated with performance. Slempt et. al (2024), {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is the need for relatedness within Self-Determination Theory, and why is it important in shaping motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction influence the development of autonomous versus controlled motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction or frustration affect individuals’ behaviour, such as engagement, persistence, and disengagement? * How do social environments and relationships affect relatedness, and what are the implications on motivation and behaviour? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Self-Determination Theory== [[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] is a macro-theory of psychology created by [[w:Edward Deci|Edward Deci]] and [[w:Richard Ryan|Richard Ryan]] relating to motivation, behaviour, and personality. SDT utilises an organismic-dialectical approach, which assumes people are ‘active organisms’ who have tendencies toward growth, overcoming challenges, and integrating new experiences into their sense of self. SDT posits this inherent tendency toward growth as well as peoples’ innate psychological needs are the basis for self-motivation and personality integration. Ryan and Deci (2000), propose that humans have three basic psychological needs which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness and when these needs are met, they are essential to optimal personal growth, wellbeing, and development. Social or cultural factors can either support or 'thwart' individuals' motivation, well-being, and personal growth. (Ryan & Deci, 2000) {{anchor|Basic psychological needs theory}} ;Basic psychological needs theory Basic psychological needs theory posits that people have three basic psychological needs that they have a natural tendency toward, and are central to wellbeing and motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Autonomy refers to the individual experiencing their actions as voluntary and personally endorsed as opposed to being controlled or imposed upon them. Competence ==Relatedness satisfaction and autonomous motivation== * Relatedness satisfaction versus relatedness frustration. * When an individual is satisfied with their relatedness, they are more likely to perceive a task as meaningful opposed to an obligation. This futher motivates that individual to engage in the task. * Relatedness frustration, characterised by rejection, loneliness and feeling excluded, was found to mediate amotivation. (Van Tuin et. al, 2020) ==Relatedness, engagement and behaviour== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Parallel mediation model with both satisfaction and frustration of basic needs (Van Tuin et al., 2020)]] * Relatedness satisfaction of students predicted identified regulation and was found to increase behavioural engagement in mathematics (Hofverberg et. al., 2022). * When relatedness is satisfied, participation has been found to feel more meaningful socially and emotionally, therefore motivating participation behaviours (Kaefer & Chiviacowsky, 2021). * Students' perception of relatedness with teachers was associated with better homework engagement and practices (Collie, 2024). ==Relatedness and well-being== * Interpersonal support of autonomy, competence, and relatedness were associated with satisfaction of those psychological needs. * Environmental support for needs were associated with greater wellbeing and improved performance. * Relatedness supports wellbeing which supports motivation. (Slemp et. al, 2024) {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || |} * '''Interactive learning Quiz - Choose your answers and click "Submit":''' <quiz display="simple"> {Relatedness satisfaction has been shown to influence welbeing: |type="(true)"} + True - False {Relatedness is an element of self-determination theory: |type="(true)"} + True - False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Relatedness is a key psychological need within self-determination theory. When this need is satisfied, psychological well-being is more likely to increase and individuals are more likely to develop greater self-determined motivation * Both relatedness satisfaction and relatedness frustration can influence the quality of motivation, not just its strength * Relatedness satisfaction can shape behaviour by facilitating greater engagement, participation, and persistence and sustain their behaviour for longer. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== *[[w:Cognitive evaluation theory|Cognitive evaluation theory]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs|Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Social relation|Relatedness]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to Student Motivation: A Meta-Analysis of Antecedents of Autonomous and Controlled Motivations. Review of Educational Research, 92(1), 46-72. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426 Collie, R. J. (2024). Social-emotional need satisfaction and students’ academic engagement and social-emotional skills. Educational Psychology, 44(2), 117–135. https://doi.org/10.1080/01443410.2024.2324751 Hagger, M. S., Hankonen, N., Chatzisarantis, N. L. D., & Ryan, R. M. (2020). Changing Behavior Using Self-Determination Theory. In M. S. Hagger, L. D. Cameron, K. Hamilton, N. Hankonen, & T. Lintunen (Eds.), The Handbook of Behaviour Change (pp. 104–119). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108677318.008 Hofverberg, A., Winberg, M., Palmberg, B., Andersson, C., & Palm, T. (2022). Relationships between basic psychological need satisfaction, regulations, and behavioral engagement in mathematics. Frontiers in Psychology, 13. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.829958 Kaefer, A., & Chiviacowsky, S. (2021). Relatedness support enhances motivation, positive affect, and motor learning in adolescents. Human Movement Science, 79, 102864. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.humov.2021.102864 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.68 Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of personality and social psychology, 127(5), 1012–1037. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459 Van Tuin, L., Schaufeli, W. B., & van Rhenen, W. (2020). The satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in engaging leadership. Journal of Leadership Studies, 14(2), 6–23. https://doi.org/10.1002/jls.21695 Weinstein, N. (Ed.). (2014). Human Motivation and Interpersonal Relationships : Theory, Research, and Applications (1st ed. 2014.). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8542-6 }} ==External links== {{ic|Use sentence casing}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VGrcets0E6I Promoting Motivation, Health, and Excellence: Ed Deci TEDX] (Youtube) * [https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/theory/ Self-determination Theory] (Center for Self-determination Theory) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Needs/Relatedness]] lsjclmfzr2958vikhxhilj87nrpmn3m 2840462 2840457 2026-10-15T10:48:37Z U3203283 3110021 2840462 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Relatedness motivation in self-determination theory:<br>How does the need for relatedness function within self-determination theory to shape motivation and behaviour?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Raise hand gesture occupy.svg|Raise_hand_gesture_occupy|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. A raised hand: Lauren's tutor encouraged students to ask for help and connect with each other. {{expand}}]] ; Imagine this Lauren is a first-year university student studying psychology who recently started a demanding course. During the first few weeks, she finds the workload difficult and is unsure whether she is capable of succeeding. She chose to study psychology because she is interested in the subject, however, she feels isolated because her classmates seem to already know one another. One of Lauren’s tutors makes an effort to learn about students, encourages them to contribute to discussions, and provides feedback. The tutor also organises small-group activities where students can get to know one another and emphasises that asking for help is a normal part of learning. Lauren engages with these opportunities. Over time, Lauren begins to feel that she belongs in the course and that both her tutor and classmates value her participation. As Lauren feels increasingly connected to the people around her, she becomes more willing to attend tutorials, participate in discussions, ask questions (see Figure 1), and seek feedback when she does not understand something. She also starts studying with classmates outside class. Lauren is no longer completing the course requirements only because she feels she has to. Her growing sense of belonging helps her internalise the value of the course, so she begins to think, “Psychology is important to me, and I want to do well because I see myself as part of this community.” This shift leads to more persistent, engaged behaviour. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Self-determination theory (SDT) suggests people are most effectively motivated when motivation is intrinsic. SDT argues people have an innate tendency toward growth, and three distinct basic needs. Within SDT is the basic psychological needs theory (BPNT or BNT), which suggests three psychological needs related to intrinsic motivation which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Relatedness refers to the human desire to form strong relationships and bonds with those around them. This chapter will examine how the concept of relatedness, within self-determination theory, shapes human motivation and behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000) The goal contents theory (GCT) expands on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and their impact on wellness. Extrinsic goals including financial success, fame, and physical appearance have been compared to intrinsic goals which include personal growth, forming strong, high-quality relationships, and community which are associated with higher well-being than the latter. The role of relatedness can be understood through another micro-theory of SDT; the relationship motivation theory (RMT), which suggests that closeness to others is not only preferable, but essential to wellbeing. Not only do high-quality relationships satisfy the need for relatedness, but they can also satisfy the need for autonomy and competence (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In a meta-analysis, Slempt et. al (2024), note that support from others likely facilitates people’s motivational processes, finding that interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs were small to moderately positively associated with performance. Slempt et. al (2024), {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is the need for relatedness within Self-Determination Theory, and why is it important in shaping motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction influence the development of autonomous motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction or frustration affect individuals’ behaviour, such as engagement, persistence, and disengagement? * How do relationships and social environments affect relatedness, and what are the implications on motivation and behaviour? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Self-Determination Theory== [[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] is a macro-theory of psychology created by [[w:Edward Deci|Edward Deci]] and [[w:Richard Ryan|Richard Ryan]] relating to motivation, behaviour, and personality. SDT utilises an organismic-dialectical approach, which assumes people are ‘active organisms’ who have tendencies toward growth, overcoming challenges, and integrating new experiences into their sense of self. SDT posits this inherent tendency toward growth as well as peoples’ innate psychological needs are the basis for self-motivation and personality integration. Ryan and Deci (2000), propose that humans have three basic psychological needs which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness and when these needs are met, they are essential to optimal personal growth, wellbeing, and development. Social or cultural factors can either support or 'thwart' individuals' motivation, well-being, and personal growth. (Ryan & Deci, 2000) {{anchor|Basic psychological needs theory}} ;Basic psychological needs theory Basic psychological needs theory posits that people have three basic psychological needs that they have a natural tendency toward, and are central to wellbeing and motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Autonomy refers to the individual experiencing their actions as voluntary and personally endorsed as opposed to being controlled or imposed upon them. Competence ==Relatedness satisfaction and autonomous motivation== * Relatedness satisfaction versus relatedness frustration. * When an individual is satisfied with their relatedness, they are more likely to perceive a task as meaningful opposed to an obligation. This futher motivates that individual to engage in the task. * Relatedness frustration, characterised by rejection, loneliness and feeling excluded, was found to mediate amotivation. (Van Tuin et. al, 2020) ==Relatedness, engagement and behaviour== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Parallel mediation model with both satisfaction and frustration of basic needs (Van Tuin et al., 2020)]] * Relatedness satisfaction of students predicted identified regulation and was found to increase behavioural engagement in mathematics (Hofverberg et. al., 2022). * When relatedness is satisfied, participation has been found to feel more meaningful socially and emotionally, therefore motivating participation behaviours (Kaefer & Chiviacowsky, 2021). * Students' perception of relatedness with teachers was associated with better homework engagement and practices (Collie, 2024). ==Relatedness and well-being== * Interpersonal support of autonomy, competence, and relatedness were associated with satisfaction of those psychological needs. * Environmental support for needs were associated with greater wellbeing and improved performance. * Relatedness supports wellbeing which supports motivation. (Slemp et. al, 2024) {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || |} * '''Interactive learning Quiz - Choose your answers and click "Submit":''' <quiz display="simple"> {Relatedness satisfaction has been shown to influence welbeing: |type="(true)"} + True - False {Relatedness is an element of self-determination theory: |type="(true)"} + True - False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Relatedness is a key psychological need within self-determination theory. When this need is satisfied, psychological well-being is more likely to increase and individuals are more likely to develop greater self-determined motivation * Both relatedness satisfaction and relatedness frustration can influence the quality of motivation, not just its strength * Relatedness satisfaction can shape behaviour by facilitating greater engagement, participation, and persistence and sustain their behaviour for longer. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== *[[w:Cognitive evaluation theory|Cognitive evaluation theory]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs|Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Social relation|Relatedness]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to Student Motivation: A Meta-Analysis of Antecedents of Autonomous and Controlled Motivations. Review of Educational Research, 92(1), 46-72. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426 Collie, R. J. (2024). Social-emotional need satisfaction and students’ academic engagement and social-emotional skills. Educational Psychology, 44(2), 117–135. https://doi.org/10.1080/01443410.2024.2324751 Hagger, M. S., Hankonen, N., Chatzisarantis, N. L. D., & Ryan, R. M. (2020). Changing Behavior Using Self-Determination Theory. In M. S. Hagger, L. D. Cameron, K. Hamilton, N. Hankonen, & T. Lintunen (Eds.), The Handbook of Behaviour Change (pp. 104–119). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108677318.008 Hofverberg, A., Winberg, M., Palmberg, B., Andersson, C., & Palm, T. (2022). Relationships between basic psychological need satisfaction, regulations, and behavioral engagement in mathematics. Frontiers in Psychology, 13. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.829958 Kaefer, A., & Chiviacowsky, S. (2021). Relatedness support enhances motivation, positive affect, and motor learning in adolescents. Human Movement Science, 79, 102864. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.humov.2021.102864 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.68 Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of personality and social psychology, 127(5), 1012–1037. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459 Van Tuin, L., Schaufeli, W. B., & van Rhenen, W. (2020). The satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in engaging leadership. Journal of Leadership Studies, 14(2), 6–23. https://doi.org/10.1002/jls.21695 Weinstein, N. (Ed.). (2014). Human Motivation and Interpersonal Relationships : Theory, Research, and Applications (1st ed. 2014.). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8542-6 }} ==External links== {{ic|Use sentence casing}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VGrcets0E6I Promoting Motivation, Health, and Excellence: Ed Deci TEDX] (Youtube) * [https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/theory/ Self-determination Theory] (Center for Self-determination Theory) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Needs/Relatedness]] bl8bpjl2sfrdvh6q63jbutpjtirzi7y 2840465 2840462 2026-10-15T10:54:22Z U3203283 3110021 /* Self-Determination Theory */ BPNT edits 2840465 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Relatedness motivation in self-determination theory:<br>How does the need for relatedness function within self-determination theory to shape motivation and behaviour?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Raise hand gesture occupy.svg|Raise_hand_gesture_occupy|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. A raised hand: Lauren's tutor encouraged students to ask for help and connect with each other. {{expand}}]] ; Imagine this Lauren is a first-year university student studying psychology who recently started a demanding course. During the first few weeks, she finds the workload difficult and is unsure whether she is capable of succeeding. She chose to study psychology because she is interested in the subject, however, she feels isolated because her classmates seem to already know one another. One of Lauren’s tutors makes an effort to learn about students, encourages them to contribute to discussions, and provides feedback. The tutor also organises small-group activities where students can get to know one another and emphasises that asking for help is a normal part of learning. Lauren engages with these opportunities. Over time, Lauren begins to feel that she belongs in the course and that both her tutor and classmates value her participation. As Lauren feels increasingly connected to the people around her, she becomes more willing to attend tutorials, participate in discussions, ask questions (see Figure 1), and seek feedback when she does not understand something. She also starts studying with classmates outside class. Lauren is no longer completing the course requirements only because she feels she has to. Her growing sense of belonging helps her internalise the value of the course, so she begins to think, “Psychology is important to me, and I want to do well because I see myself as part of this community.” This shift leads to more persistent, engaged behaviour. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Self-determination theory (SDT) suggests people are most effectively motivated when motivation is intrinsic. SDT argues people have an innate tendency toward growth, and three distinct basic needs. Within SDT is the basic psychological needs theory (BPNT or BNT), which suggests three psychological needs related to intrinsic motivation which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Relatedness refers to the human desire to form strong relationships and bonds with those around them. This chapter will examine how the concept of relatedness, within self-determination theory, shapes human motivation and behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000) The goal contents theory (GCT) expands on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and their impact on wellness. Extrinsic goals including financial success, fame, and physical appearance have been compared to intrinsic goals which include personal growth, forming strong, high-quality relationships, and community which are associated with higher well-being than the latter. The role of relatedness can be understood through another micro-theory of SDT; the relationship motivation theory (RMT), which suggests that closeness to others is not only preferable, but essential to wellbeing. Not only do high-quality relationships satisfy the need for relatedness, but they can also satisfy the need for autonomy and competence (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In a meta-analysis, Slempt et. al (2024), note that support from others likely facilitates people’s motivational processes, finding that interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs were small to moderately positively associated with performance. Slempt et. al (2024), {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is the need for relatedness within Self-Determination Theory, and why is it important in shaping motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction influence the development of autonomous motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction or frustration affect individuals’ behaviour, such as engagement, persistence, and disengagement? * How do relationships and social environments affect relatedness, and what are the implications on motivation and behaviour? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Self-Determination Theory== [[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] is a macro-theory of psychology created by [[w:Edward Deci|Edward Deci]] and [[w:Richard Ryan|Richard Ryan]] relating to motivation, behaviour, and personality. SDT utilises an organismic-dialectical approach, which assumes people are ‘active organisms’ who have tendencies toward growth, overcoming challenges, and integrating new experiences into their sense of self. SDT posits this inherent tendency toward growth as well as peoples’ innate psychological needs are the basis for self-motivation and personality integration. Ryan and Deci (2000), propose that humans have three basic psychological needs which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness and when these needs are met, they are essential to optimal personal growth, wellbeing, and development. Social or cultural factors can either support or 'thwart' individuals' motivation, well-being, and personal growth. (Ryan & Deci, 2000) {{anchor|Basic psychological needs theory}} ;Basic psychological needs theory Basic psychological needs theory is one of the several micro-theories within SDT. BPNT refers to the idea in SDT that people have three basic psychological needs that are central to wellbeing and intrinsic motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Autonomy is the experience of ones actions as their own and of their own will, as opposed to being controlled or imposed upon them. Competence refers to ==Relatedness satisfaction and autonomous motivation== * Relatedness satisfaction versus relatedness frustration. * When an individual is satisfied with their relatedness, they are more likely to perceive a task as meaningful opposed to an obligation. This futher motivates that individual to engage in the task. * Relatedness frustration, characterised by rejection, loneliness and feeling excluded, was found to mediate amotivation. (Van Tuin et. al, 2020) ==Relatedness, engagement and behaviour== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Parallel mediation model with both satisfaction and frustration of basic needs (Van Tuin et al., 2020)]] * Relatedness satisfaction of students predicted identified regulation and was found to increase behavioural engagement in mathematics (Hofverberg et. al., 2022). * When relatedness is satisfied, participation has been found to feel more meaningful socially and emotionally, therefore motivating participation behaviours (Kaefer & Chiviacowsky, 2021). * Students' perception of relatedness with teachers was associated with better homework engagement and practices (Collie, 2024). ==Relatedness and well-being== * Interpersonal support of autonomy, competence, and relatedness were associated with satisfaction of those psychological needs. * Environmental support for needs were associated with greater wellbeing and improved performance. * Relatedness supports wellbeing which supports motivation. (Slemp et. al, 2024) {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || |} * '''Interactive learning Quiz - Choose your answers and click "Submit":''' <quiz display="simple"> {Relatedness satisfaction has been shown to influence welbeing: |type="(true)"} + True - False {Relatedness is an element of self-determination theory: |type="(true)"} + True - False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Relatedness is a key psychological need within self-determination theory. When this need is satisfied, psychological well-being is more likely to increase and individuals are more likely to develop greater self-determined motivation * Both relatedness satisfaction and relatedness frustration can influence the quality of motivation, not just its strength * Relatedness satisfaction can shape behaviour by facilitating greater engagement, participation, and persistence and sustain their behaviour for longer. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== *[[w:Cognitive evaluation theory|Cognitive evaluation theory]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs|Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Social relation|Relatedness]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to Student Motivation: A Meta-Analysis of Antecedents of Autonomous and Controlled Motivations. Review of Educational Research, 92(1), 46-72. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426 Collie, R. J. (2024). Social-emotional need satisfaction and students’ academic engagement and social-emotional skills. Educational Psychology, 44(2), 117–135. https://doi.org/10.1080/01443410.2024.2324751 Hagger, M. S., Hankonen, N., Chatzisarantis, N. L. D., & Ryan, R. M. (2020). Changing Behavior Using Self-Determination Theory. In M. S. Hagger, L. D. Cameron, K. Hamilton, N. Hankonen, & T. Lintunen (Eds.), The Handbook of Behaviour Change (pp. 104–119). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108677318.008 Hofverberg, A., Winberg, M., Palmberg, B., Andersson, C., & Palm, T. (2022). Relationships between basic psychological need satisfaction, regulations, and behavioral engagement in mathematics. Frontiers in Psychology, 13. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.829958 Kaefer, A., & Chiviacowsky, S. (2021). Relatedness support enhances motivation, positive affect, and motor learning in adolescents. Human Movement Science, 79, 102864. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.humov.2021.102864 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.68 Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of personality and social psychology, 127(5), 1012–1037. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459 Van Tuin, L., Schaufeli, W. B., & van Rhenen, W. (2020). The satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in engaging leadership. Journal of Leadership Studies, 14(2), 6–23. https://doi.org/10.1002/jls.21695 Weinstein, N. (Ed.). (2014). Human Motivation and Interpersonal Relationships : Theory, Research, and Applications (1st ed. 2014.). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8542-6 }} ==External links== {{ic|Use sentence casing}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VGrcets0E6I Promoting Motivation, Health, and Excellence: Ed Deci TEDX] (Youtube) * [https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/theory/ Self-determination Theory] (Center for Self-determination Theory) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Needs/Relatedness]] s04fze5lgbv4ov3jo11k2yjy3j88jy6 2840472 2840465 2026-10-15T11:07:32Z U3203283 3110021 /* Self-Determination Theory */ adding links and editing text 2840472 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Relatedness motivation in self-determination theory:<br>How does the need for relatedness function within self-determination theory to shape motivation and behaviour?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Raise hand gesture occupy.svg|Raise_hand_gesture_occupy|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. A raised hand: Lauren's tutor encouraged students to ask for help and connect with each other. {{expand}}]] ; Imagine this Lauren is a first-year university student studying psychology who recently started a demanding course. During the first few weeks, she finds the workload difficult and is unsure whether she is capable of succeeding. She chose to study psychology because she is interested in the subject, however, she feels isolated because her classmates seem to already know one another. One of Lauren’s tutors makes an effort to learn about students, encourages them to contribute to discussions, and provides feedback. The tutor also organises small-group activities where students can get to know one another and emphasises that asking for help is a normal part of learning. Lauren engages with these opportunities. Over time, Lauren begins to feel that she belongs in the course and that both her tutor and classmates value her participation. As Lauren feels increasingly connected to the people around her, she becomes more willing to attend tutorials, participate in discussions, ask questions (see Figure 1), and seek feedback when she does not understand something. She also starts studying with classmates outside class. Lauren is no longer completing the course requirements only because she feels she has to. Her growing sense of belonging helps her internalise the value of the course, so she begins to think, “Psychology is important to me, and I want to do well because I see myself as part of this community.” This shift leads to more persistent, engaged behaviour. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Self-determination theory (SDT) suggests people are most effectively motivated when motivation is intrinsic. SDT argues people have an innate tendency toward growth, and three distinct basic needs. Within SDT is the basic psychological needs theory (BPNT or BNT), which suggests three psychological needs related to intrinsic motivation which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Relatedness refers to the human desire to form strong relationships and bonds with those around them. This chapter will examine how the concept of relatedness, within self-determination theory, shapes human motivation and behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000) The goal contents theory (GCT) expands on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and their impact on wellness. Extrinsic goals including financial success, fame, and physical appearance have been compared to intrinsic goals which include personal growth, forming strong, high-quality relationships, and community which are associated with higher well-being than the latter. The role of relatedness can be understood through another micro-theory of SDT; the relationship motivation theory (RMT), which suggests that closeness to others is not only preferable, but essential to wellbeing. Not only do high-quality relationships satisfy the need for relatedness, but they can also satisfy the need for autonomy and competence (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In a meta-analysis, Slempt et. al (2024), note that support from others likely facilitates people’s motivational processes, finding that interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs were small to moderately positively associated with performance. Slempt et. al (2024), {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is the need for relatedness within Self-Determination Theory, and why is it important in shaping motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction influence the development of autonomous motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction or frustration affect individuals’ behaviour, such as engagement, persistence, and disengagement? * How do relationships and social environments affect relatedness, and what are the implications on motivation and behaviour? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Self-Determination Theory== [[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] is a macro-theory of psychology created by [[w:Edward Deci|Edward Deci]] and [[w:Richard Ryan|Richard Ryan]] relating to motivation, behaviour, and personality. SDT utilises an organismic-dialectical approach, which assumes people are ‘active organisms’ who have tendencies toward growth, overcoming challenges, and integrating new experiences into their sense of self. SDT posits this inherent tendency toward growth as well as peoples’ innate psychological needs are the basis for self-motivation and personality integration. Ryan and Deci (2000), propose that humans have three basic psychological needs which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness and when these needs are met, they are essential to optimal personal growth, wellbeing, and [[W:intrinsic motivation|intrinsic motivation]]. Social or cultural factors can either support or 'thwart' individuals' motivation, well-being, and personal growth. (Ryan & Deci, 2000) {{anchor|Basic psychological needs theory}} ;Basic psychological needs theory Basic psychological needs theory is one of the several micro-theories within SDT. BPNT refers to the idea in SDT that people have three basic psychological needs that are central to wellbeing, growth and intrinsic motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000). [[w:Autonomy|Autonomy]] is the experience of ones actions as their own and personally-endorsed, as opposed to being controlled or imposed upon them. [[w:Competence|Competence]] is closely related to [[w:Self-Efficacy|self-efficacy]] and refers to the need to feel capable and effective and confident in your interactions with your environment, and to master challenges and achieve goals. [[w:relatedness|Relatedness]] is the innate human need to develop meaningful relationships with those around you, and to feel a sense of mutual care, respect, and warmth between yourself and others. Relatedness also refers to experiencing a sense of belonging, community, and kinship with others. ==Relatedness satisfaction and autonomous motivation== * Relatedness satisfaction versus relatedness frustration. * When an individual is satisfied with their relatedness, they are more likely to perceive a task as meaningful opposed to an obligation. This futher motivates that individual to engage in the task. * Relatedness frustration, characterised by rejection, loneliness and feeling excluded, was found to mediate amotivation. (Van Tuin et. al, 2020) ==Relatedness, engagement and behaviour== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Parallel mediation model with both satisfaction and frustration of basic needs (Van Tuin et al., 2020)]] * Relatedness satisfaction of students predicted identified regulation and was found to increase behavioural engagement in mathematics (Hofverberg et. al., 2022). * When relatedness is satisfied, participation has been found to feel more meaningful socially and emotionally, therefore motivating participation behaviours (Kaefer & Chiviacowsky, 2021). * Students' perception of relatedness with teachers was associated with better homework engagement and practices (Collie, 2024). ==Relatedness and well-being== * Interpersonal support of autonomy, competence, and relatedness were associated with satisfaction of those psychological needs. * Environmental support for needs were associated with greater wellbeing and improved performance. * Relatedness supports wellbeing which supports motivation. (Slemp et. al, 2024) {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || |} * '''Interactive learning Quiz - Choose your answers and click "Submit":''' <quiz display="simple"> {Relatedness satisfaction has been shown to influence welbeing: |type="(true)"} + True - False {Relatedness is an element of self-determination theory: |type="(true)"} + True - False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Relatedness is a key psychological need within self-determination theory. When this need is satisfied, psychological well-being is more likely to increase and individuals are more likely to develop greater self-determined motivation * Both relatedness satisfaction and relatedness frustration can influence the quality of motivation, not just its strength * Relatedness satisfaction can shape behaviour by facilitating greater engagement, participation, and persistence and sustain their behaviour for longer. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== *[[w:Cognitive evaluation theory|Cognitive evaluation theory]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs|Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Social relation|Relatedness]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to Student Motivation: A Meta-Analysis of Antecedents of Autonomous and Controlled Motivations. Review of Educational Research, 92(1), 46-72. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426 Collie, R. J. (2024). Social-emotional need satisfaction and students’ academic engagement and social-emotional skills. Educational Psychology, 44(2), 117–135. https://doi.org/10.1080/01443410.2024.2324751 Hagger, M. S., Hankonen, N., Chatzisarantis, N. L. D., & Ryan, R. M. (2020). Changing Behavior Using Self-Determination Theory. In M. S. Hagger, L. D. Cameron, K. Hamilton, N. Hankonen, & T. Lintunen (Eds.), The Handbook of Behaviour Change (pp. 104–119). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108677318.008 Hofverberg, A., Winberg, M., Palmberg, B., Andersson, C., & Palm, T. (2022). Relationships between basic psychological need satisfaction, regulations, and behavioral engagement in mathematics. Frontiers in Psychology, 13. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.829958 Kaefer, A., & Chiviacowsky, S. (2021). Relatedness support enhances motivation, positive affect, and motor learning in adolescents. Human Movement Science, 79, 102864. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.humov.2021.102864 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.68 Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of personality and social psychology, 127(5), 1012–1037. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459 Van Tuin, L., Schaufeli, W. B., & van Rhenen, W. (2020). The satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in engaging leadership. Journal of Leadership Studies, 14(2), 6–23. https://doi.org/10.1002/jls.21695 Weinstein, N. (Ed.). (2014). Human Motivation and Interpersonal Relationships : Theory, Research, and Applications (1st ed. 2014.). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8542-6 }} ==External links== {{ic|Use sentence casing}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VGrcets0E6I Promoting Motivation, Health, and Excellence: Ed Deci TEDX] (Youtube) * [https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/theory/ Self-determination Theory] (Center for Self-determination Theory) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Needs/Relatedness]] 2an32u1q0u5m58dwmq8g8zcnqoi7pdz 2840474 2840472 2026-10-15T11:09:46Z U3203283 3110021 /* Self-Determination Theory */ add title 2840474 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Relatedness motivation in self-determination theory:<br>How does the need for relatedness function within self-determination theory to shape motivation and behaviour?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Raise hand gesture occupy.svg|Raise_hand_gesture_occupy|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. A raised hand: Lauren's tutor encouraged students to ask for help and connect with each other. {{expand}}]] ; Imagine this Lauren is a first-year university student studying psychology who recently started a demanding course. During the first few weeks, she finds the workload difficult and is unsure whether she is capable of succeeding. She chose to study psychology because she is interested in the subject, however, she feels isolated because her classmates seem to already know one another. One of Lauren’s tutors makes an effort to learn about students, encourages them to contribute to discussions, and provides feedback. The tutor also organises small-group activities where students can get to know one another and emphasises that asking for help is a normal part of learning. Lauren engages with these opportunities. Over time, Lauren begins to feel that she belongs in the course and that both her tutor and classmates value her participation. As Lauren feels increasingly connected to the people around her, she becomes more willing to attend tutorials, participate in discussions, ask questions (see Figure 1), and seek feedback when she does not understand something. She also starts studying with classmates outside class. Lauren is no longer completing the course requirements only because she feels she has to. Her growing sense of belonging helps her internalise the value of the course, so she begins to think, “Psychology is important to me, and I want to do well because I see myself as part of this community.” This shift leads to more persistent, engaged behaviour. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Self-determination theory (SDT) suggests people are most effectively motivated when motivation is intrinsic. SDT argues people have an innate tendency toward growth, and three distinct basic needs. Within SDT is the basic psychological needs theory (BPNT or BNT), which suggests three psychological needs related to intrinsic motivation which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Relatedness refers to the human desire to form strong relationships and bonds with those around them. This chapter will examine how the concept of relatedness, within self-determination theory, shapes human motivation and behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000) The goal contents theory (GCT) expands on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and their impact on wellness. Extrinsic goals including financial success, fame, and physical appearance have been compared to intrinsic goals which include personal growth, forming strong, high-quality relationships, and community which are associated with higher well-being than the latter. The role of relatedness can be understood through another micro-theory of SDT; the relationship motivation theory (RMT), which suggests that closeness to others is not only preferable, but essential to wellbeing. Not only do high-quality relationships satisfy the need for relatedness, but they can also satisfy the need for autonomy and competence (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In a meta-analysis, Slempt et. al (2024), note that support from others likely facilitates people’s motivational processes, finding that interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs were small to moderately positively associated with performance. Slempt et. al (2024), {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is the need for relatedness within Self-Determination Theory, and why is it important in shaping motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction influence the development of autonomous motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction or frustration affect individuals’ behaviour, such as engagement, persistence, and disengagement? * How do relationships and social environments affect relatedness, and what are the implications on motivation and behaviour? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Self-Determination Theory== [[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] is a macro-theory of psychology created by [[w:Edward Deci|Edward Deci]] and [[w:Richard Ryan|Richard Ryan]] relating to motivation, behaviour, and personality. SDT utilises an organismic-dialectical approach, which assumes people are ‘active organisms’ who have tendencies toward growth, overcoming challenges, and integrating new experiences into their sense of self. SDT posits this inherent tendency toward growth as well as peoples’ innate psychological needs are the basis for self-motivation and personality integration. Ryan and Deci (2000), propose that humans have three basic psychological needs which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness and when these needs are met, they are essential to optimal personal growth, wellbeing, and [[W:intrinsic motivation|intrinsic motivation]]. Social or cultural factors can either support or 'thwart' individuals' motivation, well-being, and personal growth. (Ryan & Deci, 2000) {{anchor|Basic psychological needs theory}} ;Basic psychological needs theory Basic psychological needs theory is one of the several micro-theories within SDT. BPNT refers to the idea in SDT that people have three basic psychological needs that are central to wellbeing, growth and intrinsic motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000). [[w:Autonomy|Autonomy]] is the experience of ones actions as their own and personally-endorsed, as opposed to being controlled or imposed upon them. [[w:Competence|Competence]] is closely related to [[w:Self-Efficacy|self-efficacy]] and refers to the need to feel capable and effective and confident in your interactions with your environment, and to master challenges and achieve goals. [[w:relatedness|Relatedness]] is the innate human need to develop meaningful relationships with those around you, and to feel a sense of mutual care, respect, and warmth between yourself and others. Relatedness also refers to experiencing a sense of belonging, community, and kinship with others. {{anchor|Intrinsic and extrinsic motivation}} ;Intrinsic and extrinsic motivation ==Relatedness satisfaction and autonomous motivation== * Relatedness satisfaction versus relatedness frustration. * When an individual is satisfied with their relatedness, they are more likely to perceive a task as meaningful opposed to an obligation. This futher motivates that individual to engage in the task. * Relatedness frustration, characterised by rejection, loneliness and feeling excluded, was found to mediate amotivation. (Van Tuin et. al, 2020) ==Relatedness, engagement and behaviour== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Parallel mediation model with both satisfaction and frustration of basic needs (Van Tuin et al., 2020)]] * Relatedness satisfaction of students predicted identified regulation and was found to increase behavioural engagement in mathematics (Hofverberg et. al., 2022). * When relatedness is satisfied, participation has been found to feel more meaningful socially and emotionally, therefore motivating participation behaviours (Kaefer & Chiviacowsky, 2021). * Students' perception of relatedness with teachers was associated with better homework engagement and practices (Collie, 2024). ==Relatedness and well-being== * Interpersonal support of autonomy, competence, and relatedness were associated with satisfaction of those psychological needs. * Environmental support for needs were associated with greater wellbeing and improved performance. * Relatedness supports wellbeing which supports motivation. (Slemp et. al, 2024) {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || |} * '''Interactive learning Quiz - Choose your answers and click "Submit":''' <quiz display="simple"> {Relatedness satisfaction has been shown to influence welbeing: |type="(true)"} + True - False {Relatedness is an element of self-determination theory: |type="(true)"} + True - False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Relatedness is a key psychological need within self-determination theory. When this need is satisfied, psychological well-being is more likely to increase and individuals are more likely to develop greater self-determined motivation * Both relatedness satisfaction and relatedness frustration can influence the quality of motivation, not just its strength * Relatedness satisfaction can shape behaviour by facilitating greater engagement, participation, and persistence and sustain their behaviour for longer. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== *[[w:Cognitive evaluation theory|Cognitive evaluation theory]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs|Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Social relation|Relatedness]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to Student Motivation: A Meta-Analysis of Antecedents of Autonomous and Controlled Motivations. Review of Educational Research, 92(1), 46-72. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426 Collie, R. J. (2024). Social-emotional need satisfaction and students’ academic engagement and social-emotional skills. Educational Psychology, 44(2), 117–135. https://doi.org/10.1080/01443410.2024.2324751 Hagger, M. S., Hankonen, N., Chatzisarantis, N. L. D., & Ryan, R. M. (2020). Changing Behavior Using Self-Determination Theory. In M. S. Hagger, L. D. Cameron, K. Hamilton, N. Hankonen, & T. Lintunen (Eds.), The Handbook of Behaviour Change (pp. 104–119). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108677318.008 Hofverberg, A., Winberg, M., Palmberg, B., Andersson, C., & Palm, T. (2022). Relationships between basic psychological need satisfaction, regulations, and behavioral engagement in mathematics. Frontiers in Psychology, 13. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.829958 Kaefer, A., & Chiviacowsky, S. (2021). Relatedness support enhances motivation, positive affect, and motor learning in adolescents. Human Movement Science, 79, 102864. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.humov.2021.102864 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.68 Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of personality and social psychology, 127(5), 1012–1037. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459 Van Tuin, L., Schaufeli, W. B., & van Rhenen, W. (2020). The satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in engaging leadership. Journal of Leadership Studies, 14(2), 6–23. https://doi.org/10.1002/jls.21695 Weinstein, N. (Ed.). (2014). Human Motivation and Interpersonal Relationships : Theory, Research, and Applications (1st ed. 2014.). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8542-6 }} ==External links== {{ic|Use sentence casing}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VGrcets0E6I Promoting Motivation, Health, and Excellence: Ed Deci TEDX] (Youtube) * [https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/theory/ Self-determination Theory] (Center for Self-determination Theory) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Needs/Relatedness]] brmuo6fk0ysezri41y4n5w7avkeh9lh 2840476 2840474 2026-10-15T11:13:14Z U3203283 3110021 /* Self-Determination Theory */ make titles subheadings 2840476 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Relatedness motivation in self-determination theory:<br>How does the need for relatedness function within self-determination theory to shape motivation and behaviour?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Raise hand gesture occupy.svg|Raise_hand_gesture_occupy|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. A raised hand: Lauren's tutor encouraged students to ask for help and connect with each other. {{expand}}]] ; Imagine this Lauren is a first-year university student studying psychology who recently started a demanding course. During the first few weeks, she finds the workload difficult and is unsure whether she is capable of succeeding. She chose to study psychology because she is interested in the subject, however, she feels isolated because her classmates seem to already know one another. One of Lauren’s tutors makes an effort to learn about students, encourages them to contribute to discussions, and provides feedback. The tutor also organises small-group activities where students can get to know one another and emphasises that asking for help is a normal part of learning. Lauren engages with these opportunities. Over time, Lauren begins to feel that she belongs in the course and that both her tutor and classmates value her participation. As Lauren feels increasingly connected to the people around her, she becomes more willing to attend tutorials, participate in discussions, ask questions (see Figure 1), and seek feedback when she does not understand something. She also starts studying with classmates outside class. Lauren is no longer completing the course requirements only because she feels she has to. Her growing sense of belonging helps her internalise the value of the course, so she begins to think, “Psychology is important to me, and I want to do well because I see myself as part of this community.” This shift leads to more persistent, engaged behaviour. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Self-determination theory (SDT) suggests people are most effectively motivated when motivation is intrinsic. SDT argues people have an innate tendency toward growth, and three distinct basic needs. Within SDT is the basic psychological needs theory (BPNT or BNT), which suggests three psychological needs related to intrinsic motivation which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Relatedness refers to the human desire to form strong relationships and bonds with those around them. This chapter will examine how the concept of relatedness, within self-determination theory, shapes human motivation and behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000) The goal contents theory (GCT) expands on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and their impact on wellness. Extrinsic goals including financial success, fame, and physical appearance have been compared to intrinsic goals which include personal growth, forming strong, high-quality relationships, and community which are associated with higher well-being than the latter. The role of relatedness can be understood through another micro-theory of SDT; the relationship motivation theory (RMT), which suggests that closeness to others is not only preferable, but essential to wellbeing. Not only do high-quality relationships satisfy the need for relatedness, but they can also satisfy the need for autonomy and competence (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In a meta-analysis, Slempt et. al (2024), note that support from others likely facilitates people’s motivational processes, finding that interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs were small to moderately positively associated with performance. Slempt et. al (2024), {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is the need for relatedness within Self-Determination Theory, and why is it important in shaping motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction influence the development of autonomous motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction or frustration affect individuals’ behaviour, such as engagement, persistence, and disengagement? * How do relationships and social environments affect relatedness, and what are the implications on motivation and behaviour? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Self-Determination Theory== [[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] is a macro-theory of psychology created by [[w:Edward Deci|Edward Deci]] and [[w:Richard Ryan|Richard Ryan]] relating to motivation, behaviour, and personality. SDT utilises an organismic-dialectical approach, which assumes people are ‘active organisms’ who have tendencies toward growth, overcoming challenges, and integrating new experiences into their sense of self. SDT posits this inherent tendency toward growth as well as peoples’ innate psychological needs are the basis for self-motivation and personality integration. Ryan and Deci (2000), propose that humans have three basic psychological needs which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness and when these needs are met, they are essential to optimal personal growth, wellbeing, and [[W:intrinsic motivation|intrinsic motivation]]. Social or cultural factors can either support or 'thwart' individuals' motivation, well-being, and personal growth. (Ryan & Deci, 2000) === Basic psychological needs theory === Basic psychological needs theory is one of the several micro-theories within SDT. BPNT refers to the idea in SDT that people have three basic psychological needs that are central to wellbeing, growth and intrinsic motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000). [[w:Autonomy|Autonomy]] is the experience of ones actions as their own and personally-endorsed, as opposed to being controlled or imposed upon them. [[w:Competence|Competence]] is closely related to [[w:Self-Efficacy|self-efficacy]] and refers to the need to feel capable and effective and confident in your interactions with your environment, and to master challenges and achieve goals. [[w:relatedness|Relatedness]] is the innate human need to develop meaningful relationships with those around you, and to feel a sense of mutual care, respect, and warmth between yourself and others. Relatedness also refers to experiencing a sense of belonging, community, and kinship with others. === Intrinsic and extrinsic motivation === ==Relatedness satisfaction and autonomous motivation== * Relatedness satisfaction versus relatedness frustration. * When an individual is satisfied with their relatedness, they are more likely to perceive a task as meaningful opposed to an obligation. This futher motivates that individual to engage in the task. * Relatedness frustration, characterised by rejection, loneliness and feeling excluded, was found to mediate amotivation. (Van Tuin et. al, 2020) ==Relatedness, engagement and behaviour== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Parallel mediation model with both satisfaction and frustration of basic needs (Van Tuin et al., 2020)]] * Relatedness satisfaction of students predicted identified regulation and was found to increase behavioural engagement in mathematics (Hofverberg et. al., 2022). * When relatedness is satisfied, participation has been found to feel more meaningful socially and emotionally, therefore motivating participation behaviours (Kaefer & Chiviacowsky, 2021). * Students' perception of relatedness with teachers was associated with better homework engagement and practices (Collie, 2024). ==Relatedness and well-being== * Interpersonal support of autonomy, competence, and relatedness were associated with satisfaction of those psychological needs. * Environmental support for needs were associated with greater wellbeing and improved performance. * Relatedness supports wellbeing which supports motivation. (Slemp et. al, 2024) {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || |} * '''Interactive learning Quiz - Choose your answers and click "Submit":''' <quiz display="simple"> {Relatedness satisfaction has been shown to influence welbeing: |type="(true)"} + True - False {Relatedness is an element of self-determination theory: |type="(true)"} + True - False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Relatedness is a key psychological need within self-determination theory. When this need is satisfied, psychological well-being is more likely to increase and individuals are more likely to develop greater self-determined motivation * Both relatedness satisfaction and relatedness frustration can influence the quality of motivation, not just its strength * Relatedness satisfaction can shape behaviour by facilitating greater engagement, participation, and persistence and sustain their behaviour for longer. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== *[[w:Cognitive evaluation theory|Cognitive evaluation theory]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs|Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Social relation|Relatedness]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to Student Motivation: A Meta-Analysis of Antecedents of Autonomous and Controlled Motivations. Review of Educational Research, 92(1), 46-72. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426 Collie, R. J. (2024). Social-emotional need satisfaction and students’ academic engagement and social-emotional skills. Educational Psychology, 44(2), 117–135. https://doi.org/10.1080/01443410.2024.2324751 Hagger, M. S., Hankonen, N., Chatzisarantis, N. L. D., & Ryan, R. M. (2020). Changing Behavior Using Self-Determination Theory. In M. S. Hagger, L. D. Cameron, K. Hamilton, N. Hankonen, & T. Lintunen (Eds.), The Handbook of Behaviour Change (pp. 104–119). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108677318.008 Hofverberg, A., Winberg, M., Palmberg, B., Andersson, C., & Palm, T. (2022). Relationships between basic psychological need satisfaction, regulations, and behavioral engagement in mathematics. Frontiers in Psychology, 13. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.829958 Kaefer, A., & Chiviacowsky, S. (2021). Relatedness support enhances motivation, positive affect, and motor learning in adolescents. Human Movement Science, 79, 102864. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.humov.2021.102864 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.68 Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of personality and social psychology, 127(5), 1012–1037. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459 Van Tuin, L., Schaufeli, W. B., & van Rhenen, W. (2020). The satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in engaging leadership. Journal of Leadership Studies, 14(2), 6–23. https://doi.org/10.1002/jls.21695 Weinstein, N. (Ed.). (2014). Human Motivation and Interpersonal Relationships : Theory, Research, and Applications (1st ed. 2014.). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8542-6 }} ==External links== {{ic|Use sentence casing}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VGrcets0E6I Promoting Motivation, Health, and Excellence: Ed Deci TEDX] (Youtube) * [https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/theory/ Self-determination Theory] (Center for Self-determination Theory) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Needs/Relatedness]] ry8teynxkibdkscptwt1tq73gs912lf 2840477 2840476 2026-10-15T11:18:38Z U3203283 3110021 /* Intrinsic and extrinsic motivation */ add pic 2840477 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Relatedness motivation in self-determination theory:<br>How does the need for relatedness function within self-determination theory to shape motivation and behaviour?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Raise hand gesture occupy.svg|Raise_hand_gesture_occupy|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. A raised hand: Lauren's tutor encouraged students to ask for help and connect with each other. {{expand}}]] ; Imagine this Lauren is a first-year university student studying psychology who recently started a demanding course. During the first few weeks, she finds the workload difficult and is unsure whether she is capable of succeeding. She chose to study psychology because she is interested in the subject, however, she feels isolated because her classmates seem to already know one another. One of Lauren’s tutors makes an effort to learn about students, encourages them to contribute to discussions, and provides feedback. The tutor also organises small-group activities where students can get to know one another and emphasises that asking for help is a normal part of learning. Lauren engages with these opportunities. Over time, Lauren begins to feel that she belongs in the course and that both her tutor and classmates value her participation. As Lauren feels increasingly connected to the people around her, she becomes more willing to attend tutorials, participate in discussions, ask questions (see Figure 1), and seek feedback when she does not understand something. She also starts studying with classmates outside class. Lauren is no longer completing the course requirements only because she feels she has to. Her growing sense of belonging helps her internalise the value of the course, so she begins to think, “Psychology is important to me, and I want to do well because I see myself as part of this community.” This shift leads to more persistent, engaged behaviour. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Self-determination theory (SDT) suggests people are most effectively motivated when motivation is intrinsic. SDT argues people have an innate tendency toward growth, and three distinct basic needs. Within SDT is the basic psychological needs theory (BPNT or BNT), which suggests three psychological needs related to intrinsic motivation which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Relatedness refers to the human desire to form strong relationships and bonds with those around them. This chapter will examine how the concept of relatedness, within self-determination theory, shapes human motivation and behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000) The goal contents theory (GCT) expands on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and their impact on wellness. Extrinsic goals including financial success, fame, and physical appearance have been compared to intrinsic goals which include personal growth, forming strong, high-quality relationships, and community which are associated with higher well-being than the latter. The role of relatedness can be understood through another micro-theory of SDT; the relationship motivation theory (RMT), which suggests that closeness to others is not only preferable, but essential to wellbeing. Not only do high-quality relationships satisfy the need for relatedness, but they can also satisfy the need for autonomy and competence (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In a meta-analysis, Slempt et. al (2024), note that support from others likely facilitates people’s motivational processes, finding that interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs were small to moderately positively associated with performance. Slempt et. al (2024), {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is the need for relatedness within Self-Determination Theory, and why is it important in shaping motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction influence the development of autonomous motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction or frustration affect individuals’ behaviour, such as engagement, persistence, and disengagement? * How do relationships and social environments affect relatedness, and what are the implications on motivation and behaviour? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Self-Determination Theory== [[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] is a macro-theory of psychology created by [[w:Edward Deci|Edward Deci]] and [[w:Richard Ryan|Richard Ryan]] relating to motivation, behaviour, and personality. SDT utilises an organismic-dialectical approach, which assumes people are ‘active organisms’ who have tendencies toward growth, overcoming challenges, and integrating new experiences into their sense of self. SDT posits this inherent tendency toward growth as well as peoples’ innate psychological needs are the basis for self-motivation and personality integration. Ryan and Deci (2000), propose that humans have three basic psychological needs which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness and when these needs are met, they are essential to optimal personal growth, wellbeing, and [[W:intrinsic motivation|intrinsic motivation]]. Social or cultural factors can either support or 'thwart' individuals' motivation, well-being, and personal growth. (Ryan & Deci, 2000) === Basic psychological needs theory === Basic psychological needs theory is one of the several micro-theories within SDT. BPNT refers to the idea in SDT that people have three basic psychological needs that are central to wellbeing, growth and intrinsic motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000). [[w:Autonomy|Autonomy]] is the experience of ones actions as their own and personally-endorsed, as opposed to being controlled or imposed upon them. [[w:Competence|Competence]] is closely related to [[w:Self-Efficacy|self-efficacy]] and refers to the need to feel capable and effective and confident in your interactions with your environment, and to master challenges and achieve goals. [[w:relatedness|Relatedness]] is the innate human need to develop meaningful relationships with those around you, and to feel a sense of mutual care, respect, and warmth between yourself and others. Relatedness also refers to experiencing a sense of belonging, community, and kinship with others. === Intrinsic and extrinsic motivation === [[File:Muhammad Intrinsic vs Extrinsic Motivation.png|300px|thumb|'''Figure 3'''. The plaer on the left wants to win the trophy which is an example of extrinsic motivation. The player on the right is playing for his own enjoyment, indicating he is intrinsically motivated The red player is playing to win as an example of extrinsic motivation.]] ==Relatedness satisfaction and autonomous motivation== * Relatedness satisfaction versus relatedness frustration. * When an individual is satisfied with their relatedness, they are more likely to perceive a task as meaningful opposed to an obligation. This futher motivates that individual to engage in the task. * Relatedness frustration, characterised by rejection, loneliness and feeling excluded, was found to mediate amotivation. (Van Tuin et. al, 2020) ==Relatedness, engagement and behaviour== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Parallel mediation model with both satisfaction and frustration of basic needs (Van Tuin et al., 2020)]] * Relatedness satisfaction of students predicted identified regulation and was found to increase behavioural engagement in mathematics (Hofverberg et. al., 2022). * When relatedness is satisfied, participation has been found to feel more meaningful socially and emotionally, therefore motivating participation behaviours (Kaefer & Chiviacowsky, 2021). * Students' perception of relatedness with teachers was associated with better homework engagement and practices (Collie, 2024). ==Relatedness and well-being== * Interpersonal support of autonomy, competence, and relatedness were associated with satisfaction of those psychological needs. * Environmental support for needs were associated with greater wellbeing and improved performance. * Relatedness supports wellbeing which supports motivation. (Slemp et. al, 2024) {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || |} * '''Interactive learning Quiz - Choose your answers and click "Submit":''' <quiz display="simple"> {Relatedness satisfaction has been shown to influence welbeing: |type="(true)"} + True - False {Relatedness is an element of self-determination theory: |type="(true)"} + True - False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Relatedness is a key psychological need within self-determination theory. When this need is satisfied, psychological well-being is more likely to increase and individuals are more likely to develop greater self-determined motivation * Both relatedness satisfaction and relatedness frustration can influence the quality of motivation, not just its strength * Relatedness satisfaction can shape behaviour by facilitating greater engagement, participation, and persistence and sustain their behaviour for longer. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== *[[w:Cognitive evaluation theory|Cognitive evaluation theory]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs|Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Social relation|Relatedness]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to Student Motivation: A Meta-Analysis of Antecedents of Autonomous and Controlled Motivations. Review of Educational Research, 92(1), 46-72. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426 Collie, R. J. (2024). Social-emotional need satisfaction and students’ academic engagement and social-emotional skills. Educational Psychology, 44(2), 117–135. https://doi.org/10.1080/01443410.2024.2324751 Hagger, M. S., Hankonen, N., Chatzisarantis, N. L. D., & Ryan, R. M. (2020). Changing Behavior Using Self-Determination Theory. In M. S. Hagger, L. D. Cameron, K. Hamilton, N. Hankonen, & T. Lintunen (Eds.), The Handbook of Behaviour Change (pp. 104–119). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108677318.008 Hofverberg, A., Winberg, M., Palmberg, B., Andersson, C., & Palm, T. (2022). Relationships between basic psychological need satisfaction, regulations, and behavioral engagement in mathematics. Frontiers in Psychology, 13. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.829958 Kaefer, A., & Chiviacowsky, S. (2021). Relatedness support enhances motivation, positive affect, and motor learning in adolescents. Human Movement Science, 79, 102864. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.humov.2021.102864 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.68 Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of personality and social psychology, 127(5), 1012–1037. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459 Van Tuin, L., Schaufeli, W. B., & van Rhenen, W. (2020). The satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in engaging leadership. Journal of Leadership Studies, 14(2), 6–23. https://doi.org/10.1002/jls.21695 Weinstein, N. (Ed.). (2014). Human Motivation and Interpersonal Relationships : Theory, Research, and Applications (1st ed. 2014.). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8542-6 }} ==External links== {{ic|Use sentence casing}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VGrcets0E6I Promoting Motivation, Health, and Excellence: Ed Deci TEDX] (Youtube) * [https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/theory/ Self-determination Theory] (Center for Self-determination Theory) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Needs/Relatedness]] 3pixnhnjlxgk5sp5auuqm2e8ufxwkkj 2840478 2840477 2026-10-15T11:19:54Z U3203283 3110021 /* Intrinsic and extrinsic motivation */ 2840478 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Relatedness motivation in self-determination theory:<br>How does the need for relatedness function within self-determination theory to shape motivation and behaviour?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Raise hand gesture occupy.svg|Raise_hand_gesture_occupy|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. A raised hand: Lauren's tutor encouraged students to ask for help and connect with each other. {{expand}}]] ; Imagine this Lauren is a first-year university student studying psychology who recently started a demanding course. During the first few weeks, she finds the workload difficult and is unsure whether she is capable of succeeding. She chose to study psychology because she is interested in the subject, however, she feels isolated because her classmates seem to already know one another. One of Lauren’s tutors makes an effort to learn about students, encourages them to contribute to discussions, and provides feedback. The tutor also organises small-group activities where students can get to know one another and emphasises that asking for help is a normal part of learning. Lauren engages with these opportunities. Over time, Lauren begins to feel that she belongs in the course and that both her tutor and classmates value her participation. As Lauren feels increasingly connected to the people around her, she becomes more willing to attend tutorials, participate in discussions, ask questions (see Figure 1), and seek feedback when she does not understand something. She also starts studying with classmates outside class. Lauren is no longer completing the course requirements only because she feels she has to. Her growing sense of belonging helps her internalise the value of the course, so she begins to think, “Psychology is important to me, and I want to do well because I see myself as part of this community.” This shift leads to more persistent, engaged behaviour. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Self-determination theory (SDT) suggests people are most effectively motivated when motivation is intrinsic. SDT argues people have an innate tendency toward growth, and three distinct basic needs. Within SDT is the basic psychological needs theory (BPNT or BNT), which suggests three psychological needs related to intrinsic motivation which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Relatedness refers to the human desire to form strong relationships and bonds with those around them. This chapter will examine how the concept of relatedness, within self-determination theory, shapes human motivation and behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000) The goal contents theory (GCT) expands on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and their impact on wellness. Extrinsic goals including financial success, fame, and physical appearance have been compared to intrinsic goals which include personal growth, forming strong, high-quality relationships, and community which are associated with higher well-being than the latter. The role of relatedness can be understood through another micro-theory of SDT; the relationship motivation theory (RMT), which suggests that closeness to others is not only preferable, but essential to wellbeing. Not only do high-quality relationships satisfy the need for relatedness, but they can also satisfy the need for autonomy and competence (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In a meta-analysis, Slempt et. al (2024), note that support from others likely facilitates people’s motivational processes, finding that interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs were small to moderately positively associated with performance. Slempt et. al (2024), {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is the need for relatedness within Self-Determination Theory, and why is it important in shaping motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction influence the development of autonomous motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction or frustration affect individuals’ behaviour, such as engagement, persistence, and disengagement? * How do relationships and social environments affect relatedness, and what are the implications on motivation and behaviour? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Self-Determination Theory== [[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] is a macro-theory of psychology created by [[w:Edward Deci|Edward Deci]] and [[w:Richard Ryan|Richard Ryan]] relating to motivation, behaviour, and personality. SDT utilises an organismic-dialectical approach, which assumes people are ‘active organisms’ who have tendencies toward growth, overcoming challenges, and integrating new experiences into their sense of self. SDT posits this inherent tendency toward growth as well as peoples’ innate psychological needs are the basis for self-motivation and personality integration. Ryan and Deci (2000), propose that humans have three basic psychological needs which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness and when these needs are met, they are essential to optimal personal growth, wellbeing, and [[W:intrinsic motivation|intrinsic motivation]]. Social or cultural factors can either support or 'thwart' individuals' motivation, well-being, and personal growth. (Ryan & Deci, 2000) === Basic psychological needs theory === Basic psychological needs theory is one of the several micro-theories within SDT. BPNT refers to the idea in SDT that people have three basic psychological needs that are central to wellbeing, growth and intrinsic motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000). [[w:Autonomy|Autonomy]] is the experience of ones actions as their own and personally-endorsed, as opposed to being controlled or imposed upon them. [[w:Competence|Competence]] is closely related to [[w:Self-Efficacy|self-efficacy]] and refers to the need to feel capable and effective and confident in your interactions with your environment, and to master challenges and achieve goals. [[w:relatedness|Relatedness]] is the innate human need to develop meaningful relationships with those around you, and to feel a sense of mutual care, respect, and warmth between yourself and others. Relatedness also refers to experiencing a sense of belonging, community, and kinship with others. === Intrinsic and extrinsic motivation === [[File:Muhammad Intrinsic vs Extrinsic Motivation.png|300px|thumb|'''Figure 3'''. The player on the left wants to win the trophy which is an example of extrinsic motivation. The player on the right is playing for his own enjoyment, indicating he is intrinsically motivated.]] ==Relatedness satisfaction and autonomous motivation== * Relatedness satisfaction versus relatedness frustration. * When an individual is satisfied with their relatedness, they are more likely to perceive a task as meaningful opposed to an obligation. This futher motivates that individual to engage in the task. * Relatedness frustration, characterised by rejection, loneliness and feeling excluded, was found to mediate amotivation. (Van Tuin et. al, 2020) ==Relatedness, engagement and behaviour== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Parallel mediation model with both satisfaction and frustration of basic needs (Van Tuin et al., 2020)]] * Relatedness satisfaction of students predicted identified regulation and was found to increase behavioural engagement in mathematics (Hofverberg et. al., 2022). * When relatedness is satisfied, participation has been found to feel more meaningful socially and emotionally, therefore motivating participation behaviours (Kaefer & Chiviacowsky, 2021). * Students' perception of relatedness with teachers was associated with better homework engagement and practices (Collie, 2024). ==Relatedness and well-being== * Interpersonal support of autonomy, competence, and relatedness were associated with satisfaction of those psychological needs. * Environmental support for needs were associated with greater wellbeing and improved performance. * Relatedness supports wellbeing which supports motivation. (Slemp et. al, 2024) {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || |} * '''Interactive learning Quiz - Choose your answers and click "Submit":''' <quiz display="simple"> {Relatedness satisfaction has been shown to influence welbeing: |type="(true)"} + True - False {Relatedness is an element of self-determination theory: |type="(true)"} + True - False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Relatedness is a key psychological need within self-determination theory. When this need is satisfied, psychological well-being is more likely to increase and individuals are more likely to develop greater self-determined motivation * Both relatedness satisfaction and relatedness frustration can influence the quality of motivation, not just its strength * Relatedness satisfaction can shape behaviour by facilitating greater engagement, participation, and persistence and sustain their behaviour for longer. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== *[[w:Cognitive evaluation theory|Cognitive evaluation theory]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs|Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Social relation|Relatedness]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to Student Motivation: A Meta-Analysis of Antecedents of Autonomous and Controlled Motivations. Review of Educational Research, 92(1), 46-72. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426 Collie, R. J. (2024). Social-emotional need satisfaction and students’ academic engagement and social-emotional skills. Educational Psychology, 44(2), 117–135. https://doi.org/10.1080/01443410.2024.2324751 Hagger, M. S., Hankonen, N., Chatzisarantis, N. L. D., & Ryan, R. M. (2020). Changing Behavior Using Self-Determination Theory. In M. S. Hagger, L. D. Cameron, K. Hamilton, N. Hankonen, & T. Lintunen (Eds.), The Handbook of Behaviour Change (pp. 104–119). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108677318.008 Hofverberg, A., Winberg, M., Palmberg, B., Andersson, C., & Palm, T. (2022). Relationships between basic psychological need satisfaction, regulations, and behavioral engagement in mathematics. Frontiers in Psychology, 13. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.829958 Kaefer, A., & Chiviacowsky, S. (2021). Relatedness support enhances motivation, positive affect, and motor learning in adolescents. Human Movement Science, 79, 102864. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.humov.2021.102864 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.68 Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of personality and social psychology, 127(5), 1012–1037. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459 Van Tuin, L., Schaufeli, W. B., & van Rhenen, W. (2020). The satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in engaging leadership. Journal of Leadership Studies, 14(2), 6–23. https://doi.org/10.1002/jls.21695 Weinstein, N. (Ed.). (2014). Human Motivation and Interpersonal Relationships : Theory, Research, and Applications (1st ed. 2014.). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8542-6 }} ==External links== {{ic|Use sentence casing}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VGrcets0E6I Promoting Motivation, Health, and Excellence: Ed Deci TEDX] (Youtube) * [https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/theory/ Self-determination Theory] (Center for Self-determination Theory) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Needs/Relatedness]] dy738qyqya6ps4z8k980sd9lem2tguv 2840480 2840478 2026-10-15T11:25:36Z U3203283 3110021 /* Intrinsic and extrinsic motivation */ 2840480 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Relatedness motivation in self-determination theory:<br>How does the need for relatedness function within self-determination theory to shape motivation and behaviour?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Raise hand gesture occupy.svg|Raise_hand_gesture_occupy|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. A raised hand: Lauren's tutor encouraged students to ask for help and connect with each other. {{expand}}]] ; Imagine this Lauren is a first-year university student studying psychology who recently started a demanding course. During the first few weeks, she finds the workload difficult and is unsure whether she is capable of succeeding. She chose to study psychology because she is interested in the subject, however, she feels isolated because her classmates seem to already know one another. One of Lauren’s tutors makes an effort to learn about students, encourages them to contribute to discussions, and provides feedback. The tutor also organises small-group activities where students can get to know one another and emphasises that asking for help is a normal part of learning. Lauren engages with these opportunities. Over time, Lauren begins to feel that she belongs in the course and that both her tutor and classmates value her participation. As Lauren feels increasingly connected to the people around her, she becomes more willing to attend tutorials, participate in discussions, ask questions (see Figure 1), and seek feedback when she does not understand something. She also starts studying with classmates outside class. Lauren is no longer completing the course requirements only because she feels she has to. Her growing sense of belonging helps her internalise the value of the course, so she begins to think, “Psychology is important to me, and I want to do well because I see myself as part of this community.” This shift leads to more persistent, engaged behaviour. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Self-determination theory (SDT) suggests people are most effectively motivated when motivation is intrinsic. SDT argues people have an innate tendency toward growth, and three distinct basic needs. Within SDT is the basic psychological needs theory (BPNT or BNT), which suggests three psychological needs related to intrinsic motivation which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Relatedness refers to the human desire to form strong relationships and bonds with those around them. This chapter will examine how the concept of relatedness, within self-determination theory, shapes human motivation and behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000) The goal contents theory (GCT) expands on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and their impact on wellness. Extrinsic goals including financial success, fame, and physical appearance have been compared to intrinsic goals which include personal growth, forming strong, high-quality relationships, and community which are associated with higher well-being than the latter. The role of relatedness can be understood through another micro-theory of SDT; the relationship motivation theory (RMT), which suggests that closeness to others is not only preferable, but essential to wellbeing. Not only do high-quality relationships satisfy the need for relatedness, but they can also satisfy the need for autonomy and competence (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In a meta-analysis, Slempt et. al (2024), note that support from others likely facilitates people’s motivational processes, finding that interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs were small to moderately positively associated with performance. Slempt et. al (2024), {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is the need for relatedness within Self-Determination Theory, and why is it important in shaping motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction influence the development of autonomous motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction or frustration affect individuals’ behaviour, such as engagement, persistence, and disengagement? * How do relationships and social environments affect relatedness, and what are the implications on motivation and behaviour? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Self-Determination Theory== [[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] is a macro-theory of psychology created by [[w:Edward Deci|Edward Deci]] and [[w:Richard Ryan|Richard Ryan]] relating to motivation, behaviour, and personality. SDT utilises an organismic-dialectical approach, which assumes people are ‘active organisms’ who have tendencies toward growth, overcoming challenges, and integrating new experiences into their sense of self. SDT posits this inherent tendency toward growth as well as peoples’ innate psychological needs are the basis for self-motivation and personality integration. Ryan and Deci (2000), propose that humans have three basic psychological needs which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness and when these needs are met, they are essential to optimal personal growth, wellbeing, and [[W:intrinsic motivation|intrinsic motivation]]. Social or cultural factors can either support or 'thwart' individuals' motivation, well-being, and personal growth. (Ryan & Deci, 2000) === Basic psychological needs theory === Basic psychological needs theory is one of the several micro-theories within SDT. BPNT refers to the idea in SDT that people have three basic psychological needs that are central to wellbeing, growth and intrinsic motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000). [[w:Autonomy|Autonomy]] is the experience of ones actions as their own and personally-endorsed, as opposed to being controlled or imposed upon them. [[w:Competence|Competence]] is closely related to [[w:Self-Efficacy|self-efficacy]] and refers to the need to feel capable and effective and confident in your interactions with your environment, and to master challenges and achieve goals. [[w:relatedness|Relatedness]] is the innate human need to develop meaningful relationships with those around you, and to feel a sense of mutual care, respect, and warmth between yourself and others. Relatedness also refers to experiencing a sense of belonging, community, and kinship with others. === Intrinsic and extrinsic motivation === [[File:Muhammad Intrinsic vs Extrinsic Motivation.png|300px|thumb|'''Figure 3'''. The player on the left wants to win the trophy which is an example of extrinsic motivation. The player on the right is playing for his own enjoyment, indicating he is intrinsically motivated.]] text here regarding intrinsic and extrinsic Ryan & Deci (2000) note that ==Relatedness satisfaction and autonomous motivation== * Relatedness satisfaction versus relatedness frustration. * When an individual is satisfied with their relatedness, they are more likely to perceive a task as meaningful opposed to an obligation. This futher motivates that individual to engage in the task. * Relatedness frustration, characterised by rejection, loneliness and feeling excluded, was found to mediate amotivation. (Van Tuin et. al, 2020) ==Relatedness, engagement and behaviour== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Parallel mediation model with both satisfaction and frustration of basic needs (Van Tuin et al., 2020)]] * Relatedness satisfaction of students predicted identified regulation and was found to increase behavioural engagement in mathematics (Hofverberg et. al., 2022). * When relatedness is satisfied, participation has been found to feel more meaningful socially and emotionally, therefore motivating participation behaviours (Kaefer & Chiviacowsky, 2021). * Students' perception of relatedness with teachers was associated with better homework engagement and practices (Collie, 2024). ==Relatedness and well-being== * Interpersonal support of autonomy, competence, and relatedness were associated with satisfaction of those psychological needs. * Environmental support for needs were associated with greater wellbeing and improved performance. * Relatedness supports wellbeing which supports motivation. (Slemp et. al, 2024) {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || |} * '''Interactive learning Quiz - Choose your answers and click "Submit":''' <quiz display="simple"> {Relatedness satisfaction has been shown to influence welbeing: |type="(true)"} + True - False {Relatedness is an element of self-determination theory: |type="(true)"} + True - False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Relatedness is a key psychological need within self-determination theory. When this need is satisfied, psychological well-being is more likely to increase and individuals are more likely to develop greater self-determined motivation * Both relatedness satisfaction and relatedness frustration can influence the quality of motivation, not just its strength * Relatedness satisfaction can shape behaviour by facilitating greater engagement, participation, and persistence and sustain their behaviour for longer. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== *[[w:Cognitive evaluation theory|Cognitive evaluation theory]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs|Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Social relation|Relatedness]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to Student Motivation: A Meta-Analysis of Antecedents of Autonomous and Controlled Motivations. Review of Educational Research, 92(1), 46-72. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426 Collie, R. J. (2024). Social-emotional need satisfaction and students’ academic engagement and social-emotional skills. Educational Psychology, 44(2), 117–135. https://doi.org/10.1080/01443410.2024.2324751 Hagger, M. S., Hankonen, N., Chatzisarantis, N. L. D., & Ryan, R. M. (2020). Changing Behavior Using Self-Determination Theory. In M. S. Hagger, L. D. Cameron, K. Hamilton, N. Hankonen, & T. Lintunen (Eds.), The Handbook of Behaviour Change (pp. 104–119). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108677318.008 Hofverberg, A., Winberg, M., Palmberg, B., Andersson, C., & Palm, T. (2022). Relationships between basic psychological need satisfaction, regulations, and behavioral engagement in mathematics. Frontiers in Psychology, 13. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.829958 Kaefer, A., & Chiviacowsky, S. (2021). Relatedness support enhances motivation, positive affect, and motor learning in adolescents. Human Movement Science, 79, 102864. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.humov.2021.102864 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.68 Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of personality and social psychology, 127(5), 1012–1037. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459 Van Tuin, L., Schaufeli, W. B., & van Rhenen, W. (2020). The satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in engaging leadership. Journal of Leadership Studies, 14(2), 6–23. https://doi.org/10.1002/jls.21695 Weinstein, N. (Ed.). (2014). Human Motivation and Interpersonal Relationships : Theory, Research, and Applications (1st ed. 2014.). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8542-6 }} ==External links== {{ic|Use sentence casing}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VGrcets0E6I Promoting Motivation, Health, and Excellence: Ed Deci TEDX] (Youtube) * [https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/theory/ Self-determination Theory] (Center for Self-determination Theory) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Needs/Relatedness]] py4uhoom7cpvbwlj10k5s337mwezu0a 2840482 2840480 2026-10-15T11:30:12Z U3203283 3110021 /* Relatedness satisfaction and autonomous motivation */ 2840482 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Relatedness motivation in self-determination theory:<br>How does the need for relatedness function within self-determination theory to shape motivation and behaviour?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Raise hand gesture occupy.svg|Raise_hand_gesture_occupy|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. A raised hand: Lauren's tutor encouraged students to ask for help and connect with each other. {{expand}}]] ; Imagine this Lauren is a first-year university student studying psychology who recently started a demanding course. During the first few weeks, she finds the workload difficult and is unsure whether she is capable of succeeding. She chose to study psychology because she is interested in the subject, however, she feels isolated because her classmates seem to already know one another. One of Lauren’s tutors makes an effort to learn about students, encourages them to contribute to discussions, and provides feedback. The tutor also organises small-group activities where students can get to know one another and emphasises that asking for help is a normal part of learning. Lauren engages with these opportunities. Over time, Lauren begins to feel that she belongs in the course and that both her tutor and classmates value her participation. As Lauren feels increasingly connected to the people around her, she becomes more willing to attend tutorials, participate in discussions, ask questions (see Figure 1), and seek feedback when she does not understand something. She also starts studying with classmates outside class. Lauren is no longer completing the course requirements only because she feels she has to. Her growing sense of belonging helps her internalise the value of the course, so she begins to think, “Psychology is important to me, and I want to do well because I see myself as part of this community.” This shift leads to more persistent, engaged behaviour. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Self-determination theory (SDT) suggests people are most effectively motivated when motivation is intrinsic. SDT argues people have an innate tendency toward growth, and three distinct basic needs. Within SDT is the basic psychological needs theory (BPNT or BNT), which suggests three psychological needs related to intrinsic motivation which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Relatedness refers to the human desire to form strong relationships and bonds with those around them. This chapter will examine how the concept of relatedness, within self-determination theory, shapes human motivation and behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000) The goal contents theory (GCT) expands on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and their impact on wellness. Extrinsic goals including financial success, fame, and physical appearance have been compared to intrinsic goals which include personal growth, forming strong, high-quality relationships, and community which are associated with higher well-being than the latter. The role of relatedness can be understood through another micro-theory of SDT; the relationship motivation theory (RMT), which suggests that closeness to others is not only preferable, but essential to wellbeing. Not only do high-quality relationships satisfy the need for relatedness, but they can also satisfy the need for autonomy and competence (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In a meta-analysis, Slempt et. al (2024), note that support from others likely facilitates people’s motivational processes, finding that interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs were small to moderately positively associated with performance. Slempt et. al (2024), {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is the need for relatedness within Self-Determination Theory, and why is it important in shaping motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction influence the development of autonomous motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction or frustration affect individuals’ behaviour, such as engagement, persistence, and disengagement? * How do relationships and social environments affect relatedness, and what are the implications on motivation and behaviour? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Self-Determination Theory== [[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] is a macro-theory of psychology created by [[w:Edward Deci|Edward Deci]] and [[w:Richard Ryan|Richard Ryan]] relating to motivation, behaviour, and personality. SDT utilises an organismic-dialectical approach, which assumes people are ‘active organisms’ who have tendencies toward growth, overcoming challenges, and integrating new experiences into their sense of self. SDT posits this inherent tendency toward growth as well as peoples’ innate psychological needs are the basis for self-motivation and personality integration. Ryan and Deci (2000), propose that humans have three basic psychological needs which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness and when these needs are met, they are essential to optimal personal growth, wellbeing, and [[W:intrinsic motivation|intrinsic motivation]]. Social or cultural factors can either support or 'thwart' individuals' motivation, well-being, and personal growth. (Ryan & Deci, 2000) === Basic psychological needs theory === Basic psychological needs theory is one of the several micro-theories within SDT. BPNT refers to the idea in SDT that people have three basic psychological needs that are central to wellbeing, growth and intrinsic motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000). [[w:Autonomy|Autonomy]] is the experience of ones actions as their own and personally-endorsed, as opposed to being controlled or imposed upon them. [[w:Competence|Competence]] is closely related to [[w:Self-Efficacy|self-efficacy]] and refers to the need to feel capable and effective and confident in your interactions with your environment, and to master challenges and achieve goals. [[w:relatedness|Relatedness]] is the innate human need to develop meaningful relationships with those around you, and to feel a sense of mutual care, respect, and warmth between yourself and others. Relatedness also refers to experiencing a sense of belonging, community, and kinship with others. === Intrinsic and extrinsic motivation === [[File:Muhammad Intrinsic vs Extrinsic Motivation.png|300px|thumb|'''Figure 3'''. The player on the left wants to win the trophy which is an example of extrinsic motivation. The player on the right is playing for his own enjoyment, indicating he is intrinsically motivated.]] text here regarding intrinsic and extrinsic Ryan & Deci (2000) note that ==Cognitive Evaluation Theory== Subheading: Cognitive evaluation theory Cognitive evaluation theory (CET) is a micro-theory within self-determination theory. Cognitive evaluation theory is essential in understanding motivation within SDT, specifically, intrinsic motivation (internal wikiversity link). Intrinsic motivation refers to engaging in tasks or behaviours, as opposed to extrinsic motivation where an individual is motivated by external rewards or reinforcement. CET proposes the idea that intrinsic motivation is more valuable than extrinsic motivation, as those that are intrinsically motivated feel a sense of choice over what they are doing and gain a feeling of competence, engagement, interest, and enjoyment from the activities or tasks they complete. (Hagger et. al., 2020). CET aims to specify that factors that explain the variability of intrinsic motivation and considers intrinsic motivation to be socially and environmentally influenced. For example, when an individual receives positive feedback, they are more likely to be intrinsically motivated, and when an individual receives negative feedback, they are less likely to be intrinsically motivated (Ryan & Deci, 2000). [[File:Taxonomy of motivation.png| center |600x600px|'''Figure 3.'''Ryan & Deci's (2000) taxonomy of moitvation. A visual spectrum of motivation]] ==Relatedness, engagement and behaviour== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Parallel mediation model with both satisfaction and frustration of basic needs (Van Tuin et al., 2020)]] * Relatedness satisfaction of students predicted identified regulation and was found to increase behavioural engagement in mathematics (Hofverberg et. al., 2022). * When relatedness is satisfied, participation has been found to feel more meaningful socially and emotionally, therefore motivating participation behaviours (Kaefer & Chiviacowsky, 2021). * Students' perception of relatedness with teachers was associated with better homework engagement and practices (Collie, 2024). ==Relatedness and well-being== * Interpersonal support of autonomy, competence, and relatedness were associated with satisfaction of those psychological needs. * Environmental support for needs were associated with greater wellbeing and improved performance. * Relatedness supports wellbeing which supports motivation. (Slemp et. al, 2024) {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || |} * '''Interactive learning Quiz - Choose your answers and click "Submit":''' <quiz display="simple"> {Relatedness satisfaction has been shown to influence welbeing: |type="(true)"} + True - False {Relatedness is an element of self-determination theory: |type="(true)"} + True - False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Relatedness is a key psychological need within self-determination theory. When this need is satisfied, psychological well-being is more likely to increase and individuals are more likely to develop greater self-determined motivation * Both relatedness satisfaction and relatedness frustration can influence the quality of motivation, not just its strength * Relatedness satisfaction can shape behaviour by facilitating greater engagement, participation, and persistence and sustain their behaviour for longer. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== *[[w:Cognitive evaluation theory|Cognitive evaluation theory]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs|Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Social relation|Relatedness]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to Student Motivation: A Meta-Analysis of Antecedents of Autonomous and Controlled Motivations. Review of Educational Research, 92(1), 46-72. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426 Collie, R. J. (2024). Social-emotional need satisfaction and students’ academic engagement and social-emotional skills. Educational Psychology, 44(2), 117–135. https://doi.org/10.1080/01443410.2024.2324751 Hagger, M. S., Hankonen, N., Chatzisarantis, N. L. D., & Ryan, R. M. (2020). Changing Behavior Using Self-Determination Theory. In M. S. Hagger, L. D. Cameron, K. Hamilton, N. Hankonen, & T. Lintunen (Eds.), The Handbook of Behaviour Change (pp. 104–119). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108677318.008 Hofverberg, A., Winberg, M., Palmberg, B., Andersson, C., & Palm, T. (2022). Relationships between basic psychological need satisfaction, regulations, and behavioral engagement in mathematics. Frontiers in Psychology, 13. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.829958 Kaefer, A., & Chiviacowsky, S. (2021). Relatedness support enhances motivation, positive affect, and motor learning in adolescents. Human Movement Science, 79, 102864. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.humov.2021.102864 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.68 Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of personality and social psychology, 127(5), 1012–1037. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459 Van Tuin, L., Schaufeli, W. B., & van Rhenen, W. (2020). The satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in engaging leadership. Journal of Leadership Studies, 14(2), 6–23. https://doi.org/10.1002/jls.21695 Weinstein, N. (Ed.). (2014). Human Motivation and Interpersonal Relationships : Theory, Research, and Applications (1st ed. 2014.). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8542-6 }} ==External links== {{ic|Use sentence casing}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VGrcets0E6I Promoting Motivation, Health, and Excellence: Ed Deci TEDX] (Youtube) * [https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/theory/ Self-determination Theory] (Center for Self-determination Theory) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Needs/Relatedness]] q8rup8717ajv5m3z1ziyq6iu883xkcm 2840483 2840482 2026-10-15T11:33:35Z U3203283 3110021 /* Cognitive Evaluation Theory */ 2840483 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Relatedness motivation in self-determination theory:<br>How does the need for relatedness function within self-determination theory to shape motivation and behaviour?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Raise hand gesture occupy.svg|Raise_hand_gesture_occupy|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. A raised hand: Lauren's tutor encouraged students to ask for help and connect with each other. {{expand}}]] ; Imagine this Lauren is a first-year university student studying psychology who recently started a demanding course. During the first few weeks, she finds the workload difficult and is unsure whether she is capable of succeeding. She chose to study psychology because she is interested in the subject, however, she feels isolated because her classmates seem to already know one another. One of Lauren’s tutors makes an effort to learn about students, encourages them to contribute to discussions, and provides feedback. The tutor also organises small-group activities where students can get to know one another and emphasises that asking for help is a normal part of learning. Lauren engages with these opportunities. Over time, Lauren begins to feel that she belongs in the course and that both her tutor and classmates value her participation. As Lauren feels increasingly connected to the people around her, she becomes more willing to attend tutorials, participate in discussions, ask questions (see Figure 1), and seek feedback when she does not understand something. She also starts studying with classmates outside class. Lauren is no longer completing the course requirements only because she feels she has to. Her growing sense of belonging helps her internalise the value of the course, so she begins to think, “Psychology is important to me, and I want to do well because I see myself as part of this community.” This shift leads to more persistent, engaged behaviour. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Self-determination theory (SDT) suggests people are most effectively motivated when motivation is intrinsic. SDT argues people have an innate tendency toward growth, and three distinct basic needs. Within SDT is the basic psychological needs theory (BPNT or BNT), which suggests three psychological needs related to intrinsic motivation which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Relatedness refers to the human desire to form strong relationships and bonds with those around them. This chapter will examine how the concept of relatedness, within self-determination theory, shapes human motivation and behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000) The goal contents theory (GCT) expands on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and their impact on wellness. Extrinsic goals including financial success, fame, and physical appearance have been compared to intrinsic goals which include personal growth, forming strong, high-quality relationships, and community which are associated with higher well-being than the latter. The role of relatedness can be understood through another micro-theory of SDT; the relationship motivation theory (RMT), which suggests that closeness to others is not only preferable, but essential to wellbeing. Not only do high-quality relationships satisfy the need for relatedness, but they can also satisfy the need for autonomy and competence (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In a meta-analysis, Slempt et. al (2024), note that support from others likely facilitates people’s motivational processes, finding that interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs were small to moderately positively associated with performance. Slempt et. al (2024), {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is the need for relatedness within Self-Determination Theory, and why is it important in shaping motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction influence the development of autonomous motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction or frustration affect individuals’ behaviour, such as engagement, persistence, and disengagement? * How do relationships and social environments affect relatedness, and what are the implications on motivation and behaviour? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Self-Determination Theory== [[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] is a macro-theory of psychology created by [[w:Edward Deci|Edward Deci]] and [[w:Richard Ryan|Richard Ryan]] relating to motivation, behaviour, and personality. SDT utilises an organismic-dialectical approach, which assumes people are ‘active organisms’ who have tendencies toward growth, overcoming challenges, and integrating new experiences into their sense of self. SDT posits this inherent tendency toward growth as well as peoples’ innate psychological needs are the basis for self-motivation and personality integration. Ryan and Deci (2000), propose that humans have three basic psychological needs which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness and when these needs are met, they are essential to optimal personal growth, wellbeing, and [[W:intrinsic motivation|intrinsic motivation]]. Social or cultural factors can either support or 'thwart' individuals' motivation, well-being, and personal growth. (Ryan & Deci, 2000) === Basic psychological needs theory === Basic psychological needs theory is one of the several micro-theories within SDT. BPNT refers to the idea in SDT that people have three basic psychological needs that are central to wellbeing, growth and intrinsic motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000). [[w:Autonomy|Autonomy]] is the experience of ones actions as their own and personally-endorsed, as opposed to being controlled or imposed upon them. [[w:Competence|Competence]] is closely related to [[w:Self-Efficacy|self-efficacy]] and refers to the need to feel capable and effective and confident in your interactions with your environment, and to master challenges and achieve goals. [[w:relatedness|Relatedness]] is the innate human need to develop meaningful relationships with those around you, and to feel a sense of mutual care, respect, and warmth between yourself and others. Relatedness also refers to experiencing a sense of belonging, community, and kinship with others. === Intrinsic === [[File:Muhammad Intrinsic vs Extrinsic Motivation.png|300px|thumb|'''Figure 3'''. The player on the left wants to win the trophy which is an example of extrinsic motivation. The player on the right is playing for his own enjoyment, indicating he is intrinsically motivated.]] ==Cognitive Evaluation Theory== Cognitive evaluation theory (CET) is a micro-theory within self-determination theory. Cognitive evaluation theory is essential in understanding motivation within SDT, specifically, intrinsic motivation. Intrinsic motivation refers to engaging in tasks or behaviours, as opposed to extrinsic motivation where an individual is motivated by external rewards or reinforcement. CET proposes the idea that intrinsic motivation is more valuable than extrinsic motivation, as those that are intrinsically motivated feel a sense of choice over what they are doing and gain a feeling of competence, engagement, interest, and enjoyment from the activities or tasks they complete. (Hagger et. al., 2020). CET aims to specify that factors that explain the variability of intrinsic motivation and considers intrinsic motivation to be socially and environmentally influenced. For example, when an individual receives positive feedback, they are more likely to be intrinsically motivated, and when an individual receives negative feedback, they are less likely to be intrinsically motivated (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Ryan & Deci (2000) [[File:Taxonomy of motivation.png| center |600x600px|'''Figure 3.'''Ryan & Deci's (2000) taxonomy of moitvation. A visual spectrum of motivation]] ==Relatedness, engagement and behaviour== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Parallel mediation model with both satisfaction and frustration of basic needs (Van Tuin et al., 2020)]] * Relatedness satisfaction of students predicted identified regulation and was found to increase behavioural engagement in mathematics (Hofverberg et. al., 2022). * When relatedness is satisfied, participation has been found to feel more meaningful socially and emotionally, therefore motivating participation behaviours (Kaefer & Chiviacowsky, 2021). * Students' perception of relatedness with teachers was associated with better homework engagement and practices (Collie, 2024). ==Relatedness and well-being== * Interpersonal support of autonomy, competence, and relatedness were associated with satisfaction of those psychological needs. * Environmental support for needs were associated with greater wellbeing and improved performance. * Relatedness supports wellbeing which supports motivation. (Slemp et. al, 2024) {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || |} * '''Interactive learning Quiz - Choose your answers and click "Submit":''' <quiz display="simple"> {Relatedness satisfaction has been shown to influence welbeing: |type="(true)"} + True - False {Relatedness is an element of self-determination theory: |type="(true)"} + True - False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Relatedness is a key psychological need within self-determination theory. When this need is satisfied, psychological well-being is more likely to increase and individuals are more likely to develop greater self-determined motivation * Both relatedness satisfaction and relatedness frustration can influence the quality of motivation, not just its strength * Relatedness satisfaction can shape behaviour by facilitating greater engagement, participation, and persistence and sustain their behaviour for longer. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== *[[w:Cognitive evaluation theory|Cognitive evaluation theory]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs|Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Social relation|Relatedness]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to Student Motivation: A Meta-Analysis of Antecedents of Autonomous and Controlled Motivations. Review of Educational Research, 92(1), 46-72. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426 Collie, R. J. (2024). Social-emotional need satisfaction and students’ academic engagement and social-emotional skills. Educational Psychology, 44(2), 117–135. https://doi.org/10.1080/01443410.2024.2324751 Hagger, M. S., Hankonen, N., Chatzisarantis, N. L. D., & Ryan, R. M. (2020). Changing Behavior Using Self-Determination Theory. In M. S. Hagger, L. D. Cameron, K. Hamilton, N. Hankonen, & T. Lintunen (Eds.), The Handbook of Behaviour Change (pp. 104–119). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108677318.008 Hofverberg, A., Winberg, M., Palmberg, B., Andersson, C., & Palm, T. (2022). Relationships between basic psychological need satisfaction, regulations, and behavioral engagement in mathematics. Frontiers in Psychology, 13. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.829958 Kaefer, A., & Chiviacowsky, S. (2021). Relatedness support enhances motivation, positive affect, and motor learning in adolescents. Human Movement Science, 79, 102864. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.humov.2021.102864 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.68 Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of personality and social psychology, 127(5), 1012–1037. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459 Van Tuin, L., Schaufeli, W. B., & van Rhenen, W. (2020). The satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in engaging leadership. Journal of Leadership Studies, 14(2), 6–23. https://doi.org/10.1002/jls.21695 Weinstein, N. (Ed.). (2014). Human Motivation and Interpersonal Relationships : Theory, Research, and Applications (1st ed. 2014.). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8542-6 }} ==External links== {{ic|Use sentence casing}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VGrcets0E6I Promoting Motivation, Health, and Excellence: Ed Deci TEDX] (Youtube) * [https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/theory/ Self-determination Theory] (Center for Self-determination Theory) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Needs/Relatedness]] iq8ib9xqvkrreps3sw1qpvnse8biwj4 2840484 2840483 2026-10-15T11:35:06Z U3203283 3110021 /* References */ 2840484 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Relatedness motivation in self-determination theory:<br>How does the need for relatedness function within self-determination theory to shape motivation and behaviour?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Raise hand gesture occupy.svg|Raise_hand_gesture_occupy|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. A raised hand: Lauren's tutor encouraged students to ask for help and connect with each other. {{expand}}]] ; Imagine this Lauren is a first-year university student studying psychology who recently started a demanding course. During the first few weeks, she finds the workload difficult and is unsure whether she is capable of succeeding. She chose to study psychology because she is interested in the subject, however, she feels isolated because her classmates seem to already know one another. One of Lauren’s tutors makes an effort to learn about students, encourages them to contribute to discussions, and provides feedback. The tutor also organises small-group activities where students can get to know one another and emphasises that asking for help is a normal part of learning. Lauren engages with these opportunities. Over time, Lauren begins to feel that she belongs in the course and that both her tutor and classmates value her participation. As Lauren feels increasingly connected to the people around her, she becomes more willing to attend tutorials, participate in discussions, ask questions (see Figure 1), and seek feedback when she does not understand something. She also starts studying with classmates outside class. Lauren is no longer completing the course requirements only because she feels she has to. Her growing sense of belonging helps her internalise the value of the course, so she begins to think, “Psychology is important to me, and I want to do well because I see myself as part of this community.” This shift leads to more persistent, engaged behaviour. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Self-determination theory (SDT) suggests people are most effectively motivated when motivation is intrinsic. SDT argues people have an innate tendency toward growth, and three distinct basic needs. Within SDT is the basic psychological needs theory (BPNT or BNT), which suggests three psychological needs related to intrinsic motivation which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Relatedness refers to the human desire to form strong relationships and bonds with those around them. This chapter will examine how the concept of relatedness, within self-determination theory, shapes human motivation and behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000) The goal contents theory (GCT) expands on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and their impact on wellness. Extrinsic goals including financial success, fame, and physical appearance have been compared to intrinsic goals which include personal growth, forming strong, high-quality relationships, and community which are associated with higher well-being than the latter. The role of relatedness can be understood through another micro-theory of SDT; the relationship motivation theory (RMT), which suggests that closeness to others is not only preferable, but essential to wellbeing. Not only do high-quality relationships satisfy the need for relatedness, but they can also satisfy the need for autonomy and competence (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In a meta-analysis, Slempt et. al (2024), note that support from others likely facilitates people’s motivational processes, finding that interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs were small to moderately positively associated with performance. Slempt et. al (2024), {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is the need for relatedness within Self-Determination Theory, and why is it important in shaping motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction influence the development of autonomous motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction or frustration affect individuals’ behaviour, such as engagement, persistence, and disengagement? * How do relationships and social environments affect relatedness, and what are the implications on motivation and behaviour? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Self-Determination Theory== [[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] is a macro-theory of psychology created by [[w:Edward Deci|Edward Deci]] and [[w:Richard Ryan|Richard Ryan]] relating to motivation, behaviour, and personality. SDT utilises an organismic-dialectical approach, which assumes people are ‘active organisms’ who have tendencies toward growth, overcoming challenges, and integrating new experiences into their sense of self. SDT posits this inherent tendency toward growth as well as peoples’ innate psychological needs are the basis for self-motivation and personality integration. Ryan and Deci (2000), propose that humans have three basic psychological needs which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness and when these needs are met, they are essential to optimal personal growth, wellbeing, and [[W:intrinsic motivation|intrinsic motivation]]. Social or cultural factors can either support or 'thwart' individuals' motivation, well-being, and personal growth. (Ryan & Deci, 2000) === Basic psychological needs theory === Basic psychological needs theory is one of the several micro-theories within SDT. BPNT refers to the idea in SDT that people have three basic psychological needs that are central to wellbeing, growth and intrinsic motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000). [[w:Autonomy|Autonomy]] is the experience of ones actions as their own and personally-endorsed, as opposed to being controlled or imposed upon them. [[w:Competence|Competence]] is closely related to [[w:Self-Efficacy|self-efficacy]] and refers to the need to feel capable and effective and confident in your interactions with your environment, and to master challenges and achieve goals. [[w:relatedness|Relatedness]] is the innate human need to develop meaningful relationships with those around you, and to feel a sense of mutual care, respect, and warmth between yourself and others. Relatedness also refers to experiencing a sense of belonging, community, and kinship with others. === Intrinsic === [[File:Muhammad Intrinsic vs Extrinsic Motivation.png|300px|thumb|'''Figure 3'''. The player on the left wants to win the trophy which is an example of extrinsic motivation. The player on the right is playing for his own enjoyment, indicating he is intrinsically motivated.]] ==Cognitive Evaluation Theory== Cognitive evaluation theory (CET) is a micro-theory within self-determination theory. Cognitive evaluation theory is essential in understanding motivation within SDT, specifically, intrinsic motivation. Intrinsic motivation refers to engaging in tasks or behaviours, as opposed to extrinsic motivation where an individual is motivated by external rewards or reinforcement. CET proposes the idea that intrinsic motivation is more valuable than extrinsic motivation, as those that are intrinsically motivated feel a sense of choice over what they are doing and gain a feeling of competence, engagement, interest, and enjoyment from the activities or tasks they complete. (Hagger et. al., 2020). CET aims to specify that factors that explain the variability of intrinsic motivation and considers intrinsic motivation to be socially and environmentally influenced. For example, when an individual receives positive feedback, they are more likely to be intrinsically motivated, and when an individual receives negative feedback, they are less likely to be intrinsically motivated (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Ryan & Deci (2000) [[File:Taxonomy of motivation.png| center |600x600px|'''Figure 3.'''Ryan & Deci's (2000) taxonomy of moitvation. A visual spectrum of motivation]] ==Relatedness, engagement and behaviour== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Parallel mediation model with both satisfaction and frustration of basic needs (Van Tuin et al., 2020)]] * Relatedness satisfaction of students predicted identified regulation and was found to increase behavioural engagement in mathematics (Hofverberg et. al., 2022). * When relatedness is satisfied, participation has been found to feel more meaningful socially and emotionally, therefore motivating participation behaviours (Kaefer & Chiviacowsky, 2021). * Students' perception of relatedness with teachers was associated with better homework engagement and practices (Collie, 2024). ==Relatedness and well-being== * Interpersonal support of autonomy, competence, and relatedness were associated with satisfaction of those psychological needs. * Environmental support for needs were associated with greater wellbeing and improved performance. * Relatedness supports wellbeing which supports motivation. (Slemp et. al, 2024) {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || |} * '''Interactive learning Quiz - Choose your answers and click "Submit":''' <quiz display="simple"> {Relatedness satisfaction has been shown to influence welbeing: |type="(true)"} + True - False {Relatedness is an element of self-determination theory: |type="(true)"} + True - False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Relatedness is a key psychological need within self-determination theory. When this need is satisfied, psychological well-being is more likely to increase and individuals are more likely to develop greater self-determined motivation * Both relatedness satisfaction and relatedness frustration can influence the quality of motivation, not just its strength * Relatedness satisfaction can shape behaviour by facilitating greater engagement, participation, and persistence and sustain their behaviour for longer. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== *[[w:Cognitive evaluation theory|Cognitive evaluation theory]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs|Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Social relation|Relatedness]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to Student Motivation: A Meta-Analysis of Antecedents of Autonomous and Controlled Motivations. Review of Educational Research, 92(1), 46-72. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426 Collie, R. J. (2024). Social-emotional need satisfaction and students’ academic engagement and social-emotional skills. Educational Psychology, 44(2), 117–135. https://doi.org/10.1080/01443410.2024.2324751 Hagger, M. S., Hankonen, N., Chatzisarantis, N. L. D., & Ryan, R. M. (2020). Changing Behavior Using Self-Determination Theory. In M. S. Hagger, L. D. Cameron, K. Hamilton, N. Hankonen, & T. Lintunen (Eds.), The Handbook of Behaviour Change (pp. 104–119). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108677318.008 Hofverberg, A., Winberg, M., Palmberg, B., Andersson, C., & Palm, T. (2022). Relationships between basic psychological need satisfaction, regulations, and behavioral engagement in mathematics. Frontiers in Psychology, 13. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.829958 Kaefer, A., & Chiviacowsky, S. (2021). Relatedness support enhances motivation, positive affect, and motor learning in adolescents. Human Movement Science, 79, 102864. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.humov.2021.102864 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.68 Deci, E. L., & Ryan, R. M. (2000). "The" what" and" why" of goal pursuits: Human needs and the self-determination of behavior. ''Psychological inquiry'', ''11''(4), 227–268. https://doi.org/10.1207/S15327965PLI1104_01 Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of personality and social psychology, 127(5), 1012–1037. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459 Van Tuin, L., Schaufeli, W. B., & van Rhenen, W. (2020). The satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in engaging leadership. Journal of Leadership Studies, 14(2), 6–23. https://doi.org/10.1002/jls.21695 Weinstein, N. (Ed.). (2014). Human Motivation and Interpersonal Relationships : Theory, Research, and Applications (1st ed. 2014.). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8542-6 }} ==External links== {{ic|Use sentence casing}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VGrcets0E6I Promoting Motivation, Health, and Excellence: Ed Deci TEDX] (Youtube) * [https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/theory/ Self-determination Theory] (Center for Self-determination Theory) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Needs/Relatedness]] dgc2hqvccvajmqd7vigwtcgu4zfqovv 2840485 2840484 2026-10-15T11:37:17Z U3203283 3110021 /* Cognitive Evaluation Theory */ add some text 2840485 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Relatedness motivation in self-determination theory:<br>How does the need for relatedness function within self-determination theory to shape motivation and behaviour?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Raise hand gesture occupy.svg|Raise_hand_gesture_occupy|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. A raised hand: Lauren's tutor encouraged students to ask for help and connect with each other. {{expand}}]] ; Imagine this Lauren is a first-year university student studying psychology who recently started a demanding course. During the first few weeks, she finds the workload difficult and is unsure whether she is capable of succeeding. She chose to study psychology because she is interested in the subject, however, she feels isolated because her classmates seem to already know one another. One of Lauren’s tutors makes an effort to learn about students, encourages them to contribute to discussions, and provides feedback. The tutor also organises small-group activities where students can get to know one another and emphasises that asking for help is a normal part of learning. Lauren engages with these opportunities. Over time, Lauren begins to feel that she belongs in the course and that both her tutor and classmates value her participation. As Lauren feels increasingly connected to the people around her, she becomes more willing to attend tutorials, participate in discussions, ask questions (see Figure 1), and seek feedback when she does not understand something. She also starts studying with classmates outside class. Lauren is no longer completing the course requirements only because she feels she has to. Her growing sense of belonging helps her internalise the value of the course, so she begins to think, “Psychology is important to me, and I want to do well because I see myself as part of this community.” This shift leads to more persistent, engaged behaviour. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Self-determination theory (SDT) suggests people are most effectively motivated when motivation is intrinsic. SDT argues people have an innate tendency toward growth, and three distinct basic needs. Within SDT is the basic psychological needs theory (BPNT or BNT), which suggests three psychological needs related to intrinsic motivation which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Relatedness refers to the human desire to form strong relationships and bonds with those around them. This chapter will examine how the concept of relatedness, within self-determination theory, shapes human motivation and behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000) The goal contents theory (GCT) expands on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and their impact on wellness. Extrinsic goals including financial success, fame, and physical appearance have been compared to intrinsic goals which include personal growth, forming strong, high-quality relationships, and community which are associated with higher well-being than the latter. The role of relatedness can be understood through another micro-theory of SDT; the relationship motivation theory (RMT), which suggests that closeness to others is not only preferable, but essential to wellbeing. Not only do high-quality relationships satisfy the need for relatedness, but they can also satisfy the need for autonomy and competence (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In a meta-analysis, Slempt et. al (2024), note that support from others likely facilitates people’s motivational processes, finding that interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs were small to moderately positively associated with performance. Slempt et. al (2024), {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is the need for relatedness within Self-Determination Theory, and why is it important in shaping motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction influence the development of autonomous motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction or frustration affect individuals’ behaviour, such as engagement, persistence, and disengagement? * How do relationships and social environments affect relatedness, and what are the implications on motivation and behaviour? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Self-Determination Theory== [[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] is a macro-theory of psychology created by [[w:Edward Deci|Edward Deci]] and [[w:Richard Ryan|Richard Ryan]] relating to motivation, behaviour, and personality. SDT utilises an organismic-dialectical approach, which assumes people are ‘active organisms’ who have tendencies toward growth, overcoming challenges, and integrating new experiences into their sense of self. SDT posits this inherent tendency toward growth as well as peoples’ innate psychological needs are the basis for self-motivation and personality integration. Ryan and Deci (2000), propose that humans have three basic psychological needs which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness and when these needs are met, they are essential to optimal personal growth, wellbeing, and [[W:intrinsic motivation|intrinsic motivation]]. Social or cultural factors can either support or 'thwart' individuals' motivation, well-being, and personal growth. (Ryan & Deci, 2000) === Basic psychological needs theory === Basic psychological needs theory is one of the several micro-theories within SDT. BPNT refers to the idea in SDT that people have three basic psychological needs that are central to wellbeing, growth and intrinsic motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000). [[w:Autonomy|Autonomy]] is the experience of ones actions as their own and personally-endorsed, as opposed to being controlled or imposed upon them. [[w:Competence|Competence]] is closely related to [[w:Self-Efficacy|self-efficacy]] and refers to the need to feel capable and effective and confident in your interactions with your environment, and to master challenges and achieve goals. [[w:relatedness|Relatedness]] is the innate human need to develop meaningful relationships with those around you, and to feel a sense of mutual care, respect, and warmth between yourself and others. Relatedness also refers to experiencing a sense of belonging, community, and kinship with others. === Intrinsic === [[File:Muhammad Intrinsic vs Extrinsic Motivation.png|300px|thumb|'''Figure 3'''. The player on the left wants to win the trophy which is an example of extrinsic motivation. The player on the right is playing for his own enjoyment, indicating he is intrinsically motivated.]] ==Cognitive Evaluation Theory== Cognitive evaluation theory (CET) is a micro-theory within self-determination theory. Cognitive evaluation theory is essential in understanding motivation within SDT, specifically, intrinsic motivation. Intrinsic motivation refers to engaging in tasks or behaviours, as opposed to extrinsic motivation where an individual is motivated by external rewards or reinforcement. CET proposes the idea that intrinsic motivation is more valuable than extrinsic motivation, as those that are intrinsically motivated feel a sense of choice over what they are doing and gain a feeling of competence, engagement, interest, and enjoyment from the activities or tasks they complete. (Hagger et. al., 2020). CET aims to specify that factors that explain the variability of intrinsic motivation and considers intrinsic motivation to be socially and environmentally influenced. For example, when an individual receives positive feedback, they are more likely to be intrinsically motivated, and when an individual receives negative feedback, they are less likely to be intrinsically motivated (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Deci & Ryan (2000) propose a model for the variability of extrinsic and intrinsic motivation, referred to as the taxonomy of motivation. [[File:Taxonomy of motivation.png| center |600x600px|'''Figure 3.'''Ryan & Deci's (2000) taxonomy of moitvation. A visual spectrum of motivation]] ==Relatedness, engagement and behaviour== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Parallel mediation model with both satisfaction and frustration of basic needs (Van Tuin et al., 2020)]] * Relatedness satisfaction of students predicted identified regulation and was found to increase behavioural engagement in mathematics (Hofverberg et. al., 2022). * When relatedness is satisfied, participation has been found to feel more meaningful socially and emotionally, therefore motivating participation behaviours (Kaefer & Chiviacowsky, 2021). * Students' perception of relatedness with teachers was associated with better homework engagement and practices (Collie, 2024). ==Relatedness and well-being== * Interpersonal support of autonomy, competence, and relatedness were associated with satisfaction of those psychological needs. * Environmental support for needs were associated with greater wellbeing and improved performance. * Relatedness supports wellbeing which supports motivation. (Slemp et. al, 2024) {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || |} * '''Interactive learning Quiz - Choose your answers and click "Submit":''' <quiz display="simple"> {Relatedness satisfaction has been shown to influence welbeing: |type="(true)"} + True - False {Relatedness is an element of self-determination theory: |type="(true)"} + True - False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Relatedness is a key psychological need within self-determination theory. When this need is satisfied, psychological well-being is more likely to increase and individuals are more likely to develop greater self-determined motivation * Both relatedness satisfaction and relatedness frustration can influence the quality of motivation, not just its strength * Relatedness satisfaction can shape behaviour by facilitating greater engagement, participation, and persistence and sustain their behaviour for longer. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== *[[w:Cognitive evaluation theory|Cognitive evaluation theory]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs|Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Social relation|Relatedness]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to Student Motivation: A Meta-Analysis of Antecedents of Autonomous and Controlled Motivations. Review of Educational Research, 92(1), 46-72. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426 Collie, R. J. (2024). Social-emotional need satisfaction and students’ academic engagement and social-emotional skills. Educational Psychology, 44(2), 117–135. https://doi.org/10.1080/01443410.2024.2324751 Hagger, M. S., Hankonen, N., Chatzisarantis, N. L. D., & Ryan, R. M. (2020). Changing Behavior Using Self-Determination Theory. In M. S. Hagger, L. D. Cameron, K. Hamilton, N. Hankonen, & T. Lintunen (Eds.), The Handbook of Behaviour Change (pp. 104–119). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108677318.008 Hofverberg, A., Winberg, M., Palmberg, B., Andersson, C., & Palm, T. (2022). Relationships between basic psychological need satisfaction, regulations, and behavioral engagement in mathematics. Frontiers in Psychology, 13. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.829958 Kaefer, A., & Chiviacowsky, S. (2021). Relatedness support enhances motivation, positive affect, and motor learning in adolescents. Human Movement Science, 79, 102864. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.humov.2021.102864 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.68 Deci, E. L., & Ryan, R. M. (2000). "The" what" and" why" of goal pursuits: Human needs and the self-determination of behavior. ''Psychological inquiry'', ''11''(4), 227–268. https://doi.org/10.1207/S15327965PLI1104_01 Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of personality and social psychology, 127(5), 1012–1037. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459 Van Tuin, L., Schaufeli, W. B., & van Rhenen, W. (2020). The satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in engaging leadership. Journal of Leadership Studies, 14(2), 6–23. https://doi.org/10.1002/jls.21695 Weinstein, N. (Ed.). (2014). Human Motivation and Interpersonal Relationships : Theory, Research, and Applications (1st ed. 2014.). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8542-6 }} ==External links== {{ic|Use sentence casing}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VGrcets0E6I Promoting Motivation, Health, and Excellence: Ed Deci TEDX] (Youtube) * [https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/theory/ Self-determination Theory] (Center for Self-determination Theory) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Needs/Relatedness]] 7jcu50mtlw37320ihzs9n440kl11ijc 2840486 2840485 2026-10-15T11:38:05Z U3203283 3110021 /* Intrinsic */ 2840486 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Relatedness motivation in self-determination theory:<br>How does the need for relatedness function within self-determination theory to shape motivation and behaviour?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Raise hand gesture occupy.svg|Raise_hand_gesture_occupy|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. A raised hand: Lauren's tutor encouraged students to ask for help and connect with each other. {{expand}}]] ; Imagine this Lauren is a first-year university student studying psychology who recently started a demanding course. During the first few weeks, she finds the workload difficult and is unsure whether she is capable of succeeding. She chose to study psychology because she is interested in the subject, however, she feels isolated because her classmates seem to already know one another. One of Lauren’s tutors makes an effort to learn about students, encourages them to contribute to discussions, and provides feedback. The tutor also organises small-group activities where students can get to know one another and emphasises that asking for help is a normal part of learning. Lauren engages with these opportunities. Over time, Lauren begins to feel that she belongs in the course and that both her tutor and classmates value her participation. As Lauren feels increasingly connected to the people around her, she becomes more willing to attend tutorials, participate in discussions, ask questions (see Figure 1), and seek feedback when she does not understand something. She also starts studying with classmates outside class. Lauren is no longer completing the course requirements only because she feels she has to. Her growing sense of belonging helps her internalise the value of the course, so she begins to think, “Psychology is important to me, and I want to do well because I see myself as part of this community.” This shift leads to more persistent, engaged behaviour. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Self-determination theory (SDT) suggests people are most effectively motivated when motivation is intrinsic. SDT argues people have an innate tendency toward growth, and three distinct basic needs. Within SDT is the basic psychological needs theory (BPNT or BNT), which suggests three psychological needs related to intrinsic motivation which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Relatedness refers to the human desire to form strong relationships and bonds with those around them. This chapter will examine how the concept of relatedness, within self-determination theory, shapes human motivation and behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000) The goal contents theory (GCT) expands on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and their impact on wellness. Extrinsic goals including financial success, fame, and physical appearance have been compared to intrinsic goals which include personal growth, forming strong, high-quality relationships, and community which are associated with higher well-being than the latter. The role of relatedness can be understood through another micro-theory of SDT; the relationship motivation theory (RMT), which suggests that closeness to others is not only preferable, but essential to wellbeing. Not only do high-quality relationships satisfy the need for relatedness, but they can also satisfy the need for autonomy and competence (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In a meta-analysis, Slempt et. al (2024), note that support from others likely facilitates people’s motivational processes, finding that interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs were small to moderately positively associated with performance. Slempt et. al (2024), {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is the need for relatedness within Self-Determination Theory, and why is it important in shaping motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction influence the development of autonomous motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction or frustration affect individuals’ behaviour, such as engagement, persistence, and disengagement? * How do relationships and social environments affect relatedness, and what are the implications on motivation and behaviour? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Self-Determination Theory== [[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] is a macro-theory of psychology created by [[w:Edward Deci|Edward Deci]] and [[w:Richard Ryan|Richard Ryan]] relating to motivation, behaviour, and personality. SDT utilises an organismic-dialectical approach, which assumes people are ‘active organisms’ who have tendencies toward growth, overcoming challenges, and integrating new experiences into their sense of self. SDT posits this inherent tendency toward growth as well as peoples’ innate psychological needs are the basis for self-motivation and personality integration. Ryan and Deci (2000), propose that humans have three basic psychological needs which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness and when these needs are met, they are essential to optimal personal growth, wellbeing, and [[W:intrinsic motivation|intrinsic motivation]]. Social or cultural factors can either support or 'thwart' individuals' motivation, well-being, and personal growth. (Ryan & Deci, 2000) === Basic psychological needs theory === Basic psychological needs theory is one of the several micro-theories within SDT. BPNT refers to the idea in SDT that people have three basic psychological needs that are central to wellbeing, growth and intrinsic motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000). [[w:Autonomy|Autonomy]] is the experience of ones actions as their own and personally-endorsed, as opposed to being controlled or imposed upon them. [[w:Competence|Competence]] is closely related to [[w:Self-Efficacy|self-efficacy]] and refers to the need to feel capable and effective and confident in your interactions with your environment, and to master challenges and achieve goals. [[w:relatedness|Relatedness]] is the innate human need to develop meaningful relationships with those around you, and to feel a sense of mutual care, respect, and warmth between yourself and others. Relatedness also refers to experiencing a sense of belonging, community, and kinship with others. ==Cognitive Evaluation Theory== Cognitive evaluation theory (CET) is a micro-theory within self-determination theory. Cognitive evaluation theory is essential in understanding motivation within SDT, specifically, intrinsic motivation. Intrinsic motivation refers to engaging in tasks or behaviours, as opposed to extrinsic motivation where an individual is motivated by external rewards or reinforcement. CET proposes the idea that intrinsic motivation is more valuable than extrinsic motivation, as those that are intrinsically motivated feel a sense of choice over what they are doing and gain a feeling of competence, engagement, interest, and enjoyment from the activities or tasks they complete. (Hagger et. al., 2020). CET aims to specify that factors that explain the variability of intrinsic motivation and considers intrinsic motivation to be socially and environmentally influenced. For example, when an individual receives positive feedback, they are more likely to be intrinsically motivated, and when an individual receives negative feedback, they are less likely to be intrinsically motivated (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Deci & Ryan (2000) propose a model for the variability of extrinsic and intrinsic motivation, referred to as the taxonomy of motivation. [[File:Taxonomy of motivation.png| center |600x600px|'''Figure 3.'''Ryan & Deci's (2000) taxonomy of moitvation. A visual spectrum of motivation]] ==Relatedness, engagement and behaviour== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Parallel mediation model with both satisfaction and frustration of basic needs (Van Tuin et al., 2020)]] * Relatedness satisfaction of students predicted identified regulation and was found to increase behavioural engagement in mathematics (Hofverberg et. al., 2022). * When relatedness is satisfied, participation has been found to feel more meaningful socially and emotionally, therefore motivating participation behaviours (Kaefer & Chiviacowsky, 2021). * Students' perception of relatedness with teachers was associated with better homework engagement and practices (Collie, 2024). ==Relatedness and well-being== * Interpersonal support of autonomy, competence, and relatedness were associated with satisfaction of those psychological needs. * Environmental support for needs were associated with greater wellbeing and improved performance. * Relatedness supports wellbeing which supports motivation. (Slemp et. al, 2024) {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || |} * '''Interactive learning Quiz - Choose your answers and click "Submit":''' <quiz display="simple"> {Relatedness satisfaction has been shown to influence welbeing: |type="(true)"} + True - False {Relatedness is an element of self-determination theory: |type="(true)"} + True - False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Relatedness is a key psychological need within self-determination theory. When this need is satisfied, psychological well-being is more likely to increase and individuals are more likely to develop greater self-determined motivation * Both relatedness satisfaction and relatedness frustration can influence the quality of motivation, not just its strength * Relatedness satisfaction can shape behaviour by facilitating greater engagement, participation, and persistence and sustain their behaviour for longer. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== *[[w:Cognitive evaluation theory|Cognitive evaluation theory]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs|Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Social relation|Relatedness]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to Student Motivation: A Meta-Analysis of Antecedents of Autonomous and Controlled Motivations. Review of Educational Research, 92(1), 46-72. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426 Collie, R. J. (2024). Social-emotional need satisfaction and students’ academic engagement and social-emotional skills. Educational Psychology, 44(2), 117–135. https://doi.org/10.1080/01443410.2024.2324751 Hagger, M. S., Hankonen, N., Chatzisarantis, N. L. D., & Ryan, R. M. (2020). Changing Behavior Using Self-Determination Theory. In M. S. Hagger, L. D. Cameron, K. Hamilton, N. Hankonen, & T. Lintunen (Eds.), The Handbook of Behaviour Change (pp. 104–119). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108677318.008 Hofverberg, A., Winberg, M., Palmberg, B., Andersson, C., & Palm, T. (2022). Relationships between basic psychological need satisfaction, regulations, and behavioral engagement in mathematics. Frontiers in Psychology, 13. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.829958 Kaefer, A., & Chiviacowsky, S. (2021). Relatedness support enhances motivation, positive affect, and motor learning in adolescents. Human Movement Science, 79, 102864. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.humov.2021.102864 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.68 Deci, E. L., & Ryan, R. M. (2000). "The" what" and" why" of goal pursuits: Human needs and the self-determination of behavior. ''Psychological inquiry'', ''11''(4), 227–268. https://doi.org/10.1207/S15327965PLI1104_01 Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of personality and social psychology, 127(5), 1012–1037. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459 Van Tuin, L., Schaufeli, W. B., & van Rhenen, W. (2020). The satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in engaging leadership. Journal of Leadership Studies, 14(2), 6–23. https://doi.org/10.1002/jls.21695 Weinstein, N. (Ed.). (2014). Human Motivation and Interpersonal Relationships : Theory, Research, and Applications (1st ed. 2014.). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8542-6 }} ==External links== {{ic|Use sentence casing}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VGrcets0E6I Promoting Motivation, Health, and Excellence: Ed Deci TEDX] (Youtube) * [https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/theory/ Self-determination Theory] (Center for Self-determination Theory) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Needs/Relatedness]] 1uc1jemlk91y7u9bg2v5j8x7dka15az 2840487 2840486 2026-10-15T11:38:41Z U3203283 3110021 /* Cognitive Evaluation Theory */ add fig 2 2840487 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Relatedness motivation in self-determination theory:<br>How does the need for relatedness function within self-determination theory to shape motivation and behaviour?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Raise hand gesture occupy.svg|Raise_hand_gesture_occupy|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. A raised hand: Lauren's tutor encouraged students to ask for help and connect with each other. {{expand}}]] ; Imagine this Lauren is a first-year university student studying psychology who recently started a demanding course. During the first few weeks, she finds the workload difficult and is unsure whether she is capable of succeeding. She chose to study psychology because she is interested in the subject, however, she feels isolated because her classmates seem to already know one another. One of Lauren’s tutors makes an effort to learn about students, encourages them to contribute to discussions, and provides feedback. The tutor also organises small-group activities where students can get to know one another and emphasises that asking for help is a normal part of learning. Lauren engages with these opportunities. Over time, Lauren begins to feel that she belongs in the course and that both her tutor and classmates value her participation. As Lauren feels increasingly connected to the people around her, she becomes more willing to attend tutorials, participate in discussions, ask questions (see Figure 1), and seek feedback when she does not understand something. She also starts studying with classmates outside class. Lauren is no longer completing the course requirements only because she feels she has to. Her growing sense of belonging helps her internalise the value of the course, so she begins to think, “Psychology is important to me, and I want to do well because I see myself as part of this community.” This shift leads to more persistent, engaged behaviour. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Self-determination theory (SDT) suggests people are most effectively motivated when motivation is intrinsic. SDT argues people have an innate tendency toward growth, and three distinct basic needs. Within SDT is the basic psychological needs theory (BPNT or BNT), which suggests three psychological needs related to intrinsic motivation which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Relatedness refers to the human desire to form strong relationships and bonds with those around them. This chapter will examine how the concept of relatedness, within self-determination theory, shapes human motivation and behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000) The goal contents theory (GCT) expands on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and their impact on wellness. Extrinsic goals including financial success, fame, and physical appearance have been compared to intrinsic goals which include personal growth, forming strong, high-quality relationships, and community which are associated with higher well-being than the latter. The role of relatedness can be understood through another micro-theory of SDT; the relationship motivation theory (RMT), which suggests that closeness to others is not only preferable, but essential to wellbeing. Not only do high-quality relationships satisfy the need for relatedness, but they can also satisfy the need for autonomy and competence (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In a meta-analysis, Slempt et. al (2024), note that support from others likely facilitates people’s motivational processes, finding that interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs were small to moderately positively associated with performance. Slempt et. al (2024), {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is the need for relatedness within Self-Determination Theory, and why is it important in shaping motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction influence the development of autonomous motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction or frustration affect individuals’ behaviour, such as engagement, persistence, and disengagement? * How do relationships and social environments affect relatedness, and what are the implications on motivation and behaviour? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Self-Determination Theory== [[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] is a macro-theory of psychology created by [[w:Edward Deci|Edward Deci]] and [[w:Richard Ryan|Richard Ryan]] relating to motivation, behaviour, and personality. SDT utilises an organismic-dialectical approach, which assumes people are ‘active organisms’ who have tendencies toward growth, overcoming challenges, and integrating new experiences into their sense of self. SDT posits this inherent tendency toward growth as well as peoples’ innate psychological needs are the basis for self-motivation and personality integration. Ryan and Deci (2000), propose that humans have three basic psychological needs which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness and when these needs are met, they are essential to optimal personal growth, wellbeing, and [[W:intrinsic motivation|intrinsic motivation]]. Social or cultural factors can either support or 'thwart' individuals' motivation, well-being, and personal growth. (Ryan & Deci, 2000) === Basic psychological needs theory === Basic psychological needs theory is one of the several micro-theories within SDT. BPNT refers to the idea in SDT that people have three basic psychological needs that are central to wellbeing, growth and intrinsic motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000). [[w:Autonomy|Autonomy]] is the experience of ones actions as their own and personally-endorsed, as opposed to being controlled or imposed upon them. [[w:Competence|Competence]] is closely related to [[w:Self-Efficacy|self-efficacy]] and refers to the need to feel capable and effective and confident in your interactions with your environment, and to master challenges and achieve goals. [[w:relatedness|Relatedness]] is the innate human need to develop meaningful relationships with those around you, and to feel a sense of mutual care, respect, and warmth between yourself and others. Relatedness also refers to experiencing a sense of belonging, community, and kinship with others. ==Cognitive Evaluation Theory== [[File:Muhammad Intrinsic vs Extrinsic Motivation.png|300px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. The player on the left wants to win the trophy which is an example of extrinsic motivation. The player on the right is playing for his own enjoyment, indicating he is intrinsically motivated.]] Cognitive evaluation theory (CET) is a micro-theory within self-determination theory. Cognitive evaluation theory is essential in understanding motivation within SDT, specifically, intrinsic motivation. Intrinsic motivation refers to engaging in tasks or behaviours, as opposed to extrinsic motivation where an individual is motivated by external rewards or reinforcement. CET proposes the idea that intrinsic motivation is more valuable than extrinsic motivation, as those that are intrinsically motivated feel a sense of choice over what they are doing and gain a feeling of competence, engagement, interest, and enjoyment from the activities or tasks they complete. (Hagger et. al., 2020). CET aims to specify that factors that explain the variability of intrinsic motivation and considers intrinsic motivation to be socially and environmentally influenced. For example, when an individual receives positive feedback, they are more likely to be intrinsically motivated, and when an individual receives negative feedback, they are less likely to be intrinsically motivated (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Deci & Ryan (2000) propose a model for the variability of extrinsic and intrinsic motivation, referred to as the taxonomy of motivation. [[File:Taxonomy of motivation.png| center |600x600px|'''Figure 3.'''Ryan & Deci's (2000) taxonomy of moitvation. A visual spectrum of motivation]] ==Relatedness, engagement and behaviour== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Parallel mediation model with both satisfaction and frustration of basic needs (Van Tuin et al., 2020)]] * Relatedness satisfaction of students predicted identified regulation and was found to increase behavioural engagement in mathematics (Hofverberg et. al., 2022). * When relatedness is satisfied, participation has been found to feel more meaningful socially and emotionally, therefore motivating participation behaviours (Kaefer & Chiviacowsky, 2021). * Students' perception of relatedness with teachers was associated with better homework engagement and practices (Collie, 2024). ==Relatedness and well-being== * Interpersonal support of autonomy, competence, and relatedness were associated with satisfaction of those psychological needs. * Environmental support for needs were associated with greater wellbeing and improved performance. * Relatedness supports wellbeing which supports motivation. (Slemp et. al, 2024) {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || |} * '''Interactive learning Quiz - Choose your answers and click "Submit":''' <quiz display="simple"> {Relatedness satisfaction has been shown to influence welbeing: |type="(true)"} + True - False {Relatedness is an element of self-determination theory: |type="(true)"} + True - False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Relatedness is a key psychological need within self-determination theory. When this need is satisfied, psychological well-being is more likely to increase and individuals are more likely to develop greater self-determined motivation * Both relatedness satisfaction and relatedness frustration can influence the quality of motivation, not just its strength * Relatedness satisfaction can shape behaviour by facilitating greater engagement, participation, and persistence and sustain their behaviour for longer. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== *[[w:Cognitive evaluation theory|Cognitive evaluation theory]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs|Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Social relation|Relatedness]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to Student Motivation: A Meta-Analysis of Antecedents of Autonomous and Controlled Motivations. Review of Educational Research, 92(1), 46-72. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426 Collie, R. J. (2024). Social-emotional need satisfaction and students’ academic engagement and social-emotional skills. Educational Psychology, 44(2), 117–135. https://doi.org/10.1080/01443410.2024.2324751 Hagger, M. S., Hankonen, N., Chatzisarantis, N. L. D., & Ryan, R. M. (2020). Changing Behavior Using Self-Determination Theory. In M. S. Hagger, L. D. Cameron, K. Hamilton, N. Hankonen, & T. Lintunen (Eds.), The Handbook of Behaviour Change (pp. 104–119). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108677318.008 Hofverberg, A., Winberg, M., Palmberg, B., Andersson, C., & Palm, T. (2022). Relationships between basic psychological need satisfaction, regulations, and behavioral engagement in mathematics. Frontiers in Psychology, 13. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.829958 Kaefer, A., & Chiviacowsky, S. (2021). Relatedness support enhances motivation, positive affect, and motor learning in adolescents. Human Movement Science, 79, 102864. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.humov.2021.102864 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.68 Deci, E. L., & Ryan, R. M. (2000). "The" what" and" why" of goal pursuits: Human needs and the self-determination of behavior. ''Psychological inquiry'', ''11''(4), 227–268. https://doi.org/10.1207/S15327965PLI1104_01 Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of personality and social psychology, 127(5), 1012–1037. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459 Van Tuin, L., Schaufeli, W. B., & van Rhenen, W. (2020). The satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in engaging leadership. Journal of Leadership Studies, 14(2), 6–23. https://doi.org/10.1002/jls.21695 Weinstein, N. (Ed.). (2014). Human Motivation and Interpersonal Relationships : Theory, Research, and Applications (1st ed. 2014.). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8542-6 }} ==External links== {{ic|Use sentence casing}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VGrcets0E6I Promoting Motivation, Health, and Excellence: Ed Deci TEDX] (Youtube) * [https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/theory/ Self-determination Theory] (Center for Self-determination Theory) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Needs/Relatedness]] 40yhl2wo3bek5w2azcg06ykg09vp85a 2840488 2840487 2026-10-15T11:47:00Z U3203283 3110021 /* Basic psychological needs theory */ text added 2840488 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Relatedness motivation in self-determination theory:<br>How does the need for relatedness function within self-determination theory to shape motivation and behaviour?}} __TOC__ ==Overview== {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} [[File:Raise hand gesture occupy.svg|Raise_hand_gesture_occupy|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 1'''. A raised hand: Lauren's tutor encouraged students to ask for help and connect with each other. {{expand}}]] ; Imagine this Lauren is a first-year university student studying psychology who recently started a demanding course. During the first few weeks, she finds the workload difficult and is unsure whether she is capable of succeeding. She chose to study psychology because she is interested in the subject, however, she feels isolated because her classmates seem to already know one another. One of Lauren’s tutors makes an effort to learn about students, encourages them to contribute to discussions, and provides feedback. The tutor also organises small-group activities where students can get to know one another and emphasises that asking for help is a normal part of learning. Lauren engages with these opportunities. Over time, Lauren begins to feel that she belongs in the course and that both her tutor and classmates value her participation. As Lauren feels increasingly connected to the people around her, she becomes more willing to attend tutorials, participate in discussions, ask questions (see Figure 1), and seek feedback when she does not understand something. She also starts studying with classmates outside class. Lauren is no longer completing the course requirements only because she feels she has to. Her growing sense of belonging helps her internalise the value of the course, so she begins to think, “Psychology is important to me, and I want to do well because I see myself as part of this community.” This shift leads to more persistent, engaged behaviour. {{RoundBoxBottom}} Self-determination theory (SDT) suggests people are most effectively motivated when motivation is intrinsic. SDT argues people have an innate tendency toward growth, and three distinct basic needs. Within SDT is the basic psychological needs theory (BPNT or BNT), which suggests three psychological needs related to intrinsic motivation which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Relatedness refers to the human desire to form strong relationships and bonds with those around them. This chapter will examine how the concept of relatedness, within self-determination theory, shapes human motivation and behaviour (Ryan & Deci, 2000) The goal contents theory (GCT) expands on the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and their impact on wellness. Extrinsic goals including financial success, fame, and physical appearance have been compared to intrinsic goals which include personal growth, forming strong, high-quality relationships, and community which are associated with higher well-being than the latter. The role of relatedness can be understood through another micro-theory of SDT; the relationship motivation theory (RMT), which suggests that closeness to others is not only preferable, but essential to wellbeing. Not only do high-quality relationships satisfy the need for relatedness, but they can also satisfy the need for autonomy and competence (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In a meta-analysis, Slempt et. al (2024), note that support from others likely facilitates people’s motivational processes, finding that interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs were small to moderately positively associated with performance. Slempt et. al (2024), {{RoundBoxTop|theme=3}} '''Focus questions''' * What is the need for relatedness within Self-Determination Theory, and why is it important in shaping motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction influence the development of autonomous motivation? * How does relatedness satisfaction or frustration affect individuals’ behaviour, such as engagement, persistence, and disengagement? * How do relationships and social environments affect relatedness, and what are the implications on motivation and behaviour? {{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Self-Determination Theory== [[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] is a macro-theory of psychology created by [[w:Edward Deci|Edward Deci]] and [[w:Richard Ryan|Richard Ryan]] relating to motivation, behaviour, and personality. Deci and Ryan published their first comprehensive book of the theory in 1985 (Deci & Ryan, 1985). SDT utilises an organismic-dialectical approach, which assumes people are ‘active organisms’ who have tendencies toward growth, overcoming challenges, and integrating new experiences into their sense of self. SDT posits this inherent tendency toward growth as well as peoples’ innate psychological needs are the basis for self-motivation and personality integration. Ryan and Deci (2000), propose that humans have three basic psychological needs which include autonomy, competence, and relatedness and when these needs are met, they are essential to optimal personal growth, wellbeing, and [[W:intrinsic motivation|intrinsic motivation]]. === Basic psychological needs theory === Basic psychological needs theory is a micro-theory within SDT. BPNT refers to the idea in SDT that people have three basic psychological needs that are central to wellbeing, growth and intrinsic motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000). [[w:Autonomy|Autonomy]] is the experience of ones actions as their own and personally-endorsed, as opposed to being controlled or imposed upon them. [[w:Competence|Competence]] is closely related to [[w:Self-Efficacy|self-efficacy]] and refers to the need to feel capable and effective and confident in your interactions with your environment, and to master challenges and achieve goals. [[w:relatedness|Relatedness]] is the innate human need to develop meaningful relationships with those around you, and to feel a sense of mutual care, respect, and warmth between yourself and others. Relatedness also refers to experiencing a sense of belonging, community, and kinship with others. Social or cultural factors can either support or 'thwart' individuals' motivation, well-being, and personal growth. (Ryan & Deci, 2000). ==Cognitive Evaluation Theory== [[File:Muhammad Intrinsic vs Extrinsic Motivation.png|300px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. The player on the left wants to win the trophy which is an example of extrinsic motivation. The player on the right is playing for his own enjoyment, indicating he is intrinsically motivated.]] Cognitive evaluation theory (CET) is a micro-theory within self-determination theory. Cognitive evaluation theory is essential in understanding motivation within SDT, specifically, intrinsic motivation. Intrinsic motivation refers to engaging in tasks or behaviours, as opposed to extrinsic motivation where an individual is motivated by external rewards or reinforcement. CET proposes the idea that intrinsic motivation is more valuable than extrinsic motivation, as those that are intrinsically motivated feel a sense of choice over what they are doing and gain a feeling of competence, engagement, interest, and enjoyment from the activities or tasks they complete. (Hagger et. al., 2020). CET aims to specify that factors that explain the variability of intrinsic motivation and considers intrinsic motivation to be socially and environmentally influenced. For example, when an individual receives positive feedback, they are more likely to be intrinsically motivated, and when an individual receives negative feedback, they are less likely to be intrinsically motivated (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Deci & Ryan (2000) propose a model for the variability of extrinsic and intrinsic motivation, referred to as the taxonomy of motivation. [[File:Taxonomy of motivation.png| center |600x600px|'''Figure 3.'''Ryan & Deci's (2000) taxonomy of moitvation. A visual spectrum of motivation]] ==Relatedness, engagement and behaviour== [[File:Thought bubble.svg|right|140px|thumb|'''Figure 2'''. Parallel mediation model with both satisfaction and frustration of basic needs (Van Tuin et al., 2020)]] * Relatedness satisfaction of students predicted identified regulation and was found to increase behavioural engagement in mathematics (Hofverberg et. al., 2022). * When relatedness is satisfied, participation has been found to feel more meaningful socially and emotionally, therefore motivating participation behaviours (Kaefer & Chiviacowsky, 2021). * Students' perception of relatedness with teachers was associated with better homework engagement and practices (Collie, 2024). ==Relatedness and well-being== * Interpersonal support of autonomy, competence, and relatedness were associated with satisfaction of those psychological needs. * Environmental support for needs were associated with greater wellbeing and improved performance. * Relatedness supports wellbeing which supports motivation. (Slemp et. al, 2024) {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || |} * '''Interactive learning Quiz - Choose your answers and click "Submit":''' <quiz display="simple"> {Relatedness satisfaction has been shown to influence welbeing: |type="(true)"} + True - False {Relatedness is an element of self-determination theory: |type="(true)"} + True - False </quiz> ==Conclusion== * Relatedness is a key psychological need within self-determination theory. When this need is satisfied, psychological well-being is more likely to increase and individuals are more likely to develop greater self-determined motivation * Both relatedness satisfaction and relatedness frustration can influence the quality of motivation, not just its strength * Relatedness satisfaction can shape behaviour by facilitating greater engagement, participation, and persistence and sustain their behaviour for longer. {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== *[[w:Cognitive evaluation theory|Cognitive evaluation theory]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs|Extrinsic motivation and psychological needs]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Intrinsic motivation|Intrinsic motivation]] (Wikiversity) *[[w:Social relation|Relatedness]] (Wikipedia) *[[w:Self determination theory|Self-determination theory]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Bureau, J. S., Howard, J. L., Chong, J. X. Y., & Guay, F. (2022). Pathways to Student Motivation: A Meta-Analysis of Antecedents of Autonomous and Controlled Motivations. Review of Educational Research, 92(1), 46-72. https://doi.org/10.3102/00346543211042426 Collie, R. J. (2024). Social-emotional need satisfaction and students’ academic engagement and social-emotional skills. Educational Psychology, 44(2), 117–135. https://doi.org/10.1080/01443410.2024.2324751 Hagger, M. S., Hankonen, N., Chatzisarantis, N. L. D., & Ryan, R. M. (2020). Changing Behavior Using Self-Determination Theory. In M. S. Hagger, L. D. Cameron, K. Hamilton, N. Hankonen, & T. Lintunen (Eds.), The Handbook of Behaviour Change (pp. 104–119). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108677318.008 Hofverberg, A., Winberg, M., Palmberg, B., Andersson, C., & Palm, T. (2022). Relationships between basic psychological need satisfaction, regulations, and behavioral engagement in mathematics. Frontiers in Psychology, 13. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2022.829958 Kaefer, A., & Chiviacowsky, S. (2021). Relatedness support enhances motivation, positive affect, and motor learning in adolescents. Human Movement Science, 79, 102864. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.humov.2021.102864 Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.68 Deci, E. L., & Ryan, R. M. (2000). "The" what" and" why" of goal pursuits: Human needs and the self-determination of behavior. ''Psychological inquiry'', ''11''(4), 227–268. https://doi.org/10.1207/S15327965PLI1104_01 Slemp, G. R., Field, J. G., Ryan, R. M., Forner, V. W., Van den Broeck, A., & Lewis, K. J. (2024). Interpersonal supports for basic psychological needs and their relations with motivation, well-being, and performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of personality and social psychology, 127(5), 1012–1037. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000459 Van Tuin, L., Schaufeli, W. B., & van Rhenen, W. (2020). The satisfaction and frustration of basic psychological needs in engaging leadership. Journal of Leadership Studies, 14(2), 6–23. https://doi.org/10.1002/jls.21695 Weinstein, N. (Ed.). (2014). Human Motivation and Interpersonal Relationships : Theory, Research, and Applications (1st ed. 2014.). Springer Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8542-6 }} ==External links== {{ic|Use sentence casing}} * [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VGrcets0E6I Promoting Motivation, Health, and Excellence: Ed Deci TEDX] (Youtube) * [https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/theory/ Self-determination Theory] (Center for Self-determination Theory) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Needs/Relatedness]] nycl3zhowtdd1zcl0qx2r7z6zbbteti 0 331771 2840295 2840194 2026-10-14T16:20:23Z Dick Bos 24466 cat and philosophy first lines 2840295 wikitext text/x-wiki {{10% done}} Welcome to the pages about '''David Ricardo'''. David Ricardo (1772–1823) was an English stockbroker, economist and politician. He made particularly significant contributions to the development of economic science and is often mentioned in the same breath as the "founder of economics", [[Adam Smith]]. He maintained close contact with contemporaries such as Malthus and the Mills, father and son. He was born in London. His father, a Sephardic Jew of Portuguese origin, was a successful stockbroker. David Ricardo received little formal education. He started working with his father at the age of 14. (...) == Works == After his (early) retirement Ricardo developed an interest in economic theory. He read Adam Smith's ''Wealth of Nations'' and subsequently published some articles in newspapers and pamphlets: * ''The High Price of Bullion, a Proof of the Depreciation of Bank Notes'' (1810)<ref name=bul>{{cite book | last = Ricardo | first = David | authorlink = David Ricardo | date = 1810 | title = The High Price of Bullion, a Proof of the Depreciation of Bank Notes | location = London | publisher = John Murray }} [[:s:en:The High Price of Bullion | Third edition ("with additions", 1810)]] on [[Image:wikisource-logo.svg|16x16px]] WikiSource. </ref> * ''[[David Ricardo/An Essay on Profits|An Essay on the Influence of a Low Price of Corn on the Profits of Stock]]'' (1815, often shortly named ''(An) Essay on Profits''). A few years later his Magnum Opus was first published: * ''On the Principles of Political Economy and Taxation'' (1817) His collected works were first published in 1852 by John Ramsay McCulloch: * {{cite book |last=Ricardo|first=David|editor-last = McCulloch | editor-first = J.R.|editor-link=:w:en:John Ramsay McCulloch |title=The Works of David Ricardo : with a Notice of the Life and Writings of the Author |url=https://preserver.beic.it:443/delivery/DeliveryManagerServlet?dps_pid=IE6470169 |year=1852|publisher=John Murray|location=London}}<ref name=works18868>[https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/100340294 1886] and [https://archive.org/details/worksofdavidrica01rica 1888] editions of McCulloch's ''The Works of David Ricardo''.</ref> His works and writings were collected from 1951 onwards by Piero Sraffa, with the collaboration of Maurice Dobb: * {{Cite book |last=Ricardo|first=David| editor1-last = Sraffa | editor1-first = Piero | editor1-link = :w:en:Piero Sraffa |editor2-last = Dobb |editor2-first = Maurice Herbert | editor2-link = :w:en:Maurice Dobb |title=The Works and Correspondence of David Ricardo |date=1981|origyear=1951 |location=Cambridge |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=0521285054 |oclc=10251383}} (first paperback edition, in 11 volumes) This is the collection, that is mostly used nowadays: === ''The Works and Correspondence of David Ricardo'' === ''The Works and Correspondence of David Ricardo,'' in 11 volumes (1951-1973) was edited by [[w:en:Piero Sraffa|Piero Sraffa]], with the cooperation of [[w:en:Maurice Dobb|Maurice Dobb]]. It was published for the Royal Economic Society, by Cambridge University Press. * The first volume (1951)<ref name=Works01>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0001rica_n2f1/page/n3/mode/1up Works etc. vol. 1] online available after free registration at [[:w:en:Internet Archive|Internet Archive]].</ref> holds: ** An "'Introduction" by Sraffa (p. xiii – lxii + 2 tables) ** ''The Principles of Political Economy, and Taxation'' (the edition follows the 3rd edition of 1821)<ref name=principlesed>For other editions of the ''Principles'' see: …..e.g. first edition in ws…</ref> * vol. 2 (1957): Notes on Malthus<ref name=Works02>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0000rica/page/n8/mode/1up Works vol. 2] online.</ref> * vol. 3 : Pamphlets and Papers, 1809–1811<ref name=Works03>vol. 3 online.</ref> * vol. 4 (1962): Pamphlets and Papers, 1815-1823<ref name=Works04>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0004rica Works vol. 4] online.</ref> * vol. 5 (1962): Speeches and Evidence<ref name=Works05>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0000rica_c0y0/page/n8/mode/1up Works vol. 5] online.</ref> * vol. 6 (1962):Letters 1810–1815<ref name=Works06>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0000rica_v5n8/page/n6/mode/1up Works vol. 6] online.</ref> * vol. 7 * vol. 8 * vol. 9 (1962): Letters, July 1821-1823<ref name=Works09>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0009unse Works vol. 9] online. See also [https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0009rica this copy of Works vol. 9] online.</ref> * vol. 10 * vol. 11 (1973): General Index<ref name=Works11>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0011rica Works vol. 11 (Index)] online.</ref> == Philosophy and Method == van der Pol makes some remarks on the "philosophical premises" of Ricardo's theory. He says, that among scholars, there is "little disagreement regarding its content, although opinions differ as to the influence of those premises on the various parts of Ricardo's theory."{{sfnp|van der Pol|1981|p=20}} Ricardo does not explicitly address the philosophical foundations of his theory anywhere. It can, however, be inferred from various passages that Ricardo regards the economic process as one governed by the laws of nature. In Ricardo’s theory, the economic process–which encompasses production, distribution and exchange–does not unfold in a random and chaotic manner, but according to an order determined by the laws of nature. These laws form the framework within which economic activities take place.{{sfnp|van der Pol|1981|p=20}} For instance concerning the (fall of the) rate of profit: "This will necessarily be rendered permanent by the laws of nature, which have limited the productive powers of the land."{{sfnp|Ricardo|1817|p=126}} The first thing that must be mentioned, concerning Ricardo's '''method''' is his strong deductive approach. It has led many scholars to what is sometimes called the "Ricardian vice," or "Ricardo's dream." Writing about the ''Principles'' Huf<ref name=Huf2017>{{cite web | url = https://history.cass.anu.edu.au/news/rents-profits-wages-bicentenary-ricardos-principles-and-making-economics | date = 2017-04-03 | title = "Rents, Profits, Wages": The Bicentenary of Ricardo's Principles and the making of economics | website = Australian National University / School of History }}</ref> says: "The book was notable for its brevity and theoretical, ‘deductive method’, contrasting greatly with Smith’s broad sociological-historical analysis (only aspects of which Ricardo saw himself refining), and to the prophetic appeal of Marx’s Capital or philosophical breadth of J.S. Mill’s Principles, both of which were deeply indebted to Ricardo’s framework." == Additional resources == * [[:w:en:David Ricardo|David Ricardo]] at English [[File:Wikipedia-logo-v2.svg|16px|alt=16 px Wikipedia logo]] Wikipedia * [[:s:en:Author:David Ricardo|David Ricardo]] at English [[Image:wikisource-logo.svg|16x16px]] Wikisource == Sources and further reading == * {{cite book | last = van der Pol | first = Kick | date = 1981 | title = Marx contra Ricardo : De wet van de dalende winstvoet | language = nl | location = Groningen | publisher = Wolters-Noordhoff | ISBN = 90 01 71290 8 | ref = harv }} == References == {{references}} {{DEFAULTSORT:Ricardo, David}} [[Category:Economics]] ttxn83e1ytvd9ovzixmkqidh36igg1m 2840299 2840295 2026-10-14T16:26:49Z Dick Bos 24466 Principles 1817 ws 2840299 wikitext text/x-wiki {{20% done}} Welcome to the pages about '''David Ricardo'''. David Ricardo (1772–1823) was an English stockbroker, economist and politician. He made particularly significant contributions to the development of economic science and is often mentioned in the same breath as the "founder of economics", [[Adam Smith]]. He maintained close contact with contemporaries such as Malthus and the Mills, father and son. He was born in London. His father, a Sephardic Jew of Portuguese origin, was a successful stockbroker. David Ricardo received little formal education. He started working with his father at the age of 14. (...) == Works == After his (early) retirement Ricardo developed an interest in economic theory. He read Adam Smith's ''Wealth of Nations'' and subsequently published some articles in newspapers and pamphlets: * ''The High Price of Bullion, a Proof of the Depreciation of Bank Notes'' (1810)<ref name=bul>{{cite book | last = Ricardo | first = David | authorlink = David Ricardo | date = 1810 | title = The High Price of Bullion, a Proof of the Depreciation of Bank Notes | location = London | publisher = John Murray }} [[:s:en:The High Price of Bullion | Third edition ("with additions", 1810)]] on [[Image:wikisource-logo.svg|16x16px]] WikiSource. </ref> * ''[[David Ricardo/An Essay on Profits|An Essay on the Influence of a Low Price of Corn on the Profits of Stock]]'' (1815, often shortly named ''(An) Essay on Profits''). A few years later his Magnum Opus was first published: * * {{cite book | last = Ricardo | first = David | author-link = David Ricardo | date = 1817 | title = On the Principles of Political Economy; And Taxation | location = London | publisher = John Murray | ref = harv }}<ref name=Principles1>First edition of the ''Principles'' (1817) online available at (English) [[Image:wikisource-logo.svg|16x16px]] Wikisource: [[:s:en:On the Principles of Political Economy, and Taxation|''On the Principles of Political Economy, and Taxation'']]</ref> His collected works were first published in 1852 by John Ramsay McCulloch: * {{cite book |last=Ricardo|first=David|editor-last = McCulloch | editor-first = J.R.|editor-link=:w:en:John Ramsay McCulloch |title=The Works of David Ricardo : with a Notice of the Life and Writings of the Author |url=https://preserver.beic.it:443/delivery/DeliveryManagerServlet?dps_pid=IE6470169 |year=1852|publisher=John Murray|location=London}}<ref name=works18868>[https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/100340294 1886] and [https://archive.org/details/worksofdavidrica01rica 1888] editions of McCulloch's ''The Works of David Ricardo''.</ref> His works and writings were collected from 1951 onwards by Piero Sraffa, with the collaboration of Maurice Dobb: * {{Cite book |last=Ricardo|first=David| editor1-last = Sraffa | editor1-first = Piero | editor1-link = :w:en:Piero Sraffa |editor2-last = Dobb |editor2-first = Maurice Herbert | editor2-link = :w:en:Maurice Dobb |title=The Works and Correspondence of David Ricardo |date=1981|origyear=1951 |location=Cambridge |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=0521285054 |oclc=10251383}} (first paperback edition, in 11 volumes) This is the collection, that is mostly used nowadays: === ''The Works and Correspondence of David Ricardo'' === ''The Works and Correspondence of David Ricardo,'' in 11 volumes (1951-1973) was edited by [[w:en:Piero Sraffa|Piero Sraffa]], with the cooperation of [[w:en:Maurice Dobb|Maurice Dobb]]. It was published for the Royal Economic Society, by Cambridge University Press. * The first volume (1951)<ref name=Works01>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0001rica_n2f1/page/n3/mode/1up Works etc. vol. 1] online available after free registration at [[:w:en:Internet Archive|Internet Archive]].</ref> holds: ** An "'Introduction" by Sraffa (p. xiii – lxii + 2 tables) ** ''The Principles of Political Economy, and Taxation'' (the edition follows the 3rd edition of 1821)<ref name=principlesed>For other editions of the ''Principles'' see: …..e.g. first edition in ws…</ref> * vol. 2 (1957): Notes on Malthus<ref name=Works02>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0000rica/page/n8/mode/1up Works vol. 2] online.</ref> * vol. 3 : Pamphlets and Papers, 1809–1811<ref name=Works03>vol. 3 online.</ref> * vol. 4 (1962): Pamphlets and Papers, 1815-1823<ref name=Works04>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0004rica Works vol. 4] online.</ref> * vol. 5 (1962): Speeches and Evidence<ref name=Works05>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0000rica_c0y0/page/n8/mode/1up Works vol. 5] online.</ref> * vol. 6 (1962):Letters 1810–1815<ref name=Works06>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0000rica_v5n8/page/n6/mode/1up Works vol. 6] online.</ref> * vol. 7 * vol. 8 * vol. 9 (1962): Letters, July 1821-1823<ref name=Works09>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0009unse Works vol. 9] online. See also [https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0009rica this copy of Works vol. 9] online.</ref> * vol. 10 * vol. 11 (1973): General Index<ref name=Works11>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0011rica Works vol. 11 (Index)] online.</ref> == Philosophy and Method == van der Pol makes some remarks on the "philosophical premises" of Ricardo's theory. He says, that among scholars, there is "little disagreement regarding its content, although opinions differ as to the influence of those premises on the various parts of Ricardo's theory."{{sfnp|van der Pol|1981|p=20}} Ricardo does not explicitly address the philosophical foundations of his theory anywhere. It can, however, be inferred from various passages that Ricardo regards the economic process as one governed by the laws of nature. In Ricardo’s theory, the economic process–which encompasses production, distribution and exchange–does not unfold in a random and chaotic manner, but according to an order determined by the laws of nature. These laws form the framework within which economic activities take place.{{sfnp|van der Pol|1981|p=20}} For instance concerning the (fall of the) rate of profit: "This will necessarily be rendered permanent by the laws of nature, which have limited the productive powers of the land."{{sfnp|Ricardo|1817|p=126}} The first thing that must be mentioned, concerning Ricardo's '''method''' is his strong deductive approach. It has led many scholars to what is sometimes called the "Ricardian vice," or "Ricardo's dream." Writing about the ''Principles'' Huf<ref name=Huf2017>{{cite web | url = https://history.cass.anu.edu.au/news/rents-profits-wages-bicentenary-ricardos-principles-and-making-economics | date = 2017-04-03 | title = "Rents, Profits, Wages": The Bicentenary of Ricardo's Principles and the making of economics | website = Australian National University / School of History }}</ref> says: "The book was notable for its brevity and theoretical, ‘deductive method’, contrasting greatly with Smith’s broad sociological-historical analysis (only aspects of which Ricardo saw himself refining), and to the prophetic appeal of Marx’s Capital or philosophical breadth of J.S. Mill’s Principles, both of which were deeply indebted to Ricardo’s framework." == Additional resources == * [[:w:en:David Ricardo|David Ricardo]] at English [[File:Wikipedia-logo-v2.svg|16px|alt=16 px Wikipedia logo]] Wikipedia * [[:s:en:Author:David Ricardo|David Ricardo]] at English [[Image:wikisource-logo.svg|16x16px]] Wikisource == Sources and further reading == * {{cite book | last = van der Pol | first = Kick | date = 1981 | title = Marx contra Ricardo : De wet van de dalende winstvoet | language = nl | location = Groningen | publisher = Wolters-Noordhoff | ISBN = 90 01 71290 8 | ref = harv }} == References == {{references}} {{DEFAULTSORT:Ricardo, David}} [[Category:Economics]] 9war8oo1vyrv9s6ic03po54m0i8v9l8 2840300 2840299 2026-10-14T16:31:28Z Dick Bos 24466 /* Philosophy and Method */ ahistorical 2840300 wikitext text/x-wiki {{20% done}} Welcome to the pages about '''David Ricardo'''. David Ricardo (1772–1823) was an English stockbroker, economist and politician. He made particularly significant contributions to the development of economic science and is often mentioned in the same breath as the "founder of economics", [[Adam Smith]]. He maintained close contact with contemporaries such as Malthus and the Mills, father and son. He was born in London. His father, a Sephardic Jew of Portuguese origin, was a successful stockbroker. David Ricardo received little formal education. He started working with his father at the age of 14. (...) == Works == After his (early) retirement Ricardo developed an interest in economic theory. He read Adam Smith's ''Wealth of Nations'' and subsequently published some articles in newspapers and pamphlets: * ''The High Price of Bullion, a Proof of the Depreciation of Bank Notes'' (1810)<ref name=bul>{{cite book | last = Ricardo | first = David | authorlink = David Ricardo | date = 1810 | title = The High Price of Bullion, a Proof of the Depreciation of Bank Notes | location = London | publisher = John Murray }} [[:s:en:The High Price of Bullion | Third edition ("with additions", 1810)]] on [[Image:wikisource-logo.svg|16x16px]] WikiSource. </ref> * ''[[David Ricardo/An Essay on Profits|An Essay on the Influence of a Low Price of Corn on the Profits of Stock]]'' (1815, often shortly named ''(An) Essay on Profits''). A few years later his Magnum Opus was first published: * * {{cite book | last = Ricardo | first = David | author-link = David Ricardo | date = 1817 | title = On the Principles of Political Economy; And Taxation | location = London | publisher = John Murray | ref = harv }}<ref name=Principles1>First edition of the ''Principles'' (1817) online available at (English) [[Image:wikisource-logo.svg|16x16px]] Wikisource: [[:s:en:On the Principles of Political Economy, and Taxation|''On the Principles of Political Economy, and Taxation'']]</ref> His collected works were first published in 1852 by John Ramsay McCulloch: * {{cite book |last=Ricardo|first=David|editor-last = McCulloch | editor-first = J.R.|editor-link=:w:en:John Ramsay McCulloch |title=The Works of David Ricardo : with a Notice of the Life and Writings of the Author |url=https://preserver.beic.it:443/delivery/DeliveryManagerServlet?dps_pid=IE6470169 |year=1852|publisher=John Murray|location=London}}<ref name=works18868>[https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/100340294 1886] and [https://archive.org/details/worksofdavidrica01rica 1888] editions of McCulloch's ''The Works of David Ricardo''.</ref> His works and writings were collected from 1951 onwards by Piero Sraffa, with the collaboration of Maurice Dobb: * {{Cite book |last=Ricardo|first=David| editor1-last = Sraffa | editor1-first = Piero | editor1-link = :w:en:Piero Sraffa |editor2-last = Dobb |editor2-first = Maurice Herbert | editor2-link = :w:en:Maurice Dobb |title=The Works and Correspondence of David Ricardo |date=1981|origyear=1951 |location=Cambridge |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=0521285054 |oclc=10251383}} (first paperback edition, in 11 volumes) This is the collection, that is mostly used nowadays: === ''The Works and Correspondence of David Ricardo'' === ''The Works and Correspondence of David Ricardo,'' in 11 volumes (1951-1973) was edited by [[w:en:Piero Sraffa|Piero Sraffa]], with the cooperation of [[w:en:Maurice Dobb|Maurice Dobb]]. It was published for the Royal Economic Society, by Cambridge University Press. * The first volume (1951)<ref name=Works01>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0001rica_n2f1/page/n3/mode/1up Works etc. vol. 1] online available after free registration at [[:w:en:Internet Archive|Internet Archive]].</ref> holds: ** An "'Introduction" by Sraffa (p. xiii – lxii + 2 tables) ** ''The Principles of Political Economy, and Taxation'' (the edition follows the 3rd edition of 1821)<ref name=principlesed>For other editions of the ''Principles'' see: …..e.g. first edition in ws…</ref> * vol. 2 (1957): Notes on Malthus<ref name=Works02>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0000rica/page/n8/mode/1up Works vol. 2] online.</ref> * vol. 3 : Pamphlets and Papers, 1809–1811<ref name=Works03>vol. 3 online.</ref> * vol. 4 (1962): Pamphlets and Papers, 1815-1823<ref name=Works04>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0004rica Works vol. 4] online.</ref> * vol. 5 (1962): Speeches and Evidence<ref name=Works05>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0000rica_c0y0/page/n8/mode/1up Works vol. 5] online.</ref> * vol. 6 (1962):Letters 1810–1815<ref name=Works06>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0000rica_v5n8/page/n6/mode/1up Works vol. 6] online.</ref> * vol. 7 * vol. 8 * vol. 9 (1962): Letters, July 1821-1823<ref name=Works09>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0009unse Works vol. 9] online. See also [https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0009rica this copy of Works vol. 9] online.</ref> * vol. 10 * vol. 11 (1973): General Index<ref name=Works11>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0011rica Works vol. 11 (Index)] online.</ref> == Philosophy and Method == van der Pol makes some remarks on the "philosophical premises" of Ricardo's theory. He says, that among scholars, there is "little disagreement regarding its content, although opinions differ as to the influence of those premises on the various parts of Ricardo's theory."{{sfnp|van der Pol|1981|p=20}} Ricardo does not explicitly address the philosophical foundations of his theory anywhere. It can, however, be inferred from various passages that Ricardo regards the economic process as one governed by the laws of nature. In Ricardo’s theory, the economic process–which encompasses production, distribution and exchange–does not unfold in a random and chaotic manner, but according to an order determined by the laws of nature. These laws form the framework within which economic activities take place.{{sfnp|van der Pol|1981|p=20}} For instance concerning the (fall of the) rate of profit: "This will necessarily be rendered permanent by the laws of nature, which have limited the productive powers of the land."{{sfnp|Ricardo|1817|p=126}} Ricardo's approach implies that there is little room for the analysis of historically specific phenomena and characteristics.{{sfnp|van der Pol|1981|p=20–21}} The first thing that must be mentioned, concerning Ricardo's '''method''' is his strong deductive approach. It has led many scholars to what is sometimes called the "Ricardian vice," or "Ricardo's dream." Writing about the ''Principles'' Huf<ref name=Huf2017>{{cite web | url = https://history.cass.anu.edu.au/news/rents-profits-wages-bicentenary-ricardos-principles-and-making-economics | date = 2017-04-03 | title = "Rents, Profits, Wages": The Bicentenary of Ricardo's Principles and the making of economics | website = Australian National University / School of History }}</ref> says: "The book was notable for its brevity and theoretical, ‘deductive method’, contrasting greatly with Smith’s broad sociological-historical analysis (only aspects of which Ricardo saw himself refining), and to the prophetic appeal of Marx’s Capital or philosophical breadth of J.S. Mill’s Principles, both of which were deeply indebted to Ricardo’s framework." == Additional resources == * [[:w:en:David Ricardo|David Ricardo]] at English [[File:Wikipedia-logo-v2.svg|16px|alt=16 px Wikipedia logo]] Wikipedia * [[:s:en:Author:David Ricardo|David Ricardo]] at English [[Image:wikisource-logo.svg|16x16px]] Wikisource == Sources and further reading == * {{cite book | last = van der Pol | first = Kick | date = 1981 | title = Marx contra Ricardo : De wet van de dalende winstvoet | language = nl | location = Groningen | publisher = Wolters-Noordhoff | ISBN = 90 01 71290 8 | ref = harv }} == References == {{references}} {{DEFAULTSORT:Ricardo, David}} [[Category:Economics]] k2b3161cw8snghna0bzapeg7c7ywslr 2840313 2840300 2026-10-14T18:55:40Z Dick Bos 24466 cat etc 2840313 wikitext text/x-wiki [[File:Portrait of David Ricardo by Thomas Phillips.jpg|left|250px|Portrait of David Ricardo by Thomas Phillips (around 1820)]] {{20% done}} Welcome to the pages about '''David Ricardo'''. David Ricardo (1772–1823) was an English stockbroker, economist and politician. He made particularly significant contributions to the development of classical political economy, and later of economy as a science and he is often mentioned in the same breath as the "founder of economics", [[Adam Smith]] (1723–1790). He maintained close contact with contemporaries such as [[Thomas Robert Malthus]] and [[James Mill]] and his son [[John Stuart Mill]]. He was born in London. His father, a Sephardic Jew of Portuguese origin, was a successful stockbroker. David Ricardo had a traditional Jewish upbringing, and received little formal education. In the years from 1783 to 1785 he stayed in Amsterdam. After he returned to London, he started working with his father at the age of 14. When he was 21 years old, he learned to know Priscilla Anne Wilkinson. She was a Quaker. And when David Ricardo married her, that led to a major rift with his family. He went into business of his own. "As a trustee of the early modern Stock Exchange, he was a member of the Committee of Proprietors that decided in 1801 to reconstitute it on a private subscription basis and subsequently helped oversee the execution of the plan. He later played a leading role in syndicates contracting loans that financed the Napoleonic wars. He made the bulk of his fortune speculating on the outcome of the Battle of Waterloo in 1815, when he reportedly ‘netted upwards of a million sterling’–an impressive sum at the time."<ref name=Comerford>{{cite web | last = Comerford | first = Patrick | url = https://www.patrickcomerford.com/2025/06/a-discreet-plaque-in-london-remembers.html | title = A discreet plaque in London remembers David Ricardo | website = Comerford Way |access-date = 2026-10-14 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20260622011359/https://www.patrickcomerford.com/2025/06/a-discreet-plaque-in-london-remembers.html | archive-date = 2026-06-22 }}</ref> Ricardo retired immediately and bought Gatcombe Park, an estate in Gloucestershire now owned by Princess Anne. == Works == His first work in print: * {{cite book | last = Ricardo | first = David | authorlink = David Ricardo | date = 1810 | title = The High Price of Bullion, a Proof of the Depreciation of Bank Notes | location = London | publisher = John Murray }}<ref name=bul>''The High Price of Bullion'' (1810): [[:s:en:The High Price of Bullion | Third edition ("with additions", 1810)]] on [[Image:wikisource-logo.svg|16x16px]] WikiSource.</ref> After his (very early) retirement Ricardo fully developed his interest in economic theory. He read Adam Smith's ''Wealth of Nations'' and subsequently published some articles in newspapers and pamphlets: * —— (1815). ''[[David Ricardo/An Essay on Profits|An Essay on the Influence of a Low Price of Corn on the Profits of Stock]]'' (often shortly named ''(An) Essay on Profits''). A few years later his Magnum Opus was first published: * {{cite book | last = Ricardo | first = David | author-link = David Ricardo | author-mask = 2 | date = 1817 | title = On the Principles of Political Economy; And Taxation | location = London | publisher = John Murray | ref = harv }}<ref name=Principles1>First edition of the ''Principles'' (1817) online available at (English) [[Image:wikisource-logo.svg|16x16px]] Wikisource: [[:s:en:On the Principles of Political Economy, and Taxation|''On the Principles of Political Economy, and Taxation'']]</ref> His collected works were first published in 1852 by John Ramsay McCulloch: * {{cite book |last=Ricardo|first=David|editor-last = McCulloch | editor-first = J.R.|editor-link=:w:en:John Ramsay McCulloch |title=The Works of David Ricardo : with a Notice of the Life and Writings of the Author |url=https://preserver.beic.it:443/delivery/DeliveryManagerServlet?dps_pid=IE6470169 |year=1852|publisher=John Murray|location=London}}<ref name=works18868>[https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/100340294 1886] and [https://archive.org/details/worksofdavidrica01rica 1888] editions of McCulloch's ''The Works of David Ricardo''.</ref> His works and writings were collected from 1951 onwards by Piero Sraffa, with the collaboration of Maurice Dobb: * {{Cite book |last=Ricardo|first=David| editor1-last = Sraffa | editor1-first = Piero | editor1-link = :w:en:Piero Sraffa |editor2-last = Dobb |editor2-first = Maurice Herbert | editor2-link = :w:en:Maurice Dobb |title=The Works and Correspondence of David Ricardo |date=1981|origyear=1951 |location=Cambridge |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=0521285054 |oclc=10251383}} (first paperback edition, in 11 volumes) This is the collection, that is mostly used nowadays: === ''The Works and Correspondence of David Ricardo'' === ''The Works and Correspondence of David Ricardo,'' in 11 volumes (1951-1973) was edited by [[w:en:Piero Sraffa|Piero Sraffa]], with the cooperation of [[w:en:Maurice Dobb|Maurice Dobb]]. It was published for the Royal Economic Society, by Cambridge University Press. * The first volume (1951)<ref name=Works01>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0001rica_n2f1/page/n3/mode/1up Works etc. vol. 1] online available after free registration at [[:w:en:Internet Archive|Internet Archive]].</ref> holds: ** An "'Introduction" by Sraffa (p. xiii – lxii + 2 tables) ** ''The Principles of Political Economy, and Taxation'' (the edition follows the 3rd edition of 1821)<ref name=principlesed>For other editions of the ''Principles'' see: …..e.g. first edition in ws…</ref> * vol. 2 (1957): Notes on Malthus<ref name=Works02>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0000rica/page/n8/mode/1up Works vol. 2] online.</ref> * vol. 3 : Pamphlets and Papers, 1809–1811<ref name=Works03>vol. 3 online.</ref> * vol. 4 (1962): Pamphlets and Papers, 1815-1823<ref name=Works04>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0004rica Works vol. 4] online.</ref> * vol. 5 (1962): Speeches and Evidence<ref name=Works05>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0000rica_c0y0/page/n8/mode/1up Works vol. 5] online.</ref> * vol. 6 (1962):Letters 1810–1815<ref name=Works06>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0000rica_v5n8/page/n6/mode/1up Works vol. 6] online.</ref> * vol. 7 * vol. 8 * vol. 9 (1962): Letters, July 1821-1823<ref name=Works09>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0009unse Works vol. 9] online. See also [https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0009rica this copy of Works vol. 9] online.</ref> * vol. 10 * vol. 11 (1973): General Index<ref name=Works11>[https://archive.org/details/workscorresponde0011rica Works vol. 11 (Index)] online.</ref> == Philosophy and Method == van der Pol makes some remarks on the "philosophical premises" of Ricardo's theory. He says, that among scholars, there is "little disagreement regarding its content, although opinions differ as to the influence of those premises on the various parts of Ricardo's theory."{{sfnp|van der Pol|1981|p=20}} Ricardo does not explicitly address the philosophical foundations of his theory anywhere. It can, however, be inferred from various passages that Ricardo regards the economic process as one governed by the laws of nature. In Ricardo’s theory, the economic process–which encompasses production, distribution and exchange–does not unfold in a random and chaotic manner, but according to an order determined by the laws of nature. These laws form the framework within which economic activities take place.{{sfnp|van der Pol|1981|p=20}} For instance concerning the (fall of the) rate of profit: "This will necessarily be rendered permanent by the laws of nature, which have limited the productive powers of the land."{{sfnp|Ricardo|1817|p=126}} Ricardo's approach implies that there is little room for the analysis of historically specific phenomena and characteristics.{{sfnp|van der Pol|1981|p=20–21}} The first thing that must be mentioned, concerning Ricardo's '''method''' is his strong deductive approach. It has led many scholars to what is sometimes called the "Ricardian vice," or "Ricardo's dream." Writing about the ''Principles'' Huf<ref name=Huf2017>{{cite web | url = https://history.cass.anu.edu.au/news/rents-profits-wages-bicentenary-ricardos-principles-and-making-economics | date = 2017-04-03 | title = "Rents, Profits, Wages": The Bicentenary of Ricardo's Principles and the making of economics | website = Australian National University / School of History }}</ref> says: "The book was notable for its brevity and theoretical, ‘deductive method’, contrasting greatly with Smith’s broad sociological-historical analysis (only aspects of which Ricardo saw himself refining), and to the prophetic appeal of Marx’s Capital or philosophical breadth of J.S. Mill’s Principles, both of which were deeply indebted to Ricardo’s framework." == Additional resources == * [[:w:en:David Ricardo|David Ricardo]] at English [[File:Wikipedia-logo-v2.svg|16px|alt=16 px Wikipedia logo]] Wikipedia * [[:s:en:Author:David Ricardo|David Ricardo]] at English [[Image:wikisource-logo.svg|16x16px]] Wikisource == Sources and further reading == * {{cite book | last = van der Pol | first = Kick | date = 1981 | title = Marx contra Ricardo : De wet van de dalende winstvoet | language = nl | location = Groningen | publisher = Wolters-Noordhoff | ISBN = 90 01 71290 8 | ref = harv }} == References == {{references}} {{DEFAULTSORT:Ricardo, David}} [[Category:Economics]] [[Category:History of Economic Thought]] di8i5vp3s0pi95ceo4juyjmjiezm7hr 1 332036 2840322 2839006 2026-10-14T19:35:02Z U3280825 3110195 /* Suggestion */ Reply 2840322 wikitext text/x-wiki <!-- Official topic development feedback --> {{METF/2026 |1= <!-- Title --> # Title and subtitle are correctly worded and use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] |2= <!-- Heading structure --> <!-- 1-level --> # Basic, [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Major project/Structure|1-level heading structure]] – could benefit from further development, perhaps using a 2-level structure (i.e., use subheadings) <!-- Alignment with focus questions --> # Insufficient alignment between sub-title, focus questions, and top-level headings |3= <!-- Overview--> # Very good <!-- Scenario --> # An engaging scenario with a relevant image is planned or presented in a feature box at start of the Overview <!-- Description --> # A promising description of the problem/topic is planned or presented ## What are the most relevant psychological theories? <!-- Style --> # Use present, rather than future, tense (fixed) <!-- Focus questions --> <!-- Alignment and quality --> # Develop closer alignment between the sub-title, focus questions, and top-level headings |4= <!-- Key points--> <!-- Overall --> # Excellent – key points are well developed for each section <!-- Scope --> # The scope is excellent (i.e., not too little/narrow or too big/broad) <!-- Writing style --> # The writing style is clear and easy to follow <!-- Theory and research --> # Promising balance of theory and research <!-- Citations --> # Excellent use of citations # Consider using Studiosity Writing Feedback+ or a similar writing-support service (e.g., Grammarly) to improve the quality of written expression and check for grammatical and spelling errors in the book chapter draft. <!-- GenAI ---> # Do these key points include [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Using generative AI|genAI content]]? If so, this needs to be acknowledged in the edit summaries, otherwise it violates academic integrity. <!-- Conclusion --> # Conclusion is well underway # What are the practical, take-home messages? (address the focus questions) |5= <!-- Figure --> # Relevant figure(s) are presented and captioned # There is no need to provide image acknowlwedgement; clicking on the image shows the meta-data <!-- Caption --> # Figure caption(s) provide(s) a clear, appropriately detailed description that is meaningfully connected with the main text <!-- Cite --> # Cite each figure at least once in the main text using APA style (e.g., see Figure 1) <!-- Size --> # Consider decreasing image size(s) to make them less dominant (fixed) |6= <!-- Learning feature --> <!-- Interwiki links ---> # Add in-text [[m:Help:Interwiki linking|interwiki links]] for first mention of key terms to [[w:|Wikipedia]] and/or [[Motivation and emotion/Book|book chapters]] (see [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 2]]) <!-- Scenarios/examples/case studies --> # Consider incorporating additional scenarios, examples, or case studies to illustrate key concepts. These could build on the Overview scenario or introduce new real-world situations in the main body of the chapter to demonstrate how the concepts apply in practice. <!-- Quiz --> # Consider including quiz question(s) about the take-home messages <!-- Tables --> # Also consider using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|table(s)]] to summarise key information |7= <!-- References --> <!-- Overall --> # Very good <!-- Systematic reviews --> # What are the most relevant systematic reviews/meta-analyses about this topic? <!-- APA style --> # Check and correct [https://apastyle.apa.org/instructional-aids/reference-guide.pdf APA referencing style]: ## [[Help:Wikitext quick reference|italicisation]] |8= <!-- Resources --> <!-- See also --> # See also ## To be developed (see [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 2]]) ## Link to the most relevant Wikiversity book chapters and Wikipedia resources about this topic <!-- External links --> # External links ## To be developed (see [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 2]]) ## Link to the most relevant external resources about this topic |9= <!-- User page --> # Excellent # Not created – see [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing|Tutorial 2]] |10= <!-- Social contribution --> # None summarised on user page with direct link(s) to evidence (see [[Motivation and emotion/Tutorials/Wiki editing#Social contributions|Tutorial 2]]). Looking ahead to the book chapter, see [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter#Socialcontribution|social contributions]]. }} -- [[User:Jtneill|Jtneill]] - <small>[[User talk:Jtneill|Talk]] - [[Special:Contributions/Jtneill|c]]</small> 07:57, 14 September 2026 (UTC) == Suggestion == Hey, I can see you're hard at work on your chapter. I've really enjoyed what I've read so far. You have some very strong points, and it flows really nicely. I just have one thought. You talk a lot about the negative emotions associated with cancer screenings; however, I think it would be interesting to add some of the more positive emotions, such as relief. For an individual experiencing ongoing health issues, potentially going to several appointments and getting tests done but not receiving any answers, the appointment where they finally get answers and their tests validate the symptoms they have been experiencing can be a relief and a validating experience. Anyway, that’s just my thoughts. I wish you the best of luck on your book chapter. [[User:JessJ117|JessJ117]] ([[User talk:JessJ117|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/JessJ117|contribs]]) 10:51, 11 October 2026 (UTC) :Hey Jess, thank you so much for this comment. I found it highly beneficial, as I definitely covered more of the negative side of things. Based on your suggestion, I've added a section on relief and reassurance post-screening. I really appreciate you taking the time to read my chapter and best of luck with yours. I'm sure it's going to be great! [[User:U3280825|U3280825]] ([[User talk:U3280825|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/U3280825|contribs]]) 19:35, 14 October 2026 (UTC) mf24mmina3devo9wimyw6gmrre6axva 0 332187 2840220 2840214 2026-10-14T12:06:42Z Veritas Sapientiaee 3112663 2840220 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Romantic rejection and emotional response<br>What emotional responses does romantic rejection evoke and how can they be regulated?}7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!} __TOC__ == Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Maggie grew up with parents that were loving and attentive, giving her everything she needed. Yet, sometimes she found it difficult to form a deeper emotional connection with her parents or share her vulnerable feelings, as they would often keep conversations light or surface-level, and did not have personal conversations with their daughter. As a result, Maggie sometimes worried and questioned if they actually loved her, despite always having provided for her. '' '''What attachment style do you think Maggie is likely to be predisposed to?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} '''Romantic rejection''' is a common yet extremely emotionally challenging experience that can lead to intense feelings of sadness, longing, loneliness, and difficulties in regulating '''emotions'''. Understanding how and why people respond strongly to rejection is important as attachment has consequences on psychological, physiological, and biological systems associated with security, reward, emotions and motivation. Using attachment theories, neuroscience, and emotional regulation techniques can help explain how romantic bonds develop, why their loss produces distress, the ways in which individual differences can affect responses, and which strategies may help regulate or support emotional responses. {{robelbox|theme=11|title=Focus questions}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> * How do romantic attachments develop? * How does romantic rejection affect attachment and motivational systems? * What determines the nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection? * How can rejection-related distress be reduced or managed? </div> {{Robelbox/close}} * ==Romantic attachments== Romantic attachments are a fundamental part of human connection. It influences motivation, emotional wellbeing and behaviour. These attachments have developed over time through both evolutionary and biological bases, in attempts to increase survival and happiness, respectively. Understanding these perspectives can help explain why romantic attachments form to begin with and why the loss of an attachment is so emotionally significant. === Attachment === '''Attachment theory''' outlines the  main "'''attachment styles'''", otherwise known as ways in which people perceive and respond to '''intimacy''' in '''relationships''', and are parallel to those found in children throughout development stages (Levine & Heller, 2010). The theory designates three main styles: # Secure # Anxious # Avoidant People who are usually warm loving, and comfortable with intimacy tend to be ''secure.'' Whereas ''anxious'' people are often distracted with their relationships and crave intimacy, with constant worry about their partner's ability to love them back. Finally, people who tend to constantly try to minimize closeness and associate intimacy with a loss of their independence are considered ''avoidant'' (Levine & Heller, 2010). A person's attachment style can not only affect their view of intimacy, but also include affect their: * way of dealing with conflict * attitude towards sex * ability to communicate wants and needs; or * expectations of a partner and the relationship (Levine & Heller, 2010). Levine and Heller (2010) claims all people fall, regardless of the stage at which their relationship is in, fall into one or a combination of these three categories, although a combination of anxious and avoidant is rare (Levine & Heller, 2010). This fourth, rare, category is termed the 'disorganised', of which only 5% of people fall into (Levine & Heller, 2010). ==== '''Origins of attachments - evolutionary safety''' ==== Adult attachment styles were initially hypothesised to be based primarily on a person's childhood and upbringing. '''John Bowlby''' and '''Mary Ainsworth''', building on their separate and joined research on ethology and developmental psychology, developed the initial theories on which attachment theory has evolved. They proposed that infants possess a biological or evolutionary drive to form emotional attachments with others, primarily caregivers, as a mechanism for survival (Bretherton, 1992). From the ages of as young as six months to two years, children with consistent caregivers, who become their attachment figures, develop a mental representation or an "'''internal working model'''", influencing views of themselves, expectations, and methods of interacting and building relationships with others as they get older (Bergen, 2022). As the attachments develop throughout childhood, attachment figures can become a "secure base" they can return to for comfort, support, and safety, if caregivers were sensitive, responsible, and available, in which infants develop a "secure" attachment style (Bergen, 2022; Bowlby, 1988). Alternatively, avoidant or resistant attachment styles can develop if they were distant, unresponsive, and rigid; or an anxious attachment style if they were inconsistently responsive (Bergen, 2022; Levine & Heller, 2010). However, more recent development have found that attachment styles in adulthood are more likely influenced by a variety of factors, including genetics, and life experiences, rather than being limited to the way in which parents cared for a person through infancy (Levine & Heller, 2010). Ultimately, attachment systems exist as a biological function of protecting a person from danger, especially during infancy, by ensuring their remain in close proximity to the care and support of others (their attachment figures), as a method of increasing the likelihood of survival and eventual reproduction (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ==== '''Origins of attachment - biological basis''' ==== <blockquote>“Love is a biological necessity—it’s as needed for our well-being as exercise, water, and food, […] And from a neuroscientific viewpoint, we can really say that love blossoms in the brain.” (Cacioppo, as cited in Novotney, 2023, para.3).</blockquote>Aside from the evolutionary basis, romantic attraction is also based in neuroendocrinology. Early-stage romantic love, or being ''''lovestruck'''<nowiki/>', is often attributed to a primitive part of the brain's reward system (Novotney, 2023). In these early stages a person normally experiences sympathetic nervous system reactions, such as sweaty palms or a pounding heart when they are with their loved one, and often feeling '''separation anxiety''' when apart from them (Fisher et al., 2005). The lovers tend to express emotional dependence, heightened romantic passion, extreme empathy toward the beloved, sexual desires and possessiveness, the craving for emotional union, and obsessive thinking, reaching extremes where they change their habits to impress or remain in contact, or are even willing to die for the individual (Fisher et al., 2005). In cases were the lover experiences rejection, they often will protest the rejection and work to try to win the beloved individual back, expressing rage at the abandonment and despair (Fisher et al., 2005). Fisher et al. (2005) conducted a study on courtship attraction that used functional magnetic resonance imagine (fMRI) to determine the neural mechanisms associated with romantic love, by studying 17 people intensely "in love". The study found that a photograph of the beloved was an effective stimulus for eliciting feelings of intense romantic love, producing group activation in several regions of the brain, including the right ventral tegmental area (VTA) amidst '''dopamine ('happy' hormone)''' cells (Aron et al., 2005; Fisher et al., 2005). The VTA is a main component of the brain's "reward system",  as it is associated with focused attention, arousal, pleasure and the motivation to pursue and acquire rewards (Fisher at al., 2005). The VTA then activates various brain regions, including the caudate nucleus which contributes to reward detection and expectation (Fisher at al., 2005; Schultz, 2000). This suggest romantic love may be a primary motivation system, or a fundamental human drive to mate, suggesting romantic love is the effects of a reward system as all drives are associated with the activation of dopamine (Fisher et al., 2005; Pfaff, 1999). Similarly, humans have been shown to respond to monetary rewards, demonstrating the neuronal activations of financial reinforcement overlap with regions that respond to human's primary reinforcers (Elliott et al., 2003). This can be applied twice as sex is a primary biological enforcer, and even abstract rewards can be used to effectively elicit neuronal responses (Elliott et al., 2003; Jozefowiez & Staddon, 2008). [[File:Parts_of_brain_that_are_activated_when_a_person_falls_in_love.jpg|thumb|589x589px|'''Figure 1.''' ''Parts of brain activated when a person falls in love.'' Source: (Novotney, 2023)|center]] Additionally, Ortigue et al. (2010) conducted further '''meta-analysis''' of published fMRI studies of love and their illustration of brain regions associated with the different forms of love. Ortigue et al. (2010) confirmed that all fMRI studies of love found the '''subcortical dopaminergic''' reward-related brain systems, which uses dopamine and '''oxytocin ('love hormone')''' receptors, responsible for motivating individuals to bond with another person. The review also further demonstrated that different types of love may involve different '''cerebral''' pathways which includes pathways associated with higher cognitive functions such as '''bodily self-representation''' and '''social cognition''' (Ortigue et al., 2010). The study highlighted a total of 12 areas in the brain that work together to release dopamine, oxytocin, and '''adrenaline''', indicating the '''amygdala, hippocampus, and prefrontal cortex''' (See Figure 1), which is very sensitive to pleasure-inducing behaviours, are all activated in the brain scans when talking about a loved one (Novotney, 2023; Ortigue et al., 2010). Romantic attachments ultimately develop through both evolutionary, physiological, and psychological methods. Attachment theory explains how and why emotional bonds are formed, to promote security and influence relationship patterns. Whilst reward systems highlight the neurophysiological component that strengthens romantic connections, suggesting romantic attachment fulfills the basic human needs for connection. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' As Maggie grew older, in year 11 she later met Daniel and things seemed to change. Over their time finishing school and then later entering university Daniel became one of Maggie's closest friends, even entering the same university together after graduation. They were always together. Daniel made Maggie happy, was attentive, and slowly became someone Maggie could imagine building a future with. '' '''What type of attachment role do you think Daniel plays in Maggie's life?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Effects of rejection == Romantic rejection can trigger physiological, psychological and neurological responses due to a disruption in a person's pre-determined romantic attachment. Romantic partners work as sources of emotional security and safety, so when a person is rejected, their established attachment bond and securities become threatened (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Sometimes a rejection does not always deter the individual and can instead further motivate them to attempt to restore the lost connection, even if the relationship is no longer reciprocated (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). === '''Behavioural responses to a threatened attachment system''' === Functioning of an attachment system can be affected by the availability of one, or more, attachment figures in times of need, and their sensitivity and responsiveness to the individual's proximity-seeking behaviours (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). So, whilst nearly all children will become attached, including in situations where they experience abuse from their mothers, not all attachments are secure attachments, as attachment theory poses that the quality of the interactions with attachment figures is the main reason for individual differences in the functioning of an attachment system (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003) (See Figure 2). [[File:Quadrants_of_the_four_major_attachment_styles.png|thumb|370x370px|'''Figure 2.''' ''Diagram of the four major attachment styles categorised by attachment anxiety and avoidance strength.'' Source: (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ]] Applying the theory of attachment styles to experiences of romantic rejection, when an attachment figure (the beloved) is not physically or emotionally available to the lover in times of need or distress, is not sensitive or responsive to the lover's attempts at seeking proximity, the attachment system is then disrupted (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). In that case, the feelings of distress, lack of proximity, or lack of safety are not alleviated. Instead, the initial distress felt is instead amalgamated by further doubts they can attain safety, trust, or the resources necessary for stress management (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Once this occurs, attachment theorists have determined two methods of secondary attachment strategies of either ''hyperactivation'' or ''deactivation'' of the system; where hyperactivating individuals do not give up on their attachment attempts and instead intensify them in order to coerce the attachment figure's support and love (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Alternatively, a deactivating individual gives up on their attachment attempts, attempting to deal with the dangers alone (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). This is a strategy to try and down-regulate their attachment system in an attempt to avoid the distress and pain caused by the attachment figure's unavailability (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' One day, Maggie had a panic attack while Daniel was at soccer practice, and as she was messaging and calling him to come help her, Daniel was not responding. This cause Maggie to become increasingly anxious, escalating her panic attack. Daniel's phone had died at practice, so had not seen Maggie's calls or messages until a few hours after practice. '' '''How do you think this would affect Maggie and Daniel's relationship?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Heartbreak and physical pain''' === Physical pain words are often used to describe experiences of social rejection or loss, such as a 'broken heart' or 'hurt feelings', which may be due to the similarities associated with '''physical''' and ''''social pain'''<nowiki/>' (Eisenberger, 2012; Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Negative social evaluations, including rejection from a romantic partner, activates areas in the '''dorsal anterior cingulate cortex''' (dACC) and '''anterior insula''' (AI), which are brain regions associated with the distressful experiences of physical pain (Eisenberger, 2012). Understanding this overlap between physical and social pain provides further insights into both the intensity of emotional responses, and methods in which the pain can be alleviated '''<u>''(see below sections)''</u><u>''.''</u>''' Overall, romantic rejection disrupts the security an attachment bond brings, whilst also still motivating an individual to pursue a person romantically. This helps further explain why an individual may experience emotional, and even physical, pain and still remain motivated to restore what was lost, whether literal or imagined. ==Nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection== Romantic rejection can evoke a multitude of emotions in everyone. However, the intensity, duration, and expression of these emotions will differ amongst individuals. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity, and individual differences would all play key parts in the expression of one's emotions. === '''Emotional responses''' === A wide variety of human emotions arise in response to rejection by other people, whether the rejection was real, anticipated, imagined, or merely remembered (Leary, 2015). Acceptance by other people developed '''biopsychological''' and emotional mechanisms for humans to recognise and cope with threats to acceptance and belonging (Leary, 2015). So, when an individual's sense of belonging or acceptance is threatened it can elicit emotions the following emotions in attempts to manage the rejection: * '''Hurt feelings''' - where the other person does not regard their relationship with the individual as valuable or important as they believe, leading them to feel rejected; * '''Jealousy''' - where the individual believes the other person values their relationship with them less that desired because of the presence of another third party; * '''Loneliness''' - where the individual believes the person who greatly values their relationship are not available for support or social interaction; * '''Guilt''' - where the individual believes they have done something that would lead the other to relationally devalue them, motivating them to repair the damage that their undesired behaviour has caused; * '''Shame''' - where the individual believes others' judgement as a person may lead to relation devaluation and possible rejection, leading to a desire to withdraw from social interactions because nothing can be immediately done to repair the damage to their image or value; * '''Social anxiety''' - feelings of nervousness in social interactions in anticipation to the possibility of conveying an undesired impression of themselves that will lower their value in another person's eyes; * '''Embarrassment''' - where the individual is concerned with how they are perceived by another when they think they have already conveyed an undesired impression of themselves to others; * '''Sadness''' - which arises from perceived loss, or when their affection for the other person is not returned or accepted; and * '''Anger''' - which arises when the individual perceives the other has unjustifiably behaved in a way that threatens their desire, wellbeing, or is considered an unjustifiable harm (Leary, 2015). However, people do not necessarily experience all of these emotions or to the same extent, as a person's individual differences affect their expression. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Maggie was really upset, as she needed Daniel in a time of need and she spiralled further, believing he was distancing himself, and got into a big fight with Daniel afterwards. Daniel suggested maybe they need some time apart to reevaluate themselves and their relationship. '' '''What effects do you think this will have on Maggie?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Rejection sensitivity''' === Rejection sensitivity, the disposition to anxiously expect, readily perceive, and overwhelmingly respond to rejection (Shin et al., 2024). Rejection-sensitive individuals are more likely to anxiously expect rejection and therefore perceive others' ambiguous behaviours as an intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Similarly, those that enter romantic relationships with anxious expectations of rejection will recognise insensitive behaviours of the new partners as intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Consequently, individuals with a higher rejection sensitivity are more likely to interpret romantic rejection as a confirmation of their feelings of inadequacy, anxiety, anger or negative '''self-concept''' (Downey & Feldman, 1996; London et al., 2007). It also affects their quality of their relationships as rejection-sensitive men's jealousy and rejection-sensitive women's hostility results in feelings of diminished support and explain their partners' relationship dissatisfaction (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Rejection sensitivity can also be heightened by attachment styles as anxious or ambivalent attachment styles, that involve a fear of abandonment and need for validation, are more likely to exhibit rejection sensitivity (Shin et al., 2024). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' As weeks passed, Maggie kept asking mutual friends about Daniel, checking his social media accounts, and trying to see him around university. Maggie became increasingly sensitive to even small rejections, interpreting friends saying they were too busy to hang out, or delayed responses to her messages as evidence that even her friends might abandon her. Her feelings of sadness and anxiety increased. '' '''How might this affect the nature and intensity of her emotions?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Individual differences''' === Since physical and social pain are associated with the same neural circuitries '''<u>''(see above section on physical heartbreak)''</u>''' individuals who are more sensitive to one kind of pain, whether physical or social, are therefore more sensitive to the other, meaning experiencing greater sensitivity to physical pain would likely result in greater social pain sensitivity (see Table 1), resulting in higher rejection sensitivity and/or a stronger anxious attachment style (Eisenberger, 2012). Higher rejection sensitivity, anxious attachment, or low self-esteem show greater dACC and/or AI activity when experiencing social pain (Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Positive relationships throughout adolescence may also contribute to individuals being less sensitive to any negative social situations experienced later in their lives (Masten et al., 2012). '''Table 1''' ''The Relationship Between Social and Physical Pain'' {{center top}} {| class="wikitable" ! colspan="2" rowspan="2" | ! colspan="2" |Type of Pain |- |Social |Physical |- | rowspan="2" |'''Type of manipulation''' |Increase pain |↑ Physical pain |↑ Social pain |- |Decrease pain |↓ Physical pain |↓ Social pain |} {{center bottom}} Ultimately, romantic rejection can produce diverse emotional responses. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity and individual differences may all affect the duration and intensity of an emotional reaction following rejection. ==Reducing or managing rejection-induced distress== As previously noted, romantic rejection can trigger a variety of emotional responses, including separation distress, social pain, threats to attachment style, and behavioural responses in adjusting to the loss of an attachment. However, there are psychological strategies that may help individuals in regulating the responses and facilitate recovery. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Eventually, after speaking with a trusted friend, Maggie begins to recognise that her constant feelings of anxiety would only prolong the distress. Although her heartbreak had not disappeared, she decided to explore other healthier options of managing her emotions, and rediscovering herself outside of her relationship with Daniel. '' '''What techniques might Maggie use to overcome her anxiety and feelings of distress at missing Daniel?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Adaptive emotional regulation''' === ==== '''Cognitive reappraisal''' ==== '''Cognitive reappraisal''', an '''adaptive''' strategy of emotion regulation works by encouraging a person to change how a situation feels by reframing the way they interpret it (Wang & Yin, 2023; Zilverstand et al., 2017). Following romantic rejection, an individual may interpret their romantic loss as evidence of their personal inadequacy, however, reframing the rejection from a personal failure and instead to a result of incompatibility may be beneficial in reducing emotional distress and correct maladaptive thoughts (Wang & Yin, 2023). ==== '''Mindfulness''' ==== Mindfulness has also been proposed as an adaptive strategy for emotional regulation (Chambers et al., 2009). It involves paying deliberate attention to the present moment and remaining accepting and non-judgemental of the situation (Brockman et al., 2023). Whilst reappraisal works on changing one's thinking, mindfulness works on the person's relationship to their thinking (Brockman et al., 2023). Due to the overlap of physical and social pain (see above section), the factors that alter one type of pain are likely to have a similar effect on the other (Eisenberger, 2012). Using this principle, '''paracetamol''' or '''ibuprofen''', which are known to reduce physical pains, may also reduce the social pain associated with rejection (Eisenberger, 2012). === '''Emotion suppression''' === Alternatively, '''expressive suppression''', a '''maladaptive''' behavioural strategy that works towards inhibiting the behaviours associated with emotional responses, such as facial expressions, gestures, and verbal phrases (Goldin et al., 2008). === '''Limitations of emotional regulation techniques''' === Reappraisal is likely more beneficial in reducing immediate neural activity and decreasing negative emotional experiences, however, suppression produced later neural emotional responses, decreased emotional behaviours, experiences and facial expressions, yet, increased neural responses (Goldin et al., 2008). However, whilst cognitive reappraisal is an effective technique in clinical practice, it may not always translate to the individual's life due to a lack of practice, and is likely more effective and replicable across experiences closely linked to the individual's real-life experiences (Wang & Yin, 2023). Despite this, the efficacy of each strategy would depend on the individual, context, environment, age, purpose of the strategy, and other individual differences (Brockman et al., 2023). === '''Social support''' === Social support is a widely known method used to mitigate both emotional and social distress, and is associated with reduced activity in the dACC and AI where increased activity is associated with pain processing (Eisenberger, 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Therefore spending time with friends and in an individual's daily support network indicates reduced activity in the dACC and AI, allowing the individual to reduce both the social and physical pains associated with romantic rejection (Masten et al., 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Effective emotional regulation following romantic rejection likely requires a combination of strategies to address immediate distress, regulate attachment, and elicit long-term adjustments. Whilst these strategies are useful in providing support and assisting with recovery, it may just be that emotional responses to rejection are inevitable. Although there are several approaches to manage rejection, the research on overall and immediate recovery remains limited. Strategies should instead be adapted to a person's individual emotional needs rather than using a 'universal' treatment. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' After seeing a psychologist, who recommended Maggie surround herself with her friends to build her confidence and individual interest again, encouraging she stay fit and pick up a new sport, and showing her techniques of mindfulness, Maggie was able to work through her heartbreak. She also begun using cognitive reappraisal techniques to reframe the small rejections that were increasing her anxiety, and began relying on her own regulation techniques to overcome challenges. After some time had passed and Maggie was feeling confident in herself, she reached out to Daniel to try to rekindle their relationship, now that she was feeling secure and was not dependent on another person for her own safety and happiness.{{RoundBoxBottom}} =='''<u>''Learning features''</u>'''== Learning features help to bring book chapters to life and can be embedded throughout the chapter. Here are some options: {{anchor|Scenarios}} ;Scenarios * Scenarios, case studies, or examples that illustrate concepts in action * Present using [[#Feature boxes|feature boxes]]; can be split into multiple boxes throughout a chapter (e.g., to illustrate different theories or stages) * Can be real or fictional; if real, provide citation(s) {{anchor|Feature box}} ;Feature boxes * Highlight key content using [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Feature box|feature boxes]], but don't overuse, otherwise they lose their effect * Consider using feature boxes for: ** [[#Scenarios|Scenarios]], case studies, or examples ** Focus questions ** Tips ** Quiz questions ** Take-home messages ;Embedded links * When key words are introduced, use [[Help:Links|interwiki links]] to: ** Wikipedia articles (e.g., "An early psychological view [[w:Dreams|dreams]]) of dreams was provided by [[w:Sigmund Freud|Sigmund Freud]]") or ** Related book chapters (e.g., "If you're feeling stuck, check out the chapter about [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2020/Writer's block|writer's block]]") {{anchor|Tables}} ;Tables * Use tables to organise and summarise information * Cite each table at least once in the main text (e.g., see Table 1) * Tables should be captioned * [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity/Tables|More example tables]] which can be adapted '''Table 1''' A Descriptive Caption Explains The Table Contents and its Relevance to the Text e.g., The 2 x 2 Johari Window Model Showing the Relationship Between Known/Unknown and Self/Other {| class="wikitable" style="margin: auto; |- ! !! Known to self !! Not known to self |- | '''Known to others''' || Open area || Blind spot |- | '''Not known to others''' || Hidden area || Unknown |} ;Quizzes * One or two quiz questions for each main section is better than a long quiz at the end * Quiz ''conceptual'' understanding, rather than trivia. Ask about important information such as the take-home messages * Ask easy rather than hard questions * Different types of quiz questions are possible; see [[Help:Quiz|Quiz]] Example simple quiz questions. Choose your answers and click "Submit": <quiz display=simple> {The purpose of quizzes is to provide an interactive learning feature: |type="()"} + True - False {Long and complex quiz questions are recommended: |type="()"} - True + False </quiz> =='''<u>''Conclusion''</u>'''== * Arguably the most important section * Provide at least three bullet-points for this section even at the topic development stage, based on preliminary thinking * For the book chapter, develop clear take-home message(s) that address the focus questions based on psychological theory and research * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing this problem * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} =='''<u>''See also''</u>'''== List [[Help:Contents/Links#Interwiki_links|internal (wiki) links]] to the most relevant Wikiversity pages (esp. [[Motivation and emotion/Book|motivation and emotion book chapters]]) and [[w:|Wikipedia articles]]. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/About/Collaborative authoring using wiki|Collaborative authoring using wiki]] (Wikiversity) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Light triad|Light triad]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[w:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Topic/Checklist|Topic development - Checklist]] (Wikiversity) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant internal resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses }} ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Aron, A., Fisher, H., Mashek, D. J., Strong, G., Li, H., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Reward, motivation, and emotion systems associated with early-stage intense romantic love. ''Journal of Neurophysiology'', ''94''(1), 327–337. https://doi.org/10.1152/jn.00838.2004 Bergen, D. (2022). Developing attachment. In ''Theories of Early Childhood Education'' (pp. 118–127). Routledge. Bowlby, J. (1988). ''A secure base: Clinical applications of attachment theory''. Routledge. Bretherton, I. (1992). The origins of attachment theory: John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth. ''Developmental Psychology'', ''28''(5), 759–775. https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.28.5.759 Brockman, R., Ciarrochi, J., Parker, P., & Kashdan, T. B. (2023). Behaving versus thinking positively: When the benefits of cognitive reappraisal are contingent on satisfying basic psychological needs. ''Journal of Contextual Behavioral Science'', ''27'', 120–125. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcbs.2023.01.005 Chambers, R., Gullone, E., & Allen, N. B. (2009). Mindful emotion regulation: An integrative review. ''Clinical Psychology Review'', ''29''(6), 560–572. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2009.06.005 Downey, G., & Feldman, S. I. (1996). Implications of rejection sensitivity for intimate relationships. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''70''(6), 1327–1343. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.70.6.1327 Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). The pain of social disconnection: Examining the shared neural underpinnings of physical and social pain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''13'', 421–434. https://doi.org/10.1038/nrn3231 Elliott, R., Newman, J. L., Longe, O. A., & Deakin, J. F. W. (2003). Differential response patterns in the striatum and orbitofrontal cortex to financial reward in humans: A parametric functional magnetic resonance imaging study. ''The Journal of Neuroscience'', ''23''(1), 303–307. https://doi.org/10.1523/jneurosci.23-01-00303.2003 Fisher, H., Aron, A., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Romantic love: An fMRI study of a neural mechanism for mate choice. ''Journal of Comparative Neurology'', ''493''(1), 58–62. https://doi.org/10.1002/cne.20772 Goldin, P. R., McRae, K., Ramel, W., & Gross, J. J. (2008). The neural bases of emotion regulation: Reappraisal and suppression of negative emotion. ''Biological Psychiatry'', ''63''(6), 577–586. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsych.2007.05.031 Jozefowiez, J., & Staddon, J. E. R. (2008). 1.06 - Operant behaviour. In ''Learning and Memory: A Comprehensive Reference'' (pp. 75–101). Academic Press. Leary, M. R. (2015). Emotional responses to interpersonal rejection. ''Dialogues in Clinical Neuroscience'', ''17''(4). https://doi.org/10.31887/DCNS.2015.17.4/mleary Levine, A., & Heller, R. (2010). ''Attached''. Tarcher. London, B., Downey, G., Bonica, C., & Paltin, I. (2007). Social causes and consequences of rejection sensitivity. ''Journal of Research on Adolescence'', ''17''(3), 481–506. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1532-7795.2007.00531.x Masten, C. L., Telzer, E. H., Fuligni, A. J., Lieberman, M. D., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). Time spent with friends in adolescence relates to less neural sensitivity to later peer rejection. ''Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience'', ''7''(1), 106–114. https://doi.org/10.1093/scan/nsq098 Mikulincer, M., & Shaver, P. R. (2003). The attachment behavioural system in adulthood: Activation, psychodynamics, and interpersonal processes. In ''Advances in Experimental Social Psychology'' (pp. 53–152). Elsevier Science. Novotney, A. (2023). What happens in your brain when you’re in love? ''American Psychological Association.'' https://www.apa.org/topics/marriage-relationships/brain-on-love Ortigue, S., Bianchi-Demicheli, F., Patel, N., Frum, C., & Lewis, J. W. (2010). Neuroimaging of love: fMRI meta-analysis evidence toward new perspectives in sexual medicine. ''The Journal of Sexual Medicine'', ''7''(11), 3541–3552. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-6109.2010.01999.x Pfaff, D. (1999). ''Drive: Neurobiological and molecular mechanisms of sexual motivation.'' MIT Press. Schultz, W. (2000). Multiple reward signals in the brain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''1''(3), 199–207. Shin, J., Han, K. S., & Shin, H. J. (2024). Rejection sensitivity: A concept analysis. ''Journal of Korean Academy of Psychiatric and Mental Health Nursing'', ''33''(3), 253–261. https://doi.org/10.12934/jkpmhn.2024.33.3.253 Tchalova, K., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2015). How the brain feels the hurt of heartbreak: Examining the neurobiological overlap between social and physical pain. In A. W. Toga (Ed.), ''Brain Mapping: An Encyclopedic Reference'' (pp. 15–20). Academic Press: Elsevier. Wang, Y.-X., & Yin, B. (2023). A new understanding of the cognitive reappraisal technique: An extension based on the schema theory. ''Frontiers in Behavioral Neuroscience'', ''17''. https://doi.org/10.3389/fnbeh.2023.1174585 Zilverstand, A., Parvaz, M. A., & Goldstein, R. Z. (2017). Neuroimaging cognitive reappraisal in clinical populations to define neural targets for enhancing emotion regulation. a systematic review. ''NeuroImage'', ''151'', 105–116. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2016.06.009 }} =='''<u>''External links''</u>'''== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Relationships]] kdc7gwiqsrh1mjwhow9kwl0hdczx08x 2840235 2840220 2026-10-14T12:27:11Z U3275873 3110137 embedded links 2840235 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Romantic rejection and emotional response<br>What emotional responses does romantic rejection evoke and how can they be regulated?}7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!} __TOC__ == Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Maggie grew up with parents that were loving and attentive, giving her everything she needed. Yet, sometimes she found it difficult to form a deeper emotional connection with her parents or share her vulnerable feelings, as they would often keep conversations light or surface-level, and did not have personal conversations with their daughter. As a result, Maggie sometimes worried and questioned if they actually loved her, despite always having provided for her. '' '''What attachment style do you think Maggie is likely to be predisposed to?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} [[wikipedia:Social_rejection#Romantic_rejection|Romantic rejection]] is a common yet extremely emotionally challenging experience that can lead to intense feelings of sadness, longing, loneliness, and difficulties in regulating [[Emotion|emotions]]. Understanding how and why people respond strongly to rejection is important as attachment has consequences on psychological, physiological, and biological systems associated with security, reward, emotions and motivation. Using attachment theories, neuroscience, and emotional regulation techniques can help explain how romantic bonds develop, why their loss produces distress, the ways in which individual differences can affect responses, and which strategies may help regulate or support emotional responses. {{robelbox|theme=11|title=Focus questions}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> * How do romantic attachments develop? * How does romantic rejection affect attachment and motivational systems? * What determines the nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection? * How can rejection-related distress be reduced or managed? </div> {{Robelbox/close}} * ==Romantic attachments== [[wikipedia:Romance|Romantic]] attachments are a fundamental part of human connection. It influences motivation, emotional wellbeing and behaviour. These attachments have developed over time through both evolutionary and biological bases, in attempts to increase survival and happiness, respectively. Understanding these perspectives can help explain why romantic attachments form to begin with and why the loss of an attachment is so emotionally significant. === Attachment === [[wikipedia:Attachment_theory|Attachment theory]] outlines the main "attachment styles", otherwise known as ways in which people perceive and respond to [[wikipedia:Intimate_relationship#Intimacy|intimacy]] in relationships, and are parallel to those found in children throughout development stages (Levine & Heller, 2010). The theory designates three main styles: # Secure # Anxious # Avoidant People who are usually warm loving, and comfortable with intimacy tend to be ''secure.'' Whereas ''anxious'' people are often distracted with their relationships and crave intimacy, with constant worry about their partner's ability to love them back. Finally, people who tend to constantly try to minimize closeness and associate intimacy with a loss of their independence are considered ''avoidant'' (Levine & Heller, 2010). A person's attachment style can not only affect their view of intimacy, but also include affect their: * way of dealing with conflict * attitude towards sex * ability to communicate wants and needs; or * expectations of a partner and the relationship (Levine & Heller, 2010). Levine and Heller (2010) claims all people fall, regardless of the stage at which their relationship is in, fall into one or a combination of these three categories, although a combination of anxious and avoidant is rare (Levine & Heller, 2010). This fourth, rare, category is termed the 'disorganised', of which only 5% of people fall into (Levine & Heller, 2010). ==== '''Origins of attachments - evolutionary safety''' ==== [[wikipedia:Attachment_in_adults#Styles|Adult attachment styles]] were initially hypothesised to be based primarily on a person's childhood and upbringing. [[wikipedia:John_Bowlby|John Bowlby]] and [[wikipedia:Mary_Ainsworth|Mary Ainsworth]], building on their separate and joined research on [[wikipedia:Ethology|ethology]] and [[developmental psychology]], developed the initial theories on which attachment theory has evolved. They proposed that infants possess a biological or evolutionary drive to form emotional attachments with others, primarily caregivers, as a mechanism for survival (Bretherton, 1992). From the ages of as young as six months to two years, children with consistent caregivers, who become their attachment figures, develop a mental representation or an "[[wikipedia:Internal_working_model_of_attachment|internal working model]]", influencing views of themselves, expectations, and methods of interacting and building relationships with others as they get older (Bergen, 2022). As the attachments develop throughout childhood, attachment figures can become a "secure base" they can return to for comfort, support, and safety, if caregivers were sensitive, responsible, and available, in which infants develop a "secure" attachment style (Bergen, 2022; Bowlby, 1988). Alternatively, avoidant or resistant attachment styles can develop if they were distant, unresponsive, and rigid; or an anxious attachment style if they were inconsistently responsive (Bergen, 2022; Levine & Heller, 2010). However, more recent development have found that attachment styles in adulthood are more likely influenced by a variety of factors, including genetics, and life experiences, rather than being limited to the way in which parents cared for a person through infancy (Levine & Heller, 2010). Ultimately, attachment systems exist as a biological function of protecting a person from danger, especially during infancy, by ensuring their remain in close proximity to the care and support of others (their attachment figures), as a method of increasing the likelihood of survival and eventual reproduction (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ==== '''Origins of attachment - biological basis''' ==== <blockquote>“Love is a biological necessity—it’s as needed for our well-being as exercise, water, and food, […] And from a neuroscientific viewpoint, we can really say that love blossoms in the brain.” (Cacioppo, as cited in Novotney, 2023, para.3).</blockquote>Aside from the evolutionary basis, romantic attraction is also based in neuroendocrinology. Early-stage romantic love, or being '[[wikipedia:Falling_in_love|lovestruck]]', is often attributed to a primitive part of the brain's reward system (Novotney, 2023). In these early stages a person normally experiences sympathetic nervous system reactions, such as sweaty palms or a pounding heart when they are with their loved one, and often feeling [[wikipedia:Separation_anxiety_disorder|separation anxiety]] when apart from them (Fisher et al., 2005). The lovers tend to express emotional dependence, heightened romantic passion, extreme empathy toward the beloved, sexual desires and possessiveness, the craving for emotional union, and obsessive thinking, reaching extremes where they change their habits to impress or remain in contact, or are even willing to die for the individual (Fisher et al., 2005). In cases were the lover experiences rejection, they often will protest the rejection and work to try to win the beloved individual back, expressing rage at the abandonment and despair (Fisher et al., 2005). Fisher et al. (2005) conducted a study on courtship attraction that used [[Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging|functional magnetic resonance imaging]](fMRI) to determine the neural mechanisms associated with romantic love, by studying 17 people intensely "in love". The study found that a photograph of the beloved was an effective stimulus for eliciting feelings of intense romantic love, producing group activation in several regions of the brain, including the right [[wikipedia:Ventral_tegmental_area|ventral tegmental area]] (VTA) amidst [[wikipedia:Dopamine|dopamine]] cells (Aron et al., 2005; Fisher et al., 2005). The VTA is a main component of the brain's "reward system", as it is associated with focused attention, arousal, pleasure and the motivation to pursue and acquire rewards (Fisher at al., 2005). The VTA then activates various brain regions, including the caudate nucleus which contributes to reward detection and expectation (Fisher at al., 2005; Schultz, 2000). This suggest romantic love may be a primary motivation system, or a fundamental human drive to mate, suggesting romantic love is the effects of a reward system as all drives are associated with the activation of dopamine (Fisher et al., 2005; Pfaff, 1999). Similarly, humans have been shown to respond to monetary rewards, demonstrating the neural activations of financial reinforcement overlap with regions that respond to human's primary reinforcers (Elliott et al., 2003). This can be applied twice as sex is a primary biological enforcer, and even abstract rewards can be used to effectively elicit neuronal responses (Elliott et al., 2003; Jozefowiez & Staddon, 2008). [[File:Parts_of_brain_that_are_activated_when_a_person_falls_in_love.jpg|thumb|589x589px|'''Figure 1.''' ''Parts of brain activated when a person falls in love.'' Source: (Novotney, 2023)|center]] Additionally, Ortigue et al. (2010) conducted further [[meta-analysis]] of published fMRI studies of love and their illustration of brain regions associated with the different forms of love. Ortigue et al. (2010) confirmed that all fMRI studies of love found the [[wikipedia:Cerebral_cortex#Connections|subcortical]] [[wikipedia:Dopaminergic_pathways|dopaminergic]] reward-related brain systems, which uses dopamine and [[wikipedia:Oxytocin|oxytocin]] receptors, responsible for motivating individuals to bond with another person. The review also further demonstrated that different types of love may involve different cerebral pathways which includes pathways associated with higher cognitive functions such as bodily [./Https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-image self-image] and [[social cognition]] (Ortigue et al., 2010). The study highlighted a total of 12 areas in the brain that work together to release dopamine, oxytocin, and [[wikipedia:Adrenaline|adrenaline]], indicating the [[wikipedia:Amygdala|amygdala]], [[wikipedia:Hippocampus|hippocampus]], and [[wikipedia:Prefrontal_cortex|prefrontal cortex]] (See Figure 1), which is very sensitive to pleasure-inducing behaviours, are all activated in the brain scans when talking about a loved one (Novotney, 2023; Ortigue et al., 2010). Romantic attachments ultimately develop through both evolutionary, physiological, and psychological methods. Attachment theory explains how and why emotional bonds are formed, to promote security and influence relationship patterns. Whilst reward systems highlight the neurophysiological component that strengthens romantic connections, suggesting romantic attachment fulfills the basic human needs for connection. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' As Maggie grew older, in year 11 she later met Daniel and things seemed to change. Over their time finishing school and then later entering university Daniel became one of Maggie's closest friends, even entering the same university together after graduation. They were always together. Daniel made Maggie happy, was attentive, and slowly became someone Maggie could imagine building a future with. '' '''What type of attachment role do you think Daniel plays in Maggie's life?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Effects of rejection == Romantic rejection can trigger physiological, psychological and neurological responses due to a disruption in a person's pre-determined romantic attachment. Romantic partners work as sources of emotional security and safety, so when a person is rejected, their established attachment bond and securities become threatened (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Sometimes a rejection does not always deter the individual and can instead further motivate them to attempt to restore the lost connection, even if the relationship is no longer reciprocated (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). === '''Behavioural responses to a threatened attachment system''' === Functioning of an attachment system can be affected by the availability of one, or more, attachment figures in times of need, and their sensitivity and responsiveness to the individual's proximity-seeking behaviours (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). So, whilst nearly all children will become attached, including in situations where they experience abuse from their mothers, not all attachments are secure attachments, as attachment theory poses that the quality of the interactions with attachment figures is the main reason for individual differences in the functioning of an attachment system (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003) (See Figure 2). [[File:Quadrants_of_the_four_major_attachment_styles.png|thumb|370x370px|'''Figure 2.''' ''Diagram of the four major attachment styles categorised by attachment anxiety and avoidance strength.'' Source: (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ]] Applying the theory of attachment styles to experiences of romantic rejection, when an attachment figure (the beloved) is not physically or emotionally available to the lover in times of need or distress, is not sensitive or responsive to the lover's attempts at seeking proximity, the attachment system is then disrupted (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). In that case, the feelings of distress, lack of proximity, or lack of safety are not alleviated. Instead, the initial distress felt is instead amalgamated by further doubts they can attain safety, trust, or the resources necessary for stress management (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Once this occurs, attachment theorists have determined two methods of secondary attachment strategies of either ''hyperactivation'' or ''deactivation'' of the system; where hyperactivating individuals do not give up on their attachment attempts and instead intensify them in order to coerce the attachment figure's support and love (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Alternatively, a deactivating individual gives up on their attachment attempts, attempting to deal with the dangers alone (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). This is a strategy to try and down-regulate their attachment system in an attempt to avoid the distress and pain caused by the attachment figure's unavailability (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' One day, Maggie had a panic attack while Daniel was at soccer practice, and as she was messaging and calling him to come help her, Daniel was not responding. This cause Maggie to become increasingly anxious, escalating her panic attack. Daniel's phone had died at practice, so had not seen Maggie's calls or messages until a few hours after practice. '' '''How do you think this would affect Maggie and Daniel's relationship?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Heartbreak and physical pain''' === Physical pain words are often used to describe experiences of social rejection or loss, such as a 'broken heart' or 'hurt feelings', which may be due to the similarities associated with [[Pain|physical]] and 'social pain' (Eisenberger, 2012; Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Negative social evaluations, including rejection from a romantic partner, activates areas in the dorsal [[wikipedia:Anterior_cingulate_cortex|anterior cingulate cortex]] (dACC) and [[wikipedia:Insular_cortex|anterior insula]] (AI), which are brain regions associated with the distressful experiences of physical pain (Eisenberger, 2012). Understanding this overlap between physical and social pain provides further insights into both the intensity of emotional responses, and methods in which the pain can be alleviated. Overall, romantic rejection disrupts the security an attachment bond brings, whilst also still motivating an individual to pursue a person romantically. This helps further explain why an individual may experience emotional, and even physical, pain and still remain motivated to restore what was lost, whether literal or imagined. ==Nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection== Romantic rejection can evoke a multitude of emotions in everyone. However, the intensity, duration, and expression of these emotions will differ amongst individuals. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity, and individual differences would all play key parts in the expression of one's emotions. === '''Emotional responses''' === A wide variety of human emotions arise in response to rejection by other people, whether the rejection was real, anticipated, imagined, or merely remembered (Leary, 2015). Acceptance by other people developed [[wikipedia:Personality_psychology#Biopsychological_theories|biopsychological]] and emotional mechanisms for humans to recognise and cope with threats to acceptance and belonging (Leary, 2015). So, when an individual's sense of belonging or acceptance is threatened it can elicit emotions the following emotions in attempts to manage the rejection: * '''Hurt feelings''' - where the other person does not regard their relationship with the individual as valuable or important as they believe, leading them to feel rejected; * '''Jealousy''' - where the individual believes the other person values their relationship with them less that desired because of the presence of another third party; * '''Loneliness''' - where the individual believes the person who greatly values their relationship are not available for support or social interaction; * '''Guilt''' - where the individual believes they have done something that would lead the other to relationally devalue them, motivating them to repair the damage that their undesired behaviour has caused; * '''Shame''' - where the individual believes others' judgement as a person may lead to relation devaluation and possible rejection, leading to a desire to withdraw from social interactions because nothing can be immediately done to repair the damage to their image or value; * '''Social anxiety''' - feelings of nervousness in social interactions in anticipation to the possibility of conveying an undesired impression of themselves that will lower their value in another person's eyes; * '''Embarrassment''' - where the individual is concerned with how they are perceived by another when they think they have already conveyed an undesired impression of themselves to others; * '''Sadness''' - which arises from perceived loss, or when their affection for the other person is not returned or accepted; and * '''Anger''' - which arises when the individual perceives the other has unjustifiably behaved in a way that threatens their desire, wellbeing, or is considered an unjustifiable harm (Leary, 2015). However, people do not necessarily experience all of these emotions or to the same extent, as a person's individual differences affect their expression. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Maggie was really upset, as she needed Daniel in a time of need and she spiralled further, believing he was distancing himself, and got into a big fight with Daniel afterwards. Daniel suggested maybe they need some time apart to reevaluate themselves and their relationship. '' '''What effects do you think this will have on Maggie?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Rejection sensitivity''' === Rejection sensitivity, the disposition to anxiously expect, readily perceive, and overwhelmingly respond to rejection (Shin et al., 2024). Rejection-sensitive individuals are more likely to anxiously expect rejection and therefore perceive others' ambiguous behaviours as an intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Similarly, those that enter romantic relationships with anxious expectations of rejection will recognise insensitive behaviours of the new partners as intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Consequently, individuals with a higher rejection sensitivity are more likely to interpret romantic rejection as a confirmation of their feelings of inadequacy, anxiety, anger or negative self-concept (Downey & Feldman, 1996; London et al., 2007). It also affects their quality of their relationships as rejection-sensitive men's jealousy and rejection-sensitive women's hostility results in feelings of diminished support and explain their partners' relationship dissatisfaction (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Rejection sensitivity can also be heightened by attachment styles as anxious or ambivalent attachment styles, that involve a fear of abandonment and need for validation, are more likely to exhibit rejection sensitivity (Shin et al., 2024). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' As weeks passed, Maggie kept asking mutual friends about Daniel, checking his social media accounts, and trying to see him around university. Maggie became increasingly sensitive to even small rejections, interpreting friends saying they were too busy to hang out, or delayed responses to her messages as evidence that even her friends might abandon her. Her feelings of sadness and anxiety increased. '' '''How might this affect the nature and intensity of her emotions?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Individual differences''' === Since physical and social pain are associated with the same neural circuitries individuals who are more sensitive to one kind of pain, whether physical or social, are therefore more sensitive to the other, meaning experiencing greater sensitivity to physical pain would likely result in greater social pain sensitivity (see Table 1), resulting in higher rejection sensitivity and/or a stronger anxious attachment style (Eisenberger, 2012). Higher rejection sensitivity, anxious attachment, or low self-esteem show greater dACC and/or AI activity when experiencing social pain (Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Positive relationships throughout adolescence may also contribute to individuals being less sensitive to any negative social situations experienced later in their lives (Masten et al., 2012). '''Table 1''' ''The Relationship Between Social and Physical Pain'' {{center top}} {| class="wikitable" ! colspan="2" rowspan="2" | ! colspan="2" |Type of Pain |- |Social |Physical |- | rowspan="2" |'''Type of manipulation''' |Increase pain |↑ Physical pain |↑ Social pain |- |Decrease pain |↓ Physical pain |↓ Social pain |} {{center bottom}} Ultimately, romantic rejection can produce diverse emotional responses. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity and individual differences may all affect the duration and intensity of an emotional reaction following rejection. ==Reducing or managing rejection-induced distress== As previously noted, romantic rejection can trigger a variety of emotional responses, including separation distress, social pain, threats to attachment style, and behavioural responses in adjusting to the loss of an attachment. However, there are psychological strategies that may help individuals in regulating the responses and facilitate recovery. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Eventually, after speaking with a trusted friend, Maggie begins to recognise that her constant feelings of anxiety would only prolong the distress. Although her heartbreak had not disappeared, she decided to explore other healthier options of managing her emotions, and rediscovering herself outside of her relationship with Daniel. '' '''What techniques might Maggie use to overcome her anxiety and feelings of distress at missing Daniel?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Adaptive emotional regulation''' === ==== '''Cognitive reappraisal''' ==== [[wikipedia:Cognitive_appraisal|Cognitive reappraisal]], an [[wikipedia:Adaptive_strategies|adaptive strategy]] of emotion regulation works by encouraging a person to change how a situation feels by reframing the way they interpret it (Wang & Yin, 2023; Zilverstand et al., 2017). Following romantic rejection, an individual may interpret their romantic loss as evidence of their personal inadequacy, however, reframing the rejection from a personal failure and instead to a result of incompatibility may be beneficial in reducing emotional distress and correct maladaptive thoughts (Wang & Yin, 2023). ==== '''Mindfulness''' ==== Mindfulness has also been proposed as an adaptive strategy for emotional regulation (Chambers et al., 2009). It involves paying deliberate attention to the present moment and remaining accepting and non-judgemental of the situation (Brockman et al., 2023). Whilst reappraisal works on changing one's thinking, mindfulness works on the person's relationship to their thinking (Brockman et al., 2023). Due to the overlap of physical and social pain (see above section), the factors that alter one type of pain are likely to have a similar effect on the other (Eisenberger, 2012). Using this principle, [[wikipedia:Paracetamol|paracetamol]] or [[wikipedia:Ibuprofen|ibuprofen]], which are known to reduce physical pains, may also reduce the social pain associated with rejection (Eisenberger, 2012). === '''Emotion suppression''' === Alternatively, [[wikipedia:Expressive_suppression|expressive suppression]], a maladaptive behavioural strategy that works towards inhibiting the behaviours associated with emotional responses, such as facial expressions, gestures, and verbal phrases (Goldin et al., 2008). === '''Limitations of emotional regulation techniques''' === Reappraisal is likely more beneficial in reducing immediate neural activity and decreasing negative emotional experiences, however, suppression produced later neural emotional responses, decreased emotional behaviours, experiences and facial expressions, yet, increased neural responses (Goldin et al., 2008). However, whilst cognitive reappraisal is an effective technique in clinical practice, it may not always translate to the individual's life due to a lack of practice, and is likely more effective and replicable across experiences closely linked to the individual's real-life experiences (Wang & Yin, 2023). Despite this, the efficacy of each strategy would depend on the individual, context, environment, age, purpose of the strategy, and other individual differences (Brockman et al., 2023). === '''Social support''' === Social support is a widely known method used to mitigate both emotional and social distress, and is associated with reduced activity in the dACC and AI where increased activity is associated with pain processing (Eisenberger, 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Therefore spending time with friends and in an individual's daily support network indicates reduced activity in the dACC and AI, allowing the individual to reduce both the social and physical pains associated with romantic rejection (Masten et al., 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Effective emotional regulation following romantic rejection likely requires a combination of strategies to address immediate distress, regulate attachment, and elicit long-term adjustments. Whilst these strategies are useful in providing support and assisting with recovery, it may just be that emotional responses to rejection are inevitable. Although there are several approaches to manage rejection, the research on overall and immediate recovery remains limited. Strategies should instead be adapted to a person's individual emotional needs rather than using a 'universal' treatment. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' After seeing a psychologist, who recommended Maggie surround herself with her friends to build her confidence and individual interest again, encouraging she stay fit and pick up a new sport, and showing her techniques of mindfulness, Maggie was able to work through her heartbreak. She also begun using cognitive reappraisal techniques to reframe the small rejections that were increasing her anxiety, and began relying on her own regulation techniques to overcome challenges. After some time had passed and Maggie was feeling confident in herself, she reached out to Daniel to try to rekindle their relationship, now that she was feeling secure and was not dependent on another person for her own safety and happiness.{{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Conclusion== * Arguably the most important section * Provide at least three bullet-points for this section even at the topic development stage, based on preliminary thinking * For the book chapter, develop clear take-home message(s) that address the focus questions based on psychological theory and research * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing this problem * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} =='''<u>''See also''</u>'''== List [[Help:Contents/Links#Interwiki_links|internal (wiki) links]] to the most relevant Wikiversity pages (esp. [[Motivation and emotion/Book|motivation and emotion book chapters]]) and [[w:|Wikipedia articles]]. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/About/Collaborative authoring using wiki|Collaborative authoring using wiki]] (Wikiversity) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Light triad|Light triad]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[w:Self determination theory|Self determination theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Topic/Checklist|Topic development - Checklist]] (Wikiversity) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant internal resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses }} ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Aron, A., Fisher, H., Mashek, D. J., Strong, G., Li, H., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Reward, motivation, and emotion systems associated with early-stage intense romantic love. ''Journal of Neurophysiology'', ''94''(1), 327–337. https://doi.org/10.1152/jn.00838.2004 Bergen, D. (2022). Developing attachment. In ''Theories of Early Childhood Education'' (pp. 118–127). Routledge. Bowlby, J. (1988). ''A secure base: Clinical applications of attachment theory''. Routledge. Bretherton, I. (1992). The origins of attachment theory: John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth. ''Developmental Psychology'', ''28''(5), 759–775. https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.28.5.759 Brockman, R., Ciarrochi, J., Parker, P., & Kashdan, T. B. (2023). Behaving versus thinking positively: When the benefits of cognitive reappraisal are contingent on satisfying basic psychological needs. ''Journal of Contextual Behavioral Science'', ''27'', 120–125. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcbs.2023.01.005 Chambers, R., Gullone, E., & Allen, N. B. (2009). Mindful emotion regulation: An integrative review. ''Clinical Psychology Review'', ''29''(6), 560–572. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2009.06.005 Downey, G., & Feldman, S. I. (1996). Implications of rejection sensitivity for intimate relationships. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''70''(6), 1327–1343. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.70.6.1327 Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). The pain of social disconnection: Examining the shared neural underpinnings of physical and social pain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''13'', 421–434. https://doi.org/10.1038/nrn3231 Elliott, R., Newman, J. L., Longe, O. A., & Deakin, J. F. W. (2003). Differential response patterns in the striatum and orbitofrontal cortex to financial reward in humans: A parametric functional magnetic resonance imaging study. ''The Journal of Neuroscience'', ''23''(1), 303–307. https://doi.org/10.1523/jneurosci.23-01-00303.2003 Fisher, H., Aron, A., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Romantic love: An fMRI study of a neural mechanism for mate choice. ''Journal of Comparative Neurology'', ''493''(1), 58–62. https://doi.org/10.1002/cne.20772 Goldin, P. R., McRae, K., Ramel, W., & Gross, J. J. (2008). The neural bases of emotion regulation: Reappraisal and suppression of negative emotion. ''Biological Psychiatry'', ''63''(6), 577–586. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsych.2007.05.031 Jozefowiez, J., & Staddon, J. E. R. (2008). 1.06 - Operant behaviour. In ''Learning and Memory: A Comprehensive Reference'' (pp. 75–101). Academic Press. Leary, M. R. (2015). Emotional responses to interpersonal rejection. ''Dialogues in Clinical Neuroscience'', ''17''(4). https://doi.org/10.31887/DCNS.2015.17.4/mleary Levine, A., & Heller, R. (2010). ''Attached''. Tarcher. London, B., Downey, G., Bonica, C., & Paltin, I. (2007). Social causes and consequences of rejection sensitivity. ''Journal of Research on Adolescence'', ''17''(3), 481–506. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1532-7795.2007.00531.x Masten, C. L., Telzer, E. H., Fuligni, A. J., Lieberman, M. D., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). Time spent with friends in adolescence relates to less neural sensitivity to later peer rejection. ''Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience'', ''7''(1), 106–114. https://doi.org/10.1093/scan/nsq098 Mikulincer, M., & Shaver, P. R. (2003). The attachment behavioural system in adulthood: Activation, psychodynamics, and interpersonal processes. In ''Advances in Experimental Social Psychology'' (pp. 53–152). Elsevier Science. Novotney, A. (2023). What happens in your brain when you’re in love? ''American Psychological Association.'' https://www.apa.org/topics/marriage-relationships/brain-on-love Ortigue, S., Bianchi-Demicheli, F., Patel, N., Frum, C., & Lewis, J. W. (2010). Neuroimaging of love: fMRI meta-analysis evidence toward new perspectives in sexual medicine. ''The Journal of Sexual Medicine'', ''7''(11), 3541–3552. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-6109.2010.01999.x Pfaff, D. (1999). ''Drive: Neurobiological and molecular mechanisms of sexual motivation.'' MIT Press. Schultz, W. (2000). Multiple reward signals in the brain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''1''(3), 199–207. Shin, J., Han, K. S., & Shin, H. J. (2024). Rejection sensitivity: A concept analysis. ''Journal of Korean Academy of Psychiatric and Mental Health Nursing'', ''33''(3), 253–261. https://doi.org/10.12934/jkpmhn.2024.33.3.253 Tchalova, K., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2015). How the brain feels the hurt of heartbreak: Examining the neurobiological overlap between social and physical pain. In A. W. Toga (Ed.), ''Brain Mapping: An Encyclopedic Reference'' (pp. 15–20). Academic Press: Elsevier. Wang, Y.-X., & Yin, B. (2023). A new understanding of the cognitive reappraisal technique: An extension based on the schema theory. ''Frontiers in Behavioral Neuroscience'', ''17''. https://doi.org/10.3389/fnbeh.2023.1174585 Zilverstand, A., Parvaz, M. A., & Goldstein, R. Z. (2017). Neuroimaging cognitive reappraisal in clinical populations to define neural targets for enhancing emotion regulation. a systematic review. ''NeuroImage'', ''151'', 105–116. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2016.06.009 }} =='''<u>''External links''</u>'''== [[Help:Contents/Links#External_links|External links]] to highly relevant resources such as podcasts and videos, news articles, and professional sites. Use [[w:Letter case#Sentence casing|sentence casing]] and alphabetical order. For example: * [https://students.unimelb.edu.au/academic-skills/explore-our-resources/essay-writing/six-top-tips-for-writing-a-great-essay Six top tips for writing a great essay] (University of Melbourne) * [http://www.skillsyouneed.com/write/structure.html The importance of structure] (skillsyouneed.com) {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * Link to the most relevant external resources about the topic * Include the source in parentheses after the link }} [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Relationships]] pz6fqsrvzjli9u3yu90nws37x555qo9 2840247 2840235 2026-10-14T12:31:49Z U3275873 3110137 /* See also */ links 2840247 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Romantic rejection and emotional response<br>What emotional responses does romantic rejection evoke and how can they be regulated?}7677676767676767 DRIZZZZZZZYYY AHHHHHHHH!!!!!!!!} __TOC__ == Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Maggie grew up with parents that were loving and attentive, giving her everything she needed. Yet, sometimes she found it difficult to form a deeper emotional connection with her parents or share her vulnerable feelings, as they would often keep conversations light or surface-level, and did not have personal conversations with their daughter. As a result, Maggie sometimes worried and questioned if they actually loved her, despite always having provided for her. '' '''What attachment style do you think Maggie is likely to be predisposed to?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} [[wikipedia:Social_rejection#Romantic_rejection|Romantic rejection]] is a common yet extremely emotionally challenging experience that can lead to intense feelings of sadness, longing, loneliness, and difficulties in regulating [[Emotion|emotions]]. Understanding how and why people respond strongly to rejection is important as attachment has consequences on psychological, physiological, and biological systems associated with security, reward, emotions and motivation. Using attachment theories, neuroscience, and emotional regulation techniques can help explain how romantic bonds develop, why their loss produces distress, the ways in which individual differences can affect responses, and which strategies may help regulate or support emotional responses. {{robelbox|theme=11|title=Focus questions}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> * How do romantic attachments develop? * How does romantic rejection affect attachment and motivational systems? * What determines the nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection? * How can rejection-related distress be reduced or managed? </div> {{Robelbox/close}} * ==Romantic attachments== [[wikipedia:Romance|Romantic]] attachments are a fundamental part of human connection. It influences motivation, emotional wellbeing and behaviour. These attachments have developed over time through both evolutionary and biological bases, in attempts to increase survival and happiness, respectively. Understanding these perspectives can help explain why romantic attachments form to begin with and why the loss of an attachment is so emotionally significant. === Attachment === [[wikipedia:Attachment_theory|Attachment theory]] outlines the main "attachment styles", otherwise known as ways in which people perceive and respond to [[wikipedia:Intimate_relationship#Intimacy|intimacy]] in relationships, and are parallel to those found in children throughout development stages (Levine & Heller, 2010). The theory designates three main styles: # Secure # Anxious # Avoidant People who are usually warm loving, and comfortable with intimacy tend to be ''secure.'' Whereas ''anxious'' people are often distracted with their relationships and crave intimacy, with constant worry about their partner's ability to love them back. Finally, people who tend to constantly try to minimize closeness and associate intimacy with a loss of their independence are considered ''avoidant'' (Levine & Heller, 2010). A person's attachment style can not only affect their view of intimacy, but also include affect their: * way of dealing with conflict * attitude towards sex * ability to communicate wants and needs; or * expectations of a partner and the relationship (Levine & Heller, 2010). Levine and Heller (2010) claims all people fall, regardless of the stage at which their relationship is in, fall into one or a combination of these three categories, although a combination of anxious and avoidant is rare (Levine & Heller, 2010). This fourth, rare, category is termed the 'disorganised', of which only 5% of people fall into (Levine & Heller, 2010). ==== '''Origins of attachments - evolutionary safety''' ==== [[wikipedia:Attachment_in_adults#Styles|Adult attachment styles]] were initially hypothesised to be based primarily on a person's childhood and upbringing. [[wikipedia:John_Bowlby|John Bowlby]] and [[wikipedia:Mary_Ainsworth|Mary Ainsworth]], building on their separate and joined research on [[wikipedia:Ethology|ethology]] and [[developmental psychology]], developed the initial theories on which attachment theory has evolved. They proposed that infants possess a biological or evolutionary drive to form emotional attachments with others, primarily caregivers, as a mechanism for survival (Bretherton, 1992). From the ages of as young as six months to two years, children with consistent caregivers, who become their attachment figures, develop a mental representation or an "[[wikipedia:Internal_working_model_of_attachment|internal working model]]", influencing views of themselves, expectations, and methods of interacting and building relationships with others as they get older (Bergen, 2022). As the attachments develop throughout childhood, attachment figures can become a "secure base" they can return to for comfort, support, and safety, if caregivers were sensitive, responsible, and available, in which infants develop a "secure" attachment style (Bergen, 2022; Bowlby, 1988). Alternatively, avoidant or resistant attachment styles can develop if they were distant, unresponsive, and rigid; or an anxious attachment style if they were inconsistently responsive (Bergen, 2022; Levine & Heller, 2010). However, more recent development have found that attachment styles in adulthood are more likely influenced by a variety of factors, including genetics, and life experiences, rather than being limited to the way in which parents cared for a person through infancy (Levine & Heller, 2010). Ultimately, attachment systems exist as a biological function of protecting a person from danger, especially during infancy, by ensuring their remain in close proximity to the care and support of others (their attachment figures), as a method of increasing the likelihood of survival and eventual reproduction (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ==== '''Origins of attachment - biological basis''' ==== <blockquote>“Love is a biological necessity—it’s as needed for our well-being as exercise, water, and food, […] And from a neuroscientific viewpoint, we can really say that love blossoms in the brain.” (Cacioppo, as cited in Novotney, 2023, para.3).</blockquote>Aside from the evolutionary basis, romantic attraction is also based in neuroendocrinology. Early-stage romantic love, or being '[[wikipedia:Falling_in_love|lovestruck]]', is often attributed to a primitive part of the brain's reward system (Novotney, 2023). In these early stages a person normally experiences sympathetic nervous system reactions, such as sweaty palms or a pounding heart when they are with their loved one, and often feeling [[wikipedia:Separation_anxiety_disorder|separation anxiety]] when apart from them (Fisher et al., 2005). The lovers tend to express emotional dependence, heightened romantic passion, extreme empathy toward the beloved, sexual desires and possessiveness, the craving for emotional union, and obsessive thinking, reaching extremes where they change their habits to impress or remain in contact, or are even willing to die for the individual (Fisher et al., 2005). In cases were the lover experiences rejection, they often will protest the rejection and work to try to win the beloved individual back, expressing rage at the abandonment and despair (Fisher et al., 2005). Fisher et al. (2005) conducted a study on courtship attraction that used [[Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging|functional magnetic resonance imaging]](fMRI) to determine the neural mechanisms associated with romantic love, by studying 17 people intensely "in love". The study found that a photograph of the beloved was an effective stimulus for eliciting feelings of intense romantic love, producing group activation in several regions of the brain, including the right [[wikipedia:Ventral_tegmental_area|ventral tegmental area]] (VTA) amidst [[wikipedia:Dopamine|dopamine]] cells (Aron et al., 2005; Fisher et al., 2005). The VTA is a main component of the brain's "reward system", as it is associated with focused attention, arousal, pleasure and the motivation to pursue and acquire rewards (Fisher at al., 2005). The VTA then activates various brain regions, including the caudate nucleus which contributes to reward detection and expectation (Fisher at al., 2005; Schultz, 2000). This suggest romantic love may be a primary motivation system, or a fundamental human drive to mate, suggesting romantic love is the effects of a reward system as all drives are associated with the activation of dopamine (Fisher et al., 2005; Pfaff, 1999). Similarly, humans have been shown to respond to monetary rewards, demonstrating the neural activations of financial reinforcement overlap with regions that respond to human's primary reinforcers (Elliott et al., 2003). This can be applied twice as sex is a primary biological enforcer, and even abstract rewards can be used to effectively elicit neuronal responses (Elliott et al., 2003; Jozefowiez & Staddon, 2008). [[File:Parts_of_brain_that_are_activated_when_a_person_falls_in_love.jpg|thumb|589x589px|'''Figure 1.''' ''Parts of brain activated when a person falls in love.'' Source: (Novotney, 2023)|center]] Additionally, Ortigue et al. (2010) conducted further [[meta-analysis]] of published fMRI studies of love and their illustration of brain regions associated with the different forms of love. Ortigue et al. (2010) confirmed that all fMRI studies of love found the [[wikipedia:Cerebral_cortex#Connections|subcortical]] [[wikipedia:Dopaminergic_pathways|dopaminergic]] reward-related brain systems, which uses dopamine and [[wikipedia:Oxytocin|oxytocin]] receptors, responsible for motivating individuals to bond with another person. The review also further demonstrated that different types of love may involve different cerebral pathways which includes pathways associated with higher cognitive functions such as bodily [./Https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-image self-image] and [[social cognition]] (Ortigue et al., 2010). The study highlighted a total of 12 areas in the brain that work together to release dopamine, oxytocin, and [[wikipedia:Adrenaline|adrenaline]], indicating the [[wikipedia:Amygdala|amygdala]], [[wikipedia:Hippocampus|hippocampus]], and [[wikipedia:Prefrontal_cortex|prefrontal cortex]] (See Figure 1), which is very sensitive to pleasure-inducing behaviours, are all activated in the brain scans when talking about a loved one (Novotney, 2023; Ortigue et al., 2010). Romantic attachments ultimately develop through both evolutionary, physiological, and psychological methods. Attachment theory explains how and why emotional bonds are formed, to promote security and influence relationship patterns. Whilst reward systems highlight the neurophysiological component that strengthens romantic connections, suggesting romantic attachment fulfills the basic human needs for connection. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' As Maggie grew older, in year 11 she later met Daniel and things seemed to change. Over their time finishing school and then later entering university Daniel became one of Maggie's closest friends, even entering the same university together after graduation. They were always together. Daniel made Maggie happy, was attentive, and slowly became someone Maggie could imagine building a future with. '' '''What type of attachment role do you think Daniel plays in Maggie's life?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Effects of rejection == Romantic rejection can trigger physiological, psychological and neurological responses due to a disruption in a person's pre-determined romantic attachment. Romantic partners work as sources of emotional security and safety, so when a person is rejected, their established attachment bond and securities become threatened (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Sometimes a rejection does not always deter the individual and can instead further motivate them to attempt to restore the lost connection, even if the relationship is no longer reciprocated (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). === '''Behavioural responses to a threatened attachment system''' === Functioning of an attachment system can be affected by the availability of one, or more, attachment figures in times of need, and their sensitivity and responsiveness to the individual's proximity-seeking behaviours (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). So, whilst nearly all children will become attached, including in situations where they experience abuse from their mothers, not all attachments are secure attachments, as attachment theory poses that the quality of the interactions with attachment figures is the main reason for individual differences in the functioning of an attachment system (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003) (See Figure 2). [[File:Quadrants_of_the_four_major_attachment_styles.png|thumb|370x370px|'''Figure 2.''' ''Diagram of the four major attachment styles categorised by attachment anxiety and avoidance strength.'' Source: (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ]] Applying the theory of attachment styles to experiences of romantic rejection, when an attachment figure (the beloved) is not physically or emotionally available to the lover in times of need or distress, is not sensitive or responsive to the lover's attempts at seeking proximity, the attachment system is then disrupted (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). In that case, the feelings of distress, lack of proximity, or lack of safety are not alleviated. Instead, the initial distress felt is instead amalgamated by further doubts they can attain safety, trust, or the resources necessary for stress management (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Once this occurs, attachment theorists have determined two methods of secondary attachment strategies of either ''hyperactivation'' or ''deactivation'' of the system; where hyperactivating individuals do not give up on their attachment attempts and instead intensify them in order to coerce the attachment figure's support and love (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Alternatively, a deactivating individual gives up on their attachment attempts, attempting to deal with the dangers alone (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). This is a strategy to try and down-regulate their attachment system in an attempt to avoid the distress and pain caused by the attachment figure's unavailability (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' One day, Maggie had a panic attack while Daniel was at soccer practice, and as she was messaging and calling him to come help her, Daniel was not responding. This cause Maggie to become increasingly anxious, escalating her panic attack. Daniel's phone had died at practice, so had not seen Maggie's calls or messages until a few hours after practice. '' '''How do you think this would affect Maggie and Daniel's relationship?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Heartbreak and physical pain''' === Physical pain words are often used to describe experiences of social rejection or loss, such as a 'broken heart' or 'hurt feelings', which may be due to the similarities associated with [[Pain|physical]] and 'social pain' (Eisenberger, 2012; Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Negative social evaluations, including rejection from a romantic partner, activates areas in the dorsal [[wikipedia:Anterior_cingulate_cortex|anterior cingulate cortex]] (dACC) and [[wikipedia:Insular_cortex|anterior insula]] (AI), which are brain regions associated with the distressful experiences of physical pain (Eisenberger, 2012). Understanding this overlap between physical and social pain provides further insights into both the intensity of emotional responses, and methods in which the pain can be alleviated. Overall, romantic rejection disrupts the security an attachment bond brings, whilst also still motivating an individual to pursue a person romantically. This helps further explain why an individual may experience emotional, and even physical, pain and still remain motivated to restore what was lost, whether literal or imagined. ==Nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection== Romantic rejection can evoke a multitude of emotions in everyone. However, the intensity, duration, and expression of these emotions will differ amongst individuals. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity, and individual differences would all play key parts in the expression of one's emotions. === '''Emotional responses''' === A wide variety of human emotions arise in response to rejection by other people, whether the rejection was real, anticipated, imagined, or merely remembered (Leary, 2015). Acceptance by other people developed [[wikipedia:Personality_psychology#Biopsychological_theories|biopsychological]] and emotional mechanisms for humans to recognise and cope with threats to acceptance and belonging (Leary, 2015). So, when an individual's sense of belonging or acceptance is threatened it can elicit emotions the following emotions in attempts to manage the rejection: * '''Hurt feelings''' - where the other person does not regard their relationship with the individual as valuable or important as they believe, leading them to feel rejected; * '''Jealousy''' - where the individual believes the other person values their relationship with them less that desired because of the presence of another third party; * '''Loneliness''' - where the individual believes the person who greatly values their relationship are not available for support or social interaction; * '''Guilt''' - where the individual believes they have done something that would lead the other to relationally devalue them, motivating them to repair the damage that their undesired behaviour has caused; * '''Shame''' - where the individual believes others' judgement as a person may lead to relation devaluation and possible rejection, leading to a desire to withdraw from social interactions because nothing can be immediately done to repair the damage to their image or value; * '''Social anxiety''' - feelings of nervousness in social interactions in anticipation to the possibility of conveying an undesired impression of themselves that will lower their value in another person's eyes; * '''Embarrassment''' - where the individual is concerned with how they are perceived by another when they think they have already conveyed an undesired impression of themselves to others; * '''Sadness''' - which arises from perceived loss, or when their affection for the other person is not returned or accepted; and * '''Anger''' - which arises when the individual perceives the other has unjustifiably behaved in a way that threatens their desire, wellbeing, or is considered an unjustifiable harm (Leary, 2015). However, people do not necessarily experience all of these emotions or to the same extent, as a person's individual differences affect their expression. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Maggie was really upset, as she needed Daniel in a time of need and she spiralled further, believing he was distancing himself, and got into a big fight with Daniel afterwards. Daniel suggested maybe they need some time apart to reevaluate themselves and their relationship. '' '''What effects do you think this will have on Maggie?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Rejection sensitivity''' === Rejection sensitivity, the disposition to anxiously expect, readily perceive, and overwhelmingly respond to rejection (Shin et al., 2024). Rejection-sensitive individuals are more likely to anxiously expect rejection and therefore perceive others' ambiguous behaviours as an intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Similarly, those that enter romantic relationships with anxious expectations of rejection will recognise insensitive behaviours of the new partners as intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Consequently, individuals with a higher rejection sensitivity are more likely to interpret romantic rejection as a confirmation of their feelings of inadequacy, anxiety, anger or negative self-concept (Downey & Feldman, 1996; London et al., 2007). It also affects their quality of their relationships as rejection-sensitive men's jealousy and rejection-sensitive women's hostility results in feelings of diminished support and explain their partners' relationship dissatisfaction (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Rejection sensitivity can also be heightened by attachment styles as anxious or ambivalent attachment styles, that involve a fear of abandonment and need for validation, are more likely to exhibit rejection sensitivity (Shin et al., 2024). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' As weeks passed, Maggie kept asking mutual friends about Daniel, checking his social media accounts, and trying to see him around university. Maggie became increasingly sensitive to even small rejections, interpreting friends saying they were too busy to hang out, or delayed responses to her messages as evidence that even her friends might abandon her. Her feelings of sadness and anxiety increased. '' '''How might this affect the nature and intensity of her emotions?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Individual differences''' === Since physical and social pain are associated with the same neural circuitries individuals who are more sensitive to one kind of pain, whether physical or social, are therefore more sensitive to the other, meaning experiencing greater sensitivity to physical pain would likely result in greater social pain sensitivity (see Table 1), resulting in higher rejection sensitivity and/or a stronger anxious attachment style (Eisenberger, 2012). Higher rejection sensitivity, anxious attachment, or low self-esteem show greater dACC and/or AI activity when experiencing social pain (Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Positive relationships throughout adolescence may also contribute to individuals being less sensitive to any negative social situations experienced later in their lives (Masten et al., 2012). '''Table 1''' ''The Relationship Between Social and Physical Pain'' {{center top}} {| class="wikitable" ! colspan="2" rowspan="2" | ! colspan="2" |Type of Pain |- |Social |Physical |- | rowspan="2" |'''Type of manipulation''' |Increase pain |↑ Physical pain |↑ Social pain |- |Decrease pain |↓ Physical pain |↓ Social pain |} {{center bottom}} Ultimately, romantic rejection can produce diverse emotional responses. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity and individual differences may all affect the duration and intensity of an emotional reaction following rejection. ==Reducing or managing rejection-induced distress== As previously noted, romantic rejection can trigger a variety of emotional responses, including separation distress, social pain, threats to attachment style, and behavioural responses in adjusting to the loss of an attachment. However, there are psychological strategies that may help individuals in regulating the responses and facilitate recovery. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Eventually, after speaking with a trusted friend, Maggie begins to recognise that her constant feelings of anxiety would only prolong the distress. Although her heartbreak had not disappeared, she decided to explore other healthier options of managing her emotions, and rediscovering herself outside of her relationship with Daniel. '' '''What techniques might Maggie use to overcome her anxiety and feelings of distress at missing Daniel?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Adaptive emotional regulation''' === ==== '''Cognitive reappraisal''' ==== [[wikipedia:Cognitive_appraisal|Cognitive reappraisal]], an [[wikipedia:Adaptive_strategies|adaptive strategy]] of emotion regulation works by encouraging a person to change how a situation feels by reframing the way they interpret it (Wang & Yin, 2023; Zilverstand et al., 2017). Following romantic rejection, an individual may interpret their romantic loss as evidence of their personal inadequacy, however, reframing the rejection from a personal failure and instead to a result of incompatibility may be beneficial in reducing emotional distress and correct maladaptive thoughts (Wang & Yin, 2023). ==== '''Mindfulness''' ==== Mindfulness has also been proposed as an adaptive strategy for emotional regulation (Chambers et al., 2009). It involves paying deliberate attention to the present moment and remaining accepting and non-judgemental of the situation (Brockman et al., 2023). Whilst reappraisal works on changing one's thinking, mindfulness works on the person's relationship to their thinking (Brockman et al., 2023). Due to the overlap of physical and social pain (see above section), the factors that alter one type of pain are likely to have a similar effect on the other (Eisenberger, 2012). Using this principle, [[wikipedia:Paracetamol|paracetamol]] or [[wikipedia:Ibuprofen|ibuprofen]], which are known to reduce physical pains, may also reduce the social pain associated with rejection (Eisenberger, 2012). === '''Emotion suppression''' === Alternatively, [[wikipedia:Expressive_suppression|expressive suppression]], a maladaptive behavioural strategy that works towards inhibiting the behaviours associated with emotional responses, such as facial expressions, gestures, and verbal phrases (Goldin et al., 2008). === '''Limitations of emotional regulation techniques''' === Reappraisal is likely more beneficial in reducing immediate neural activity and decreasing negative emotional experiences, however, suppression produced later neural emotional responses, decreased emotional behaviours, experiences and facial expressions, yet, increased neural responses (Goldin et al., 2008). However, whilst cognitive reappraisal is an effective technique in clinical practice, it may not always translate to the individual's life due to a lack of practice, and is likely more effective and replicable across experiences closely linked to the individual's real-life experiences (Wang & Yin, 2023). Despite this, the efficacy of each strategy would depend on the individual, context, environment, age, purpose of the strategy, and other individual differences (Brockman et al., 2023). === '''Social support''' === Social support is a widely known method used to mitigate both emotional and social distress, and is associated with reduced activity in the dACC and AI where increased activity is associated with pain processing (Eisenberger, 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Therefore spending time with friends and in an individual's daily support network indicates reduced activity in the dACC and AI, allowing the individual to reduce both the social and physical pains associated with romantic rejection (Masten et al., 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Effective emotional regulation following romantic rejection likely requires a combination of strategies to address immediate distress, regulate attachment, and elicit long-term adjustments. Whilst these strategies are useful in providing support and assisting with recovery, it may just be that emotional responses to rejection are inevitable. Although there are several approaches to manage rejection, the research on overall and immediate recovery remains limited. Strategies should instead be adapted to a person's individual emotional needs rather than using a 'universal' treatment. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' After seeing a psychologist, who recommended Maggie surround herself with her friends to build her confidence and individual interest again, encouraging she stay fit and pick up a new sport, and showing her techniques of mindfulness, Maggie was able to work through her heartbreak. She also begun using cognitive reappraisal techniques to reframe the small rejections that were increasing her anxiety, and began relying on her own regulation techniques to overcome challenges. After some time had passed and Maggie was feeling confident in herself, she reached out to Daniel to try to rekindle their relationship, now that she was feeling secure and was not dependent on another person for her own safety and happiness.{{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Conclusion== * Arguably the most important section * Provide at least three bullet-points for this section even at the topic development stage, based on preliminary thinking * For the book chapter, develop clear take-home message(s) that address the focus questions based on psychological theory and research * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing this problem * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2016/Attachment type and emotion|Attachment type and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2016) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Belongingness motivation#Positive Outcomes of Successful Belongingness and How to Cope with Rejection|Belongingness motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Rejection sensitivity|Rejection sensitivity]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Sorry#Social rejection|Social rejection]] (Book chapter, 2021) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Aron, A., Fisher, H., Mashek, D. J., Strong, G., Li, H., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Reward, motivation, and emotion systems associated with early-stage intense romantic love. ''Journal of Neurophysiology'', ''94''(1), 327–337. https://doi.org/10.1152/jn.00838.2004 Bergen, D. (2022). Developing attachment. In ''Theories of Early Childhood Education'' (pp. 118–127). Routledge. Bowlby, J. (1988). ''A secure base: Clinical applications of attachment theory''. Routledge. Bretherton, I. (1992). The origins of attachment theory: John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth. ''Developmental Psychology'', ''28''(5), 759–775. https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.28.5.759 Brockman, R., Ciarrochi, J., Parker, P., & Kashdan, T. B. (2023). Behaving versus thinking positively: When the benefits of cognitive reappraisal are contingent on satisfying basic psychological needs. ''Journal of Contextual Behavioral Science'', ''27'', 120–125. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcbs.2023.01.005 Chambers, R., Gullone, E., & Allen, N. B. (2009). Mindful emotion regulation: An integrative review. ''Clinical Psychology Review'', ''29''(6), 560–572. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2009.06.005 Downey, G., & Feldman, S. I. (1996). Implications of rejection sensitivity for intimate relationships. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''70''(6), 1327–1343. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.70.6.1327 Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). The pain of social disconnection: Examining the shared neural underpinnings of physical and social pain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''13'', 421–434. https://doi.org/10.1038/nrn3231 Elliott, R., Newman, J. L., Longe, O. A., & Deakin, J. F. W. (2003). Differential response patterns in the striatum and orbitofrontal cortex to financial reward in humans: A parametric functional magnetic resonance imaging study. ''The Journal of Neuroscience'', ''23''(1), 303–307. https://doi.org/10.1523/jneurosci.23-01-00303.2003 Fisher, H., Aron, A., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Romantic love: An fMRI study of a neural mechanism for mate choice. ''Journal of Comparative Neurology'', ''493''(1), 58–62. https://doi.org/10.1002/cne.20772 Goldin, P. R., McRae, K., Ramel, W., & Gross, J. J. (2008). The neural bases of emotion regulation: Reappraisal and suppression of negative emotion. ''Biological Psychiatry'', ''63''(6), 577–586. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsych.2007.05.031 Jozefowiez, J., & Staddon, J. E. R. (2008). 1.06 - Operant behaviour. In ''Learning and Memory: A Comprehensive Reference'' (pp. 75–101). Academic Press. Leary, M. R. (2015). Emotional responses to interpersonal rejection. ''Dialogues in Clinical Neuroscience'', ''17''(4). https://doi.org/10.31887/DCNS.2015.17.4/mleary Levine, A., & Heller, R. (2010). ''Attached''. Tarcher. London, B., Downey, G., Bonica, C., & Paltin, I. (2007). Social causes and consequences of rejection sensitivity. ''Journal of Research on Adolescence'', ''17''(3), 481–506. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1532-7795.2007.00531.x Masten, C. L., Telzer, E. H., Fuligni, A. J., Lieberman, M. D., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). Time spent with friends in adolescence relates to less neural sensitivity to later peer rejection. ''Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience'', ''7''(1), 106–114. https://doi.org/10.1093/scan/nsq098 Mikulincer, M., & Shaver, P. R. (2003). The attachment behavioural system in adulthood: Activation, psychodynamics, and interpersonal processes. In ''Advances in Experimental Social Psychology'' (pp. 53–152). Elsevier Science. Novotney, A. (2023). What happens in your brain when you’re in love? ''American Psychological Association.'' https://www.apa.org/topics/marriage-relationships/brain-on-love Ortigue, S., Bianchi-Demicheli, F., Patel, N., Frum, C., & Lewis, J. W. (2010). Neuroimaging of love: fMRI meta-analysis evidence toward new perspectives in sexual medicine. ''The Journal of Sexual Medicine'', ''7''(11), 3541–3552. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-6109.2010.01999.x Pfaff, D. (1999). ''Drive: Neurobiological and molecular mechanisms of sexual motivation.'' MIT Press. Schultz, W. (2000). Multiple reward signals in the brain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''1''(3), 199–207. Shin, J., Han, K. S., & Shin, H. J. (2024). Rejection sensitivity: A concept analysis. ''Journal of Korean Academy of Psychiatric and Mental Health Nursing'', ''33''(3), 253–261. https://doi.org/10.12934/jkpmhn.2024.33.3.253 Tchalova, K., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2015). How the brain feels the hurt of heartbreak: Examining the neurobiological overlap between social and physical pain. In A. W. Toga (Ed.), ''Brain Mapping: An Encyclopedic Reference'' (pp. 15–20). Academic Press: Elsevier. Wang, Y.-X., & Yin, B. (2023). A new understanding of the cognitive reappraisal technique: An extension based on the schema theory. ''Frontiers in Behavioral Neuroscience'', ''17''. https://doi.org/10.3389/fnbeh.2023.1174585 Zilverstand, A., Parvaz, M. A., & Goldstein, R. Z. (2017). Neuroimaging cognitive reappraisal in clinical populations to define neural targets for enhancing emotion regulation. a systematic review. ''NeuroImage'', ''151'', 105–116. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2016.06.009 }} ==External links== * [https://youtu.be/gMRph_BvHB4?si=7A6iFYMgC7VdC2Vv The Science of Love, Desire and Attachment] (Youtube) * [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Relationships]] 78qh5oxxgkmc9mfcocj8pml85qnwi9x 2840250 2840247 2026-10-14T12:33:50Z U3275873 3110137 Undid revision [[Special:Diff/2840220|2840220]] by [[Special:Contributions/Veritas Sapientiaee|Veritas Sapientiaee]] ([[User talk:Veritas Sapientiaee|talk]]) 2840250 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Romantic rejection and emotional response<br>What emotional responses does romantic rejection evoke and how can they be regulated?}} __TOC__ == Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Maggie grew up with parents that were loving and attentive, giving her everything she needed. Yet, sometimes she found it difficult to form a deeper emotional connection with her parents or share her vulnerable feelings, as they would often keep conversations light or surface-level, and did not have personal conversations with their daughter. As a result, Maggie sometimes worried and questioned if they actually loved her, despite always having provided for her. '' '''What attachment style do you think Maggie is likely to be predisposed to?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} [[wikipedia:Social_rejection#Romantic_rejection|Romantic rejection]] is a common yet extremely emotionally challenging experience that can lead to intense feelings of sadness, longing, loneliness, and difficulties in regulating [[Emotion|emotions]]. Understanding how and why people respond strongly to rejection is important as attachment has consequences on psychological, physiological, and biological systems associated with security, reward, emotions and motivation. Using attachment theories, neuroscience, and emotional regulation techniques can help explain how romantic bonds develop, why their loss produces distress, the ways in which individual differences can affect responses, and which strategies may help regulate or support emotional responses. {{robelbox|theme=11|title=Focus questions}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> * How do romantic attachments develop? * How does romantic rejection affect attachment and motivational systems? * What determines the nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection? * How can rejection-related distress be reduced or managed? </div> {{Robelbox/close}} * ==Romantic attachments== [[wikipedia:Romance|Romantic]] attachments are a fundamental part of human connection. It influences motivation, emotional wellbeing and behaviour. These attachments have developed over time through both evolutionary and biological bases, in attempts to increase survival and happiness, respectively. Understanding these perspectives can help explain why romantic attachments form to begin with and why the loss of an attachment is so emotionally significant. === Attachment === [[wikipedia:Attachment_theory|Attachment theory]] outlines the main "attachment styles", otherwise known as ways in which people perceive and respond to [[wikipedia:Intimate_relationship#Intimacy|intimacy]] in relationships, and are parallel to those found in children throughout development stages (Levine & Heller, 2010). The theory designates three main styles: # Secure # Anxious # Avoidant People who are usually warm loving, and comfortable with intimacy tend to be ''secure.'' Whereas ''anxious'' people are often distracted with their relationships and crave intimacy, with constant worry about their partner's ability to love them back. Finally, people who tend to constantly try to minimize closeness and associate intimacy with a loss of their independence are considered ''avoidant'' (Levine & Heller, 2010). A person's attachment style can not only affect their view of intimacy, but also include affect their: * way of dealing with conflict * attitude towards sex * ability to communicate wants and needs; or * expectations of a partner and the relationship (Levine & Heller, 2010). Levine and Heller (2010) claims all people fall, regardless of the stage at which their relationship is in, fall into one or a combination of these three categories, although a combination of anxious and avoidant is rare (Levine & Heller, 2010). This fourth, rare, category is termed the 'disorganised', of which only 5% of people fall into (Levine & Heller, 2010). ==== '''Origins of attachments - evolutionary safety''' ==== [[wikipedia:Attachment_in_adults#Styles|Adult attachment styles]] were initially hypothesised to be based primarily on a person's childhood and upbringing. [[wikipedia:John_Bowlby|John Bowlby]] and [[wikipedia:Mary_Ainsworth|Mary Ainsworth]], building on their separate and joined research on [[wikipedia:Ethology|ethology]] and [[developmental psychology]], developed the initial theories on which attachment theory has evolved. They proposed that infants possess a biological or evolutionary drive to form emotional attachments with others, primarily caregivers, as a mechanism for survival (Bretherton, 1992). From the ages of as young as six months to two years, children with consistent caregivers, who become their attachment figures, develop a mental representation or an "[[wikipedia:Internal_working_model_of_attachment|internal working model]]", influencing views of themselves, expectations, and methods of interacting and building relationships with others as they get older (Bergen, 2022). As the attachments develop throughout childhood, attachment figures can become a "secure base" they can return to for comfort, support, and safety, if caregivers were sensitive, responsible, and available, in which infants develop a "secure" attachment style (Bergen, 2022; Bowlby, 1988). Alternatively, avoidant or resistant attachment styles can develop if they were distant, unresponsive, and rigid; or an anxious attachment style if they were inconsistently responsive (Bergen, 2022; Levine & Heller, 2010). However, more recent development have found that attachment styles in adulthood are more likely influenced by a variety of factors, including genetics, and life experiences, rather than being limited to the way in which parents cared for a person through infancy (Levine & Heller, 2010). Ultimately, attachment systems exist as a biological function of protecting a person from danger, especially during infancy, by ensuring their remain in close proximity to the care and support of others (their attachment figures), as a method of increasing the likelihood of survival and eventual reproduction (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ==== '''Origins of attachment - biological basis''' ==== <blockquote>“Love is a biological necessity—it’s as needed for our well-being as exercise, water, and food, […] And from a neuroscientific viewpoint, we can really say that love blossoms in the brain.” (Cacioppo, as cited in Novotney, 2023, para.3).</blockquote>Aside from the evolutionary basis, romantic attraction is also based in neuroendocrinology. Early-stage romantic love, or being '[[wikipedia:Falling_in_love|lovestruck]]', is often attributed to a primitive part of the brain's reward system (Novotney, 2023). In these early stages a person normally experiences sympathetic nervous system reactions, such as sweaty palms or a pounding heart when they are with their loved one, and often feeling [[wikipedia:Separation_anxiety_disorder|separation anxiety]] when apart from them (Fisher et al., 2005). The lovers tend to express emotional dependence, heightened romantic passion, extreme empathy toward the beloved, sexual desires and possessiveness, the craving for emotional union, and obsessive thinking, reaching extremes where they change their habits to impress or remain in contact, or are even willing to die for the individual (Fisher et al., 2005). In cases were the lover experiences rejection, they often will protest the rejection and work to try to win the beloved individual back, expressing rage at the abandonment and despair (Fisher et al., 2005). Fisher et al. (2005) conducted a study on courtship attraction that used [[Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging|functional magnetic resonance imaging]](fMRI) to determine the neural mechanisms associated with romantic love, by studying 17 people intensely "in love". The study found that a photograph of the beloved was an effective stimulus for eliciting feelings of intense romantic love, producing group activation in several regions of the brain, including the right [[wikipedia:Ventral_tegmental_area|ventral tegmental area]] (VTA) amidst [[wikipedia:Dopamine|dopamine]] cells (Aron et al., 2005; Fisher et al., 2005). The VTA is a main component of the brain's "reward system", as it is associated with focused attention, arousal, pleasure and the motivation to pursue and acquire rewards (Fisher at al., 2005). The VTA then activates various brain regions, including the caudate nucleus which contributes to reward detection and expectation (Fisher at al., 2005; Schultz, 2000). This suggest romantic love may be a primary motivation system, or a fundamental human drive to mate, suggesting romantic love is the effects of a reward system as all drives are associated with the activation of dopamine (Fisher et al., 2005; Pfaff, 1999). Similarly, humans have been shown to respond to monetary rewards, demonstrating the neural activations of financial reinforcement overlap with regions that respond to human's primary reinforcers (Elliott et al., 2003). This can be applied twice as sex is a primary biological enforcer, and even abstract rewards can be used to effectively elicit neuronal responses (Elliott et al., 2003; Jozefowiez & Staddon, 2008). [[File:Parts_of_brain_that_are_activated_when_a_person_falls_in_love.jpg|thumb|589x589px|'''Figure 1.''' ''Parts of brain activated when a person falls in love.'' Source: (Novotney, 2023)|center]] Additionally, Ortigue et al. (2010) conducted further [[meta-analysis]] of published fMRI studies of love and their illustration of brain regions associated with the different forms of love. Ortigue et al. (2010) confirmed that all fMRI studies of love found the [[wikipedia:Cerebral_cortex#Connections|subcortical]] [[wikipedia:Dopaminergic_pathways|dopaminergic]] reward-related brain systems, which uses dopamine and [[wikipedia:Oxytocin|oxytocin]] receptors, responsible for motivating individuals to bond with another person. The review also further demonstrated that different types of love may involve different cerebral pathways which includes pathways associated with higher cognitive functions such as bodily [./Https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-image self-image] and [[social cognition]] (Ortigue et al., 2010). The study highlighted a total of 12 areas in the brain that work together to release dopamine, oxytocin, and [[wikipedia:Adrenaline|adrenaline]], indicating the [[wikipedia:Amygdala|amygdala]], [[wikipedia:Hippocampus|hippocampus]], and [[wikipedia:Prefrontal_cortex|prefrontal cortex]] (See Figure 1), which is very sensitive to pleasure-inducing behaviours, are all activated in the brain scans when talking about a loved one (Novotney, 2023; Ortigue et al., 2010). Romantic attachments ultimately develop through both evolutionary, physiological, and psychological methods. Attachment theory explains how and why emotional bonds are formed, to promote security and influence relationship patterns. Whilst reward systems highlight the neurophysiological component that strengthens romantic connections, suggesting romantic attachment fulfills the basic human needs for connection. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' As Maggie grew older, in year 11 she later met Daniel and things seemed to change. Over their time finishing school and then later entering university Daniel became one of Maggie's closest friends, even entering the same university together after graduation. They were always together. Daniel made Maggie happy, was attentive, and slowly became someone Maggie could imagine building a future with. '' '''What type of attachment role do you think Daniel plays in Maggie's life?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Effects of rejection == Romantic rejection can trigger physiological, psychological and neurological responses due to a disruption in a person's pre-determined romantic attachment. Romantic partners work as sources of emotional security and safety, so when a person is rejected, their established attachment bond and securities become threatened (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Sometimes a rejection does not always deter the individual and can instead further motivate them to attempt to restore the lost connection, even if the relationship is no longer reciprocated (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). === '''Behavioural responses to a threatened attachment system''' === Functioning of an attachment system can be affected by the availability of one, or more, attachment figures in times of need, and their sensitivity and responsiveness to the individual's proximity-seeking behaviours (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). So, whilst nearly all children will become attached, including in situations where they experience abuse from their mothers, not all attachments are secure attachments, as attachment theory poses that the quality of the interactions with attachment figures is the main reason for individual differences in the functioning of an attachment system (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003) (See Figure 2). [[File:Quadrants_of_the_four_major_attachment_styles.png|thumb|370x370px|'''Figure 2.''' ''Diagram of the four major attachment styles categorised by attachment anxiety and avoidance strength.'' Source: (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ]] Applying the theory of attachment styles to experiences of romantic rejection, when an attachment figure (the beloved) is not physically or emotionally available to the lover in times of need or distress, is not sensitive or responsive to the lover's attempts at seeking proximity, the attachment system is then disrupted (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). In that case, the feelings of distress, lack of proximity, or lack of safety are not alleviated. Instead, the initial distress felt is instead amalgamated by further doubts they can attain safety, trust, or the resources necessary for stress management (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Once this occurs, attachment theorists have determined two methods of secondary attachment strategies of either ''hyperactivation'' or ''deactivation'' of the system; where hyperactivating individuals do not give up on their attachment attempts and instead intensify them in order to coerce the attachment figure's support and love (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Alternatively, a deactivating individual gives up on their attachment attempts, attempting to deal with the dangers alone (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). This is a strategy to try and down-regulate their attachment system in an attempt to avoid the distress and pain caused by the attachment figure's unavailability (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' One day, Maggie had a panic attack while Daniel was at soccer practice, and as she was messaging and calling him to come help her, Daniel was not responding. This cause Maggie to become increasingly anxious, escalating her panic attack. Daniel's phone had died at practice, so had not seen Maggie's calls or messages until a few hours after practice. '' '''How do you think this would affect Maggie and Daniel's relationship?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Heartbreak and physical pain''' === Physical pain words are often used to describe experiences of social rejection or loss, such as a 'broken heart' or 'hurt feelings', which may be due to the similarities associated with [[Pain|physical]] and 'social pain' (Eisenberger, 2012; Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Negative social evaluations, including rejection from a romantic partner, activates areas in the dorsal [[wikipedia:Anterior_cingulate_cortex|anterior cingulate cortex]] (dACC) and [[wikipedia:Insular_cortex|anterior insula]] (AI), which are brain regions associated with the distressful experiences of physical pain (Eisenberger, 2012). Understanding this overlap between physical and social pain provides further insights into both the intensity of emotional responses, and methods in which the pain can be alleviated. Overall, romantic rejection disrupts the security an attachment bond brings, whilst also still motivating an individual to pursue a person romantically. This helps further explain why an individual may experience emotional, and even physical, pain and still remain motivated to restore what was lost, whether literal or imagined. ==Nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection== Romantic rejection can evoke a multitude of emotions in everyone. However, the intensity, duration, and expression of these emotions will differ amongst individuals. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity, and individual differences would all play key parts in the expression of one's emotions. === '''Emotional responses''' === A wide variety of human emotions arise in response to rejection by other people, whether the rejection was real, anticipated, imagined, or merely remembered (Leary, 2015). Acceptance by other people developed [[wikipedia:Personality_psychology#Biopsychological_theories|biopsychological]] and emotional mechanisms for humans to recognise and cope with threats to acceptance and belonging (Leary, 2015). So, when an individual's sense of belonging or acceptance is threatened it can elicit emotions the following emotions in attempts to manage the rejection: * '''Hurt feelings''' - where the other person does not regard their relationship with the individual as valuable or important as they believe, leading them to feel rejected; * '''Jealousy''' - where the individual believes the other person values their relationship with them less that desired because of the presence of another third party; * '''Loneliness''' - where the individual believes the person who greatly values their relationship are not available for support or social interaction; * '''Guilt''' - where the individual believes they have done something that would lead the other to relationally devalue them, motivating them to repair the damage that their undesired behaviour has caused; * '''Shame''' - where the individual believes others' judgement as a person may lead to relation devaluation and possible rejection, leading to a desire to withdraw from social interactions because nothing can be immediately done to repair the damage to their image or value; * '''Social anxiety''' - feelings of nervousness in social interactions in anticipation to the possibility of conveying an undesired impression of themselves that will lower their value in another person's eyes; * '''Embarrassment''' - where the individual is concerned with how they are perceived by another when they think they have already conveyed an undesired impression of themselves to others; * '''Sadness''' - which arises from perceived loss, or when their affection for the other person is not returned or accepted; and * '''Anger''' - which arises when the individual perceives the other has unjustifiably behaved in a way that threatens their desire, wellbeing, or is considered an unjustifiable harm (Leary, 2015). However, people do not necessarily experience all of these emotions or to the same extent, as a person's individual differences affect their expression. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Maggie was really upset, as she needed Daniel in a time of need and she spiralled further, believing he was distancing himself, and got into a big fight with Daniel afterwards. Daniel suggested maybe they need some time apart to reevaluate themselves and their relationship. '' '''What effects do you think this will have on Maggie?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Rejection sensitivity''' === Rejection sensitivity, the disposition to anxiously expect, readily perceive, and overwhelmingly respond to rejection (Shin et al., 2024). Rejection-sensitive individuals are more likely to anxiously expect rejection and therefore perceive others' ambiguous behaviours as an intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Similarly, those that enter romantic relationships with anxious expectations of rejection will recognise insensitive behaviours of the new partners as intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Consequently, individuals with a higher rejection sensitivity are more likely to interpret romantic rejection as a confirmation of their feelings of inadequacy, anxiety, anger or negative self-concept (Downey & Feldman, 1996; London et al., 2007). It also affects their quality of their relationships as rejection-sensitive men's jealousy and rejection-sensitive women's hostility results in feelings of diminished support and explain their partners' relationship dissatisfaction (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Rejection sensitivity can also be heightened by attachment styles as anxious or ambivalent attachment styles, that involve a fear of abandonment and need for validation, are more likely to exhibit rejection sensitivity (Shin et al., 2024). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' As weeks passed, Maggie kept asking mutual friends about Daniel, checking his social media accounts, and trying to see him around university. Maggie became increasingly sensitive to even small rejections, interpreting friends saying they were too busy to hang out, or delayed responses to her messages as evidence that even her friends might abandon her. Her feelings of sadness and anxiety increased. '' '''How might this affect the nature and intensity of her emotions?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Individual differences''' === Since physical and social pain are associated with the same neural circuitries individuals who are more sensitive to one kind of pain, whether physical or social, are therefore more sensitive to the other, meaning experiencing greater sensitivity to physical pain would likely result in greater social pain sensitivity (see Table 1), resulting in higher rejection sensitivity and/or a stronger anxious attachment style (Eisenberger, 2012). Higher rejection sensitivity, anxious attachment, or low self-esteem show greater dACC and/or AI activity when experiencing social pain (Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Positive relationships throughout adolescence may also contribute to individuals being less sensitive to any negative social situations experienced later in their lives (Masten et al., 2012). '''Table 1''' ''The Relationship Between Social and Physical Pain'' {{center top}} {| class="wikitable" ! colspan="2" rowspan="2" | ! colspan="2" |Type of Pain |- |Social |Physical |- | rowspan="2" |'''Type of manipulation''' |Increase pain |↑ Physical pain |↑ Social pain |- |Decrease pain |↓ Physical pain |↓ Social pain |} {{center bottom}} Ultimately, romantic rejection can produce diverse emotional responses. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity and individual differences may all affect the duration and intensity of an emotional reaction following rejection. ==Reducing or managing rejection-induced distress== As previously noted, romantic rejection can trigger a variety of emotional responses, including separation distress, social pain, threats to attachment style, and behavioural responses in adjusting to the loss of an attachment. However, there are psychological strategies that may help individuals in regulating the responses and facilitate recovery. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Eventually, after speaking with a trusted friend, Maggie begins to recognise that her constant feelings of anxiety would only prolong the distress. Although her heartbreak had not disappeared, she decided to explore other healthier options of managing her emotions, and rediscovering herself outside of her relationship with Daniel. '' '''What techniques might Maggie use to overcome her anxiety and feelings of distress at missing Daniel?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Adaptive emotional regulation''' === ==== '''Cognitive reappraisal''' ==== [[wikipedia:Cognitive_appraisal|Cognitive reappraisal]], an [[wikipedia:Adaptive_strategies|adaptive strategy]] of emotion regulation works by encouraging a person to change how a situation feels by reframing the way they interpret it (Wang & Yin, 2023; Zilverstand et al., 2017). Following romantic rejection, an individual may interpret their romantic loss as evidence of their personal inadequacy, however, reframing the rejection from a personal failure and instead to a result of incompatibility may be beneficial in reducing emotional distress and correct maladaptive thoughts (Wang & Yin, 2023). ==== '''Mindfulness''' ==== Mindfulness has also been proposed as an adaptive strategy for emotional regulation (Chambers et al., 2009). It involves paying deliberate attention to the present moment and remaining accepting and non-judgemental of the situation (Brockman et al., 2023). Whilst reappraisal works on changing one's thinking, mindfulness works on the person's relationship to their thinking (Brockman et al., 2023). Due to the overlap of physical and social pain (see above section), the factors that alter one type of pain are likely to have a similar effect on the other (Eisenberger, 2012). Using this principle, [[wikipedia:Paracetamol|paracetamol]] or [[wikipedia:Ibuprofen|ibuprofen]], which are known to reduce physical pains, may also reduce the social pain associated with rejection (Eisenberger, 2012). === '''Emotion suppression''' === Alternatively, [[wikipedia:Expressive_suppression|expressive suppression]], a maladaptive behavioural strategy that works towards inhibiting the behaviours associated with emotional responses, such as facial expressions, gestures, and verbal phrases (Goldin et al., 2008). === '''Limitations of emotional regulation techniques''' === Reappraisal is likely more beneficial in reducing immediate neural activity and decreasing negative emotional experiences, however, suppression produced later neural emotional responses, decreased emotional behaviours, experiences and facial expressions, yet, increased neural responses (Goldin et al., 2008). However, whilst cognitive reappraisal is an effective technique in clinical practice, it may not always translate to the individual's life due to a lack of practice, and is likely more effective and replicable across experiences closely linked to the individual's real-life experiences (Wang & Yin, 2023). Despite this, the efficacy of each strategy would depend on the individual, context, environment, age, purpose of the strategy, and other individual differences (Brockman et al., 2023). === '''Social support''' === Social support is a widely known method used to mitigate both emotional and social distress, and is associated with reduced activity in the dACC and AI where increased activity is associated with pain processing (Eisenberger, 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Therefore spending time with friends and in an individual's daily support network indicates reduced activity in the dACC and AI, allowing the individual to reduce both the social and physical pains associated with romantic rejection (Masten et al., 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Effective emotional regulation following romantic rejection likely requires a combination of strategies to address immediate distress, regulate attachment, and elicit long-term adjustments. Whilst these strategies are useful in providing support and assisting with recovery, it may just be that emotional responses to rejection are inevitable. Although there are several approaches to manage rejection, the research on overall and immediate recovery remains limited. Strategies should instead be adapted to a person's individual emotional needs rather than using a 'universal' treatment. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' After seeing a psychologist, who recommended Maggie surround herself with her friends to build her confidence and individual interest again, encouraging she stay fit and pick up a new sport, and showing her techniques of mindfulness, Maggie was able to work through her heartbreak. She also begun using cognitive reappraisal techniques to reframe the small rejections that were increasing her anxiety, and began relying on her own regulation techniques to overcome challenges. After some time had passed and Maggie was feeling confident in herself, she reached out to Daniel to try to rekindle their relationship, now that she was feeling secure and was not dependent on another person for her own safety and happiness.{{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Conclusion== * Arguably the most important section * Provide at least three bullet-points for this section even at the topic development stage, based on preliminary thinking * For the book chapter, develop clear take-home message(s) that address the focus questions based on psychological theory and research * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing this problem * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2016/Attachment type and emotion|Attachment type and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2016) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Belongingness motivation#Positive Outcomes of Successful Belongingness and How to Cope with Rejection|Belongingness motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Rejection sensitivity|Rejection sensitivity]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Sorry#Social rejection|Social rejection]] (Book chapter, 2021) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Aron, A., Fisher, H., Mashek, D. J., Strong, G., Li, H., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Reward, motivation, and emotion systems associated with early-stage intense romantic love. ''Journal of Neurophysiology'', ''94''(1), 327–337. https://doi.org/10.1152/jn.00838.2004 Bergen, D. (2022). Developing attachment. In ''Theories of Early Childhood Education'' (pp. 118–127). Routledge. Bowlby, J. (1988). ''A secure base: Clinical applications of attachment theory''. Routledge. Bretherton, I. (1992). The origins of attachment theory: John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth. ''Developmental Psychology'', ''28''(5), 759–775. https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.28.5.759 Brockman, R., Ciarrochi, J., Parker, P., & Kashdan, T. B. (2023). Behaving versus thinking positively: When the benefits of cognitive reappraisal are contingent on satisfying basic psychological needs. ''Journal of Contextual Behavioral Science'', ''27'', 120–125. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcbs.2023.01.005 Chambers, R., Gullone, E., & Allen, N. B. (2009). Mindful emotion regulation: An integrative review. ''Clinical Psychology Review'', ''29''(6), 560–572. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2009.06.005 Downey, G., & Feldman, S. I. (1996). Implications of rejection sensitivity for intimate relationships. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''70''(6), 1327–1343. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.70.6.1327 Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). The pain of social disconnection: Examining the shared neural underpinnings of physical and social pain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''13'', 421–434. https://doi.org/10.1038/nrn3231 Elliott, R., Newman, J. L., Longe, O. A., & Deakin, J. F. W. (2003). Differential response patterns in the striatum and orbitofrontal cortex to financial reward in humans: A parametric functional magnetic resonance imaging study. ''The Journal of Neuroscience'', ''23''(1), 303–307. https://doi.org/10.1523/jneurosci.23-01-00303.2003 Fisher, H., Aron, A., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Romantic love: An fMRI study of a neural mechanism for mate choice. ''Journal of Comparative Neurology'', ''493''(1), 58–62. https://doi.org/10.1002/cne.20772 Goldin, P. R., McRae, K., Ramel, W., & Gross, J. J. (2008). The neural bases of emotion regulation: Reappraisal and suppression of negative emotion. ''Biological Psychiatry'', ''63''(6), 577–586. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsych.2007.05.031 Jozefowiez, J., & Staddon, J. E. R. (2008). 1.06 - Operant behaviour. In ''Learning and Memory: A Comprehensive Reference'' (pp. 75–101). Academic Press. Leary, M. R. (2015). Emotional responses to interpersonal rejection. ''Dialogues in Clinical Neuroscience'', ''17''(4). https://doi.org/10.31887/DCNS.2015.17.4/mleary Levine, A., & Heller, R. (2010). ''Attached''. Tarcher. London, B., Downey, G., Bonica, C., & Paltin, I. (2007). Social causes and consequences of rejection sensitivity. ''Journal of Research on Adolescence'', ''17''(3), 481–506. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1532-7795.2007.00531.x Masten, C. L., Telzer, E. H., Fuligni, A. J., Lieberman, M. D., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). Time spent with friends in adolescence relates to less neural sensitivity to later peer rejection. ''Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience'', ''7''(1), 106–114. https://doi.org/10.1093/scan/nsq098 Mikulincer, M., & Shaver, P. R. (2003). The attachment behavioural system in adulthood: Activation, psychodynamics, and interpersonal processes. In ''Advances in Experimental Social Psychology'' (pp. 53–152). Elsevier Science. Novotney, A. (2023). What happens in your brain when you’re in love? ''American Psychological Association.'' https://www.apa.org/topics/marriage-relationships/brain-on-love Ortigue, S., Bianchi-Demicheli, F., Patel, N., Frum, C., & Lewis, J. W. (2010). Neuroimaging of love: fMRI meta-analysis evidence toward new perspectives in sexual medicine. ''The Journal of Sexual Medicine'', ''7''(11), 3541–3552. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-6109.2010.01999.x Pfaff, D. (1999). ''Drive: Neurobiological and molecular mechanisms of sexual motivation.'' MIT Press. Schultz, W. (2000). Multiple reward signals in the brain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''1''(3), 199–207. Shin, J., Han, K. S., & Shin, H. J. (2024). Rejection sensitivity: A concept analysis. ''Journal of Korean Academy of Psychiatric and Mental Health Nursing'', ''33''(3), 253–261. https://doi.org/10.12934/jkpmhn.2024.33.3.253 Tchalova, K., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2015). How the brain feels the hurt of heartbreak: Examining the neurobiological overlap between social and physical pain. In A. W. Toga (Ed.), ''Brain Mapping: An Encyclopedic Reference'' (pp. 15–20). Academic Press: Elsevier. Wang, Y.-X., & Yin, B. (2023). A new understanding of the cognitive reappraisal technique: An extension based on the schema theory. ''Frontiers in Behavioral Neuroscience'', ''17''. https://doi.org/10.3389/fnbeh.2023.1174585 Zilverstand, A., Parvaz, M. A., & Goldstein, R. Z. (2017). Neuroimaging cognitive reappraisal in clinical populations to define neural targets for enhancing emotion regulation. a systematic review. ''NeuroImage'', ''151'', 105–116. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2016.06.009 }} ==External links== * [https://youtu.be/gMRph_BvHB4?si=7A6iFYMgC7VdC2Vv The Science of Love, Desire and Attachment] (Youtube) * [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Relationships]] qqri5q64sxs7o5xxtqfeg87pj1dm0y4 2840251 2840250 2026-10-14T12:36:25Z U3275873 3110137 /* See also */ more links 2840251 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Romantic rejection and emotional response<br>What emotional responses does romantic rejection evoke and how can they be regulated?}} __TOC__ == Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Maggie grew up with parents that were loving and attentive, giving her everything she needed. Yet, sometimes she found it difficult to form a deeper emotional connection with her parents or share her vulnerable feelings, as they would often keep conversations light or surface-level, and did not have personal conversations with their daughter. As a result, Maggie sometimes worried and questioned if they actually loved her, despite always having provided for her. '' '''What attachment style do you think Maggie is likely to be predisposed to?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} [[wikipedia:Social_rejection#Romantic_rejection|Romantic rejection]] is a common yet extremely emotionally challenging experience that can lead to intense feelings of sadness, longing, loneliness, and difficulties in regulating [[Emotion|emotions]]. Understanding how and why people respond strongly to rejection is important as attachment has consequences on psychological, physiological, and biological systems associated with security, reward, emotions and motivation. Using attachment theories, neuroscience, and emotional regulation techniques can help explain how romantic bonds develop, why their loss produces distress, the ways in which individual differences can affect responses, and which strategies may help regulate or support emotional responses. {{robelbox|theme=11|title=Focus questions}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> * How do romantic attachments develop? * How does romantic rejection affect attachment and motivational systems? * What determines the nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection? * How can rejection-related distress be reduced or managed? </div> {{Robelbox/close}} * ==Romantic attachments== [[wikipedia:Romance|Romantic]] attachments are a fundamental part of human connection. It influences motivation, emotional wellbeing and behaviour. These attachments have developed over time through both evolutionary and biological bases, in attempts to increase survival and happiness, respectively. Understanding these perspectives can help explain why romantic attachments form to begin with and why the loss of an attachment is so emotionally significant. === Attachment === [[wikipedia:Attachment_theory|Attachment theory]] outlines the main "attachment styles", otherwise known as ways in which people perceive and respond to [[wikipedia:Intimate_relationship#Intimacy|intimacy]] in relationships, and are parallel to those found in children throughout development stages (Levine & Heller, 2010). The theory designates three main styles: # Secure # Anxious # Avoidant People who are usually warm loving, and comfortable with intimacy tend to be ''secure.'' Whereas ''anxious'' people are often distracted with their relationships and crave intimacy, with constant worry about their partner's ability to love them back. Finally, people who tend to constantly try to minimize closeness and associate intimacy with a loss of their independence are considered ''avoidant'' (Levine & Heller, 2010). A person's attachment style can not only affect their view of intimacy, but also include affect their: * way of dealing with conflict * attitude towards sex * ability to communicate wants and needs; or * expectations of a partner and the relationship (Levine & Heller, 2010). Levine and Heller (2010) claims all people fall, regardless of the stage at which their relationship is in, fall into one or a combination of these three categories, although a combination of anxious and avoidant is rare (Levine & Heller, 2010). This fourth, rare, category is termed the 'disorganised', of which only 5% of people fall into (Levine & Heller, 2010). ==== '''Origins of attachments - evolutionary safety''' ==== [[wikipedia:Attachment_in_adults#Styles|Adult attachment styles]] were initially hypothesised to be based primarily on a person's childhood and upbringing. [[wikipedia:John_Bowlby|John Bowlby]] and [[wikipedia:Mary_Ainsworth|Mary Ainsworth]], building on their separate and joined research on [[wikipedia:Ethology|ethology]] and [[developmental psychology]], developed the initial theories on which attachment theory has evolved. They proposed that infants possess a biological or evolutionary drive to form emotional attachments with others, primarily caregivers, as a mechanism for survival (Bretherton, 1992). From the ages of as young as six months to two years, children with consistent caregivers, who become their attachment figures, develop a mental representation or an "[[wikipedia:Internal_working_model_of_attachment|internal working model]]", influencing views of themselves, expectations, and methods of interacting and building relationships with others as they get older (Bergen, 2022). As the attachments develop throughout childhood, attachment figures can become a "secure base" they can return to for comfort, support, and safety, if caregivers were sensitive, responsible, and available, in which infants develop a "secure" attachment style (Bergen, 2022; Bowlby, 1988). Alternatively, avoidant or resistant attachment styles can develop if they were distant, unresponsive, and rigid; or an anxious attachment style if they were inconsistently responsive (Bergen, 2022; Levine & Heller, 2010). However, more recent development have found that attachment styles in adulthood are more likely influenced by a variety of factors, including genetics, and life experiences, rather than being limited to the way in which parents cared for a person through infancy (Levine & Heller, 2010). Ultimately, attachment systems exist as a biological function of protecting a person from danger, especially during infancy, by ensuring their remain in close proximity to the care and support of others (their attachment figures), as a method of increasing the likelihood of survival and eventual reproduction (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ==== '''Origins of attachment - biological basis''' ==== <blockquote>“Love is a biological necessity—it’s as needed for our well-being as exercise, water, and food, […] And from a neuroscientific viewpoint, we can really say that love blossoms in the brain.” (Cacioppo, as cited in Novotney, 2023, para.3).</blockquote>Aside from the evolutionary basis, romantic attraction is also based in neuroendocrinology. Early-stage romantic love, or being '[[wikipedia:Falling_in_love|lovestruck]]', is often attributed to a primitive part of the brain's reward system (Novotney, 2023). In these early stages a person normally experiences sympathetic nervous system reactions, such as sweaty palms or a pounding heart when they are with their loved one, and often feeling [[wikipedia:Separation_anxiety_disorder|separation anxiety]] when apart from them (Fisher et al., 2005). The lovers tend to express emotional dependence, heightened romantic passion, extreme empathy toward the beloved, sexual desires and possessiveness, the craving for emotional union, and obsessive thinking, reaching extremes where they change their habits to impress or remain in contact, or are even willing to die for the individual (Fisher et al., 2005). In cases were the lover experiences rejection, they often will protest the rejection and work to try to win the beloved individual back, expressing rage at the abandonment and despair (Fisher et al., 2005). Fisher et al. (2005) conducted a study on courtship attraction that used [[Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging|functional magnetic resonance imaging]](fMRI) to determine the neural mechanisms associated with romantic love, by studying 17 people intensely "in love". The study found that a photograph of the beloved was an effective stimulus for eliciting feelings of intense romantic love, producing group activation in several regions of the brain, including the right [[wikipedia:Ventral_tegmental_area|ventral tegmental area]] (VTA) amidst [[wikipedia:Dopamine|dopamine]] cells (Aron et al., 2005; Fisher et al., 2005). The VTA is a main component of the brain's "reward system", as it is associated with focused attention, arousal, pleasure and the motivation to pursue and acquire rewards (Fisher at al., 2005). The VTA then activates various brain regions, including the caudate nucleus which contributes to reward detection and expectation (Fisher at al., 2005; Schultz, 2000). This suggest romantic love may be a primary motivation system, or a fundamental human drive to mate, suggesting romantic love is the effects of a reward system as all drives are associated with the activation of dopamine (Fisher et al., 2005; Pfaff, 1999). Similarly, humans have been shown to respond to monetary rewards, demonstrating the neural activations of financial reinforcement overlap with regions that respond to human's primary reinforcers (Elliott et al., 2003). This can be applied twice as sex is a primary biological enforcer, and even abstract rewards can be used to effectively elicit neuronal responses (Elliott et al., 2003; Jozefowiez & Staddon, 2008). [[File:Parts_of_brain_that_are_activated_when_a_person_falls_in_love.jpg|thumb|589x589px|'''Figure 1.''' ''Parts of brain activated when a person falls in love.'' Source: (Novotney, 2023)|center]] Additionally, Ortigue et al. (2010) conducted further [[meta-analysis]] of published fMRI studies of love and their illustration of brain regions associated with the different forms of love. Ortigue et al. (2010) confirmed that all fMRI studies of love found the [[wikipedia:Cerebral_cortex#Connections|subcortical]] [[wikipedia:Dopaminergic_pathways|dopaminergic]] reward-related brain systems, which uses dopamine and [[wikipedia:Oxytocin|oxytocin]] receptors, responsible for motivating individuals to bond with another person. The review also further demonstrated that different types of love may involve different cerebral pathways which includes pathways associated with higher cognitive functions such as bodily [./Https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-image self-image] and [[social cognition]] (Ortigue et al., 2010). The study highlighted a total of 12 areas in the brain that work together to release dopamine, oxytocin, and [[wikipedia:Adrenaline|adrenaline]], indicating the [[wikipedia:Amygdala|amygdala]], [[wikipedia:Hippocampus|hippocampus]], and [[wikipedia:Prefrontal_cortex|prefrontal cortex]] (See Figure 1), which is very sensitive to pleasure-inducing behaviours, are all activated in the brain scans when talking about a loved one (Novotney, 2023; Ortigue et al., 2010). Romantic attachments ultimately develop through both evolutionary, physiological, and psychological methods. Attachment theory explains how and why emotional bonds are formed, to promote security and influence relationship patterns. Whilst reward systems highlight the neurophysiological component that strengthens romantic connections, suggesting romantic attachment fulfills the basic human needs for connection. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' As Maggie grew older, in year 11 she later met Daniel and things seemed to change. Over their time finishing school and then later entering university Daniel became one of Maggie's closest friends, even entering the same university together after graduation. They were always together. Daniel made Maggie happy, was attentive, and slowly became someone Maggie could imagine building a future with. '' '''What type of attachment role do you think Daniel plays in Maggie's life?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Effects of rejection == Romantic rejection can trigger physiological, psychological and neurological responses due to a disruption in a person's pre-determined romantic attachment. Romantic partners work as sources of emotional security and safety, so when a person is rejected, their established attachment bond and securities become threatened (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Sometimes a rejection does not always deter the individual and can instead further motivate them to attempt to restore the lost connection, even if the relationship is no longer reciprocated (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). === '''Behavioural responses to a threatened attachment system''' === Functioning of an attachment system can be affected by the availability of one, or more, attachment figures in times of need, and their sensitivity and responsiveness to the individual's proximity-seeking behaviours (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). So, whilst nearly all children will become attached, including in situations where they experience abuse from their mothers, not all attachments are secure attachments, as attachment theory poses that the quality of the interactions with attachment figures is the main reason for individual differences in the functioning of an attachment system (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003) (See Figure 2). [[File:Quadrants_of_the_four_major_attachment_styles.png|thumb|370x370px|'''Figure 2.''' ''Diagram of the four major attachment styles categorised by attachment anxiety and avoidance strength.'' Source: (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ]] Applying the theory of attachment styles to experiences of romantic rejection, when an attachment figure (the beloved) is not physically or emotionally available to the lover in times of need or distress, is not sensitive or responsive to the lover's attempts at seeking proximity, the attachment system is then disrupted (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). In that case, the feelings of distress, lack of proximity, or lack of safety are not alleviated. Instead, the initial distress felt is instead amalgamated by further doubts they can attain safety, trust, or the resources necessary for stress management (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Once this occurs, attachment theorists have determined two methods of secondary attachment strategies of either ''hyperactivation'' or ''deactivation'' of the system; where hyperactivating individuals do not give up on their attachment attempts and instead intensify them in order to coerce the attachment figure's support and love (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Alternatively, a deactivating individual gives up on their attachment attempts, attempting to deal with the dangers alone (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). This is a strategy to try and down-regulate their attachment system in an attempt to avoid the distress and pain caused by the attachment figure's unavailability (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' One day, Maggie had a panic attack while Daniel was at soccer practice, and as she was messaging and calling him to come help her, Daniel was not responding. This cause Maggie to become increasingly anxious, escalating her panic attack. Daniel's phone had died at practice, so had not seen Maggie's calls or messages until a few hours after practice. '' '''How do you think this would affect Maggie and Daniel's relationship?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Heartbreak and physical pain''' === Physical pain words are often used to describe experiences of social rejection or loss, such as a 'broken heart' or 'hurt feelings', which may be due to the similarities associated with [[Pain|physical]] and 'social pain' (Eisenberger, 2012; Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Negative social evaluations, including rejection from a romantic partner, activates areas in the dorsal [[wikipedia:Anterior_cingulate_cortex|anterior cingulate cortex]] (dACC) and [[wikipedia:Insular_cortex|anterior insula]] (AI), which are brain regions associated with the distressful experiences of physical pain (Eisenberger, 2012). Understanding this overlap between physical and social pain provides further insights into both the intensity of emotional responses, and methods in which the pain can be alleviated. Overall, romantic rejection disrupts the security an attachment bond brings, whilst also still motivating an individual to pursue a person romantically. This helps further explain why an individual may experience emotional, and even physical, pain and still remain motivated to restore what was lost, whether literal or imagined. ==Nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection== Romantic rejection can evoke a multitude of emotions in everyone. However, the intensity, duration, and expression of these emotions will differ amongst individuals. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity, and individual differences would all play key parts in the expression of one's emotions. === '''Emotional responses''' === A wide variety of human emotions arise in response to rejection by other people, whether the rejection was real, anticipated, imagined, or merely remembered (Leary, 2015). Acceptance by other people developed [[wikipedia:Personality_psychology#Biopsychological_theories|biopsychological]] and emotional mechanisms for humans to recognise and cope with threats to acceptance and belonging (Leary, 2015). So, when an individual's sense of belonging or acceptance is threatened it can elicit emotions the following emotions in attempts to manage the rejection: * '''Hurt feelings''' - where the other person does not regard their relationship with the individual as valuable or important as they believe, leading them to feel rejected; * '''Jealousy''' - where the individual believes the other person values their relationship with them less that desired because of the presence of another third party; * '''Loneliness''' - where the individual believes the person who greatly values their relationship are not available for support or social interaction; * '''Guilt''' - where the individual believes they have done something that would lead the other to relationally devalue them, motivating them to repair the damage that their undesired behaviour has caused; * '''Shame''' - where the individual believes others' judgement as a person may lead to relation devaluation and possible rejection, leading to a desire to withdraw from social interactions because nothing can be immediately done to repair the damage to their image or value; * '''Social anxiety''' - feelings of nervousness in social interactions in anticipation to the possibility of conveying an undesired impression of themselves that will lower their value in another person's eyes; * '''Embarrassment''' - where the individual is concerned with how they are perceived by another when they think they have already conveyed an undesired impression of themselves to others; * '''Sadness''' - which arises from perceived loss, or when their affection for the other person is not returned or accepted; and * '''Anger''' - which arises when the individual perceives the other has unjustifiably behaved in a way that threatens their desire, wellbeing, or is considered an unjustifiable harm (Leary, 2015). However, people do not necessarily experience all of these emotions or to the same extent, as a person's individual differences affect their expression. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Maggie was really upset, as she needed Daniel in a time of need and she spiralled further, believing he was distancing himself, and got into a big fight with Daniel afterwards. Daniel suggested maybe they need some time apart to reevaluate themselves and their relationship. '' '''What effects do you think this will have on Maggie?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Rejection sensitivity''' === Rejection sensitivity, the disposition to anxiously expect, readily perceive, and overwhelmingly respond to rejection (Shin et al., 2024). Rejection-sensitive individuals are more likely to anxiously expect rejection and therefore perceive others' ambiguous behaviours as an intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Similarly, those that enter romantic relationships with anxious expectations of rejection will recognise insensitive behaviours of the new partners as intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Consequently, individuals with a higher rejection sensitivity are more likely to interpret romantic rejection as a confirmation of their feelings of inadequacy, anxiety, anger or negative self-concept (Downey & Feldman, 1996; London et al., 2007). It also affects their quality of their relationships as rejection-sensitive men's jealousy and rejection-sensitive women's hostility results in feelings of diminished support and explain their partners' relationship dissatisfaction (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Rejection sensitivity can also be heightened by attachment styles as anxious or ambivalent attachment styles, that involve a fear of abandonment and need for validation, are more likely to exhibit rejection sensitivity (Shin et al., 2024). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' As weeks passed, Maggie kept asking mutual friends about Daniel, checking his social media accounts, and trying to see him around university. Maggie became increasingly sensitive to even small rejections, interpreting friends saying they were too busy to hang out, or delayed responses to her messages as evidence that even her friends might abandon her. Her feelings of sadness and anxiety increased. '' '''How might this affect the nature and intensity of her emotions?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Individual differences''' === Since physical and social pain are associated with the same neural circuitries individuals who are more sensitive to one kind of pain, whether physical or social, are therefore more sensitive to the other, meaning experiencing greater sensitivity to physical pain would likely result in greater social pain sensitivity (see Table 1), resulting in higher rejection sensitivity and/or a stronger anxious attachment style (Eisenberger, 2012). Higher rejection sensitivity, anxious attachment, or low self-esteem show greater dACC and/or AI activity when experiencing social pain (Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Positive relationships throughout adolescence may also contribute to individuals being less sensitive to any negative social situations experienced later in their lives (Masten et al., 2012). '''Table 1''' ''The Relationship Between Social and Physical Pain'' {{center top}} {| class="wikitable" ! colspan="2" rowspan="2" | ! colspan="2" |Type of Pain |- |Social |Physical |- | rowspan="2" |'''Type of manipulation''' |Increase pain |↑ Physical pain |↑ Social pain |- |Decrease pain |↓ Physical pain |↓ Social pain |} {{center bottom}} Ultimately, romantic rejection can produce diverse emotional responses. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity and individual differences may all affect the duration and intensity of an emotional reaction following rejection. ==Reducing or managing rejection-induced distress== As previously noted, romantic rejection can trigger a variety of emotional responses, including separation distress, social pain, threats to attachment style, and behavioural responses in adjusting to the loss of an attachment. However, there are psychological strategies that may help individuals in regulating the responses and facilitate recovery. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Eventually, after speaking with a trusted friend, Maggie begins to recognise that her constant feelings of anxiety would only prolong the distress. Although her heartbreak had not disappeared, she decided to explore other healthier options of managing her emotions, and rediscovering herself outside of her relationship with Daniel. '' '''What techniques might Maggie use to overcome her anxiety and feelings of distress at missing Daniel?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Adaptive emotional regulation''' === ==== '''Cognitive reappraisal''' ==== [[wikipedia:Cognitive_appraisal|Cognitive reappraisal]], an [[wikipedia:Adaptive_strategies|adaptive strategy]] of emotion regulation works by encouraging a person to change how a situation feels by reframing the way they interpret it (Wang & Yin, 2023; Zilverstand et al., 2017). Following romantic rejection, an individual may interpret their romantic loss as evidence of their personal inadequacy, however, reframing the rejection from a personal failure and instead to a result of incompatibility may be beneficial in reducing emotional distress and correct maladaptive thoughts (Wang & Yin, 2023). ==== '''Mindfulness''' ==== Mindfulness has also been proposed as an adaptive strategy for emotional regulation (Chambers et al., 2009). It involves paying deliberate attention to the present moment and remaining accepting and non-judgemental of the situation (Brockman et al., 2023). Whilst reappraisal works on changing one's thinking, mindfulness works on the person's relationship to their thinking (Brockman et al., 2023). Due to the overlap of physical and social pain (see above section), the factors that alter one type of pain are likely to have a similar effect on the other (Eisenberger, 2012). Using this principle, [[wikipedia:Paracetamol|paracetamol]] or [[wikipedia:Ibuprofen|ibuprofen]], which are known to reduce physical pains, may also reduce the social pain associated with rejection (Eisenberger, 2012). === '''Emotion suppression''' === Alternatively, [[wikipedia:Expressive_suppression|expressive suppression]], a maladaptive behavioural strategy that works towards inhibiting the behaviours associated with emotional responses, such as facial expressions, gestures, and verbal phrases (Goldin et al., 2008). === '''Limitations of emotional regulation techniques''' === Reappraisal is likely more beneficial in reducing immediate neural activity and decreasing negative emotional experiences, however, suppression produced later neural emotional responses, decreased emotional behaviours, experiences and facial expressions, yet, increased neural responses (Goldin et al., 2008). However, whilst cognitive reappraisal is an effective technique in clinical practice, it may not always translate to the individual's life due to a lack of practice, and is likely more effective and replicable across experiences closely linked to the individual's real-life experiences (Wang & Yin, 2023). Despite this, the efficacy of each strategy would depend on the individual, context, environment, age, purpose of the strategy, and other individual differences (Brockman et al., 2023). === '''Social support''' === Social support is a widely known method used to mitigate both emotional and social distress, and is associated with reduced activity in the dACC and AI where increased activity is associated with pain processing (Eisenberger, 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Therefore spending time with friends and in an individual's daily support network indicates reduced activity in the dACC and AI, allowing the individual to reduce both the social and physical pains associated with romantic rejection (Masten et al., 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Effective emotional regulation following romantic rejection likely requires a combination of strategies to address immediate distress, regulate attachment, and elicit long-term adjustments. Whilst these strategies are useful in providing support and assisting with recovery, it may just be that emotional responses to rejection are inevitable. Although there are several approaches to manage rejection, the research on overall and immediate recovery remains limited. Strategies should instead be adapted to a person's individual emotional needs rather than using a 'universal' treatment. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' After seeing a psychologist, who recommended Maggie surround herself with her friends to build her confidence and individual interest again, encouraging she stay fit and pick up a new sport, and showing her techniques of mindfulness, Maggie was able to work through her heartbreak. She also begun using cognitive reappraisal techniques to reframe the small rejections that were increasing her anxiety, and began relying on her own regulation techniques to overcome challenges. After some time had passed and Maggie was feeling confident in herself, she reached out to Daniel to try to rekindle their relationship, now that she was feeling secure and was not dependent on another person for her own safety and happiness.{{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Conclusion== * Arguably the most important section * Provide at least three bullet-points for this section even at the topic development stage, based on preliminary thinking * For the book chapter, develop clear take-home message(s) that address the focus questions based on psychological theory and research * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing this problem * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2016/Attachment type and emotion|Attachment type and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2016) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Belongingness motivation#Positive Outcomes of Successful Belongingness and How to Cope with Rejection|Belongingness motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Emotional regulation]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:History_of_attachment_theory|History of attachment theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Rejection sensitivity|Rejection sensitivity]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Sorry#Social rejection|Social rejection]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[wikipedia:Theories_of_love|Theories of love]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Aron, A., Fisher, H., Mashek, D. J., Strong, G., Li, H., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Reward, motivation, and emotion systems associated with early-stage intense romantic love. ''Journal of Neurophysiology'', ''94''(1), 327–337. https://doi.org/10.1152/jn.00838.2004 Bergen, D. (2022). Developing attachment. In ''Theories of Early Childhood Education'' (pp. 118–127). Routledge. Bowlby, J. (1988). ''A secure base: Clinical applications of attachment theory''. Routledge. Bretherton, I. (1992). The origins of attachment theory: John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth. ''Developmental Psychology'', ''28''(5), 759–775. https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.28.5.759 Brockman, R., Ciarrochi, J., Parker, P., & Kashdan, T. B. (2023). Behaving versus thinking positively: When the benefits of cognitive reappraisal are contingent on satisfying basic psychological needs. ''Journal of Contextual Behavioral Science'', ''27'', 120–125. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcbs.2023.01.005 Chambers, R., Gullone, E., & Allen, N. B. (2009). Mindful emotion regulation: An integrative review. ''Clinical Psychology Review'', ''29''(6), 560–572. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2009.06.005 Downey, G., & Feldman, S. I. (1996). Implications of rejection sensitivity for intimate relationships. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''70''(6), 1327–1343. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.70.6.1327 Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). The pain of social disconnection: Examining the shared neural underpinnings of physical and social pain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''13'', 421–434. https://doi.org/10.1038/nrn3231 Elliott, R., Newman, J. L., Longe, O. A., & Deakin, J. F. W. (2003). Differential response patterns in the striatum and orbitofrontal cortex to financial reward in humans: A parametric functional magnetic resonance imaging study. ''The Journal of Neuroscience'', ''23''(1), 303–307. https://doi.org/10.1523/jneurosci.23-01-00303.2003 Fisher, H., Aron, A., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Romantic love: An fMRI study of a neural mechanism for mate choice. ''Journal of Comparative Neurology'', ''493''(1), 58–62. https://doi.org/10.1002/cne.20772 Goldin, P. R., McRae, K., Ramel, W., & Gross, J. J. (2008). The neural bases of emotion regulation: Reappraisal and suppression of negative emotion. ''Biological Psychiatry'', ''63''(6), 577–586. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsych.2007.05.031 Jozefowiez, J., & Staddon, J. E. R. (2008). 1.06 - Operant behaviour. In ''Learning and Memory: A Comprehensive Reference'' (pp. 75–101). Academic Press. Leary, M. R. (2015). Emotional responses to interpersonal rejection. ''Dialogues in Clinical Neuroscience'', ''17''(4). https://doi.org/10.31887/DCNS.2015.17.4/mleary Levine, A., & Heller, R. (2010). ''Attached''. Tarcher. London, B., Downey, G., Bonica, C., & Paltin, I. (2007). Social causes and consequences of rejection sensitivity. ''Journal of Research on Adolescence'', ''17''(3), 481–506. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1532-7795.2007.00531.x Masten, C. L., Telzer, E. H., Fuligni, A. J., Lieberman, M. D., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). Time spent with friends in adolescence relates to less neural sensitivity to later peer rejection. ''Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience'', ''7''(1), 106–114. https://doi.org/10.1093/scan/nsq098 Mikulincer, M., & Shaver, P. R. (2003). The attachment behavioural system in adulthood: Activation, psychodynamics, and interpersonal processes. In ''Advances in Experimental Social Psychology'' (pp. 53–152). Elsevier Science. Novotney, A. (2023). What happens in your brain when you’re in love? ''American Psychological Association.'' https://www.apa.org/topics/marriage-relationships/brain-on-love Ortigue, S., Bianchi-Demicheli, F., Patel, N., Frum, C., & Lewis, J. W. (2010). Neuroimaging of love: fMRI meta-analysis evidence toward new perspectives in sexual medicine. ''The Journal of Sexual Medicine'', ''7''(11), 3541–3552. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-6109.2010.01999.x Pfaff, D. (1999). ''Drive: Neurobiological and molecular mechanisms of sexual motivation.'' MIT Press. Schultz, W. (2000). Multiple reward signals in the brain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''1''(3), 199–207. Shin, J., Han, K. S., & Shin, H. J. (2024). Rejection sensitivity: A concept analysis. ''Journal of Korean Academy of Psychiatric and Mental Health Nursing'', ''33''(3), 253–261. https://doi.org/10.12934/jkpmhn.2024.33.3.253 Tchalova, K., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2015). How the brain feels the hurt of heartbreak: Examining the neurobiological overlap between social and physical pain. In A. W. Toga (Ed.), ''Brain Mapping: An Encyclopedic Reference'' (pp. 15–20). Academic Press: Elsevier. Wang, Y.-X., & Yin, B. (2023). A new understanding of the cognitive reappraisal technique: An extension based on the schema theory. ''Frontiers in Behavioral Neuroscience'', ''17''. https://doi.org/10.3389/fnbeh.2023.1174585 Zilverstand, A., Parvaz, M. A., & Goldstein, R. Z. (2017). Neuroimaging cognitive reappraisal in clinical populations to define neural targets for enhancing emotion regulation. a systematic review. ''NeuroImage'', ''151'', 105–116. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2016.06.009 }} ==External links== * [https://youtu.be/gMRph_BvHB4?si=7A6iFYMgC7VdC2Vv The Science of Love, Desire and Attachment] (Youtube) * [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Relationships]] pps2gpfoddghm05dq7l6pnca7obaxpe 2840254 2840251 2026-10-14T12:39:02Z U3275873 3110137 /* External links */ more links 2840254 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Romantic rejection and emotional response<br>What emotional responses does romantic rejection evoke and how can they be regulated?}} __TOC__ == Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Maggie grew up with parents that were loving and attentive, giving her everything she needed. Yet, sometimes she found it difficult to form a deeper emotional connection with her parents or share her vulnerable feelings, as they would often keep conversations light or surface-level, and did not have personal conversations with their daughter. As a result, Maggie sometimes worried and questioned if they actually loved her, despite always having provided for her. '' '''What attachment style do you think Maggie is likely to be predisposed to?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} [[wikipedia:Social_rejection#Romantic_rejection|Romantic rejection]] is a common yet extremely emotionally challenging experience that can lead to intense feelings of sadness, longing, loneliness, and difficulties in regulating [[Emotion|emotions]]. Understanding how and why people respond strongly to rejection is important as attachment has consequences on psychological, physiological, and biological systems associated with security, reward, emotions and motivation. Using attachment theories, neuroscience, and emotional regulation techniques can help explain how romantic bonds develop, why their loss produces distress, the ways in which individual differences can affect responses, and which strategies may help regulate or support emotional responses. {{robelbox|theme=11|title=Focus questions}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> * How do romantic attachments develop? * How does romantic rejection affect attachment and motivational systems? * What determines the nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection? * How can rejection-related distress be reduced or managed? </div> {{Robelbox/close}} * ==Romantic attachments== [[wikipedia:Romance|Romantic]] attachments are a fundamental part of human connection. It influences motivation, emotional wellbeing and behaviour. These attachments have developed over time through both evolutionary and biological bases, in attempts to increase survival and happiness, respectively. Understanding these perspectives can help explain why romantic attachments form to begin with and why the loss of an attachment is so emotionally significant. === Attachment === [[wikipedia:Attachment_theory|Attachment theory]] outlines the main "attachment styles", otherwise known as ways in which people perceive and respond to [[wikipedia:Intimate_relationship#Intimacy|intimacy]] in relationships, and are parallel to those found in children throughout development stages (Levine & Heller, 2010). The theory designates three main styles: # Secure # Anxious # Avoidant People who are usually warm loving, and comfortable with intimacy tend to be ''secure.'' Whereas ''anxious'' people are often distracted with their relationships and crave intimacy, with constant worry about their partner's ability to love them back. Finally, people who tend to constantly try to minimize closeness and associate intimacy with a loss of their independence are considered ''avoidant'' (Levine & Heller, 2010). A person's attachment style can not only affect their view of intimacy, but also include affect their: * way of dealing with conflict * attitude towards sex * ability to communicate wants and needs; or * expectations of a partner and the relationship (Levine & Heller, 2010). Levine and Heller (2010) claims all people fall, regardless of the stage at which their relationship is in, fall into one or a combination of these three categories, although a combination of anxious and avoidant is rare (Levine & Heller, 2010). This fourth, rare, category is termed the 'disorganised', of which only 5% of people fall into (Levine & Heller, 2010). ==== '''Origins of attachments - evolutionary safety''' ==== [[wikipedia:Attachment_in_adults#Styles|Adult attachment styles]] were initially hypothesised to be based primarily on a person's childhood and upbringing. [[wikipedia:John_Bowlby|John Bowlby]] and [[wikipedia:Mary_Ainsworth|Mary Ainsworth]], building on their separate and joined research on [[wikipedia:Ethology|ethology]] and [[developmental psychology]], developed the initial theories on which attachment theory has evolved. They proposed that infants possess a biological or evolutionary drive to form emotional attachments with others, primarily caregivers, as a mechanism for survival (Bretherton, 1992). From the ages of as young as six months to two years, children with consistent caregivers, who become their attachment figures, develop a mental representation or an "[[wikipedia:Internal_working_model_of_attachment|internal working model]]", influencing views of themselves, expectations, and methods of interacting and building relationships with others as they get older (Bergen, 2022). As the attachments develop throughout childhood, attachment figures can become a "secure base" they can return to for comfort, support, and safety, if caregivers were sensitive, responsible, and available, in which infants develop a "secure" attachment style (Bergen, 2022; Bowlby, 1988). Alternatively, avoidant or resistant attachment styles can develop if they were distant, unresponsive, and rigid; or an anxious attachment style if they were inconsistently responsive (Bergen, 2022; Levine & Heller, 2010). However, more recent development have found that attachment styles in adulthood are more likely influenced by a variety of factors, including genetics, and life experiences, rather than being limited to the way in which parents cared for a person through infancy (Levine & Heller, 2010). Ultimately, attachment systems exist as a biological function of protecting a person from danger, especially during infancy, by ensuring their remain in close proximity to the care and support of others (their attachment figures), as a method of increasing the likelihood of survival and eventual reproduction (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ==== '''Origins of attachment - biological basis''' ==== <blockquote>“Love is a biological necessity—it’s as needed for our well-being as exercise, water, and food, […] And from a neuroscientific viewpoint, we can really say that love blossoms in the brain.” (Cacioppo, as cited in Novotney, 2023, para.3).</blockquote>Aside from the evolutionary basis, romantic attraction is also based in neuroendocrinology. Early-stage romantic love, or being '[[wikipedia:Falling_in_love|lovestruck]]', is often attributed to a primitive part of the brain's reward system (Novotney, 2023). In these early stages a person normally experiences sympathetic nervous system reactions, such as sweaty palms or a pounding heart when they are with their loved one, and often feeling [[wikipedia:Separation_anxiety_disorder|separation anxiety]] when apart from them (Fisher et al., 2005). The lovers tend to express emotional dependence, heightened romantic passion, extreme empathy toward the beloved, sexual desires and possessiveness, the craving for emotional union, and obsessive thinking, reaching extremes where they change their habits to impress or remain in contact, or are even willing to die for the individual (Fisher et al., 2005). In cases were the lover experiences rejection, they often will protest the rejection and work to try to win the beloved individual back, expressing rage at the abandonment and despair (Fisher et al., 2005). Fisher et al. (2005) conducted a study on courtship attraction that used [[Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging|functional magnetic resonance imaging]](fMRI) to determine the neural mechanisms associated with romantic love, by studying 17 people intensely "in love". The study found that a photograph of the beloved was an effective stimulus for eliciting feelings of intense romantic love, producing group activation in several regions of the brain, including the right [[wikipedia:Ventral_tegmental_area|ventral tegmental area]] (VTA) amidst [[wikipedia:Dopamine|dopamine]] cells (Aron et al., 2005; Fisher et al., 2005). The VTA is a main component of the brain's "reward system", as it is associated with focused attention, arousal, pleasure and the motivation to pursue and acquire rewards (Fisher at al., 2005). The VTA then activates various brain regions, including the caudate nucleus which contributes to reward detection and expectation (Fisher at al., 2005; Schultz, 2000). This suggest romantic love may be a primary motivation system, or a fundamental human drive to mate, suggesting romantic love is the effects of a reward system as all drives are associated with the activation of dopamine (Fisher et al., 2005; Pfaff, 1999). Similarly, humans have been shown to respond to monetary rewards, demonstrating the neural activations of financial reinforcement overlap with regions that respond to human's primary reinforcers (Elliott et al., 2003). This can be applied twice as sex is a primary biological enforcer, and even abstract rewards can be used to effectively elicit neuronal responses (Elliott et al., 2003; Jozefowiez & Staddon, 2008). [[File:Parts_of_brain_that_are_activated_when_a_person_falls_in_love.jpg|thumb|589x589px|'''Figure 1.''' ''Parts of brain activated when a person falls in love.'' Source: (Novotney, 2023)|center]] Additionally, Ortigue et al. (2010) conducted further [[meta-analysis]] of published fMRI studies of love and their illustration of brain regions associated with the different forms of love. Ortigue et al. (2010) confirmed that all fMRI studies of love found the [[wikipedia:Cerebral_cortex#Connections|subcortical]] [[wikipedia:Dopaminergic_pathways|dopaminergic]] reward-related brain systems, which uses dopamine and [[wikipedia:Oxytocin|oxytocin]] receptors, responsible for motivating individuals to bond with another person. The review also further demonstrated that different types of love may involve different cerebral pathways which includes pathways associated with higher cognitive functions such as bodily [./Https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-image self-image] and [[social cognition]] (Ortigue et al., 2010). The study highlighted a total of 12 areas in the brain that work together to release dopamine, oxytocin, and [[wikipedia:Adrenaline|adrenaline]], indicating the [[wikipedia:Amygdala|amygdala]], [[wikipedia:Hippocampus|hippocampus]], and [[wikipedia:Prefrontal_cortex|prefrontal cortex]] (See Figure 1), which is very sensitive to pleasure-inducing behaviours, are all activated in the brain scans when talking about a loved one (Novotney, 2023; Ortigue et al., 2010). Romantic attachments ultimately develop through both evolutionary, physiological, and psychological methods. Attachment theory explains how and why emotional bonds are formed, to promote security and influence relationship patterns. Whilst reward systems highlight the neurophysiological component that strengthens romantic connections, suggesting romantic attachment fulfills the basic human needs for connection. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' As Maggie grew older, in year 11 she later met Daniel and things seemed to change. Over their time finishing school and then later entering university Daniel became one of Maggie's closest friends, even entering the same university together after graduation. They were always together. Daniel made Maggie happy, was attentive, and slowly became someone Maggie could imagine building a future with. '' '''What type of attachment role do you think Daniel plays in Maggie's life?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Effects of rejection == Romantic rejection can trigger physiological, psychological and neurological responses due to a disruption in a person's pre-determined romantic attachment. Romantic partners work as sources of emotional security and safety, so when a person is rejected, their established attachment bond and securities become threatened (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Sometimes a rejection does not always deter the individual and can instead further motivate them to attempt to restore the lost connection, even if the relationship is no longer reciprocated (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). === '''Behavioural responses to a threatened attachment system''' === Functioning of an attachment system can be affected by the availability of one, or more, attachment figures in times of need, and their sensitivity and responsiveness to the individual's proximity-seeking behaviours (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). So, whilst nearly all children will become attached, including in situations where they experience abuse from their mothers, not all attachments are secure attachments, as attachment theory poses that the quality of the interactions with attachment figures is the main reason for individual differences in the functioning of an attachment system (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003) (See Figure 2). [[File:Quadrants_of_the_four_major_attachment_styles.png|thumb|370x370px|'''Figure 2.''' ''Diagram of the four major attachment styles categorised by attachment anxiety and avoidance strength.'' Source: (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ]] Applying the theory of attachment styles to experiences of romantic rejection, when an attachment figure (the beloved) is not physically or emotionally available to the lover in times of need or distress, is not sensitive or responsive to the lover's attempts at seeking proximity, the attachment system is then disrupted (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). In that case, the feelings of distress, lack of proximity, or lack of safety are not alleviated. Instead, the initial distress felt is instead amalgamated by further doubts they can attain safety, trust, or the resources necessary for stress management (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Once this occurs, attachment theorists have determined two methods of secondary attachment strategies of either ''hyperactivation'' or ''deactivation'' of the system; where hyperactivating individuals do not give up on their attachment attempts and instead intensify them in order to coerce the attachment figure's support and love (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Alternatively, a deactivating individual gives up on their attachment attempts, attempting to deal with the dangers alone (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). This is a strategy to try and down-regulate their attachment system in an attempt to avoid the distress and pain caused by the attachment figure's unavailability (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' One day, Maggie had a panic attack while Daniel was at soccer practice, and as she was messaging and calling him to come help her, Daniel was not responding. This cause Maggie to become increasingly anxious, escalating her panic attack. Daniel's phone had died at practice, so had not seen Maggie's calls or messages until a few hours after practice. '' '''How do you think this would affect Maggie and Daniel's relationship?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Heartbreak and physical pain''' === Physical pain words are often used to describe experiences of social rejection or loss, such as a 'broken heart' or 'hurt feelings', which may be due to the similarities associated with [[Pain|physical]] and 'social pain' (Eisenberger, 2012; Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Negative social evaluations, including rejection from a romantic partner, activates areas in the dorsal [[wikipedia:Anterior_cingulate_cortex|anterior cingulate cortex]] (dACC) and [[wikipedia:Insular_cortex|anterior insula]] (AI), which are brain regions associated with the distressful experiences of physical pain (Eisenberger, 2012). Understanding this overlap between physical and social pain provides further insights into both the intensity of emotional responses, and methods in which the pain can be alleviated. Overall, romantic rejection disrupts the security an attachment bond brings, whilst also still motivating an individual to pursue a person romantically. This helps further explain why an individual may experience emotional, and even physical, pain and still remain motivated to restore what was lost, whether literal or imagined. ==Nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection== Romantic rejection can evoke a multitude of emotions in everyone. However, the intensity, duration, and expression of these emotions will differ amongst individuals. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity, and individual differences would all play key parts in the expression of one's emotions. === '''Emotional responses''' === A wide variety of human emotions arise in response to rejection by other people, whether the rejection was real, anticipated, imagined, or merely remembered (Leary, 2015). Acceptance by other people developed [[wikipedia:Personality_psychology#Biopsychological_theories|biopsychological]] and emotional mechanisms for humans to recognise and cope with threats to acceptance and belonging (Leary, 2015). So, when an individual's sense of belonging or acceptance is threatened it can elicit emotions the following emotions in attempts to manage the rejection: * '''Hurt feelings''' - where the other person does not regard their relationship with the individual as valuable or important as they believe, leading them to feel rejected; * '''Jealousy''' - where the individual believes the other person values their relationship with them less that desired because of the presence of another third party; * '''Loneliness''' - where the individual believes the person who greatly values their relationship are not available for support or social interaction; * '''Guilt''' - where the individual believes they have done something that would lead the other to relationally devalue them, motivating them to repair the damage that their undesired behaviour has caused; * '''Shame''' - where the individual believes others' judgement as a person may lead to relation devaluation and possible rejection, leading to a desire to withdraw from social interactions because nothing can be immediately done to repair the damage to their image or value; * '''Social anxiety''' - feelings of nervousness in social interactions in anticipation to the possibility of conveying an undesired impression of themselves that will lower their value in another person's eyes; * '''Embarrassment''' - where the individual is concerned with how they are perceived by another when they think they have already conveyed an undesired impression of themselves to others; * '''Sadness''' - which arises from perceived loss, or when their affection for the other person is not returned or accepted; and * '''Anger''' - which arises when the individual perceives the other has unjustifiably behaved in a way that threatens their desire, wellbeing, or is considered an unjustifiable harm (Leary, 2015). However, people do not necessarily experience all of these emotions or to the same extent, as a person's individual differences affect their expression. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Maggie was really upset, as she needed Daniel in a time of need and she spiralled further, believing he was distancing himself, and got into a big fight with Daniel afterwards. Daniel suggested maybe they need some time apart to reevaluate themselves and their relationship. '' '''What effects do you think this will have on Maggie?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Rejection sensitivity''' === Rejection sensitivity, the disposition to anxiously expect, readily perceive, and overwhelmingly respond to rejection (Shin et al., 2024). Rejection-sensitive individuals are more likely to anxiously expect rejection and therefore perceive others' ambiguous behaviours as an intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Similarly, those that enter romantic relationships with anxious expectations of rejection will recognise insensitive behaviours of the new partners as intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Consequently, individuals with a higher rejection sensitivity are more likely to interpret romantic rejection as a confirmation of their feelings of inadequacy, anxiety, anger or negative self-concept (Downey & Feldman, 1996; London et al., 2007). It also affects their quality of their relationships as rejection-sensitive men's jealousy and rejection-sensitive women's hostility results in feelings of diminished support and explain their partners' relationship dissatisfaction (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Rejection sensitivity can also be heightened by attachment styles as anxious or ambivalent attachment styles, that involve a fear of abandonment and need for validation, are more likely to exhibit rejection sensitivity (Shin et al., 2024). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' As weeks passed, Maggie kept asking mutual friends about Daniel, checking his social media accounts, and trying to see him around university. Maggie became increasingly sensitive to even small rejections, interpreting friends saying they were too busy to hang out, or delayed responses to her messages as evidence that even her friends might abandon her. Her feelings of sadness and anxiety increased. '' '''How might this affect the nature and intensity of her emotions?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Individual differences''' === Since physical and social pain are associated with the same neural circuitries individuals who are more sensitive to one kind of pain, whether physical or social, are therefore more sensitive to the other, meaning experiencing greater sensitivity to physical pain would likely result in greater social pain sensitivity (see Table 1), resulting in higher rejection sensitivity and/or a stronger anxious attachment style (Eisenberger, 2012). Higher rejection sensitivity, anxious attachment, or low self-esteem show greater dACC and/or AI activity when experiencing social pain (Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Positive relationships throughout adolescence may also contribute to individuals being less sensitive to any negative social situations experienced later in their lives (Masten et al., 2012). '''Table 1''' ''The Relationship Between Social and Physical Pain'' {{center top}} {| class="wikitable" ! colspan="2" rowspan="2" | ! colspan="2" |Type of Pain |- |Social |Physical |- | rowspan="2" |'''Type of manipulation''' |Increase pain |↑ Physical pain |↑ Social pain |- |Decrease pain |↓ Physical pain |↓ Social pain |} {{center bottom}} Ultimately, romantic rejection can produce diverse emotional responses. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity and individual differences may all affect the duration and intensity of an emotional reaction following rejection. ==Reducing or managing rejection-induced distress== As previously noted, romantic rejection can trigger a variety of emotional responses, including separation distress, social pain, threats to attachment style, and behavioural responses in adjusting to the loss of an attachment. However, there are psychological strategies that may help individuals in regulating the responses and facilitate recovery. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Eventually, after speaking with a trusted friend, Maggie begins to recognise that her constant feelings of anxiety would only prolong the distress. Although her heartbreak had not disappeared, she decided to explore other healthier options of managing her emotions, and rediscovering herself outside of her relationship with Daniel. '' '''What techniques might Maggie use to overcome her anxiety and feelings of distress at missing Daniel?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Adaptive emotional regulation''' === ==== '''Cognitive reappraisal''' ==== [[wikipedia:Cognitive_appraisal|Cognitive reappraisal]], an [[wikipedia:Adaptive_strategies|adaptive strategy]] of emotion regulation works by encouraging a person to change how a situation feels by reframing the way they interpret it (Wang & Yin, 2023; Zilverstand et al., 2017). Following romantic rejection, an individual may interpret their romantic loss as evidence of their personal inadequacy, however, reframing the rejection from a personal failure and instead to a result of incompatibility may be beneficial in reducing emotional distress and correct maladaptive thoughts (Wang & Yin, 2023). ==== '''Mindfulness''' ==== Mindfulness has also been proposed as an adaptive strategy for emotional regulation (Chambers et al., 2009). It involves paying deliberate attention to the present moment and remaining accepting and non-judgemental of the situation (Brockman et al., 2023). Whilst reappraisal works on changing one's thinking, mindfulness works on the person's relationship to their thinking (Brockman et al., 2023). Due to the overlap of physical and social pain (see above section), the factors that alter one type of pain are likely to have a similar effect on the other (Eisenberger, 2012). Using this principle, [[wikipedia:Paracetamol|paracetamol]] or [[wikipedia:Ibuprofen|ibuprofen]], which are known to reduce physical pains, may also reduce the social pain associated with rejection (Eisenberger, 2012). === '''Emotion suppression''' === Alternatively, [[wikipedia:Expressive_suppression|expressive suppression]], a maladaptive behavioural strategy that works towards inhibiting the behaviours associated with emotional responses, such as facial expressions, gestures, and verbal phrases (Goldin et al., 2008). === '''Limitations of emotional regulation techniques''' === Reappraisal is likely more beneficial in reducing immediate neural activity and decreasing negative emotional experiences, however, suppression produced later neural emotional responses, decreased emotional behaviours, experiences and facial expressions, yet, increased neural responses (Goldin et al., 2008). However, whilst cognitive reappraisal is an effective technique in clinical practice, it may not always translate to the individual's life due to a lack of practice, and is likely more effective and replicable across experiences closely linked to the individual's real-life experiences (Wang & Yin, 2023). Despite this, the efficacy of each strategy would depend on the individual, context, environment, age, purpose of the strategy, and other individual differences (Brockman et al., 2023). === '''Social support''' === Social support is a widely known method used to mitigate both emotional and social distress, and is associated with reduced activity in the dACC and AI where increased activity is associated with pain processing (Eisenberger, 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Therefore spending time with friends and in an individual's daily support network indicates reduced activity in the dACC and AI, allowing the individual to reduce both the social and physical pains associated with romantic rejection (Masten et al., 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Effective emotional regulation following romantic rejection likely requires a combination of strategies to address immediate distress, regulate attachment, and elicit long-term adjustments. Whilst these strategies are useful in providing support and assisting with recovery, it may just be that emotional responses to rejection are inevitable. Although there are several approaches to manage rejection, the research on overall and immediate recovery remains limited. Strategies should instead be adapted to a person's individual emotional needs rather than using a 'universal' treatment. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' After seeing a psychologist, who recommended Maggie surround herself with her friends to build her confidence and individual interest again, encouraging she stay fit and pick up a new sport, and showing her techniques of mindfulness, Maggie was able to work through her heartbreak. She also begun using cognitive reappraisal techniques to reframe the small rejections that were increasing her anxiety, and began relying on her own regulation techniques to overcome challenges. After some time had passed and Maggie was feeling confident in herself, she reached out to Daniel to try to rekindle their relationship, now that she was feeling secure and was not dependent on another person for her own safety and happiness.{{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Conclusion== * Arguably the most important section * Provide at least three bullet-points for this section even at the topic development stage, based on preliminary thinking * For the book chapter, develop clear take-home message(s) that address the focus questions based on psychological theory and research * Together, the [[#Overview|Overview]] and Conclusion should summarise the problem, its significance, and how psychological science contributes to understanding and addressing this problem * Recommended length: 150 to 330 words {{tip|Suggestions for this section: * What is the answer to the sub-title question based on psychological theory and research? * What are the answers to the focus questions? * What are the practical, take-home messages? }} ==See also== * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2016/Attachment type and emotion|Attachment type and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2016) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Belongingness motivation#Positive Outcomes of Successful Belongingness and How to Cope with Rejection|Belongingness motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Emotional regulation]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:History_of_attachment_theory|History of attachment theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Rejection sensitivity|Rejection sensitivity]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Sorry#Social rejection|Social rejection]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[wikipedia:Theories_of_love|Theories of love]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Aron, A., Fisher, H., Mashek, D. J., Strong, G., Li, H., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Reward, motivation, and emotion systems associated with early-stage intense romantic love. ''Journal of Neurophysiology'', ''94''(1), 327–337. https://doi.org/10.1152/jn.00838.2004 Bergen, D. (2022). Developing attachment. In ''Theories of Early Childhood Education'' (pp. 118–127). Routledge. Bowlby, J. (1988). ''A secure base: Clinical applications of attachment theory''. Routledge. Bretherton, I. (1992). The origins of attachment theory: John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth. ''Developmental Psychology'', ''28''(5), 759–775. https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.28.5.759 Brockman, R., Ciarrochi, J., Parker, P., & Kashdan, T. B. (2023). Behaving versus thinking positively: When the benefits of cognitive reappraisal are contingent on satisfying basic psychological needs. ''Journal of Contextual Behavioral Science'', ''27'', 120–125. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcbs.2023.01.005 Chambers, R., Gullone, E., & Allen, N. B. (2009). Mindful emotion regulation: An integrative review. ''Clinical Psychology Review'', ''29''(6), 560–572. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2009.06.005 Downey, G., & Feldman, S. I. (1996). Implications of rejection sensitivity for intimate relationships. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''70''(6), 1327–1343. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.70.6.1327 Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). The pain of social disconnection: Examining the shared neural underpinnings of physical and social pain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''13'', 421–434. https://doi.org/10.1038/nrn3231 Elliott, R., Newman, J. L., Longe, O. A., & Deakin, J. F. W. (2003). Differential response patterns in the striatum and orbitofrontal cortex to financial reward in humans: A parametric functional magnetic resonance imaging study. ''The Journal of Neuroscience'', ''23''(1), 303–307. https://doi.org/10.1523/jneurosci.23-01-00303.2003 Fisher, H., Aron, A., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Romantic love: An fMRI study of a neural mechanism for mate choice. ''Journal of Comparative Neurology'', ''493''(1), 58–62. https://doi.org/10.1002/cne.20772 Goldin, P. R., McRae, K., Ramel, W., & Gross, J. J. (2008). The neural bases of emotion regulation: Reappraisal and suppression of negative emotion. ''Biological Psychiatry'', ''63''(6), 577–586. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsych.2007.05.031 Jozefowiez, J., & Staddon, J. E. R. (2008). 1.06 - Operant behaviour. In ''Learning and Memory: A Comprehensive Reference'' (pp. 75–101). Academic Press. Leary, M. R. (2015). Emotional responses to interpersonal rejection. ''Dialogues in Clinical Neuroscience'', ''17''(4). https://doi.org/10.31887/DCNS.2015.17.4/mleary Levine, A., & Heller, R. (2010). ''Attached''. Tarcher. London, B., Downey, G., Bonica, C., & Paltin, I. (2007). Social causes and consequences of rejection sensitivity. ''Journal of Research on Adolescence'', ''17''(3), 481–506. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1532-7795.2007.00531.x Masten, C. L., Telzer, E. H., Fuligni, A. J., Lieberman, M. D., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). Time spent with friends in adolescence relates to less neural sensitivity to later peer rejection. ''Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience'', ''7''(1), 106–114. https://doi.org/10.1093/scan/nsq098 Mikulincer, M., & Shaver, P. R. (2003). The attachment behavioural system in adulthood: Activation, psychodynamics, and interpersonal processes. In ''Advances in Experimental Social Psychology'' (pp. 53–152). Elsevier Science. Novotney, A. (2023). What happens in your brain when you’re in love? ''American Psychological Association.'' https://www.apa.org/topics/marriage-relationships/brain-on-love Ortigue, S., Bianchi-Demicheli, F., Patel, N., Frum, C., & Lewis, J. W. (2010). Neuroimaging of love: fMRI meta-analysis evidence toward new perspectives in sexual medicine. ''The Journal of Sexual Medicine'', ''7''(11), 3541–3552. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-6109.2010.01999.x Pfaff, D. (1999). ''Drive: Neurobiological and molecular mechanisms of sexual motivation.'' MIT Press. Schultz, W. (2000). Multiple reward signals in the brain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''1''(3), 199–207. Shin, J., Han, K. S., & Shin, H. J. (2024). Rejection sensitivity: A concept analysis. ''Journal of Korean Academy of Psychiatric and Mental Health Nursing'', ''33''(3), 253–261. https://doi.org/10.12934/jkpmhn.2024.33.3.253 Tchalova, K., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2015). How the brain feels the hurt of heartbreak: Examining the neurobiological overlap between social and physical pain. In A. W. Toga (Ed.), ''Brain Mapping: An Encyclopedic Reference'' (pp. 15–20). Academic Press: Elsevier. Wang, Y.-X., & Yin, B. (2023). A new understanding of the cognitive reappraisal technique: An extension based on the schema theory. ''Frontiers in Behavioral Neuroscience'', ''17''. https://doi.org/10.3389/fnbeh.2023.1174585 Zilverstand, A., Parvaz, M. A., & Goldstein, R. Z. (2017). Neuroimaging cognitive reappraisal in clinical populations to define neural targets for enhancing emotion regulation. a systematic review. ''NeuroImage'', ''151'', 105–116. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2016.06.009 }} ==External links== * [https://www.columbiapsychiatry.org/news/how-attachment-styles-influence-romantic-relationships How attachment styles influence romantic relationships] (Columbia Psychiatry) * [https://hms.harvard.edu/news-events/publications-archive/brain/love-brain Love and the brain] (Harvard Medical School) * [https://youtu.be/gMRph_BvHB4?si=7A6iFYMgC7VdC2Vv The science of love, desire and attachment] (Youtube) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Relationships]] cflkq7bvkez44y4mkqac739r4dujkgx 2840261 2840254 2026-10-14T12:56:31Z U3275873 3110137 /* Conclusion */ conclusion 2840261 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Romantic rejection and emotional response<br>What emotional responses does romantic rejection evoke and how can they be regulated?}} __TOC__ == Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Maggie grew up with parents that were loving and attentive, giving her everything she needed. Yet, sometimes she found it difficult to form a deeper emotional connection with her parents or share her vulnerable feelings, as they would often keep conversations light or surface-level, and did not have personal conversations with their daughter. As a result, Maggie sometimes worried and questioned if they actually loved her, despite always having provided for her. '' '''What attachment style do you think Maggie is likely to be predisposed to?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} [[wikipedia:Social_rejection#Romantic_rejection|Romantic rejection]] is a common yet extremely emotionally challenging experience that can lead to intense feelings of sadness, longing, loneliness, and difficulties in regulating [[Emotion|emotions]]. Understanding how and why people respond strongly to rejection is important as attachment has consequences on psychological, physiological, and biological systems associated with security, reward, emotions and motivation. Using attachment theories, neuroscience, and emotional regulation techniques can help explain how romantic bonds develop, why their loss produces distress, the ways in which individual differences can affect responses, and which strategies may help regulate or support emotional responses. {{robelbox|theme=11|title=Focus questions}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> * How do romantic attachments develop? * How does romantic rejection affect attachment and motivational systems? * What determines the nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection? * How can rejection-related distress be reduced or managed? </div> {{Robelbox/close}} * ==Romantic attachments== [[wikipedia:Romance|Romantic]] attachments are a fundamental part of human connection. It influences motivation, emotional wellbeing and behaviour. These attachments have developed over time through both evolutionary and biological bases, in attempts to increase survival and happiness, respectively. Understanding these perspectives can help explain why romantic attachments form to begin with and why the loss of an attachment is so emotionally significant. === Attachment === [[wikipedia:Attachment_theory|Attachment theory]] outlines the main "attachment styles", otherwise known as ways in which people perceive and respond to [[wikipedia:Intimate_relationship#Intimacy|intimacy]] in relationships, and are parallel to those found in children throughout development stages (Levine & Heller, 2010). The theory designates three main styles: # Secure # Anxious # Avoidant People who are usually warm loving, and comfortable with intimacy tend to be ''secure.'' Whereas ''anxious'' people are often distracted with their relationships and crave intimacy, with constant worry about their partner's ability to love them back. Finally, people who tend to constantly try to minimize closeness and associate intimacy with a loss of their independence are considered ''avoidant'' (Levine & Heller, 2010). A person's attachment style can not only affect their view of intimacy, but also include affect their: * way of dealing with conflict * attitude towards sex * ability to communicate wants and needs; or * expectations of a partner and the relationship (Levine & Heller, 2010). Levine and Heller (2010) claims all people fall, regardless of the stage at which their relationship is in, fall into one or a combination of these three categories, although a combination of anxious and avoidant is rare (Levine & Heller, 2010). This fourth, rare, category is termed the 'disorganised', of which only 5% of people fall into (Levine & Heller, 2010). ==== '''Origins of attachments - evolutionary safety''' ==== [[wikipedia:Attachment_in_adults#Styles|Adult attachment styles]] were initially hypothesised to be based primarily on a person's childhood and upbringing. [[wikipedia:John_Bowlby|John Bowlby]] and [[wikipedia:Mary_Ainsworth|Mary Ainsworth]], building on their separate and joined research on [[wikipedia:Ethology|ethology]] and [[developmental psychology]], developed the initial theories on which attachment theory has evolved. They proposed that infants possess a biological or evolutionary drive to form emotional attachments with others, primarily caregivers, as a mechanism for survival (Bretherton, 1992). From the ages of as young as six months to two years, children with consistent caregivers, who become their attachment figures, develop a mental representation or an "[[wikipedia:Internal_working_model_of_attachment|internal working model]]", influencing views of themselves, expectations, and methods of interacting and building relationships with others as they get older (Bergen, 2022). As the attachments develop throughout childhood, attachment figures can become a "secure base" they can return to for comfort, support, and safety, if caregivers were sensitive, responsible, and available, in which infants develop a "secure" attachment style (Bergen, 2022; Bowlby, 1988). Alternatively, avoidant or resistant attachment styles can develop if they were distant, unresponsive, and rigid; or an anxious attachment style if they were inconsistently responsive (Bergen, 2022; Levine & Heller, 2010). However, more recent development have found that attachment styles in adulthood are more likely influenced by a variety of factors, including genetics, and life experiences, rather than being limited to the way in which parents cared for a person through infancy (Levine & Heller, 2010). Ultimately, attachment systems exist as a biological function of protecting a person from danger, especially during infancy, by ensuring their remain in close proximity to the care and support of others (their attachment figures), as a method of increasing the likelihood of survival and eventual reproduction (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ==== '''Origins of attachment - biological basis''' ==== <blockquote>“Love is a biological necessity—it’s as needed for our well-being as exercise, water, and food, […] And from a neuroscientific viewpoint, we can really say that love blossoms in the brain.” (Cacioppo, as cited in Novotney, 2023, para.3).</blockquote>Aside from the evolutionary basis, romantic attraction is also based in neuroendocrinology. Early-stage romantic love, or being '[[wikipedia:Falling_in_love|lovestruck]]', is often attributed to a primitive part of the brain's reward system (Novotney, 2023). In these early stages a person normally experiences sympathetic nervous system reactions, such as sweaty palms or a pounding heart when they are with their loved one, and often feeling [[wikipedia:Separation_anxiety_disorder|separation anxiety]] when apart from them (Fisher et al., 2005). The lovers tend to express emotional dependence, heightened romantic passion, extreme empathy toward the beloved, sexual desires and possessiveness, the craving for emotional union, and obsessive thinking, reaching extremes where they change their habits to impress or remain in contact, or are even willing to die for the individual (Fisher et al., 2005). In cases were the lover experiences rejection, they often will protest the rejection and work to try to win the beloved individual back, expressing rage at the abandonment and despair (Fisher et al., 2005). Fisher et al. (2005) conducted a study on courtship attraction that used [[Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging|functional magnetic resonance imaging]](fMRI) to determine the neural mechanisms associated with romantic love, by studying 17 people intensely "in love". The study found that a photograph of the beloved was an effective stimulus for eliciting feelings of intense romantic love, producing group activation in several regions of the brain, including the right [[wikipedia:Ventral_tegmental_area|ventral tegmental area]] (VTA) amidst [[wikipedia:Dopamine|dopamine]] cells (Aron et al., 2005; Fisher et al., 2005). The VTA is a main component of the brain's "reward system", as it is associated with focused attention, arousal, pleasure and the motivation to pursue and acquire rewards (Fisher at al., 2005). The VTA then activates various brain regions, including the caudate nucleus which contributes to reward detection and expectation (Fisher at al., 2005; Schultz, 2000). This suggest romantic love may be a primary motivation system, or a fundamental human drive to mate, suggesting romantic love is the effects of a reward system as all drives are associated with the activation of dopamine (Fisher et al., 2005; Pfaff, 1999). Similarly, humans have been shown to respond to monetary rewards, demonstrating the neural activations of financial reinforcement overlap with regions that respond to human's primary reinforcers (Elliott et al., 2003). This can be applied twice as sex is a primary biological enforcer, and even abstract rewards can be used to effectively elicit neuronal responses (Elliott et al., 2003; Jozefowiez & Staddon, 2008). [[File:Parts_of_brain_that_are_activated_when_a_person_falls_in_love.jpg|thumb|589x589px|'''Figure 1.''' ''Parts of brain activated when a person falls in love.'' Source: (Novotney, 2023)|center]] Additionally, Ortigue et al. (2010) conducted further [[meta-analysis]] of published fMRI studies of love and their illustration of brain regions associated with the different forms of love. Ortigue et al. (2010) confirmed that all fMRI studies of love found the [[wikipedia:Cerebral_cortex#Connections|subcortical]] [[wikipedia:Dopaminergic_pathways|dopaminergic]] reward-related brain systems, which uses dopamine and [[wikipedia:Oxytocin|oxytocin]] receptors, responsible for motivating individuals to bond with another person. The review also further demonstrated that different types of love may involve different cerebral pathways which includes pathways associated with higher cognitive functions such as bodily [./Https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-image self-image] and [[social cognition]] (Ortigue et al., 2010). The study highlighted a total of 12 areas in the brain that work together to release dopamine, oxytocin, and [[wikipedia:Adrenaline|adrenaline]], indicating the [[wikipedia:Amygdala|amygdala]], [[wikipedia:Hippocampus|hippocampus]], and [[wikipedia:Prefrontal_cortex|prefrontal cortex]] (See Figure 1), which is very sensitive to pleasure-inducing behaviours, are all activated in the brain scans when talking about a loved one (Novotney, 2023; Ortigue et al., 2010). Romantic attachments ultimately develop through both evolutionary, physiological, and psychological methods. Attachment theory explains how and why emotional bonds are formed, to promote security and influence relationship patterns. Whilst reward systems highlight the neurophysiological component that strengthens romantic connections, suggesting romantic attachment fulfills the basic human needs for connection. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' As Maggie grew older, in year 11 she later met Daniel and things seemed to change. Over their time finishing school and then later entering university Daniel became one of Maggie's closest friends, even entering the same university together after graduation. They were always together. Daniel made Maggie happy, was attentive, and slowly became someone Maggie could imagine building a future with. '' '''What type of attachment role do you think Daniel plays in Maggie's life?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Effects of rejection == Romantic rejection can trigger physiological, psychological and neurological responses due to a disruption in a person's pre-determined romantic attachment. Romantic partners work as sources of emotional security and safety, so when a person is rejected, their established attachment bond and securities become threatened (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Sometimes a rejection does not always deter the individual and can instead further motivate them to attempt to restore the lost connection, even if the relationship is no longer reciprocated (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). === '''Behavioural responses to a threatened attachment system''' === Functioning of an attachment system can be affected by the availability of one, or more, attachment figures in times of need, and their sensitivity and responsiveness to the individual's proximity-seeking behaviours (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). So, whilst nearly all children will become attached, including in situations where they experience abuse from their mothers, not all attachments are secure attachments, as attachment theory poses that the quality of the interactions with attachment figures is the main reason for individual differences in the functioning of an attachment system (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003) (See Figure 2). [[File:Quadrants_of_the_four_major_attachment_styles.png|thumb|370x370px|'''Figure 2.''' ''Diagram of the four major attachment styles categorised by attachment anxiety and avoidance strength.'' Source: (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ]] Applying the theory of attachment styles to experiences of romantic rejection, when an attachment figure (the beloved) is not physically or emotionally available to the lover in times of need or distress, is not sensitive or responsive to the lover's attempts at seeking proximity, the attachment system is then disrupted (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). In that case, the feelings of distress, lack of proximity, or lack of safety are not alleviated. Instead, the initial distress felt is instead amalgamated by further doubts they can attain safety, trust, or the resources necessary for stress management (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Once this occurs, attachment theorists have determined two methods of secondary attachment strategies of either ''hyperactivation'' or ''deactivation'' of the system; where hyperactivating individuals do not give up on their attachment attempts and instead intensify them in order to coerce the attachment figure's support and love (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Alternatively, a deactivating individual gives up on their attachment attempts, attempting to deal with the dangers alone (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). This is a strategy to try and down-regulate their attachment system in an attempt to avoid the distress and pain caused by the attachment figure's unavailability (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' One day, Maggie had a panic attack while Daniel was at soccer practice, and as she was messaging and calling him to come help her, Daniel was not responding. This cause Maggie to become increasingly anxious, escalating her panic attack. Daniel's phone had died at practice, so had not seen Maggie's calls or messages until a few hours after practice. '' '''How do you think this would affect Maggie and Daniel's relationship?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Heartbreak and physical pain''' === Physical pain words are often used to describe experiences of social rejection or loss, such as a 'broken heart' or 'hurt feelings', which may be due to the similarities associated with [[Pain|physical]] and 'social pain' (Eisenberger, 2012; Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Negative social evaluations, including rejection from a romantic partner, activates areas in the dorsal [[wikipedia:Anterior_cingulate_cortex|anterior cingulate cortex]] (dACC) and [[wikipedia:Insular_cortex|anterior insula]] (AI), which are brain regions associated with the distressful experiences of physical pain (Eisenberger, 2012). Understanding this overlap between physical and social pain provides further insights into both the intensity of emotional responses, and methods in which the pain can be alleviated. Overall, romantic rejection disrupts the security an attachment bond brings, whilst also still motivating an individual to pursue a person romantically. This helps further explain why an individual may experience emotional, and even physical, pain and still remain motivated to restore what was lost, whether literal or imagined. ==Nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection== Romantic rejection can evoke a multitude of emotions in everyone. However, the intensity, duration, and expression of these emotions will differ amongst individuals. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity, and individual differences would all play key parts in the expression of one's emotions. === '''Emotional responses''' === A wide variety of human emotions arise in response to rejection by other people, whether the rejection was real, anticipated, imagined, or merely remembered (Leary, 2015). Acceptance by other people developed [[wikipedia:Personality_psychology#Biopsychological_theories|biopsychological]] and emotional mechanisms for humans to recognise and cope with threats to acceptance and belonging (Leary, 2015). So, when an individual's sense of belonging or acceptance is threatened it can elicit emotions the following emotions in attempts to manage the rejection: * '''Hurt feelings''' - where the other person does not regard their relationship with the individual as valuable or important as they believe, leading them to feel rejected; * '''Jealousy''' - where the individual believes the other person values their relationship with them less that desired because of the presence of another third party; * '''Loneliness''' - where the individual believes the person who greatly values their relationship are not available for support or social interaction; * '''Guilt''' - where the individual believes they have done something that would lead the other to relationally devalue them, motivating them to repair the damage that their undesired behaviour has caused; * '''Shame''' - where the individual believes others' judgement as a person may lead to relation devaluation and possible rejection, leading to a desire to withdraw from social interactions because nothing can be immediately done to repair the damage to their image or value; * '''Social anxiety''' - feelings of nervousness in social interactions in anticipation to the possibility of conveying an undesired impression of themselves that will lower their value in another person's eyes; * '''Embarrassment''' - where the individual is concerned with how they are perceived by another when they think they have already conveyed an undesired impression of themselves to others; * '''Sadness''' - which arises from perceived loss, or when their affection for the other person is not returned or accepted; and * '''Anger''' - which arises when the individual perceives the other has unjustifiably behaved in a way that threatens their desire, wellbeing, or is considered an unjustifiable harm (Leary, 2015). However, people do not necessarily experience all of these emotions or to the same extent, as a person's individual differences affect their expression. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Maggie was really upset, as she needed Daniel in a time of need and she spiralled further, believing he was distancing himself, and got into a big fight with Daniel afterwards. Daniel suggested maybe they need some time apart to reevaluate themselves and their relationship. '' '''What effects do you think this will have on Maggie?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Rejection sensitivity''' === Rejection sensitivity, the disposition to anxiously expect, readily perceive, and overwhelmingly respond to rejection (Shin et al., 2024). Rejection-sensitive individuals are more likely to anxiously expect rejection and therefore perceive others' ambiguous behaviours as an intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Similarly, those that enter romantic relationships with anxious expectations of rejection will recognise insensitive behaviours of the new partners as intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Consequently, individuals with a higher rejection sensitivity are more likely to interpret romantic rejection as a confirmation of their feelings of inadequacy, anxiety, anger or negative self-concept (Downey & Feldman, 1996; London et al., 2007). It also affects their quality of their relationships as rejection-sensitive men's jealousy and rejection-sensitive women's hostility results in feelings of diminished support and explain their partners' relationship dissatisfaction (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Rejection sensitivity can also be heightened by attachment styles as anxious or ambivalent attachment styles, that involve a fear of abandonment and need for validation, are more likely to exhibit rejection sensitivity (Shin et al., 2024). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' As weeks passed, Maggie kept asking mutual friends about Daniel, checking his social media accounts, and trying to see him around university. Maggie became increasingly sensitive to even small rejections, interpreting friends saying they were too busy to hang out, or delayed responses to her messages as evidence that even her friends might abandon her. Her feelings of sadness and anxiety increased. '' '''How might this affect the nature and intensity of her emotions?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Individual differences''' === Since physical and social pain are associated with the same neural circuitries individuals who are more sensitive to one kind of pain, whether physical or social, are therefore more sensitive to the other, meaning experiencing greater sensitivity to physical pain would likely result in greater social pain sensitivity (see Table 1), resulting in higher rejection sensitivity and/or a stronger anxious attachment style (Eisenberger, 2012). Higher rejection sensitivity, anxious attachment, or low self-esteem show greater dACC and/or AI activity when experiencing social pain (Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Positive relationships throughout adolescence may also contribute to individuals being less sensitive to any negative social situations experienced later in their lives (Masten et al., 2012). '''Table 1''' ''The Relationship Between Social and Physical Pain'' {{center top}} {| class="wikitable" ! colspan="2" rowspan="2" | ! colspan="2" |Type of Pain |- |Social |Physical |- | rowspan="2" |'''Type of manipulation''' |Increase pain |↑ Physical pain |↑ Social pain |- |Decrease pain |↓ Physical pain |↓ Social pain |} {{center bottom}} Ultimately, romantic rejection can produce diverse emotional responses. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity and individual differences may all affect the duration and intensity of an emotional reaction following rejection. ==Reducing or managing rejection-induced distress== As previously noted, romantic rejection can trigger a variety of emotional responses, including separation distress, social pain, threats to attachment style, and behavioural responses in adjusting to the loss of an attachment. However, there are psychological strategies that may help individuals in regulating the responses and facilitate recovery. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Eventually, after speaking with a trusted friend, Maggie begins to recognise that her constant feelings of anxiety would only prolong the distress. Although her heartbreak had not disappeared, she decided to explore other healthier options of managing her emotions, and rediscovering herself outside of her relationship with Daniel. '' '''What techniques might Maggie use to overcome her anxiety and feelings of distress at missing Daniel?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Adaptive emotional regulation''' === ==== '''Cognitive reappraisal''' ==== [[wikipedia:Cognitive_appraisal|Cognitive reappraisal]], an [[wikipedia:Adaptive_strategies|adaptive strategy]] of emotion regulation works by encouraging a person to change how a situation feels by reframing the way they interpret it (Wang & Yin, 2023; Zilverstand et al., 2017). Following romantic rejection, an individual may interpret their romantic loss as evidence of their personal inadequacy, however, reframing the rejection from a personal failure and instead to a result of incompatibility may be beneficial in reducing emotional distress and correct maladaptive thoughts (Wang & Yin, 2023). ==== '''Mindfulness''' ==== Mindfulness has also been proposed as an adaptive strategy for emotional regulation (Chambers et al., 2009). It involves paying deliberate attention to the present moment and remaining accepting and non-judgemental of the situation (Brockman et al., 2023). Whilst reappraisal works on changing one's thinking, mindfulness works on the person's relationship to their thinking (Brockman et al., 2023). Due to the overlap of physical and social pain (see above section), the factors that alter one type of pain are likely to have a similar effect on the other (Eisenberger, 2012). Using this principle, [[wikipedia:Paracetamol|paracetamol]] or [[wikipedia:Ibuprofen|ibuprofen]], which are known to reduce physical pains, may also reduce the social pain associated with rejection (Eisenberger, 2012). === '''Emotion suppression''' === Alternatively, [[wikipedia:Expressive_suppression|expressive suppression]], a maladaptive behavioural strategy that works towards inhibiting the behaviours associated with emotional responses, such as facial expressions, gestures, and verbal phrases (Goldin et al., 2008). === '''Limitations of emotional regulation techniques''' === Reappraisal is likely more beneficial in reducing immediate neural activity and decreasing negative emotional experiences, however, suppression produced later neural emotional responses, decreased emotional behaviours, experiences and facial expressions, yet, increased neural responses (Goldin et al., 2008). However, whilst cognitive reappraisal is an effective technique in clinical practice, it may not always translate to the individual's life due to a lack of practice, and is likely more effective and replicable across experiences closely linked to the individual's real-life experiences (Wang & Yin, 2023). Despite this, the efficacy of each strategy would depend on the individual, context, environment, age, purpose of the strategy, and other individual differences (Brockman et al., 2023). === '''Social support''' === Social support is a widely known method used to mitigate both emotional and social distress, and is associated with reduced activity in the dACC and AI where increased activity is associated with pain processing (Eisenberger, 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Therefore spending time with friends and in an individual's daily support network indicates reduced activity in the dACC and AI, allowing the individual to reduce both the social and physical pains associated with romantic rejection (Masten et al., 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Effective emotional regulation following romantic rejection likely requires a combination of strategies to address immediate distress, regulate attachment, and elicit long-term adjustments. Whilst these strategies are useful in providing support and assisting with recovery, it may just be that emotional responses to rejection are inevitable. Although there are several approaches to manage rejection, the research on overall and immediate recovery remains limited. Strategies should instead be adapted to a person's individual emotional needs rather than using a 'universal' treatment. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' After seeing a psychologist, who recommended Maggie surround herself with her friends to build her confidence and individual interest again, encouraging she stay fit and pick up a new sport, and showing her techniques of mindfulness, Maggie was able to work through her heartbreak. She also begun using cognitive reappraisal techniques to reframe the small rejections that were increasing her anxiety, and began relying on her own regulation techniques to overcome challenges. After some time had passed and Maggie was feeling confident in herself, she reached out to Daniel to try to rekindle their relationship, now that she was feeling secure and was not dependent on another person for her own safety and happiness.{{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Conclusion== Romantic rejection can greatly influence emotions and motivated behaviour due to the complexity and interconnectedness of psychological and biological systems. Romantic attachments can provide security, a sense of belonging, and mimic rewards, explaining why the disruption of an attachment can trigger intense distress and emotional effects. However, the duration and intensity of such effects may vary according to individual differences, particularly in attachment style and sensitivity to rejection. Notably, the emotional responses can be managed through cognitive appraisal, mindfulness, suppression and social support, reducing distress, and supporting emotional recovery. Overall, romantic rejection evokes interconnected emotional and motivational responses, but emotional regulation is possible through evidence-informed strategies. Understanding the underlying psychological mechanisms can therefore provide valuable insights into managing romantic rejection, emotional distress and promoting practical approaches to psychological wellbeing. ==See also== * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2016/Attachment type and emotion|Attachment type and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2016) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Belongingness motivation#Positive Outcomes of Successful Belongingness and How to Cope with Rejection|Belongingness motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Emotional regulation]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:History_of_attachment_theory|History of attachment theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Rejection sensitivity|Rejection sensitivity]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Sorry#Social rejection|Social rejection]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[wikipedia:Theories_of_love|Theories of love]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Aron, A., Fisher, H., Mashek, D. J., Strong, G., Li, H., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Reward, motivation, and emotion systems associated with early-stage intense romantic love. ''Journal of Neurophysiology'', ''94''(1), 327–337. https://doi.org/10.1152/jn.00838.2004 Bergen, D. (2022). Developing attachment. In ''Theories of Early Childhood Education'' (pp. 118–127). Routledge. Bowlby, J. (1988). ''A secure base: Clinical applications of attachment theory''. Routledge. Bretherton, I. (1992). The origins of attachment theory: John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth. ''Developmental Psychology'', ''28''(5), 759–775. https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.28.5.759 Brockman, R., Ciarrochi, J., Parker, P., & Kashdan, T. B. (2023). Behaving versus thinking positively: When the benefits of cognitive reappraisal are contingent on satisfying basic psychological needs. ''Journal of Contextual Behavioral Science'', ''27'', 120–125. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcbs.2023.01.005 Chambers, R., Gullone, E., & Allen, N. B. (2009). Mindful emotion regulation: An integrative review. ''Clinical Psychology Review'', ''29''(6), 560–572. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2009.06.005 Downey, G., & Feldman, S. I. (1996). Implications of rejection sensitivity for intimate relationships. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''70''(6), 1327–1343. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.70.6.1327 Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). The pain of social disconnection: Examining the shared neural underpinnings of physical and social pain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''13'', 421–434. https://doi.org/10.1038/nrn3231 Elliott, R., Newman, J. L., Longe, O. A., & Deakin, J. F. W. (2003). Differential response patterns in the striatum and orbitofrontal cortex to financial reward in humans: A parametric functional magnetic resonance imaging study. ''The Journal of Neuroscience'', ''23''(1), 303–307. https://doi.org/10.1523/jneurosci.23-01-00303.2003 Fisher, H., Aron, A., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Romantic love: An fMRI study of a neural mechanism for mate choice. ''Journal of Comparative Neurology'', ''493''(1), 58–62. https://doi.org/10.1002/cne.20772 Goldin, P. R., McRae, K., Ramel, W., & Gross, J. J. (2008). The neural bases of emotion regulation: Reappraisal and suppression of negative emotion. ''Biological Psychiatry'', ''63''(6), 577–586. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsych.2007.05.031 Jozefowiez, J., & Staddon, J. E. R. (2008). 1.06 - Operant behaviour. In ''Learning and Memory: A Comprehensive Reference'' (pp. 75–101). Academic Press. Leary, M. R. (2015). Emotional responses to interpersonal rejection. ''Dialogues in Clinical Neuroscience'', ''17''(4). https://doi.org/10.31887/DCNS.2015.17.4/mleary Levine, A., & Heller, R. (2010). ''Attached''. Tarcher. London, B., Downey, G., Bonica, C., & Paltin, I. (2007). Social causes and consequences of rejection sensitivity. ''Journal of Research on Adolescence'', ''17''(3), 481–506. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1532-7795.2007.00531.x Masten, C. L., Telzer, E. H., Fuligni, A. J., Lieberman, M. D., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). Time spent with friends in adolescence relates to less neural sensitivity to later peer rejection. ''Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience'', ''7''(1), 106–114. https://doi.org/10.1093/scan/nsq098 Mikulincer, M., & Shaver, P. R. (2003). The attachment behavioural system in adulthood: Activation, psychodynamics, and interpersonal processes. In ''Advances in Experimental Social Psychology'' (pp. 53–152). Elsevier Science. Novotney, A. (2023). What happens in your brain when you’re in love? ''American Psychological Association.'' https://www.apa.org/topics/marriage-relationships/brain-on-love Ortigue, S., Bianchi-Demicheli, F., Patel, N., Frum, C., & Lewis, J. W. (2010). Neuroimaging of love: fMRI meta-analysis evidence toward new perspectives in sexual medicine. ''The Journal of Sexual Medicine'', ''7''(11), 3541–3552. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-6109.2010.01999.x Pfaff, D. (1999). ''Drive: Neurobiological and molecular mechanisms of sexual motivation.'' MIT Press. Schultz, W. (2000). Multiple reward signals in the brain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''1''(3), 199–207. Shin, J., Han, K. S., & Shin, H. J. (2024). Rejection sensitivity: A concept analysis. ''Journal of Korean Academy of Psychiatric and Mental Health Nursing'', ''33''(3), 253–261. https://doi.org/10.12934/jkpmhn.2024.33.3.253 Tchalova, K., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2015). How the brain feels the hurt of heartbreak: Examining the neurobiological overlap between social and physical pain. In A. W. Toga (Ed.), ''Brain Mapping: An Encyclopedic Reference'' (pp. 15–20). Academic Press: Elsevier. Wang, Y.-X., & Yin, B. (2023). A new understanding of the cognitive reappraisal technique: An extension based on the schema theory. ''Frontiers in Behavioral Neuroscience'', ''17''. https://doi.org/10.3389/fnbeh.2023.1174585 Zilverstand, A., Parvaz, M. A., & Goldstein, R. Z. (2017). Neuroimaging cognitive reappraisal in clinical populations to define neural targets for enhancing emotion regulation. a systematic review. ''NeuroImage'', ''151'', 105–116. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2016.06.009 }} ==External links== * [https://www.columbiapsychiatry.org/news/how-attachment-styles-influence-romantic-relationships How attachment styles influence romantic relationships] (Columbia Psychiatry) * [https://hms.harvard.edu/news-events/publications-archive/brain/love-brain Love and the brain] (Harvard Medical School) * [https://youtu.be/gMRph_BvHB4?si=7A6iFYMgC7VdC2Vv The science of love, desire and attachment] (Youtube) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Relationships]] rs6golm76dg6dept673rnfps8cvikdu 2840276 2840261 2026-10-14T13:49:19Z U3275873 3110137 figure captions to be apa7 style (as much as possible), minor grammar/formatting edits 2840276 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Romantic rejection and emotional response<br>What emotional responses does romantic rejection evoke and how can they be regulated?}} __TOC__ == Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Maggie grew up with parents that were loving and attentive, giving her everything she needed. Yet sometimes she found it difficult to form a deeper emotional connection with her parents or share her vulnerable feelings, as they would often keep conversations light or surface-level, and did not have personal conversations with their daughter. As a result, Maggie sometimes worried and questioned if they actually loved her, despite always having provided for her. '' '''What attachment style do you think Maggie is likely to be predisposed to?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} [[wikipedia:Social_rejection#Romantic_rejection|Romantic rejection]] is a common yet extremely emotionally challenging experience that can lead to intense feelings of sadness, longing, loneliness, and difficulties in regulating [[Emotion|emotions]]. Understanding how and why people respond strongly to rejection is important as attachment has consequences on psychological, physiological, and biological systems associated with security, reward, emotions and motivation. Using attachment theories, neuroscience, and emotional regulation techniques can help explain how romantic bonds develop, why their loss produces distress, the ways in which individual differences can affect responses, and which strategies may help regulate or support emotional responses. {{robelbox|theme=11|title=Focus questions}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> * How do romantic attachments develop? * How does romantic rejection affect attachment and motivational systems? * What determines the nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection? * How can rejection-related distress be reduced or managed? </div> {{Robelbox/close}} ==Romantic attachments== [[wikipedia:Romance|Romantic]] attachments are a fundamental part of human connection. It influences motivation, emotional wellbeing and behaviour. These attachments have developed over time through both evolutionary and biological bases, in attempts to increase survival and happiness, respectively. Understanding these perspectives can help explain why romantic attachments form to begin with and why the loss of an attachment is so emotionally significant. === Attachment === [[wikipedia:Attachment_theory|Attachment theory]] outlines the main "attachment styles", otherwise known as ways in which people perceive and respond to [[wikipedia:Intimate_relationship#Intimacy|intimacy]] in relationships, and are parallel to those found in children throughout development stages (Levine & Heller, 2010). The theory designates three main styles: # Secure # Anxious # Avoidant People who are usually warm loving, and comfortable with intimacy tend to be ''secure.'' Whereas ''anxious'' people are often distracted with their relationships and crave intimacy, with constant worry about their partner's ability to love them back. Finally, people who tend to constantly try to minimize closeness and associate intimacy with a loss of their independence are considered ''avoidant'' (Levine & Heller, 2010). A person's attachment style can not only affect their view of intimacy, but also include affect their: * way of dealing with conflict * attitude towards sex * ability to communicate wants and needs; or * expectations of a partner and the relationship (Levine & Heller, 2010). Levine and Heller (2010) claim all people fall, regardless of the stage at which their relationship is in, fall into one or a combination of these three categories, although a combination of anxious and avoidant is rare (Levine & Heller, 2010). This fourth, rare, category is termed the 'disorganised', of which only 5% of people fall into (Levine & Heller, 2010). ==== '''Origins of attachments - evolutionary safety''' ==== [[wikipedia:Attachment_in_adults#Styles|Adult attachment styles]] were initially hypothesised to be based primarily on a person's childhood and upbringing. [[wikipedia:John_Bowlby|John Bowlby]] and [[wikipedia:Mary_Ainsworth|Mary Ainsworth]], building on their separate and joined research on [[wikipedia:Ethology|ethology]] and [[developmental psychology]], developed the initial theories on which attachment theory has evolved. They proposed that infants possess a biological or evolutionary drive to form emotional attachments with others, primarily caregivers, as a mechanism for survival (Bretherton, 1992). From the ages of as young as six months to two years, children with consistent caregivers, who become their attachment figures, develop a mental representation or an "[[wikipedia:Internal_working_model_of_attachment|internal working model]]", influencing views of themselves, expectations, and methods of interacting and building relationships with others as they get older (Bergen, 2022). As the attachments develop throughout childhood, attachment figures can become a "secure base" they can return to for comfort, support, and safety, if caregivers were sensitive, responsible, and available, in which infants develop a "secure" attachment style (Bergen, 2022; Bowlby, 1988). Alternatively, avoidant or resistant attachment styles can develop if they were distant, unresponsive, and rigid; or an anxious attachment style if they were inconsistently responsive (Bergen, 2022; Levine & Heller, 2010). However, more recent developments have found that attachment styles in adulthood are more likely influenced by a variety of factors, including genetics, and life experiences, rather than being limited to the way in which parents cared for a person through infancy (Levine & Heller, 2010). Ultimately, attachment systems exist as a biological function of protecting a person from danger, especially during infancy, by ensuring their remain in close proximity to the care and support of others (their attachment figures), as a method of increasing the likelihood of survival and eventual reproduction (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ==== '''Origins of attachment - biological basis''' ==== <blockquote>“Love is a biological necessity—it’s as needed for our well-being as exercise, water, and food, […] And from a neuroscientific viewpoint, we can really say that love blossoms in the brain.” (Cacioppo, as cited in Novotney, 2023, para.3).</blockquote>Aside from the evolutionary basis, romantic attraction is also based in neuroendocrinology. Early-stage romantic love, or being '[[wikipedia:Falling_in_love|lovestruck]]', is often attributed to a primitive part of the brain's reward system (Novotney, 2023). In these early stages a person normally experiences sympathetic nervous system reactions, such as sweaty palms or a pounding heart when they are with their loved one, and often feeling [[wikipedia:Separation_anxiety_disorder|separation anxiety]] when apart from them (Fisher et al., 2005). The lovers tend to express emotional dependence, heightened romantic passion, extreme empathy toward the beloved, sexual desires and possessiveness, the craving for emotional union, and obsessive thinking, reaching extremes where they change their habits to impress or remain in contact, or are even willing to die for the individual (Fisher et al., 2005). In cases were the lover experiences rejection, they often will protest the rejection and work to try to win the beloved individual back, expressing rage at the abandonment and despair (Fisher et al., 2005). Fisher et al. (2005) conducted a study on courtship attraction that used [[Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging|functional magnetic resonance imaging]](fMRI) to determine the neural mechanisms associated with romantic love, by studying 17 people intensely "in love". The study found that a photograph of the beloved was an effective stimulus for eliciting feelings of intense romantic love, producing group activation in several regions of the brain, including the right [[wikipedia:Ventral_tegmental_area|ventral tegmental area]] (VTA) amidst [[wikipedia:Dopamine|dopamine]] cells (Aron et al., 2005; Fisher et al., 2005). The VTA is a main component of the brain's "reward system", as it is associated with focused attention, arousal, pleasure and the motivation to pursue and acquire rewards (Fisher at al., 2005). The VTA then activates various brain regions, including the caudate nucleus which contributes to reward detection and expectation (Fisher at al., 2005; Schultz, 2000). This suggest romantic love may be a primary motivation system, or a fundamental human drive to mate, suggesting romantic love is the effects of a reward system as all drives are associated with the activation of dopamine (Fisher et al., 2005; Pfaff, 1999). Similarly, humans have been shown to respond to monetary rewards, demonstrating the neural activations of financial reinforcement overlap with regions that respond to human's primary reinforcers (Elliott et al., 2003). This can be applied twice as sex is a primary biological enforcer, and even abstract rewards can be used to effectively elicit neuronal responses (Elliott et al., 2003; Jozefowiez & Staddon, 2008). [[File:Parts_of_brain_that_are_activated_when_a_person_falls_in_love.jpg|thumb|589x589px|'''Figure 1.''' ''Parts of the Brain that are Activated When a Person Falls in Love.'' Source: (Novotney, 2023)|center]] Additionally, Ortigue et al. (2010) conducted further [[meta-analysis]] of published fMRI studies of love and their illustration of brain regions associated with the different forms of love. Ortigue et al. (2010) confirmed that all fMRI studies of love found the [[wikipedia:Cerebral_cortex#Connections|subcortical]] [[wikipedia:Dopaminergic_pathways|dopaminergic]] reward-related brain systems, which uses dopamine and [[wikipedia:Oxytocin|oxytocin]] receptors, responsible for motivating individuals to bond with another person. The review also further demonstrated that different types of love may involve different cerebral pathways which includes pathways associated with higher cognitive functions such as bodily [./Https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-image self-image] and [[social cognition]] (Ortigue et al., 2010). The study highlighted a total of 12 areas in the brain that work together to release dopamine, oxytocin, and [[wikipedia:Adrenaline|adrenaline]], indicating the [[wikipedia:Amygdala|amygdala]], [[wikipedia:Hippocampus|hippocampus]], and [[wikipedia:Prefrontal_cortex|prefrontal cortex]] (See Figure 1), which is very sensitive to pleasure-inducing behaviours, are all activated in the brain scans when talking about a loved one (Novotney, 2023; Ortigue et al., 2010). Romantic attachments ultimately develop through both evolutionary, physiological, and psychological methods. Attachment theory explains how and why emotional bonds are formed, to promote security and influence relationship patterns. Whilst reward systems highlight the neurophysiological component that strengthens romantic connections, suggesting romantic attachment fulfills the basic human needs for connection. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' As Maggie grew older, in year 11 she later met Daniel and things seemed to change. Over their time finishing school and then later entering university Daniel became one of Maggie's closest friends, even entering the same university together after graduation. They were always together. Daniel made Maggie happy, was attentive, and slowly became someone Maggie could imagine building a future with. '' '''What type of attachment role do you think Daniel plays in Maggie's life?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Effects of rejection == Romantic rejection can trigger physiological, psychological and neurological responses due to a disruption in a person's pre-determined romantic attachment. Romantic partners work as sources of emotional security and safety, so when a person is rejected, their established attachment bond and securities become threatened (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Sometimes a rejection does not always deter the individual and can instead further motivate them to attempt to restore the lost connection, even if the relationship is no longer reciprocated (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). === '''Behavioural responses to a threatened attachment system''' === Functioning of an attachment system can be affected by the availability of one, or more, attachment figures in times of need, and their sensitivity and responsiveness to the individual's proximity-seeking behaviours (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). So, whilst nearly all children will become attached, including in situations where they experience abuse from their mothers, not all attachments are secure attachments, as attachment theory poses that the quality of the interactions with attachment figures is the main reason for individual differences in the functioning of an attachment system (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003) (See Figure 2). [[File:Quadrants_of_the_four_major_attachment_styles.png|thumb|370x370px|'''Figure 2.''' ''Diagram of the Four Major Attachment Styles Categorised by Attachment Anxiety and Avoidance Strength.'' Source: (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ]] Applying the theory of attachment styles to experiences of romantic rejection, when an attachment figure (the beloved) is not physically or emotionally available to the lover in times of need or distress, is not sensitive or responsive to the lover's attempts at seeking proximity, the attachment system is then disrupted (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). In that case, the feelings of distress, lack of proximity, or lack of safety are not alleviated. Instead, the initial distress felt is instead amalgamated by further doubts they can attain safety, trust, or the resources necessary for stress management (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Once this occurs, attachment theorists have determined two methods of secondary attachment strategies of either ''hyperactivation'' or ''deactivation'' of the system; where hyperactivating individuals do not give up on their attachment attempts and instead intensify them to coerce the attachment figure's support and love (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Alternatively, a deactivating individual gives up on their attachment attempts, attempting to deal with the dangers alone (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). This is a strategy to try and down-regulate their attachment system to avoid the distress and pain caused by the attachment figure's unavailability (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' One day, Maggie had a panic attack while Daniel was at soccer practice, and as she was messaging and calling him to come help her, Daniel was not responding. This cause Maggie to become increasingly anxious, escalating her panic attack. Daniel's phone had died at practice, so had not seen Maggie's calls or messages until a few hours after practice. '' '''How do you think this would affect Maggie and Daniel's relationship?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Heartbreak and physical pain''' === Physical pain words are often used to describe experiences of social rejection or loss, such as a 'broken heart' or 'hurt feelings', which may be due to the similarities associated with [[Pain|physical]] and 'social pain' (Eisenberger, 2012; Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Negative social evaluations, including rejection from a romantic partner, activates areas in the dorsal [[wikipedia:Anterior_cingulate_cortex|anterior cingulate cortex]] (dACC) and [[wikipedia:Insular_cortex|anterior insula]] (AI), which are brain regions associated with the distressful experiences of physical pain (Eisenberger, 2012). Understanding this overlap between physical and social pain provides further insights into both the intensity of emotional responses, and methods in which the pain can be alleviated. Overall, romantic rejection disrupts the security an attachment bond brings, whilst also still motivating an individual to pursue a person romantically. This helps further explain why an individual may experience emotional, and even physical, pain and still remain motivated to restore what was lost, whether literal or imagined. ==Nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection== Romantic rejection can evoke a multitude of emotions in everyone. However, the intensity, duration, and expression of these emotions will differ amongst individuals. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity, and individual differences would all play key parts in the expression of one's emotions. === '''Emotional responses''' === A wide variety of human emotions arise in response to rejection by other people, whether the rejection was real, anticipated, imagined, or merely remembered (Leary, 2015). Acceptance by other people developed [[wikipedia:Personality_psychology#Biopsychological_theories|biopsychological]] and emotional mechanisms for humans to recognise and cope with threats to acceptance and belonging (Leary, 2015). So, when an individual's sense of belonging or acceptance is threatened it can elicit emotions the following emotions in attempts to manage the rejection: * '''Hurt feelings''' - where the other person does not regard their relationship with the individual as valuable or important as they believe, leading them to feel rejected; * '''Jealousy''' - where the individual believes the other person values their relationship with them less that desired because of the presence of another third party; * '''Loneliness''' - where the individual believes the person who greatly values their relationship are not available for support or social interaction; * '''Guilt''' - where the individual believes they have done something that would lead the other to relationally devalue them, motivating them to repair the damage that their undesired behaviour has caused; * '''Shame''' - where the individual believes others' judgement as a person may lead to relation devaluation and possible rejection, leading to a desire to withdraw from social interactions because nothing can be immediately done to repair the damage to their image or value; * '''Social anxiety''' - feelings of nervousness in social interactions in anticipation to the possibility of conveying an undesired impression of themselves that will lower their value in another person's eyes; * '''Embarrassment''' - where the individual is concerned with how they are perceived by another when they think they have already conveyed an undesired impression of themselves to others; * '''Sadness''' - which arises from perceived loss, or when their affection for the other person is not returned or accepted; and * '''Anger''' - which arises when the individual perceives the other has unjustifiably behaved in a way that threatens their desire, wellbeing, or is considered an unjustifiable harm (Leary, 2015). However, people do not necessarily experience all of these emotions or to the same extent, as a person's individual differences affect their expression. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Maggie was really upset, as she needed Daniel in a time of need and she spiralled further, believing he was distancing himself, and got into a big fight with Daniel afterwards. Daniel suggested maybe they need some time apart to reevaluate themselves and their relationship. '' '''What effects do you think this will have on Maggie?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Rejection sensitivity''' === Rejection sensitivity, the disposition to anxiously expect, readily perceive, and overwhelmingly respond to rejection (Shin et al., 2024). Rejection-sensitive individuals are more likely to anxiously expect rejection and therefore perceive others' ambiguous behaviours as an intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Similarly, those that enter romantic relationships with anxious expectations of rejection will recognise insensitive behaviours of the new partners as intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Consequently, individuals with a higher rejection sensitivity are more likely to interpret romantic rejection as a confirmation of their feelings of inadequacy, anxiety, anger or negative self-concept (Downey & Feldman, 1996; London et al., 2007). It also affects their quality of their relationships as rejection-sensitive men's jealousy and rejection-sensitive women's hostility results in feelings of diminished support and explain their partners' relationship dissatisfaction (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Rejection sensitivity can also be heightened by attachment styles as anxious or ambivalent attachment styles, that involve a fear of abandonment and need for validation, are more likely to exhibit rejection sensitivity (Shin et al., 2024). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' As weeks passed, Maggie kept asking mutual friends about Daniel, checking his social media accounts, and trying to see him around university. Maggie became increasingly sensitive to even small rejections, interpreting friends saying they were too busy to hang out, or delayed responses to her messages as evidence that even her friends might abandon her. Her feelings of sadness and anxiety increased. '' '''How might this affect the nature and intensity of her emotions?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Individual differences''' === Since physical and social pain are associated with the same neural circuitries individuals who are more sensitive to one kind of pain, whether physical or social, are therefore more sensitive to the other, meaning experiencing greater sensitivity to physical pain would likely result in greater social pain sensitivity (see Table 1), resulting in higher rejection sensitivity and/or a stronger anxious attachment style (Eisenberger, 2012). Higher rejection sensitivity, anxious attachment, or low self-esteem show greater dACC and/or AI activity when experiencing social pain (Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Positive relationships throughout adolescence may also contribute to individuals being less sensitive to any negative social situations experienced later in their lives (Masten et al., 2012). '''Table 1''' ''The Relationship Between Social and Physical Pain'' {{center top}} {| class="wikitable" ! colspan="2" rowspan="2" | ! colspan="2" |Type of Pain |- |Social |Physical |- | rowspan="2" |'''Type of manipulation''' |Increase pain |↑ Physical pain |↑ Social pain |- |Decrease pain |↓ Physical pain |↓ Social pain |} {{center bottom}} Ultimately, romantic rejection can produce diverse emotional responses. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity and individual differences may all affect the duration and intensity of an emotional reaction following rejection. ==Reducing or managing rejection-induced distress== As previously noted, romantic rejection can trigger a variety of emotional responses, including separation distress, social pain, threats to attachment style, and behavioural responses in adjusting to the loss of an attachment. However, there are psychological strategies that may help individuals in regulating the responses and facilitate recovery. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' Eventually, after speaking with a trusted friend, Maggie begins to recognise that her constant feelings of anxiety would only prolong the distress. Although her heartbreak had not disappeared, she decided to explore other healthier options of managing her emotions, and rediscovering herself outside of her relationship with Daniel. '' '''What techniques might Maggie use to overcome her anxiety and feelings of distress at missing Daniel?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Adaptive emotional regulation''' === ==== '''Cognitive reappraisal''' ==== [[wikipedia:Cognitive_appraisal|Cognitive reappraisal]], an [[wikipedia:Adaptive_strategies|adaptive strategy]] of emotion regulation works by encouraging a person to change how a situation feels by reframing the way they interpret it (Wang & Yin, 2023; Zilverstand et al., 2017). Following romantic rejection, an individual may interpret their romantic loss as evidence of their personal inadequacy, however, reframing the rejection from a personal failure and instead to a result of incompatibility may be beneficial in reducing emotional distress and correct maladaptive thoughts (Wang & Yin, 2023). ==== '''Mindfulness''' ==== Mindfulness has also been proposed as an adaptive strategy for emotional regulation (Chambers et al., 2009). It involves paying deliberate attention to the present moment and remaining accepting and non-judgemental of the situation (Brockman et al., 2023). Whilst reappraisal works on changing one's thinking, mindfulness works on the person's relationship to their thinking (Brockman et al., 2023). Due to the overlap of physical and social pain (see above section), the factors that alter one type of pain are likely to have a similar effect on the other (Eisenberger, 2012). Using this principle, [[wikipedia:Paracetamol|paracetamol]] or [[wikipedia:Ibuprofen|ibuprofen]], which are known to reduce physical pains, may also reduce the social pain associated with rejection (Eisenberger, 2012). === '''Emotion suppression''' === Alternatively, [[wikipedia:Expressive_suppression|expressive suppression]], a maladaptive behavioural strategy that works towards inhibiting the behaviours associated with emotional responses, such as facial expressions, gestures, and verbal phrases (Goldin et al., 2008). === '''Limitations of emotional regulation techniques''' === Reappraisal is likely more beneficial in reducing immediate neural activity and decreasing negative emotional experiences, however, suppression produced later neural emotional responses, decreased emotional behaviours, experiences and facial expressions, yet increased neural responses (Goldin et al., 2008). However, whilst cognitive reappraisal is an effective technique in clinical practice, it may not always translate to the individual's life due to a lack of practice, and is likely more effective and replicable across experiences closely linked to the individual's real-life experiences (Wang & Yin, 2023). Despite this, the efficacy of each strategy would depend on the individual, context, environment, age, purpose of the strategy, and other individual differences (Brockman et al., 2023). === '''Social support''' === Social support is a widely known method used to mitigate both emotional and social distress, and is associated with reduced activity in the dACC and AI where increased activity is associated with pain processing (Eisenberger, 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Therefore, spending time with friends and in an individual's daily support network indicates reduced activity in the dACC and AI, allowing the individual to reduce both the social and physical pains associated with romantic rejection (Masten et al., 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Effective emotional regulation following romantic rejection likely requires a combination of strategies to address immediate distress, regulate attachment, and elicit long-term adjustments. Whilst these strategies are useful in providing support and assisting with recovery, it may just be that emotional responses to rejection are inevitable. Although there are several approaches to manage rejection, the research on overall and immediate recovery remains limited. Strategies should instead be adapted to a person's individual emotional needs rather than using a 'universal' treatment. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case Study''' After seeing a psychologist, who recommended Maggie surround herself with her friends to build her confidence and individual interest again, encouraging she stay fit and pick up a new sport, and showing her techniques of mindfulness, Maggie was able to work through her heartbreak. She also begun using cognitive reappraisal techniques to reframe the small rejections that were increasing her anxiety, and began relying on her own regulation techniques to overcome challenges. After some time had passed and Maggie was feeling confident in herself, she reached out to Daniel to try to rekindle their relationship, now that she was feeling secure and was not dependent on another person for her own safety and happiness.{{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Conclusion== Romantic rejection can greatly influence emotions and motivated behaviour due to the complexity and interconnectedness of psychological and biological systems. Romantic attachments can provide security, a sense of belonging, and mimic rewards, explaining why the disruption of an attachment can trigger intense distress and emotional effects. However, the duration and intensity of such effects may vary according to individual differences, particularly in attachment style and sensitivity to rejection. Notably, the emotional responses can be managed through cognitive appraisal, mindfulness, suppression and social support, reducing distress, and supporting emotional recovery. Overall, romantic rejection evokes interconnected emotional and motivational responses, but emotional regulation is possible through evidence-informed strategies. Understanding the underlying psychological mechanisms can therefore provide valuable insights into managing romantic rejection, emotional distress and promoting practical approaches to psychological wellbeing. ==See also== * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2016/Attachment type and emotion|Attachment type and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2016) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Belongingness motivation#Positive Outcomes of Successful Belongingness and How to Cope with Rejection|Belongingness motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Emotional regulation]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:History_of_attachment_theory|History of attachment theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Rejection sensitivity|Rejection sensitivity]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Sorry#Social rejection|Social rejection]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[wikipedia:Theories_of_love|Theories of love]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Aron, A., Fisher, H., Mashek, D. J., Strong, G., Li, H., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Reward, motivation, and emotion systems associated with early-stage intense romantic love. ''Journal of Neurophysiology'', ''94''(1), 327–337. https://doi.org/10.1152/jn.00838.2004 Bergen, D. (2022). Developing attachment. In ''Theories of Early Childhood Education'' (pp. 118–127). Routledge. Bowlby, J. (1988). ''A secure base: Clinical applications of attachment theory''. Routledge. Bretherton, I. (1992). The origins of attachment theory: John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth. ''Developmental Psychology'', ''28''(5), 759–775. https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.28.5.759 Brockman, R., Ciarrochi, J., Parker, P., & Kashdan, T. B. (2023). Behaving versus thinking positively: When the benefits of cognitive reappraisal are contingent on satisfying basic psychological needs. ''Journal of Contextual Behavioral Science'', ''27'', 120–125. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcbs.2023.01.005 Chambers, R., Gullone, E., & Allen, N. B. (2009). Mindful emotion regulation: An integrative review. ''Clinical Psychology Review'', ''29''(6), 560–572. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2009.06.005 Downey, G., & Feldman, S. I. (1996). Implications of rejection sensitivity for intimate relationships. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''70''(6), 1327–1343. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.70.6.1327 Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). The pain of social disconnection: Examining the shared neural underpinnings of physical and social pain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''13'', 421–434. https://doi.org/10.1038/nrn3231 Elliott, R., Newman, J. L., Longe, O. A., & Deakin, J. F. W. (2003). Differential response patterns in the striatum and orbitofrontal cortex to financial reward in humans: A parametric functional magnetic resonance imaging study. ''The Journal of Neuroscience'', ''23''(1), 303–307. https://doi.org/10.1523/jneurosci.23-01-00303.2003 Fisher, H., Aron, A., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Romantic love: An fMRI study of a neural mechanism for mate choice. ''Journal of Comparative Neurology'', ''493''(1), 58–62. https://doi.org/10.1002/cne.20772 Goldin, P. R., McRae, K., Ramel, W., & Gross, J. J. (2008). The neural bases of emotion regulation: Reappraisal and suppression of negative emotion. ''Biological Psychiatry'', ''63''(6), 577–586. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsych.2007.05.031 Jozefowiez, J., & Staddon, J. E. R. (2008). 1.06 - Operant behaviour. In ''Learning and Memory: A Comprehensive Reference'' (pp. 75–101). Academic Press. Leary, M. R. (2015). Emotional responses to interpersonal rejection. ''Dialogues in Clinical Neuroscience'', ''17''(4). https://doi.org/10.31887/DCNS.2015.17.4/mleary Levine, A., & Heller, R. (2010). ''Attached''. Tarcher. London, B., Downey, G., Bonica, C., & Paltin, I. (2007). Social causes and consequences of rejection sensitivity. ''Journal of Research on Adolescence'', ''17''(3), 481–506. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1532-7795.2007.00531.x Masten, C. L., Telzer, E. H., Fuligni, A. J., Lieberman, M. D., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). Time spent with friends in adolescence relates to less neural sensitivity to later peer rejection. ''Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience'', ''7''(1), 106–114. https://doi.org/10.1093/scan/nsq098 Mikulincer, M., & Shaver, P. R. (2003). The attachment behavioural system in adulthood: Activation, psychodynamics, and interpersonal processes. In ''Advances in Experimental Social Psychology'' (pp. 53–152). Elsevier Science. Novotney, A. (2023). What happens in your brain when you’re in love? ''American Psychological Association.'' https://www.apa.org/topics/marriage-relationships/brain-on-love Ortigue, S., Bianchi-Demicheli, F., Patel, N., Frum, C., & Lewis, J. W. (2010). Neuroimaging of love: fMRI meta-analysis evidence toward new perspectives in sexual medicine. ''The Journal of Sexual Medicine'', ''7''(11), 3541–3552. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-6109.2010.01999.x Pfaff, D. (1999). ''Drive: Neurobiological and molecular mechanisms of sexual motivation.'' MIT Press. Schultz, W. (2000). Multiple reward signals in the brain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''1''(3), 199–207. Shin, J., Han, K. S., & Shin, H. J. (2024). Rejection sensitivity: A concept analysis. ''Journal of Korean Academy of Psychiatric and Mental Health Nursing'', ''33''(3), 253–261. https://doi.org/10.12934/jkpmhn.2024.33.3.253 Tchalova, K., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2015). How the brain feels the hurt of heartbreak: Examining the neurobiological overlap between social and physical pain. In A. W. Toga (Ed.), ''Brain Mapping: An Encyclopedic Reference'' (pp. 15–20). Academic Press: Elsevier. Wang, Y.-X., & Yin, B. (2023). A new understanding of the cognitive reappraisal technique: An extension based on the schema theory. ''Frontiers in Behavioral Neuroscience'', ''17''. https://doi.org/10.3389/fnbeh.2023.1174585 Zilverstand, A., Parvaz, M. A., & Goldstein, R. Z. (2017). Neuroimaging cognitive reappraisal in clinical populations to define neural targets for enhancing emotion regulation. a systematic review. ''NeuroImage'', ''151'', 105–116. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2016.06.009 }} ==External links== * [https://www.columbiapsychiatry.org/news/how-attachment-styles-influence-romantic-relationships How attachment styles influence romantic relationships] (Columbia Psychiatry) * [https://hms.harvard.edu/news-events/publications-archive/brain/love-brain Love and the brain] (Harvard Medical School) * [https://youtu.be/gMRph_BvHB4?si=7A6iFYMgC7VdC2Vv The science of love, desire and attachment] (YouTube) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Relationships]] 2w48d6m2cx5qrfr5djhbivbjag05z6c 2840277 2840276 2026-10-14T13:51:15Z U3275873 3110137 /* Overview */ case study - sentence casing 2840277 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Romantic rejection and emotional response<br>What emotional responses does romantic rejection evoke and how can they be regulated?}} __TOC__ == Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study''' Maggie grew up with parents that were loving and attentive, giving her everything she needed. Yet sometimes she found it difficult to form a deeper emotional connection with her parents or share her vulnerable feelings, as they would often keep conversations light or surface-level, and did not have personal conversations with their daughter. As a result, Maggie sometimes worried and questioned if they actually loved her, despite always having provided for her. '' '''What attachment style do you think Maggie is likely to be predisposed to?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} [[wikipedia:Social_rejection#Romantic_rejection|Romantic rejection]] is a common yet extremely emotionally challenging experience that can lead to intense feelings of sadness, longing, loneliness, and difficulties in regulating [[Emotion|emotions]]. Understanding how and why people respond strongly to rejection is important as attachment has consequences on psychological, physiological, and biological systems associated with security, reward, emotions and motivation. Using attachment theories, neuroscience, and emotional regulation techniques can help explain how romantic bonds develop, why their loss produces distress, the ways in which individual differences can affect responses, and which strategies may help regulate or support emotional responses. {{robelbox|theme=11|title=Focus questions}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> * How do romantic attachments develop? * How does romantic rejection affect attachment and motivational systems? * What determines the nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection? * How can rejection-related distress be reduced or managed? </div> {{Robelbox/close}} ==Romantic attachments== [[wikipedia:Romance|Romantic]] attachments are a fundamental part of human connection. It influences motivation, emotional wellbeing and behaviour. These attachments have developed over time through both evolutionary and biological bases, in attempts to increase survival and happiness, respectively. Understanding these perspectives can help explain why romantic attachments form to begin with and why the loss of an attachment is so emotionally significant. === Attachment === [[wikipedia:Attachment_theory|Attachment theory]] outlines the main "attachment styles", otherwise known as ways in which people perceive and respond to [[wikipedia:Intimate_relationship#Intimacy|intimacy]] in relationships, and are parallel to those found in children throughout development stages (Levine & Heller, 2010). The theory designates three main styles: # Secure # Anxious # Avoidant People who are usually warm loving, and comfortable with intimacy tend to be ''secure.'' Whereas ''anxious'' people are often distracted with their relationships and crave intimacy, with constant worry about their partner's ability to love them back. Finally, people who tend to constantly try to minimize closeness and associate intimacy with a loss of their independence are considered ''avoidant'' (Levine & Heller, 2010). A person's attachment style can not only affect their view of intimacy, but also include affect their: * way of dealing with conflict * attitude towards sex * ability to communicate wants and needs; or * expectations of a partner and the relationship (Levine & Heller, 2010). Levine and Heller (2010) claim all people fall, regardless of the stage at which their relationship is in, fall into one or a combination of these three categories, although a combination of anxious and avoidant is rare (Levine & Heller, 2010). This fourth, rare, category is termed the 'disorganised', of which only 5% of people fall into (Levine & Heller, 2010). ==== '''Origins of attachments - evolutionary safety''' ==== [[wikipedia:Attachment_in_adults#Styles|Adult attachment styles]] were initially hypothesised to be based primarily on a person's childhood and upbringing. [[wikipedia:John_Bowlby|John Bowlby]] and [[wikipedia:Mary_Ainsworth|Mary Ainsworth]], building on their separate and joined research on [[wikipedia:Ethology|ethology]] and [[developmental psychology]], developed the initial theories on which attachment theory has evolved. They proposed that infants possess a biological or evolutionary drive to form emotional attachments with others, primarily caregivers, as a mechanism for survival (Bretherton, 1992). From the ages of as young as six months to two years, children with consistent caregivers, who become their attachment figures, develop a mental representation or an "[[wikipedia:Internal_working_model_of_attachment|internal working model]]", influencing views of themselves, expectations, and methods of interacting and building relationships with others as they get older (Bergen, 2022). As the attachments develop throughout childhood, attachment figures can become a "secure base" they can return to for comfort, support, and safety, if caregivers were sensitive, responsible, and available, in which infants develop a "secure" attachment style (Bergen, 2022; Bowlby, 1988). Alternatively, avoidant or resistant attachment styles can develop if they were distant, unresponsive, and rigid; or an anxious attachment style if they were inconsistently responsive (Bergen, 2022; Levine & Heller, 2010). However, more recent developments have found that attachment styles in adulthood are more likely influenced by a variety of factors, including genetics, and life experiences, rather than being limited to the way in which parents cared for a person through infancy (Levine & Heller, 2010). Ultimately, attachment systems exist as a biological function of protecting a person from danger, especially during infancy, by ensuring their remain in close proximity to the care and support of others (their attachment figures), as a method of increasing the likelihood of survival and eventual reproduction (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ==== '''Origins of attachment - biological basis''' ==== <blockquote>“Love is a biological necessity—it’s as needed for our well-being as exercise, water, and food, […] And from a neuroscientific viewpoint, we can really say that love blossoms in the brain.” (Cacioppo, as cited in Novotney, 2023, para.3).</blockquote>Aside from the evolutionary basis, romantic attraction is also based in neuroendocrinology. Early-stage romantic love, or being '[[wikipedia:Falling_in_love|lovestruck]]', is often attributed to a primitive part of the brain's reward system (Novotney, 2023). In these early stages a person normally experiences sympathetic nervous system reactions, such as sweaty palms or a pounding heart when they are with their loved one, and often feeling [[wikipedia:Separation_anxiety_disorder|separation anxiety]] when apart from them (Fisher et al., 2005). The lovers tend to express emotional dependence, heightened romantic passion, extreme empathy toward the beloved, sexual desires and possessiveness, the craving for emotional union, and obsessive thinking, reaching extremes where they change their habits to impress or remain in contact, or are even willing to die for the individual (Fisher et al., 2005). In cases were the lover experiences rejection, they often will protest the rejection and work to try to win the beloved individual back, expressing rage at the abandonment and despair (Fisher et al., 2005). Fisher et al. (2005) conducted a study on courtship attraction that used [[Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging|functional magnetic resonance imaging]](fMRI) to determine the neural mechanisms associated with romantic love, by studying 17 people intensely "in love". The study found that a photograph of the beloved was an effective stimulus for eliciting feelings of intense romantic love, producing group activation in several regions of the brain, including the right [[wikipedia:Ventral_tegmental_area|ventral tegmental area]] (VTA) amidst [[wikipedia:Dopamine|dopamine]] cells (Aron et al., 2005; Fisher et al., 2005). The VTA is a main component of the brain's "reward system", as it is associated with focused attention, arousal, pleasure and the motivation to pursue and acquire rewards (Fisher at al., 2005). The VTA then activates various brain regions, including the caudate nucleus which contributes to reward detection and expectation (Fisher at al., 2005; Schultz, 2000). This suggest romantic love may be a primary motivation system, or a fundamental human drive to mate, suggesting romantic love is the effects of a reward system as all drives are associated with the activation of dopamine (Fisher et al., 2005; Pfaff, 1999). Similarly, humans have been shown to respond to monetary rewards, demonstrating the neural activations of financial reinforcement overlap with regions that respond to human's primary reinforcers (Elliott et al., 2003). This can be applied twice as sex is a primary biological enforcer, and even abstract rewards can be used to effectively elicit neuronal responses (Elliott et al., 2003; Jozefowiez & Staddon, 2008). [[File:Parts_of_brain_that_are_activated_when_a_person_falls_in_love.jpg|thumb|589x589px|'''Figure 1.''' ''Parts of the Brain that are Activated When a Person Falls in Love.'' Source: (Novotney, 2023)|center]] Additionally, Ortigue et al. (2010) conducted further [[meta-analysis]] of published fMRI studies of love and their illustration of brain regions associated with the different forms of love. Ortigue et al. (2010) confirmed that all fMRI studies of love found the [[wikipedia:Cerebral_cortex#Connections|subcortical]] [[wikipedia:Dopaminergic_pathways|dopaminergic]] reward-related brain systems, which uses dopamine and [[wikipedia:Oxytocin|oxytocin]] receptors, responsible for motivating individuals to bond with another person. The review also further demonstrated that different types of love may involve different cerebral pathways which includes pathways associated with higher cognitive functions such as bodily [./Https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-image self-image] and [[social cognition]] (Ortigue et al., 2010). The study highlighted a total of 12 areas in the brain that work together to release dopamine, oxytocin, and [[wikipedia:Adrenaline|adrenaline]], indicating the [[wikipedia:Amygdala|amygdala]], [[wikipedia:Hippocampus|hippocampus]], and [[wikipedia:Prefrontal_cortex|prefrontal cortex]] (See Figure 1), which is very sensitive to pleasure-inducing behaviours, are all activated in the brain scans when talking about a loved one (Novotney, 2023; Ortigue et al., 2010). Romantic attachments ultimately develop through both evolutionary, physiological, and psychological methods. Attachment theory explains how and why emotional bonds are formed, to promote security and influence relationship patterns. Whilst reward systems highlight the neurophysiological component that strengthens romantic connections, suggesting romantic attachment fulfills the basic human needs for connection. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' As Maggie grew older, in year 11 she later met Daniel and things seemed to change. Over their time finishing school and then later entering university Daniel became one of Maggie's closest friends, even entering the same university together after graduation. They were always together. Daniel made Maggie happy, was attentive, and slowly became someone Maggie could imagine building a future with. '' '''What type of attachment role do you think Daniel plays in Maggie's life?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Effects of rejection == Romantic rejection can trigger physiological, psychological and neurological responses due to a disruption in a person's pre-determined romantic attachment. Romantic partners work as sources of emotional security and safety, so when a person is rejected, their established attachment bond and securities become threatened (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Sometimes a rejection does not always deter the individual and can instead further motivate them to attempt to restore the lost connection, even if the relationship is no longer reciprocated (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). === '''Behavioural responses to a threatened attachment system''' === Functioning of an attachment system can be affected by the availability of one, or more, attachment figures in times of need, and their sensitivity and responsiveness to the individual's proximity-seeking behaviours (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). So, whilst nearly all children will become attached, including in situations where they experience abuse from their mothers, not all attachments are secure attachments, as attachment theory poses that the quality of the interactions with attachment figures is the main reason for individual differences in the functioning of an attachment system (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003) (See Figure 2). [[File:Quadrants_of_the_four_major_attachment_styles.png|thumb|370x370px|'''Figure 2.''' ''Diagram of the Four Major Attachment Styles Categorised by Attachment Anxiety and Avoidance Strength.'' Source: (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ]] Applying the theory of attachment styles to experiences of romantic rejection, when an attachment figure (the beloved) is not physically or emotionally available to the lover in times of need or distress, is not sensitive or responsive to the lover's attempts at seeking proximity, the attachment system is then disrupted (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). In that case, the feelings of distress, lack of proximity, or lack of safety are not alleviated. Instead, the initial distress felt is instead amalgamated by further doubts they can attain safety, trust, or the resources necessary for stress management (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Once this occurs, attachment theorists have determined two methods of secondary attachment strategies of either ''hyperactivation'' or ''deactivation'' of the system; where hyperactivating individuals do not give up on their attachment attempts and instead intensify them to coerce the attachment figure's support and love (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Alternatively, a deactivating individual gives up on their attachment attempts, attempting to deal with the dangers alone (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). This is a strategy to try and down-regulate their attachment system to avoid the distress and pain caused by the attachment figure's unavailability (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' One day, Maggie had a panic attack while Daniel was at soccer practice, and as she was messaging and calling him to come help her, Daniel was not responding. This cause Maggie to become increasingly anxious, escalating her panic attack. Daniel's phone had died at practice, so had not seen Maggie's calls or messages until a few hours after practice. '' '''How do you think this would affect Maggie and Daniel's relationship?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Heartbreak and physical pain''' === Physical pain words are often used to describe experiences of social rejection or loss, such as a 'broken heart' or 'hurt feelings', which may be due to the similarities associated with [[Pain|physical]] and 'social pain' (Eisenberger, 2012; Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Negative social evaluations, including rejection from a romantic partner, activates areas in the dorsal [[wikipedia:Anterior_cingulate_cortex|anterior cingulate cortex]] (dACC) and [[wikipedia:Insular_cortex|anterior insula]] (AI), which are brain regions associated with the distressful experiences of physical pain (Eisenberger, 2012). Understanding this overlap between physical and social pain provides further insights into both the intensity of emotional responses, and methods in which the pain can be alleviated. Overall, romantic rejection disrupts the security an attachment bond brings, whilst also still motivating an individual to pursue a person romantically. This helps further explain why an individual may experience emotional, and even physical, pain and still remain motivated to restore what was lost, whether literal or imagined. ==Nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection== Romantic rejection can evoke a multitude of emotions in everyone. However, the intensity, duration, and expression of these emotions will differ amongst individuals. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity, and individual differences would all play key parts in the expression of one's emotions. === '''Emotional responses''' === A wide variety of human emotions arise in response to rejection by other people, whether the rejection was real, anticipated, imagined, or merely remembered (Leary, 2015). Acceptance by other people developed [[wikipedia:Personality_psychology#Biopsychological_theories|biopsychological]] and emotional mechanisms for humans to recognise and cope with threats to acceptance and belonging (Leary, 2015). So, when an individual's sense of belonging or acceptance is threatened it can elicit emotions the following emotions in attempts to manage the rejection: * '''Hurt feelings''' - where the other person does not regard their relationship with the individual as valuable or important as they believe, leading them to feel rejected; * '''Jealousy''' - where the individual believes the other person values their relationship with them less that desired because of the presence of another third party; * '''Loneliness''' - where the individual believes the person who greatly values their relationship are not available for support or social interaction; * '''Guilt''' - where the individual believes they have done something that would lead the other to relationally devalue them, motivating them to repair the damage that their undesired behaviour has caused; * '''Shame''' - where the individual believes others' judgement as a person may lead to relation devaluation and possible rejection, leading to a desire to withdraw from social interactions because nothing can be immediately done to repair the damage to their image or value; * '''Social anxiety''' - feelings of nervousness in social interactions in anticipation to the possibility of conveying an undesired impression of themselves that will lower their value in another person's eyes; * '''Embarrassment''' - where the individual is concerned with how they are perceived by another when they think they have already conveyed an undesired impression of themselves to others; * '''Sadness''' - which arises from perceived loss, or when their affection for the other person is not returned or accepted; and * '''Anger''' - which arises when the individual perceives the other has unjustifiably behaved in a way that threatens their desire, wellbeing, or is considered an unjustifiable harm (Leary, 2015). However, people do not necessarily experience all of these emotions or to the same extent, as a person's individual differences affect their expression. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' Maggie was really upset, as she needed Daniel in a time of need and she spiralled further, believing he was distancing himself, and got into a big fight with Daniel afterwards. Daniel suggested maybe they need some time apart to reevaluate themselves and their relationship. '' '''What effects do you think this will have on Maggie?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Rejection sensitivity''' === Rejection sensitivity, the disposition to anxiously expect, readily perceive, and overwhelmingly respond to rejection (Shin et al., 2024). Rejection-sensitive individuals are more likely to anxiously expect rejection and therefore perceive others' ambiguous behaviours as an intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Similarly, those that enter romantic relationships with anxious expectations of rejection will recognise insensitive behaviours of the new partners as intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Consequently, individuals with a higher rejection sensitivity are more likely to interpret romantic rejection as a confirmation of their feelings of inadequacy, anxiety, anger or negative self-concept (Downey & Feldman, 1996; London et al., 2007). It also affects their quality of their relationships as rejection-sensitive men's jealousy and rejection-sensitive women's hostility results in feelings of diminished support and explain their partners' relationship dissatisfaction (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Rejection sensitivity can also be heightened by attachment styles as anxious or ambivalent attachment styles, that involve a fear of abandonment and need for validation, are more likely to exhibit rejection sensitivity (Shin et al., 2024). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' As weeks passed, Maggie kept asking mutual friends about Daniel, checking his social media accounts, and trying to see him around university. Maggie became increasingly sensitive to even small rejections, interpreting friends saying they were too busy to hang out, or delayed responses to her messages as evidence that even her friends might abandon her. Her feelings of sadness and anxiety increased. '' '''How might this affect the nature and intensity of her emotions?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Individual differences''' === Since physical and social pain are associated with the same neural circuitries individuals who are more sensitive to one kind of pain, whether physical or social, are therefore more sensitive to the other, meaning experiencing greater sensitivity to physical pain would likely result in greater social pain sensitivity (see Table 1), resulting in higher rejection sensitivity and/or a stronger anxious attachment style (Eisenberger, 2012). Higher rejection sensitivity, anxious attachment, or low self-esteem show greater dACC and/or AI activity when experiencing social pain (Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Positive relationships throughout adolescence may also contribute to individuals being less sensitive to any negative social situations experienced later in their lives (Masten et al., 2012). '''Table 1''' ''The Relationship Between Social and Physical Pain'' {{center top}} {| class="wikitable" ! colspan="2" rowspan="2" | ! colspan="2" |Type of Pain |- |Social |Physical |- | rowspan="2" |'''Type of manipulation''' |Increase pain |↑ Physical pain |↑ Social pain |- |Decrease pain |↓ Physical pain |↓ Social pain |} {{center bottom}} Ultimately, romantic rejection can produce diverse emotional responses. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity and individual differences may all affect the duration and intensity of an emotional reaction following rejection. ==Reducing or managing rejection-induced distress== As previously noted, romantic rejection can trigger a variety of emotional responses, including separation distress, social pain, threats to attachment style, and behavioural responses in adjusting to the loss of an attachment. However, there are psychological strategies that may help individuals in regulating the responses and facilitate recovery. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' Eventually, after speaking with a trusted friend, Maggie begins to recognise that her constant feelings of anxiety would only prolong the distress. Although her heartbreak had not disappeared, she decided to explore other healthier options of managing her emotions, and rediscovering herself outside of her relationship with Daniel. '' '''What techniques might Maggie use to overcome her anxiety and feelings of distress at missing Daniel?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Adaptive emotional regulation''' === ==== '''Cognitive reappraisal''' ==== [[wikipedia:Cognitive_appraisal|Cognitive reappraisal]], an [[wikipedia:Adaptive_strategies|adaptive strategy]] of emotion regulation works by encouraging a person to change how a situation feels by reframing the way they interpret it (Wang & Yin, 2023; Zilverstand et al., 2017). Following romantic rejection, an individual may interpret their romantic loss as evidence of their personal inadequacy, however, reframing the rejection from a personal failure and instead to a result of incompatibility may be beneficial in reducing emotional distress and correct maladaptive thoughts (Wang & Yin, 2023). ==== '''Mindfulness''' ==== Mindfulness has also been proposed as an adaptive strategy for emotional regulation (Chambers et al., 2009). It involves paying deliberate attention to the present moment and remaining accepting and non-judgemental of the situation (Brockman et al., 2023). Whilst reappraisal works on changing one's thinking, mindfulness works on the person's relationship to their thinking (Brockman et al., 2023). Due to the overlap of physical and social pain (see above section), the factors that alter one type of pain are likely to have a similar effect on the other (Eisenberger, 2012). Using this principle, [[wikipedia:Paracetamol|paracetamol]] or [[wikipedia:Ibuprofen|ibuprofen]], which are known to reduce physical pains, may also reduce the social pain associated with rejection (Eisenberger, 2012). === '''Emotion suppression''' === Alternatively, [[wikipedia:Expressive_suppression|expressive suppression]], a maladaptive behavioural strategy that works towards inhibiting the behaviours associated with emotional responses, such as facial expressions, gestures, and verbal phrases (Goldin et al., 2008). === '''Limitations of emotional regulation techniques''' === Reappraisal is likely more beneficial in reducing immediate neural activity and decreasing negative emotional experiences, however, suppression produced later neural emotional responses, decreased emotional behaviours, experiences and facial expressions, yet increased neural responses (Goldin et al., 2008). However, whilst cognitive reappraisal is an effective technique in clinical practice, it may not always translate to the individual's life due to a lack of practice, and is likely more effective and replicable across experiences closely linked to the individual's real-life experiences (Wang & Yin, 2023). Despite this, the efficacy of each strategy would depend on the individual, context, environment, age, purpose of the strategy, and other individual differences (Brockman et al., 2023). === '''Social support''' === Social support is a widely known method used to mitigate both emotional and social distress, and is associated with reduced activity in the dACC and AI where increased activity is associated with pain processing (Eisenberger, 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Therefore, spending time with friends and in an individual's daily support network indicates reduced activity in the dACC and AI, allowing the individual to reduce both the social and physical pains associated with romantic rejection (Masten et al., 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Effective emotional regulation following romantic rejection likely requires a combination of strategies to address immediate distress, regulate attachment, and elicit long-term adjustments. Whilst these strategies are useful in providing support and assisting with recovery, it may just be that emotional responses to rejection are inevitable. Although there are several approaches to manage rejection, the research on overall and immediate recovery remains limited. Strategies should instead be adapted to a person's individual emotional needs rather than using a 'universal' treatment. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' After seeing a psychologist, who recommended Maggie surround herself with her friends to build her confidence and individual interest again, encouraging she stay fit and pick up a new sport, and showing her techniques of mindfulness, Maggie was able to work through her heartbreak. She also begun using cognitive reappraisal techniques to reframe the small rejections that were increasing her anxiety, and began relying on her own regulation techniques to overcome challenges. After some time had passed and Maggie was feeling confident in herself, she reached out to Daniel to try to rekindle their relationship, now that she was feeling secure and was not dependent on another person for her own safety and happiness.{{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Conclusion== Romantic rejection can greatly influence emotions and motivated behaviour due to the complexity and interconnectedness of psychological and biological systems. Romantic attachments can provide security, a sense of belonging, and mimic rewards, explaining why the disruption of an attachment can trigger intense distress and emotional effects. However, the duration and intensity of such effects may vary according to individual differences, particularly in attachment style and sensitivity to rejection. Notably, the emotional responses can be managed through cognitive appraisal, mindfulness, suppression and social support, reducing distress, and supporting emotional recovery. Overall, romantic rejection evokes interconnected emotional and motivational responses, but emotional regulation is possible through evidence-informed strategies. Understanding the underlying psychological mechanisms can therefore provide valuable insights into managing romantic rejection, emotional distress and promoting practical approaches to psychological wellbeing. ==See also== * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2016/Attachment type and emotion|Attachment type and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2016) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Belongingness motivation#Positive Outcomes of Successful Belongingness and How to Cope with Rejection|Belongingness motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Emotional regulation]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:History_of_attachment_theory|History of attachment theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Rejection sensitivity|Rejection sensitivity]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Sorry#Social rejection|Social rejection]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[wikipedia:Theories_of_love|Theories of love]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Aron, A., Fisher, H., Mashek, D. J., Strong, G., Li, H., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Reward, motivation, and emotion systems associated with early-stage intense romantic love. ''Journal of Neurophysiology'', ''94''(1), 327–337. https://doi.org/10.1152/jn.00838.2004 Bergen, D. (2022). Developing attachment. In ''Theories of Early Childhood Education'' (pp. 118–127). Routledge. Bowlby, J. (1988). ''A secure base: Clinical applications of attachment theory''. Routledge. Bretherton, I. (1992). The origins of attachment theory: John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth. ''Developmental Psychology'', ''28''(5), 759–775. https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.28.5.759 Brockman, R., Ciarrochi, J., Parker, P., & Kashdan, T. B. (2023). Behaving versus thinking positively: When the benefits of cognitive reappraisal are contingent on satisfying basic psychological needs. ''Journal of Contextual Behavioral Science'', ''27'', 120–125. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcbs.2023.01.005 Chambers, R., Gullone, E., & Allen, N. B. (2009). Mindful emotion regulation: An integrative review. ''Clinical Psychology Review'', ''29''(6), 560–572. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2009.06.005 Downey, G., & Feldman, S. I. (1996). Implications of rejection sensitivity for intimate relationships. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''70''(6), 1327–1343. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.70.6.1327 Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). The pain of social disconnection: Examining the shared neural underpinnings of physical and social pain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''13'', 421–434. https://doi.org/10.1038/nrn3231 Elliott, R., Newman, J. L., Longe, O. A., & Deakin, J. F. W. (2003). Differential response patterns in the striatum and orbitofrontal cortex to financial reward in humans: A parametric functional magnetic resonance imaging study. ''The Journal of Neuroscience'', ''23''(1), 303–307. https://doi.org/10.1523/jneurosci.23-01-00303.2003 Fisher, H., Aron, A., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Romantic love: An fMRI study of a neural mechanism for mate choice. ''Journal of Comparative Neurology'', ''493''(1), 58–62. https://doi.org/10.1002/cne.20772 Goldin, P. R., McRae, K., Ramel, W., & Gross, J. J. (2008). The neural bases of emotion regulation: Reappraisal and suppression of negative emotion. ''Biological Psychiatry'', ''63''(6), 577–586. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsych.2007.05.031 Jozefowiez, J., & Staddon, J. E. R. (2008). 1.06 - Operant behaviour. In ''Learning and Memory: A Comprehensive Reference'' (pp. 75–101). Academic Press. Leary, M. R. (2015). Emotional responses to interpersonal rejection. ''Dialogues in Clinical Neuroscience'', ''17''(4). https://doi.org/10.31887/DCNS.2015.17.4/mleary Levine, A., & Heller, R. (2010). ''Attached''. Tarcher. London, B., Downey, G., Bonica, C., & Paltin, I. (2007). Social causes and consequences of rejection sensitivity. ''Journal of Research on Adolescence'', ''17''(3), 481–506. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1532-7795.2007.00531.x Masten, C. L., Telzer, E. H., Fuligni, A. J., Lieberman, M. D., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). Time spent with friends in adolescence relates to less neural sensitivity to later peer rejection. ''Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience'', ''7''(1), 106–114. https://doi.org/10.1093/scan/nsq098 Mikulincer, M., & Shaver, P. R. (2003). The attachment behavioural system in adulthood: Activation, psychodynamics, and interpersonal processes. In ''Advances in Experimental Social Psychology'' (pp. 53–152). Elsevier Science. Novotney, A. (2023). What happens in your brain when you’re in love? ''American Psychological Association.'' https://www.apa.org/topics/marriage-relationships/brain-on-love Ortigue, S., Bianchi-Demicheli, F., Patel, N., Frum, C., & Lewis, J. W. (2010). Neuroimaging of love: fMRI meta-analysis evidence toward new perspectives in sexual medicine. ''The Journal of Sexual Medicine'', ''7''(11), 3541–3552. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-6109.2010.01999.x Pfaff, D. (1999). ''Drive: Neurobiological and molecular mechanisms of sexual motivation.'' MIT Press. Schultz, W. (2000). Multiple reward signals in the brain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''1''(3), 199–207. Shin, J., Han, K. S., & Shin, H. J. (2024). Rejection sensitivity: A concept analysis. ''Journal of Korean Academy of Psychiatric and Mental Health Nursing'', ''33''(3), 253–261. https://doi.org/10.12934/jkpmhn.2024.33.3.253 Tchalova, K., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2015). How the brain feels the hurt of heartbreak: Examining the neurobiological overlap between social and physical pain. In A. W. Toga (Ed.), ''Brain Mapping: An Encyclopedic Reference'' (pp. 15–20). Academic Press: Elsevier. Wang, Y.-X., & Yin, B. (2023). A new understanding of the cognitive reappraisal technique: An extension based on the schema theory. ''Frontiers in Behavioral Neuroscience'', ''17''. https://doi.org/10.3389/fnbeh.2023.1174585 Zilverstand, A., Parvaz, M. A., & Goldstein, R. Z. (2017). Neuroimaging cognitive reappraisal in clinical populations to define neural targets for enhancing emotion regulation. a systematic review. ''NeuroImage'', ''151'', 105–116. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2016.06.009 }} ==External links== * [https://www.columbiapsychiatry.org/news/how-attachment-styles-influence-romantic-relationships How attachment styles influence romantic relationships] (Columbia Psychiatry) * [https://hms.harvard.edu/news-events/publications-archive/brain/love-brain Love and the brain] (Harvard Medical School) * [https://youtu.be/gMRph_BvHB4?si=7A6iFYMgC7VdC2Vv The science of love, desire and attachment] (YouTube) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Relationships]] 73klkjnr44ufmho1atejb1w5ek35ilz 2840278 2840277 2026-10-14T13:53:18Z U3275873 3110137 /* Origins of attachments - evolutionary safety */ 2840278 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Romantic rejection and emotional response<br>What emotional responses does romantic rejection evoke and how can they be regulated?}} __TOC__ == Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study''' Maggie grew up with parents that were loving and attentive, giving her everything she needed. Yet sometimes she found it difficult to form a deeper emotional connection with her parents or share her vulnerable feelings, as they would often keep conversations light or surface-level, and did not have personal conversations with their daughter. As a result, Maggie sometimes worried and questioned if they actually loved her, despite always having provided for her. '' '''What attachment style do you think Maggie is likely to be predisposed to?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} [[wikipedia:Social_rejection#Romantic_rejection|Romantic rejection]] is a common yet extremely emotionally challenging experience that can lead to intense feelings of sadness, longing, loneliness, and difficulties in regulating [[Emotion|emotions]]. Understanding how and why people respond strongly to rejection is important as attachment has consequences on psychological, physiological, and biological systems associated with security, reward, emotions and motivation. Using attachment theories, neuroscience, and emotional regulation techniques can help explain how romantic bonds develop, why their loss produces distress, the ways in which individual differences can affect responses, and which strategies may help regulate or support emotional responses. {{robelbox|theme=11|title=Focus questions}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> * How do romantic attachments develop? * How does romantic rejection affect attachment and motivational systems? * What determines the nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection? * How can rejection-related distress be reduced or managed? </div> {{Robelbox/close}} ==Romantic attachments== [[wikipedia:Romance|Romantic]] attachments are a fundamental part of human connection. It influences motivation, emotional wellbeing and behaviour. These attachments have developed over time through both evolutionary and biological bases, in attempts to increase survival and happiness, respectively. Understanding these perspectives can help explain why romantic attachments form to begin with and why the loss of an attachment is so emotionally significant. === Attachment === [[wikipedia:Attachment_theory|Attachment theory]] outlines the main "attachment styles", otherwise known as ways in which people perceive and respond to [[wikipedia:Intimate_relationship#Intimacy|intimacy]] in relationships, and are parallel to those found in children throughout development stages (Levine & Heller, 2010). The theory designates three main styles: # Secure # Anxious # Avoidant People who are usually warm loving, and comfortable with intimacy tend to be ''secure.'' Whereas ''anxious'' people are often distracted with their relationships and crave intimacy, with constant worry about their partner's ability to love them back. Finally, people who tend to constantly try to minimize closeness and associate intimacy with a loss of their independence are considered ''avoidant'' (Levine & Heller, 2010). A person's attachment style can not only affect their view of intimacy, but also include affect their: * way of dealing with conflict * attitude towards sex * ability to communicate wants and needs; or * expectations of a partner and the relationship (Levine & Heller, 2010). Levine and Heller (2010) claim all people fall, regardless of the stage at which their relationship is in, fall into one or a combination of these three categories, although a combination of anxious and avoidant is rare (Levine & Heller, 2010). This fourth, rare, category is termed the 'disorganised', of which only 5% of people fall into (Levine & Heller, 2010). ==== '''Origins of attachments - evolutionary safety''' ==== [[wikipedia:Attachment_in_adults#Styles|Adult attachment styles]] were initially hypothesised to be based primarily on a person's childhood and upbringing. [[wikipedia:John_Bowlby|John Bowlby]] and [[wikipedia:Mary_Ainsworth|Mary Ainsworth]], building on their separate and joined research on [[wikipedia:Ethology|ethology]] and [[developmental psychology]], developed the initial theories on which attachment theory has evolved. They proposed that infants possess a biological or evolutionary drive to form emotional attachments with others, primarily caregivers, as a mechanism for survival (Bretherton, 1992). From the ages of as young as six months to two years, children with consistent caregivers, who become their attachment figures, develop a mental representation or an "[[wikipedia:Internal_working_model_of_attachment|internal working model]]", influencing views of themselves, expectations, and methods of interacting and building relationships with others as they get older (Bergen, 2022). As the attachments develop throughout childhood, attachment figures can become a "secure base" they can return to for comfort, support, and safety, if caregivers were sensitive, responsible, and available, in which infants develop a "secure" attachment style (Bergen, 2022; Bowlby, 1988). Alternatively, avoidant or resistant attachment styles can develop if they were distant, unresponsive, and rigid; or an anxious attachment style if they were inconsistently responsive (Bergen, 2022; Levine & Heller, 2010). However, more recent developments have found that attachment styles in adulthood are more likely influenced by a variety of factors, including genetics, and life experiences, rather than being limited to the way in which parents cared for a person through infancy (Levine & Heller, 2010). Ultimately, attachment systems exist as a biological function of protecting a person from danger, especially during infancy, by ensuring their remain in close proximity to the care and support of others (their attachment figures), as a method of increasing the likelihood of survival and eventual reproduction (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ==== '''Origins of attachment - biological basis''' ==== <blockquote>“Love is a biological necessity—it’s as needed for our well-being as exercise, water, and food, […] And from a neuroscientific viewpoint, we can really say that love blossoms in the brain.” (Cacioppo, as cited in Novotney, 2023, para.3).</blockquote>Aside from the evolutionary basis, romantic attraction is also based in neuroendocrinology. Early-stage romantic love, or being '[[wikipedia:Falling_in_love|lovestruck]]', is often attributed to a primitive part of the brain's reward system (Novotney, 2023). In these early stages a person normally experiences sympathetic nervous system reactions, such as sweaty palms or a pounding heart when they are with their loved one, and often feeling [[wikipedia:Separation_anxiety_disorder|separation anxiety]] when apart from them (Fisher et al., 2005). The lovers tend to express emotional dependence, heightened romantic passion, extreme empathy toward the beloved, sexual desires and possessiveness, the craving for emotional union, and obsessive thinking, reaching extremes where they change their habits to impress or remain in contact, or are even willing to die for the individual (Fisher et al., 2005). In cases were the lover experiences rejection, they often will protest the rejection and work to try to win the beloved individual back, expressing rage at the abandonment and despair (Fisher et al., 2005). Fisher et al. (2005) conducted a study on courtship attraction that used [[Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging|functional magnetic resonance imaging]] (fMRI) to determine the neural mechanisms associated with romantic love, by studying 17 people intensely "in love". The study found that a photograph of the beloved was an effective stimulus for eliciting feelings of intense romantic love, producing group activation in several regions of the brain, including the right [[wikipedia:Ventral_tegmental_area|ventral tegmental area]] (VTA) amidst [[wikipedia:Dopamine|dopamine]] cells (Aron et al., 2005; Fisher et al., 2005). The VTA is a main component of the brain's "reward system", as it is associated with focused attention, arousal, pleasure and the motivation to pursue and acquire rewards (Fisher at al., 2005). The VTA then activates various brain regions, including the caudate nucleus which contributes to reward detection and expectation (Fisher at al., 2005; Schultz, 2000). This suggest romantic love may be a primary motivation system, or a fundamental human drive to mate, suggesting romantic love is the effects of a reward system as all drives are associated with the activation of dopamine (Fisher et al., 2005; Pfaff, 1999). Similarly, humans have been shown to respond to monetary rewards, demonstrating the neural activations of financial reinforcement overlap with regions that respond to human's primary reinforcers (Elliott et al., 2003). This can be applied twice as sex is a primary biological enforcer, and even abstract rewards can be used to effectively elicit neuronal responses (Elliott et al., 2003; Jozefowiez & Staddon, 2008). [[File:Parts_of_brain_that_are_activated_when_a_person_falls_in_love.jpg|thumb|589x589px|'''Figure 1.''' ''Parts of the Brain that are Activated When a Person Falls in Love.'' Source: (Novotney, 2023)|center]] Additionally, Ortigue et al. (2010) conducted further [[meta-analysis]] of published fMRI studies of love and their illustration of brain regions associated with the different forms of love. Ortigue et al. (2010) confirmed that all fMRI studies of love found the [[wikipedia:Cerebral_cortex#Connections|subcortical]] [[wikipedia:Dopaminergic_pathways|dopaminergic]] reward-related brain systems, which uses dopamine and [[wikipedia:Oxytocin|oxytocin]] receptors, responsible for motivating individuals to bond with another person. The review also further demonstrated that different types of love may involve different cerebral pathways which includes pathways associated with higher cognitive functions such as bodily [./Https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-image self-image] and [[social cognition]] (Ortigue et al., 2010). The study highlighted a total of 12 areas in the brain that work together to release dopamine, oxytocin, and [[wikipedia:Adrenaline|adrenaline]], indicating the [[wikipedia:Amygdala|amygdala]], [[wikipedia:Hippocampus|hippocampus]], and [[wikipedia:Prefrontal_cortex|prefrontal cortex]] (See Figure 1), which is very sensitive to pleasure-inducing behaviours, are all activated in the brain scans when talking about a loved one (Novotney, 2023; Ortigue et al., 2010). Romantic attachments ultimately develop through both evolutionary, physiological, and psychological methods. Attachment theory explains how and why emotional bonds are formed, to promote security and influence relationship patterns. Whilst reward systems highlight the neurophysiological component that strengthens romantic connections, suggesting romantic attachment fulfills the basic human needs for connection. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' As Maggie grew older, in year 11 she later met Daniel and things seemed to change. Over their time finishing school and then later entering university Daniel became one of Maggie's closest friends, even entering the same university together after graduation. They were always together. Daniel made Maggie happy, was attentive, and slowly became someone Maggie could imagine building a future with. '' '''What type of attachment role do you think Daniel plays in Maggie's life?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Effects of rejection == Romantic rejection can trigger physiological, psychological and neurological responses due to a disruption in a person's pre-determined romantic attachment. Romantic partners work as sources of emotional security and safety, so when a person is rejected, their established attachment bond and securities become threatened (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Sometimes a rejection does not always deter the individual and can instead further motivate them to attempt to restore the lost connection, even if the relationship is no longer reciprocated (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). === '''Behavioural responses to a threatened attachment system''' === Functioning of an attachment system can be affected by the availability of one, or more, attachment figures in times of need, and their sensitivity and responsiveness to the individual's proximity-seeking behaviours (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). So, whilst nearly all children will become attached, including in situations where they experience abuse from their mothers, not all attachments are secure attachments, as attachment theory poses that the quality of the interactions with attachment figures is the main reason for individual differences in the functioning of an attachment system (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003) (See Figure 2). [[File:Quadrants_of_the_four_major_attachment_styles.png|thumb|370x370px|'''Figure 2.''' ''Diagram of the Four Major Attachment Styles Categorised by Attachment Anxiety and Avoidance Strength.'' Source: (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ]] Applying the theory of attachment styles to experiences of romantic rejection, when an attachment figure (the beloved) is not physically or emotionally available to the lover in times of need or distress, is not sensitive or responsive to the lover's attempts at seeking proximity, the attachment system is then disrupted (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). In that case, the feelings of distress, lack of proximity, or lack of safety are not alleviated. Instead, the initial distress felt is instead amalgamated by further doubts they can attain safety, trust, or the resources necessary for stress management (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Once this occurs, attachment theorists have determined two methods of secondary attachment strategies of either ''hyperactivation'' or ''deactivation'' of the system; where hyperactivating individuals do not give up on their attachment attempts and instead intensify them to coerce the attachment figure's support and love (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Alternatively, a deactivating individual gives up on their attachment attempts, attempting to deal with the dangers alone (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). This is a strategy to try and down-regulate their attachment system to avoid the distress and pain caused by the attachment figure's unavailability (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' One day, Maggie had a panic attack while Daniel was at soccer practice, and as she was messaging and calling him to come help her, Daniel was not responding. This cause Maggie to become increasingly anxious, escalating her panic attack. Daniel's phone had died at practice, so had not seen Maggie's calls or messages until a few hours after practice. '' '''How do you think this would affect Maggie and Daniel's relationship?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Heartbreak and physical pain''' === Physical pain words are often used to describe experiences of social rejection or loss, such as a 'broken heart' or 'hurt feelings', which may be due to the similarities associated with [[Pain|physical]] and 'social pain' (Eisenberger, 2012; Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Negative social evaluations, including rejection from a romantic partner, activates areas in the dorsal [[wikipedia:Anterior_cingulate_cortex|anterior cingulate cortex]] (dACC) and [[wikipedia:Insular_cortex|anterior insula]] (AI), which are brain regions associated with the distressful experiences of physical pain (Eisenberger, 2012). Understanding this overlap between physical and social pain provides further insights into both the intensity of emotional responses, and methods in which the pain can be alleviated. Overall, romantic rejection disrupts the security an attachment bond brings, whilst also still motivating an individual to pursue a person romantically. This helps further explain why an individual may experience emotional, and even physical, pain and still remain motivated to restore what was lost, whether literal or imagined. ==Nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection== Romantic rejection can evoke a multitude of emotions in everyone. However, the intensity, duration, and expression of these emotions will differ amongst individuals. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity, and individual differences would all play key parts in the expression of one's emotions. === '''Emotional responses''' === A wide variety of human emotions arise in response to rejection by other people, whether the rejection was real, anticipated, imagined, or merely remembered (Leary, 2015). Acceptance by other people developed [[wikipedia:Personality_psychology#Biopsychological_theories|biopsychological]] and emotional mechanisms for humans to recognise and cope with threats to acceptance and belonging (Leary, 2015). So, when an individual's sense of belonging or acceptance is threatened it can elicit emotions the following emotions in attempts to manage the rejection: * '''Hurt feelings''' - where the other person does not regard their relationship with the individual as valuable or important as they believe, leading them to feel rejected; * '''Jealousy''' - where the individual believes the other person values their relationship with them less that desired because of the presence of another third party; * '''Loneliness''' - where the individual believes the person who greatly values their relationship are not available for support or social interaction; * '''Guilt''' - where the individual believes they have done something that would lead the other to relationally devalue them, motivating them to repair the damage that their undesired behaviour has caused; * '''Shame''' - where the individual believes others' judgement as a person may lead to relation devaluation and possible rejection, leading to a desire to withdraw from social interactions because nothing can be immediately done to repair the damage to their image or value; * '''Social anxiety''' - feelings of nervousness in social interactions in anticipation to the possibility of conveying an undesired impression of themselves that will lower their value in another person's eyes; * '''Embarrassment''' - where the individual is concerned with how they are perceived by another when they think they have already conveyed an undesired impression of themselves to others; * '''Sadness''' - which arises from perceived loss, or when their affection for the other person is not returned or accepted; and * '''Anger''' - which arises when the individual perceives the other has unjustifiably behaved in a way that threatens their desire, wellbeing, or is considered an unjustifiable harm (Leary, 2015). However, people do not necessarily experience all of these emotions or to the same extent, as a person's individual differences affect their expression. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' Maggie was really upset, as she needed Daniel in a time of need and she spiralled further, believing he was distancing himself, and got into a big fight with Daniel afterwards. Daniel suggested maybe they need some time apart to reevaluate themselves and their relationship. '' '''What effects do you think this will have on Maggie?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Rejection sensitivity''' === Rejection sensitivity, the disposition to anxiously expect, readily perceive, and overwhelmingly respond to rejection (Shin et al., 2024). Rejection-sensitive individuals are more likely to anxiously expect rejection and therefore perceive others' ambiguous behaviours as an intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Similarly, those that enter romantic relationships with anxious expectations of rejection will recognise insensitive behaviours of the new partners as intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Consequently, individuals with a higher rejection sensitivity are more likely to interpret romantic rejection as a confirmation of their feelings of inadequacy, anxiety, anger or negative self-concept (Downey & Feldman, 1996; London et al., 2007). It also affects their quality of their relationships as rejection-sensitive men's jealousy and rejection-sensitive women's hostility results in feelings of diminished support and explain their partners' relationship dissatisfaction (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Rejection sensitivity can also be heightened by attachment styles as anxious or ambivalent attachment styles, that involve a fear of abandonment and need for validation, are more likely to exhibit rejection sensitivity (Shin et al., 2024). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' As weeks passed, Maggie kept asking mutual friends about Daniel, checking his social media accounts, and trying to see him around university. Maggie became increasingly sensitive to even small rejections, interpreting friends saying they were too busy to hang out, or delayed responses to her messages as evidence that even her friends might abandon her. Her feelings of sadness and anxiety increased. '' '''How might this affect the nature and intensity of her emotions?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Individual differences''' === Since physical and social pain are associated with the same neural circuitries individuals who are more sensitive to one kind of pain, whether physical or social, are therefore more sensitive to the other, meaning experiencing greater sensitivity to physical pain would likely result in greater social pain sensitivity (see Table 1), resulting in higher rejection sensitivity and/or a stronger anxious attachment style (Eisenberger, 2012). Higher rejection sensitivity, anxious attachment, or low self-esteem show greater dACC and/or AI activity when experiencing social pain (Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Positive relationships throughout adolescence may also contribute to individuals being less sensitive to any negative social situations experienced later in their lives (Masten et al., 2012). '''Table 1''' ''The Relationship Between Social and Physical Pain'' {{center top}} {| class="wikitable" ! colspan="2" rowspan="2" | ! colspan="2" |Type of Pain |- |Social |Physical |- | rowspan="2" |'''Type of manipulation''' |Increase pain |↑ Physical pain |↑ Social pain |- |Decrease pain |↓ Physical pain |↓ Social pain |} {{center bottom}} Ultimately, romantic rejection can produce diverse emotional responses. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity and individual differences may all affect the duration and intensity of an emotional reaction following rejection. ==Reducing or managing rejection-induced distress== As previously noted, romantic rejection can trigger a variety of emotional responses, including separation distress, social pain, threats to attachment style, and behavioural responses in adjusting to the loss of an attachment. However, there are psychological strategies that may help individuals in regulating the responses and facilitate recovery. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' Eventually, after speaking with a trusted friend, Maggie begins to recognise that her constant feelings of anxiety would only prolong the distress. Although her heartbreak had not disappeared, she decided to explore other healthier options of managing her emotions, and rediscovering herself outside of her relationship with Daniel. '' '''What techniques might Maggie use to overcome her anxiety and feelings of distress at missing Daniel?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Adaptive emotional regulation''' === ==== '''Cognitive reappraisal''' ==== [[wikipedia:Cognitive_appraisal|Cognitive reappraisal]], an [[wikipedia:Adaptive_strategies|adaptive strategy]] of emotion regulation works by encouraging a person to change how a situation feels by reframing the way they interpret it (Wang & Yin, 2023; Zilverstand et al., 2017). Following romantic rejection, an individual may interpret their romantic loss as evidence of their personal inadequacy, however, reframing the rejection from a personal failure and instead to a result of incompatibility may be beneficial in reducing emotional distress and correct maladaptive thoughts (Wang & Yin, 2023). ==== '''Mindfulness''' ==== Mindfulness has also been proposed as an adaptive strategy for emotional regulation (Chambers et al., 2009). It involves paying deliberate attention to the present moment and remaining accepting and non-judgemental of the situation (Brockman et al., 2023). Whilst reappraisal works on changing one's thinking, mindfulness works on the person's relationship to their thinking (Brockman et al., 2023). Due to the overlap of physical and social pain (see above section), the factors that alter one type of pain are likely to have a similar effect on the other (Eisenberger, 2012). Using this principle, [[wikipedia:Paracetamol|paracetamol]] or [[wikipedia:Ibuprofen|ibuprofen]], which are known to reduce physical pains, may also reduce the social pain associated with rejection (Eisenberger, 2012). === '''Emotion suppression''' === Alternatively, [[wikipedia:Expressive_suppression|expressive suppression]], a maladaptive behavioural strategy that works towards inhibiting the behaviours associated with emotional responses, such as facial expressions, gestures, and verbal phrases (Goldin et al., 2008). === '''Limitations of emotional regulation techniques''' === Reappraisal is likely more beneficial in reducing immediate neural activity and decreasing negative emotional experiences, however, suppression produced later neural emotional responses, decreased emotional behaviours, experiences and facial expressions, yet increased neural responses (Goldin et al., 2008). However, whilst cognitive reappraisal is an effective technique in clinical practice, it may not always translate to the individual's life due to a lack of practice, and is likely more effective and replicable across experiences closely linked to the individual's real-life experiences (Wang & Yin, 2023). Despite this, the efficacy of each strategy would depend on the individual, context, environment, age, purpose of the strategy, and other individual differences (Brockman et al., 2023). === '''Social support''' === Social support is a widely known method used to mitigate both emotional and social distress, and is associated with reduced activity in the dACC and AI where increased activity is associated with pain processing (Eisenberger, 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Therefore, spending time with friends and in an individual's daily support network indicates reduced activity in the dACC and AI, allowing the individual to reduce both the social and physical pains associated with romantic rejection (Masten et al., 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Effective emotional regulation following romantic rejection likely requires a combination of strategies to address immediate distress, regulate attachment, and elicit long-term adjustments. Whilst these strategies are useful in providing support and assisting with recovery, it may just be that emotional responses to rejection are inevitable. Although there are several approaches to manage rejection, the research on overall and immediate recovery remains limited. Strategies should instead be adapted to a person's individual emotional needs rather than using a 'universal' treatment. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' After seeing a psychologist, who recommended Maggie surround herself with her friends to build her confidence and individual interest again, encouraging she stay fit and pick up a new sport, and showing her techniques of mindfulness, Maggie was able to work through her heartbreak. She also begun using cognitive reappraisal techniques to reframe the small rejections that were increasing her anxiety, and began relying on her own regulation techniques to overcome challenges. After some time had passed and Maggie was feeling confident in herself, she reached out to Daniel to try to rekindle their relationship, now that she was feeling secure and was not dependent on another person for her own safety and happiness.{{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Conclusion== Romantic rejection can greatly influence emotions and motivated behaviour due to the complexity and interconnectedness of psychological and biological systems. Romantic attachments can provide security, a sense of belonging, and mimic rewards, explaining why the disruption of an attachment can trigger intense distress and emotional effects. However, the duration and intensity of such effects may vary according to individual differences, particularly in attachment style and sensitivity to rejection. Notably, the emotional responses can be managed through cognitive appraisal, mindfulness, suppression and social support, reducing distress, and supporting emotional recovery. Overall, romantic rejection evokes interconnected emotional and motivational responses, but emotional regulation is possible through evidence-informed strategies. Understanding the underlying psychological mechanisms can therefore provide valuable insights into managing romantic rejection, emotional distress and promoting practical approaches to psychological wellbeing. ==See also== * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2016/Attachment type and emotion|Attachment type and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2016) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Belongingness motivation#Positive Outcomes of Successful Belongingness and How to Cope with Rejection|Belongingness motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Emotional regulation]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:History_of_attachment_theory|History of attachment theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Rejection sensitivity|Rejection sensitivity]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Sorry#Social rejection|Social rejection]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[wikipedia:Theories_of_love|Theories of love]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Aron, A., Fisher, H., Mashek, D. J., Strong, G., Li, H., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Reward, motivation, and emotion systems associated with early-stage intense romantic love. ''Journal of Neurophysiology'', ''94''(1), 327–337. https://doi.org/10.1152/jn.00838.2004 Bergen, D. (2022). Developing attachment. In ''Theories of Early Childhood Education'' (pp. 118–127). Routledge. Bowlby, J. (1988). ''A secure base: Clinical applications of attachment theory''. Routledge. Bretherton, I. (1992). The origins of attachment theory: John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth. ''Developmental Psychology'', ''28''(5), 759–775. https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.28.5.759 Brockman, R., Ciarrochi, J., Parker, P., & Kashdan, T. B. (2023). Behaving versus thinking positively: When the benefits of cognitive reappraisal are contingent on satisfying basic psychological needs. ''Journal of Contextual Behavioral Science'', ''27'', 120–125. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcbs.2023.01.005 Chambers, R., Gullone, E., & Allen, N. B. (2009). Mindful emotion regulation: An integrative review. ''Clinical Psychology Review'', ''29''(6), 560–572. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2009.06.005 Downey, G., & Feldman, S. I. (1996). Implications of rejection sensitivity for intimate relationships. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''70''(6), 1327–1343. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.70.6.1327 Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). The pain of social disconnection: Examining the shared neural underpinnings of physical and social pain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''13'', 421–434. https://doi.org/10.1038/nrn3231 Elliott, R., Newman, J. L., Longe, O. A., & Deakin, J. F. W. (2003). Differential response patterns in the striatum and orbitofrontal cortex to financial reward in humans: A parametric functional magnetic resonance imaging study. ''The Journal of Neuroscience'', ''23''(1), 303–307. https://doi.org/10.1523/jneurosci.23-01-00303.2003 Fisher, H., Aron, A., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Romantic love: An fMRI study of a neural mechanism for mate choice. ''Journal of Comparative Neurology'', ''493''(1), 58–62. https://doi.org/10.1002/cne.20772 Goldin, P. R., McRae, K., Ramel, W., & Gross, J. J. (2008). The neural bases of emotion regulation: Reappraisal and suppression of negative emotion. ''Biological Psychiatry'', ''63''(6), 577–586. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsych.2007.05.031 Jozefowiez, J., & Staddon, J. E. R. (2008). 1.06 - Operant behaviour. In ''Learning and Memory: A Comprehensive Reference'' (pp. 75–101). Academic Press. Leary, M. R. (2015). Emotional responses to interpersonal rejection. ''Dialogues in Clinical Neuroscience'', ''17''(4). https://doi.org/10.31887/DCNS.2015.17.4/mleary Levine, A., & Heller, R. (2010). ''Attached''. Tarcher. London, B., Downey, G., Bonica, C., & Paltin, I. (2007). Social causes and consequences of rejection sensitivity. ''Journal of Research on Adolescence'', ''17''(3), 481–506. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1532-7795.2007.00531.x Masten, C. L., Telzer, E. H., Fuligni, A. J., Lieberman, M. D., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). Time spent with friends in adolescence relates to less neural sensitivity to later peer rejection. ''Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience'', ''7''(1), 106–114. https://doi.org/10.1093/scan/nsq098 Mikulincer, M., & Shaver, P. R. (2003). The attachment behavioural system in adulthood: Activation, psychodynamics, and interpersonal processes. In ''Advances in Experimental Social Psychology'' (pp. 53–152). Elsevier Science. Novotney, A. (2023). What happens in your brain when you’re in love? ''American Psychological Association.'' https://www.apa.org/topics/marriage-relationships/brain-on-love Ortigue, S., Bianchi-Demicheli, F., Patel, N., Frum, C., & Lewis, J. W. (2010). Neuroimaging of love: fMRI meta-analysis evidence toward new perspectives in sexual medicine. ''The Journal of Sexual Medicine'', ''7''(11), 3541–3552. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-6109.2010.01999.x Pfaff, D. (1999). ''Drive: Neurobiological and molecular mechanisms of sexual motivation.'' MIT Press. Schultz, W. (2000). Multiple reward signals in the brain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''1''(3), 199–207. Shin, J., Han, K. S., & Shin, H. J. (2024). Rejection sensitivity: A concept analysis. ''Journal of Korean Academy of Psychiatric and Mental Health Nursing'', ''33''(3), 253–261. https://doi.org/10.12934/jkpmhn.2024.33.3.253 Tchalova, K., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2015). How the brain feels the hurt of heartbreak: Examining the neurobiological overlap between social and physical pain. In A. W. Toga (Ed.), ''Brain Mapping: An Encyclopedic Reference'' (pp. 15–20). Academic Press: Elsevier. Wang, Y.-X., & Yin, B. (2023). A new understanding of the cognitive reappraisal technique: An extension based on the schema theory. ''Frontiers in Behavioral Neuroscience'', ''17''. https://doi.org/10.3389/fnbeh.2023.1174585 Zilverstand, A., Parvaz, M. A., & Goldstein, R. Z. (2017). Neuroimaging cognitive reappraisal in clinical populations to define neural targets for enhancing emotion regulation. a systematic review. ''NeuroImage'', ''151'', 105–116. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2016.06.009 }} ==External links== * [https://www.columbiapsychiatry.org/news/how-attachment-styles-influence-romantic-relationships How attachment styles influence romantic relationships] (Columbia Psychiatry) * [https://hms.harvard.edu/news-events/publications-archive/brain/love-brain Love and the brain] (Harvard Medical School) * [https://youtu.be/gMRph_BvHB4?si=7A6iFYMgC7VdC2Vv The science of love, desire and attachment] (YouTube) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Relationships]] ryimsjhsot0f35n3c5mwbbebiibqonj 2840279 2840278 2026-10-14T13:59:23Z U3275873 3110137 /* Overview */ 2840279 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Romantic rejection and emotional response<br>What emotional responses does romantic rejection evoke and how can they be regulated?}} __TOC__ == Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study''' Maggie grew up with parents that were loving and attentive, giving her everything she needed. Yet sometimes she found it difficult to form a deeper emotional connection with her parents or share her vulnerable feelings, as they would often keep conversations light or surface-level, and did not have personal conversations with their daughter. As a result, Maggie sometimes worried and questioned if they actually loved her, despite always having provided for her. '' '''What attachment style do you think Maggie is likely to be predisposed to?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} [[wikipedia:Social_rejection#Romantic_rejection|Romantic rejection]] is a common yet extremely emotionally challenging experience that can lead to intense feelings of sadness, longing, loneliness, and difficulties in regulating [[Emotion|emotions]]. Understanding how and why people respond strongly to rejection is important as attachment has consequences on psychological, physiological, and biological systems associated with security, reward, emotions and motivation. Using attachment theories, neuroscience, and emotional regulation techniques can help explain how romantic bonds develop, why their loss produces distress, the ways in which individual differences can affect responses, and which strategies may help regulate or support emotional responses. {{robelbox|theme=11|title=Focus questions}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> * How do romantic attachments develop? * How does romantic rejection affect attachment and motivational systems? * What determines the nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection? * How can rejection-related distress be reduced or managed? </div> {{Robelbox/close}} ==Romantic attachments== [[wikipedia:Romance|Romantic]] attachments are a fundamental part of human connection. It influences motivation, emotional wellbeing and behaviour. These attachments have developed over time through both evolutionary and biological bases, in attempts to increase survival and happiness, respectively. Understanding these perspectives can help explain why romantic attachments form to begin with and why the loss of an attachment is so emotionally significant. === Attachment === [[wikipedia:Attachment_theory|Attachment theory]] outlines the main "attachment styles", otherwise known as ways in which people perceive and respond to [[wikipedia:Intimate_relationship#Intimacy|intimacy]] in relationships, and are parallel to those found in children throughout development stages (Levine & Heller, 2010). The theory designates three main styles: # Secure # Anxious # Avoidant People who are usually warm loving, and comfortable with intimacy tend to be ''secure.'' Whereas ''anxious'' people are often distracted with their relationships and crave intimacy, with constant worry about their partner's ability to love them back. Finally, people who tend to constantly try to minimize closeness and associate intimacy with a loss of their independence are considered ''avoidant'' (Levine & Heller, 2010). A person's attachment style can not only affect their view of intimacy, but also include affect their: * way of dealing with conflict * attitude towards sex * ability to communicate wants and needs; or * expectations of a partner and the relationship (Levine & Heller, 2010). Levine and Heller (2010) claim all people fall, regardless of the stage at which their relationship is in, fall into one or a combination of these three categories, although a combination of anxious and avoidant is rare (Levine & Heller, 2010). This fourth, rare, category is termed the 'disorganised', of which only 5% of people fall into (Levine & Heller, 2010). ==== '''Origins of attachments - evolutionary safety''' ==== [[wikipedia:Attachment_in_adults#Styles|Adult attachment styles]] were initially hypothesised to be based primarily on a person's childhood and upbringing. [[wikipedia:John_Bowlby|John Bowlby]] and [[wikipedia:Mary_Ainsworth|Mary Ainsworth]], building on their separate and joined research on [[wikipedia:Ethology|ethology]] and [[developmental psychology]], developed the initial theories on which attachment theory has evolved. They proposed that infants possess a biological or evolutionary drive to form emotional attachments with others, primarily caregivers, as a mechanism for survival (Bretherton, 1992). From the ages of as young as six months to two years, children with consistent caregivers, who become their attachment figures, develop a mental representation or an "[[wikipedia:Internal_working_model_of_attachment|internal working model]]", influencing views of themselves, expectations, and methods of interacting and building relationships with others as they get older (Bergen, 2022). As the attachments develop throughout childhood, attachment figures can become a "secure base" they can return to for comfort, support, and safety, if caregivers were sensitive, responsible, and available, in which infants develop a "secure" attachment style (Bergen, 2022; Bowlby, 1988). Alternatively, avoidant or resistant attachment styles can develop if they were distant, unresponsive, and rigid; or an anxious attachment style if they were inconsistently responsive (Bergen, 2022; Levine & Heller, 2010). However, more recent developments have found that attachment styles in adulthood are more likely influenced by a variety of factors, including genetics, and life experiences, rather than being limited to the way in which parents cared for a person through infancy (Levine & Heller, 2010). Ultimately, attachment systems exist as a biological function of protecting a person from danger, especially during infancy, by ensuring their remain in close proximity to the care and support of others (their attachment figures), as a method of increasing the likelihood of survival and eventual reproduction (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ==== '''Origins of attachment - biological basis''' ==== <blockquote>“Love is a biological necessity—it’s as needed for our well-being as exercise, water, and food, […] And from a neuroscientific viewpoint, we can really say that love blossoms in the brain.” (Cacioppo, as cited in Novotney, 2023, para.3).</blockquote>Aside from the evolutionary basis, romantic attraction is also based in neuroendocrinology. Early-stage romantic love, or being '[[wikipedia:Falling_in_love|lovestruck]]', is often attributed to a primitive part of the brain's reward system (Novotney, 2023). In these early stages a person normally experiences sympathetic nervous system reactions, such as sweaty palms or a pounding heart when they are with their loved one, and often feeling [[wikipedia:Separation_anxiety_disorder|separation anxiety]] when apart from them (Fisher et al., 2005). The lovers tend to express emotional dependence, heightened romantic passion, extreme empathy toward the beloved, sexual desires and possessiveness, the craving for emotional union, and obsessive thinking, reaching extremes where they change their habits to impress or remain in contact, or are even willing to die for the individual (Fisher et al., 2005). In cases were the lover experiences rejection, they often will protest the rejection and work to try to win the beloved individual back, expressing rage at the abandonment and despair (Fisher et al., 2005). Fisher et al. (2005) conducted a study on courtship attraction that used [[Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging|functional magnetic resonance imaging]] (fMRI) to determine the neural mechanisms associated with romantic love, by studying 17 people intensely "in love". The study found that a photograph of the beloved was an effective stimulus for eliciting feelings of intense romantic love, producing group activation in several regions of the brain, including the right [[wikipedia:Ventral_tegmental_area|ventral tegmental area]] (VTA) amidst [[wikipedia:Dopamine|dopamine]] cells (Aron et al., 2005; Fisher et al., 2005). The VTA is a main component of the brain's "reward system", as it is associated with focused attention, arousal, pleasure and the motivation to pursue and acquire rewards (Fisher at al., 2005). The VTA then activates various brain regions, including the caudate nucleus which contributes to reward detection and expectation (Fisher at al., 2005; Schultz, 2000). This suggest romantic love may be a primary motivation system, or a fundamental human drive to mate, suggesting romantic love is the effects of a reward system as all drives are associated with the activation of dopamine (Fisher et al., 2005; Pfaff, 1999). Similarly, humans have been shown to respond to monetary rewards, demonstrating the neural activations of financial reinforcement overlap with regions that respond to human's primary reinforcers (Elliott et al., 2003). This can be applied twice as sex is a primary biological enforcer, and even abstract rewards can be used to effectively elicit neuronal responses (Elliott et al., 2003; Jozefowiez & Staddon, 2008). [[File:Parts_of_brain_that_are_activated_when_a_person_falls_in_love.jpg|thumb|589x589px|'''Figure 1.''' ''Parts of the Brain that are Activated When a Person Falls in Love.'' Source: (Novotney, 2023)|center]] Additionally, Ortigue et al. (2010) conducted further [[meta-analysis]] of published fMRI studies of love and their illustration of brain regions associated with the different forms of love. Ortigue et al. (2010) confirmed that all fMRI studies of love found the [[wikipedia:Cerebral_cortex#Connections|subcortical]] [[wikipedia:Dopaminergic_pathways|dopaminergic]] reward-related brain systems, which uses dopamine and [[wikipedia:Oxytocin|oxytocin]] receptors, responsible for motivating individuals to bond with another person. The review also further demonstrated that different types of love may involve different cerebral pathways which includes pathways associated with higher cognitive functions such as bodily [./Https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-image self-image] and [[social cognition]] (Ortigue et al., 2010). The study highlighted a total of 12 areas in the brain that work together to release dopamine, oxytocin, and [[wikipedia:Adrenaline|adrenaline]], indicating the [[wikipedia:Amygdala|amygdala]], [[wikipedia:Hippocampus|hippocampus]], and [[wikipedia:Prefrontal_cortex|prefrontal cortex]] (See Figure 1), which is very sensitive to pleasure-inducing behaviours, are all activated in the brain scans when talking about a loved one (Novotney, 2023; Ortigue et al., 2010). Romantic attachments ultimately develop through both evolutionary, physiological, and psychological methods. Attachment theory explains how and why emotional bonds are formed, to promote security and influence relationship patterns. Whilst reward systems highlight the neurophysiological component that strengthens romantic connections, suggesting romantic attachment fulfills the basic human needs for connection. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' As Maggie grew older, in year 11 she later met Daniel and things seemed to change. Over their time finishing school and then later entering university Daniel became one of Maggie's closest friends, even entering the same university together after graduation. They were always together. Daniel made Maggie happy, was attentive, and slowly became someone Maggie could imagine building a future with. '' '''What type of attachment role do you think Daniel plays in Maggie's life?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Effects of rejection == Romantic rejection can trigger physiological, psychological and neurological responses due to a disruption in a person's pre-determined romantic attachment. Romantic partners work as sources of emotional security and safety, so when a person is rejected, their established attachment bond and securities become threatened (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Sometimes a rejection does not always deter the individual and can instead further motivate them to attempt to restore the lost connection, even if the relationship is no longer reciprocated (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). === '''Behavioural responses to a threatened attachment system''' === Functioning of an attachment system can be affected by the availability of one, or more, attachment figures in times of need, and their sensitivity and responsiveness to the individual's proximity-seeking behaviours (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). So, whilst nearly all children will become attached, including in situations where they experience abuse from their mothers, not all attachments are secure attachments, as attachment theory poses that the quality of the interactions with attachment figures is the main reason for individual differences in the functioning of an attachment system (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003) (See Figure 2). [[File:Quadrants_of_the_four_major_attachment_styles.png|thumb|370x370px|'''Figure 2.''' ''Diagram of the Four Major Attachment Styles Categorised by Attachment Anxiety and Avoidance Strength.'' Source: (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ]] Applying the theory of attachment styles to experiences of romantic rejection, when an attachment figure (the beloved) is not physically or emotionally available to the lover in times of need or distress, is not sensitive or responsive to the lover's attempts at seeking proximity, the attachment system is then disrupted (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). In that case, the feelings of distress, lack of proximity, or lack of safety are not alleviated. Instead, the initial distress felt is instead amalgamated by further doubts they can attain safety, trust, or the resources necessary for stress management (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Once this occurs, attachment theorists have determined two methods of secondary attachment strategies of either ''hyperactivation'' or ''deactivation'' of the system; where hyperactivating individuals do not give up on their attachment attempts and instead intensify them to coerce the attachment figure's support and love (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Alternatively, a deactivating individual gives up on their attachment attempts, attempting to deal with the dangers alone (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). This is a strategy to try and down-regulate their attachment system to avoid the distress and pain caused by the attachment figure's unavailability (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' One day, Maggie had a panic attack while Daniel was at soccer practice, and as she was messaging and calling him to come help her, Daniel was not responding. This cause Maggie to become increasingly anxious, escalating her panic attack. Daniel's phone had died at practice, so had not seen Maggie's calls or messages until a few hours after practice. '' '''How do you think this would affect Maggie and Daniel's relationship?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Heartbreak and physical pain''' === Physical pain words are often used to describe experiences of social rejection or loss, such as a 'broken heart' or 'hurt feelings', which may be due to the similarities associated with [[Pain|physical]] and 'social pain' (Eisenberger, 2012; Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Negative social evaluations, including rejection from a romantic partner, activates areas in the dorsal [[wikipedia:Anterior_cingulate_cortex|anterior cingulate cortex]] (dACC) and [[wikipedia:Insular_cortex|anterior insula]] (AI), which are brain regions associated with the distressful experiences of physical pain (Eisenberger, 2012). Understanding this overlap between physical and social pain provides further insights into both the intensity of emotional responses, and methods in which the pain can be alleviated. Overall, romantic rejection disrupts the security an attachment bond brings, whilst also still motivating an individual to pursue a person romantically. This helps further explain why an individual may experience emotional, and even physical, pain and still remain motivated to restore what was lost, whether literal or imagined. ==Nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection== Romantic rejection can evoke a multitude of emotions in everyone. However, the intensity, duration, and expression of these emotions will differ amongst individuals. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity, and individual differences would all play key parts in the expression of one's emotions. === '''Emotional responses''' === A wide variety of human emotions arise in response to rejection by other people, whether the rejection was real, anticipated, imagined, or merely remembered (Leary, 2015). Acceptance by other people developed [[wikipedia:Personality_psychology#Biopsychological_theories|biopsychological]] and emotional mechanisms for humans to recognise and cope with threats to acceptance and belonging (Leary, 2015). So, when an individual's sense of belonging or acceptance is threatened it can elicit emotions the following emotions in attempts to manage the rejection: * '''Hurt feelings''' - where the other person does not regard their relationship with the individual as valuable or important as they believe, leading them to feel rejected; * '''Jealousy''' - where the individual believes the other person values their relationship with them less that desired because of the presence of another third party; * '''Loneliness''' - where the individual believes the person who greatly values their relationship are not available for support or social interaction; * '''Guilt''' - where the individual believes they have done something that would lead the other to relationally devalue them, motivating them to repair the damage that their undesired behaviour has caused; * '''Shame''' - where the individual believes others' judgement as a person may lead to relation devaluation and possible rejection, leading to a desire to withdraw from social interactions because nothing can be immediately done to repair the damage to their image or value; * '''Social anxiety''' - feelings of nervousness in social interactions in anticipation to the possibility of conveying an undesired impression of themselves that will lower their value in another person's eyes; * '''Embarrassment''' - where the individual is concerned with how they are perceived by another when they think they have already conveyed an undesired impression of themselves to others; * '''Sadness''' - which arises from perceived loss, or when their affection for the other person is not returned or accepted; and * '''Anger''' - which arises when the individual perceives the other has unjustifiably behaved in a way that threatens their desire, wellbeing, or is considered an unjustifiable harm (Leary, 2015). However, people do not necessarily experience all of these emotions or to the same extent, as a person's individual differences affect their expression. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' Maggie was really upset, as she needed Daniel in a time of need and she spiralled further, believing he was distancing himself, and got into a big fight with Daniel afterwards. Daniel suggested maybe they need some time apart to reevaluate themselves and their relationship. '' '''What effects do you think this will have on Maggie?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Rejection sensitivity''' === Rejection sensitivity, the disposition to anxiously expect, readily perceive, and overwhelmingly respond to rejection (Shin et al., 2024). Rejection-sensitive individuals are more likely to anxiously expect rejection and therefore perceive others' ambiguous behaviours as an intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Similarly, those that enter romantic relationships with anxious expectations of rejection will recognise insensitive behaviours of the new partners as intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Consequently, individuals with a higher rejection sensitivity are more likely to interpret romantic rejection as a confirmation of their feelings of inadequacy, anxiety, anger or negative self-concept (Downey & Feldman, 1996; London et al., 2007). It also affects their quality of their relationships as rejection-sensitive men's jealousy and rejection-sensitive women's hostility results in feelings of diminished support and explain their partners' relationship dissatisfaction (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Rejection sensitivity can also be heightened by attachment styles as anxious or ambivalent attachment styles, that involve a fear of abandonment and need for validation, are more likely to exhibit rejection sensitivity (Shin et al., 2024). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' As weeks passed, Maggie kept asking mutual friends about Daniel, checking his social media accounts, and trying to see him around university. Maggie became increasingly sensitive to even small rejections, interpreting friends saying they were too busy to hang out, or delayed responses to her messages as evidence that even her friends might abandon her. Her feelings of sadness and anxiety increased. '' '''How might this affect the nature and intensity of her emotions?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Individual differences''' === Since physical and social pain are associated with the same neural circuitries individuals who are more sensitive to one kind of pain, whether physical or social, are therefore more sensitive to the other, meaning experiencing greater sensitivity to physical pain would likely result in greater social pain sensitivity (see Table 1), resulting in higher rejection sensitivity and/or a stronger anxious attachment style (Eisenberger, 2012). Higher rejection sensitivity, anxious attachment, or low self-esteem show greater dACC and/or AI activity when experiencing social pain (Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Positive relationships throughout adolescence may also contribute to individuals being less sensitive to any negative social situations experienced later in their lives (Masten et al., 2012). '''Table 1''' ''The Relationship Between Social and Physical Pain'' {{center top}} {| class="wikitable" ! colspan="2" rowspan="2" | ! colspan="2" |Type of Pain |- |Social |Physical |- | rowspan="2" |'''Type of manipulation''' |Increase pain |↑ Physical pain |↑ Social pain |- |Decrease pain |↓ Physical pain |↓ Social pain |} {{center bottom}} Ultimately, romantic rejection can produce diverse emotional responses. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity and individual differences may all affect the duration and intensity of an emotional reaction following rejection. ==Reducing or managing rejection-induced distress== As previously noted, romantic rejection can trigger a variety of emotional responses, including separation distress, social pain, threats to attachment style, and behavioural responses in adjusting to the loss of an attachment. However, there are psychological strategies that may help individuals in regulating the responses and facilitate recovery. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' Eventually, after speaking with a trusted friend, Maggie begins to recognise that her constant feelings of anxiety would only prolong the distress. Although her heartbreak had not disappeared, she decided to explore other healthier options of managing her emotions, and rediscovering herself outside of her relationship with Daniel. '' '''What techniques might Maggie use to overcome her anxiety and feelings of distress at missing Daniel?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Adaptive emotional regulation''' === ==== '''Cognitive reappraisal''' ==== [[wikipedia:Cognitive_appraisal|Cognitive reappraisal]], an [[wikipedia:Adaptive_strategies|adaptive strategy]] of emotion regulation works by encouraging a person to change how a situation feels by reframing the way they interpret it (Wang & Yin, 2023; Zilverstand et al., 2017). Following romantic rejection, an individual may interpret their romantic loss as evidence of their personal inadequacy, however, reframing the rejection from a personal failure and instead to a result of incompatibility may be beneficial in reducing emotional distress and correct maladaptive thoughts (Wang & Yin, 2023). ==== '''Mindfulness''' ==== Mindfulness has also been proposed as an adaptive strategy for emotional regulation (Chambers et al., 2009). It involves paying deliberate attention to the present moment and remaining accepting and non-judgemental of the situation (Brockman et al., 2023). Whilst reappraisal works on changing one's thinking, mindfulness works on the person's relationship to their thinking (Brockman et al., 2023). Due to the overlap of physical and social pain (see above section), the factors that alter one type of pain are likely to have a similar effect on the other (Eisenberger, 2012). Using this principle, [[wikipedia:Paracetamol|paracetamol]] or [[wikipedia:Ibuprofen|ibuprofen]], which are known to reduce physical pains, may also reduce the social pain associated with rejection (Eisenberger, 2012). === '''Emotion suppression''' === Alternatively, [[wikipedia:Expressive_suppression|expressive suppression]], a maladaptive behavioural strategy that works towards inhibiting the behaviours associated with emotional responses, such as facial expressions, gestures, and verbal phrases (Goldin et al., 2008). === '''Limitations of emotional regulation techniques''' === Reappraisal is likely more beneficial in reducing immediate neural activity and decreasing negative emotional experiences, however, suppression produced later neural emotional responses, decreased emotional behaviours, experiences and facial expressions, yet increased neural responses (Goldin et al., 2008). However, whilst cognitive reappraisal is an effective technique in clinical practice, it may not always translate to the individual's life due to a lack of practice, and is likely more effective and replicable across experiences closely linked to the individual's real-life experiences (Wang & Yin, 2023). Despite this, the efficacy of each strategy would depend on the individual, context, environment, age, purpose of the strategy, and other individual differences (Brockman et al., 2023). === '''Social support''' === Social support is a widely known method used to mitigate both emotional and social distress, and is associated with reduced activity in the dACC and AI where increased activity is associated with pain processing (Eisenberger, 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Therefore, spending time with friends and in an individual's daily support network indicates reduced activity in the dACC and AI, allowing the individual to reduce both the social and physical pains associated with romantic rejection (Masten et al., 2012; Tcahalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Effective emotional regulation following romantic rejection likely requires a combination of strategies to address immediate distress, regulate attachment, and elicit long-term adjustments. Whilst these strategies are useful in providing support and assisting with recovery, it may just be that emotional responses to rejection are inevitable. Although there are several approaches to manage rejection, the research on overall and immediate recovery remains limited. Strategies should instead be adapted to a person's individual emotional needs rather than using a 'universal' treatment. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' After seeing a psychologist, who recommended Maggie surround herself with her friends to build her confidence and individual interest again, encouraging she stay fit and pick up a new sport, and showing her techniques of mindfulness, Maggie was able to work through her heartbreak. She also begun using cognitive reappraisal techniques to reframe the small rejections that were increasing her anxiety, and began relying on her own regulation techniques to overcome challenges. After some time had passed and Maggie was feeling confident in herself, she reached out to Daniel to try to rekindle their relationship, now that she was feeling secure and was not dependent on another person for her own safety and happiness.{{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Conclusion== Romantic rejection can greatly influence emotions and motivated behaviour due to the complexity and interconnectedness of psychological and biological systems. Romantic attachments can provide security, a sense of belonging, and mimic rewards, explaining why the disruption of an attachment can trigger intense distress and emotional effects. However, the duration and intensity of such effects may vary according to individual differences, particularly in attachment style and sensitivity to rejection. Notably, the emotional responses can be managed through cognitive appraisal, mindfulness, suppression and social support, reducing distress, and supporting emotional recovery. Overall, romantic rejection evokes interconnected emotional and motivational responses, but emotional regulation is possible through evidence-informed strategies. Understanding the underlying psychological mechanisms can therefore provide valuable insights into managing romantic rejection, emotional distress and promoting practical approaches to psychological wellbeing. ==See also== * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2016/Attachment type and emotion|Attachment type and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2016) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Belongingness motivation#Positive Outcomes of Successful Belongingness and How to Cope with Rejection|Belongingness motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Emotional regulation]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:History_of_attachment_theory|History of attachment theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Rejection sensitivity|Rejection sensitivity]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Sorry#Social rejection|Social rejection]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[wikipedia:Theories_of_love|Theories of love]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Aron, A., Fisher, H., Mashek, D. J., Strong, G., Li, H., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Reward, motivation, and emotion systems associated with early-stage intense romantic love. ''Journal of Neurophysiology'', ''94''(1), 327–337. https://doi.org/10.1152/jn.00838.2004 Bergen, D. (2022). Developing attachment. In ''Theories of Early Childhood Education'' (pp. 118–127). Routledge. Bowlby, J. (1988). ''A secure base: Clinical applications of attachment theory''. Routledge. Bretherton, I. (1992). The origins of attachment theory: John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth. ''Developmental Psychology'', ''28''(5), 759–775. https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.28.5.759 Brockman, R., Ciarrochi, J., Parker, P., & Kashdan, T. B. (2023). Behaving versus thinking positively: When the benefits of cognitive reappraisal are contingent on satisfying basic psychological needs. ''Journal of Contextual Behavioral Science'', ''27'', 120–125. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcbs.2023.01.005 Chambers, R., Gullone, E., & Allen, N. B. (2009). Mindful emotion regulation: An integrative review. ''Clinical Psychology Review'', ''29''(6), 560–572. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2009.06.005 Downey, G., & Feldman, S. I. (1996). Implications of rejection sensitivity for intimate relationships. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''70''(6), 1327–1343. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.70.6.1327 Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). The pain of social disconnection: Examining the shared neural underpinnings of physical and social pain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''13'', 421–434. https://doi.org/10.1038/nrn3231 Elliott, R., Newman, J. L., Longe, O. A., & Deakin, J. F. W. (2003). Differential response patterns in the striatum and orbitofrontal cortex to financial reward in humans: A parametric functional magnetic resonance imaging study. ''The Journal of Neuroscience'', ''23''(1), 303–307. https://doi.org/10.1523/jneurosci.23-01-00303.2003 Fisher, H., Aron, A., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Romantic love: An fMRI study of a neural mechanism for mate choice. ''Journal of Comparative Neurology'', ''493''(1), 58–62. https://doi.org/10.1002/cne.20772 Goldin, P. R., McRae, K., Ramel, W., & Gross, J. J. (2008). The neural bases of emotion regulation: Reappraisal and suppression of negative emotion. ''Biological Psychiatry'', ''63''(6), 577–586. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsych.2007.05.031 Jozefowiez, J., & Staddon, J. E. R. (2008). 1.06 - Operant behaviour. In ''Learning and Memory: A Comprehensive Reference'' (pp. 75–101). Academic Press. Leary, M. R. (2015). Emotional responses to interpersonal rejection. ''Dialogues in Clinical Neuroscience'', ''17''(4). https://doi.org/10.31887/DCNS.2015.17.4/mleary Levine, A., & Heller, R. (2010). ''Attached''. Tarcher. London, B., Downey, G., Bonica, C., & Paltin, I. (2007). Social causes and consequences of rejection sensitivity. ''Journal of Research on Adolescence'', ''17''(3), 481–506. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1532-7795.2007.00531.x Masten, C. L., Telzer, E. H., Fuligni, A. J., Lieberman, M. D., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). Time spent with friends in adolescence relates to less neural sensitivity to later peer rejection. ''Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience'', ''7''(1), 106–114. https://doi.org/10.1093/scan/nsq098 Mikulincer, M., & Shaver, P. R. (2003). The attachment behavioural system in adulthood: Activation, psychodynamics, and interpersonal processes. In ''Advances in Experimental Social Psychology'' (pp. 53–152). Elsevier Science. Novotney, A. (2023). What happens in your brain when you’re in love? ''American Psychological Association.'' https://www.apa.org/topics/marriage-relationships/brain-on-love Ortigue, S., Bianchi-Demicheli, F., Patel, N., Frum, C., & Lewis, J. W. (2010). Neuroimaging of love: fMRI meta-analysis evidence toward new perspectives in sexual medicine. ''The Journal of Sexual Medicine'', ''7''(11), 3541–3552. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-6109.2010.01999.x Pfaff, D. (1999). ''Drive: Neurobiological and molecular mechanisms of sexual motivation.'' MIT Press. Schultz, W. (2000). Multiple reward signals in the brain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''1''(3), 199–207. Shin, J., Han, K. S., & Shin, H. J. (2024). Rejection sensitivity: A concept analysis. ''Journal of Korean Academy of Psychiatric and Mental Health Nursing'', ''33''(3), 253–261. https://doi.org/10.12934/jkpmhn.2024.33.3.253 Tchalova, K., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2015). How the brain feels the hurt of heartbreak: Examining the neurobiological overlap between social and physical pain. In A. W. Toga (Ed.), ''Brain Mapping: An Encyclopedic Reference'' (pp. 15–20). Academic Press: Elsevier. Wang, Y.-X., & Yin, B. (2023). A new understanding of the cognitive reappraisal technique: An extension based on the schema theory. ''Frontiers in Behavioral Neuroscience'', ''17''. https://doi.org/10.3389/fnbeh.2023.1174585 Zilverstand, A., Parvaz, M. A., & Goldstein, R. Z. (2017). Neuroimaging cognitive reappraisal in clinical populations to define neural targets for enhancing emotion regulation. a systematic review. ''NeuroImage'', ''151'', 105–116. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2016.06.009 }} ==External links== * [https://www.columbiapsychiatry.org/news/how-attachment-styles-influence-romantic-relationships How attachment styles influence romantic relationships] (Columbia Psychiatry) * [https://hms.harvard.edu/news-events/publications-archive/brain/love-brain Love and the brain] (Harvard Medical School) * [https://youtu.be/gMRph_BvHB4?si=7A6iFYMgC7VdC2Vv The science of love, desire and attachment] (YouTube) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Relationships]] h56nw8y3g7361zxbigxps9277pn7w77 2840325 2840279 2026-10-14T20:08:02Z U3280825 3110195 Editing: fixed citation typos (Tchalova, Fisher et al.) and minor grammar 2840325 wikitext text/x-wiki {{title|Romantic rejection and emotional response<br>What emotional responses does romantic rejection evoke and how can they be regulated?}} __TOC__ == Overview == {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study''' Maggie grew up with parents that were loving and attentive, giving her everything she needed. Yet sometimes she found it difficult to form a deeper emotional connection with her parents or share her vulnerable feelings, as they would often keep conversations light or surface-level, and did not have personal conversations with their daughter. As a result, Maggie sometimes worried and questioned if they actually loved her, despite always having provided for her. '' '''What attachment style do you think Maggie is likely to be predisposed to?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} [[wikipedia:Social_rejection#Romantic_rejection|Romantic rejection]] is a common yet extremely emotionally challenging experience that can lead to intense feelings of sadness, longing, loneliness, and difficulties in regulating [[Emotion|emotions]]. Understanding how and why people respond strongly to rejection is important as attachment has consequences on psychological, physiological, and biological systems associated with security, reward, emotions and motivation. Using attachment theories, neuroscience, and emotional regulation techniques can help explain how romantic bonds develop, why their loss produces distress, the ways in which individual differences can affect responses, and which strategies may help regulate or support emotional responses. {{robelbox|theme=11|title=Focus questions}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> * How do romantic attachments develop? * How does romantic rejection affect attachment and motivational systems? * What determines the nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection? * How can rejection-related distress be reduced or managed? </div> {{Robelbox/close}} ==Romantic attachments== [[wikipedia:Romance|Romantic]] attachments are a fundamental part of human connection. It influences motivation, emotional wellbeing and behaviour. These attachments have developed over time through both evolutionary and biological bases, in attempts to increase survival and happiness, respectively. Understanding these perspectives can help explain why romantic attachments form to begin with and why the loss of an attachment is so emotionally significant. === Attachment === [[wikipedia:Attachment_theory|Attachment theory]] outlines the main "attachment styles", otherwise known as ways in which people perceive and respond to [[wikipedia:Intimate_relationship#Intimacy|intimacy]] in relationships, and are parallel to those found in children throughout development stages (Levine & Heller, 2010). The theory designates three main styles: # Secure # Anxious # Avoidant People who are usually warm loving, and comfortable with intimacy tend to be ''secure.'' Whereas ''anxious'' people are often distracted with their relationships and crave intimacy, with constant worry about their partner's ability to love them back. Finally, people who tend to constantly try to minimize closeness and associate intimacy with a loss of their independence are considered ''avoidant'' (Levine & Heller, 2010). A person's attachment style can not only affect their view of intimacy, but also include affect their: * way of dealing with conflict * attitude towards sex * ability to communicate wants and needs; or * expectations of a partner and the relationship (Levine & Heller, 2010). Levine and Heller (2010) claim all people fall, regardless of the stage at which their relationship is in, fall into one or a combination of these three categories, although a combination of anxious and avoidant is rare (Levine & Heller, 2010). This fourth, rare, category is termed the 'disorganised', of which only 5% of people fall into (Levine & Heller, 2010). ==== '''Origins of attachments - evolutionary safety''' ==== [[wikipedia:Attachment_in_adults#Styles|Adult attachment styles]] were initially hypothesised to be based primarily on a person's childhood and upbringing. [[wikipedia:John_Bowlby|John Bowlby]] and [[wikipedia:Mary_Ainsworth|Mary Ainsworth]], building on their separate and joined research on [[wikipedia:Ethology|ethology]] and [[developmental psychology]], developed the initial theories on which attachment theory has evolved. They proposed that infants possess a biological or evolutionary drive to form emotional attachments with others, primarily caregivers, as a mechanism for survival (Bretherton, 1992). From the ages of as young as six months to two years, children with consistent caregivers, who become their attachment figures, develop a mental representation or an "[[wikipedia:Internal_working_model_of_attachment|internal working model]]", influencing views of themselves, expectations, and methods of interacting and building relationships with others as they get older (Bergen, 2022). As the attachments develop throughout childhood, attachment figures can become a "secure base" they can return to for comfort, support, and safety, if caregivers were sensitive, responsible, and available, in which infants develop a "secure" attachment style (Bergen, 2022; Bowlby, 1988). Alternatively, avoidant or resistant attachment styles can develop if they were distant, unresponsive, and rigid; or an anxious attachment style if they were inconsistently responsive (Bergen, 2022; Levine & Heller, 2010). However, more recent developments have found that attachment styles in adulthood are more likely influenced by a variety of factors, including genetics, and life experiences, rather than being limited to the way in which parents cared for a person through infancy (Levine & Heller, 2010). Ultimately, attachment systems exist as a biological function of protecting a person from danger, especially during infancy, by ensuring their remain in close proximity to the care and support of others (their attachment figures), as a method of increasing the likelihood of survival and eventual reproduction (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ==== '''Origins of attachment - biological basis''' ==== <blockquote>“Love is a biological necessity—it’s as needed for our well-being as exercise, water, and food, […] And from a neuroscientific viewpoint, we can really say that love blossoms in the brain.” (Cacioppo, as cited in Novotney, 2023, para.3).</blockquote>Aside from the evolutionary basis, romantic attraction is also based in neuroendocrinology. Early-stage romantic love, or being '[[wikipedia:Falling_in_love|lovestruck]]', is often attributed to a primitive part of the brain's reward system (Novotney, 2023). In these early stages a person normally experiences sympathetic nervous system reactions, such as sweaty palms or a pounding heart when they are with their loved one, and often feeling [[wikipedia:Separation_anxiety_disorder|separation anxiety]] when apart from them (Fisher et al., 2005). The lovers tend to express emotional dependence, heightened romantic passion, extreme empathy toward the beloved, sexual desires and possessiveness, the craving for emotional union, and obsessive thinking, reaching extremes where they change their habits to impress or remain in contact, or are even willing to die for the individual (Fisher et al., 2005). In cases where the lover experiences rejection, they often will protest the rejection and work to try to win the beloved individual back, expressing rage at the abandonment and despair (Fisher et al., 2005). Fisher et al. (2005) conducted a study on courtship attraction that used [[Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging|functional magnetic resonance imaging]] (fMRI) to determine the neural mechanisms associated with romantic love, by studying 17 people intensely "in love". The study found that a photograph of the beloved was an effective stimulus for eliciting feelings of intense romantic love, producing group activation in several regions of the brain, including the right [[wikipedia:Ventral_tegmental_area|ventral tegmental area]] (VTA) amidst [[wikipedia:Dopamine|dopamine]] cells (Aron et al., 2005; Fisher et al., 2005). The VTA is a main component of the brain's "reward system", as it is associated with focused attention, arousal, pleasure and the motivation to pursue and acquire rewards (Fisher et al., 2005). The VTA then activates various brain regions, including the caudate nucleus which contributes to reward detection and expectation (Fisher et al., 2005; Schultz, 2000). This suggest romantic love may be a primary motivation system, or a fundamental human drive to mate, suggesting romantic love is the effects of a reward system as all drives are associated with the activation of dopamine (Fisher et al., 2005; Pfaff, 1999). Similarly, humans have been shown to respond to monetary rewards, demonstrating the neural activations of financial reinforcement overlap with regions that respond to human's primary reinforcers (Elliott et al., 2003). This can be applied twice as sex is a primary biological enforcer, and even abstract rewards can be used to effectively elicit neuronal responses (Elliott et al., 2003; Jozefowiez & Staddon, 2008). [[File:Parts_of_brain_that_are_activated_when_a_person_falls_in_love.jpg|thumb|589x589px|'''Figure 1.''' ''Parts of the Brain that are Activated When a Person Falls in Love.'' Source: (Novotney, 2023)|center]] Additionally, Ortigue et al. (2010) conducted further [[meta-analysis]] of published fMRI studies of love and their illustration of brain regions associated with the different forms of love. Ortigue et al. (2010) confirmed that all fMRI studies of love found the [[wikipedia:Cerebral_cortex#Connections|subcortical]] [[wikipedia:Dopaminergic_pathways|dopaminergic]] reward-related brain systems, which uses dopamine and [[wikipedia:Oxytocin|oxytocin]] receptors, responsible for motivating individuals to bond with another person. The review also further demonstrated that different types of love may involve different cerebral pathways which includes pathways associated with higher cognitive functions such as bodily [./Https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-image self-image] and [[social cognition]] (Ortigue et al., 2010). The study highlighted a total of 12 areas in the brain that work together to release dopamine, oxytocin, and [[wikipedia:Adrenaline|adrenaline]], indicating the [[wikipedia:Amygdala|amygdala]], [[wikipedia:Hippocampus|hippocampus]], and [[wikipedia:Prefrontal_cortex|prefrontal cortex]] (See Figure 1), which is very sensitive to pleasure-inducing behaviours, are all activated in the brain scans when talking about a loved one (Novotney, 2023; Ortigue et al., 2010). Romantic attachments ultimately develop through both evolutionary, physiological, and psychological methods. Attachment theory explains how and why emotional bonds are formed, to promote security and influence relationship patterns. Whilst reward systems highlight the neurophysiological component that strengthens romantic connections, suggesting romantic attachment fulfills the basic human needs for connection. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' As Maggie grew older, in year 11 she later met Daniel and things seemed to change. Over their time finishing school and then later entering university Daniel became one of Maggie's closest friends, even entering the same university together after graduation. They were always together. Daniel made Maggie happy, was attentive, and slowly became someone Maggie could imagine building a future with. '' '''What type of attachment role do you think Daniel plays in Maggie's life?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} == Effects of rejection == Romantic rejection can trigger physiological, psychological and neurological responses due to a disruption in a person's pre-determined romantic attachment. Romantic partners work as sources of emotional security and safety, so when a person is rejected, their established attachment bond and securities become threatened (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Sometimes a rejection does not always deter the individual and can instead further motivate them to attempt to restore the lost connection, even if the relationship is no longer reciprocated (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). === '''Behavioural responses to a threatened attachment system''' === Functioning of an attachment system can be affected by the availability of one, or more, attachment figures in times of need, and their sensitivity and responsiveness to the individual's proximity-seeking behaviours (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). So, whilst nearly all children will become attached, including in situations where they experience abuse from their mothers, not all attachments are secure attachments, as attachment theory poses that the quality of the interactions with attachment figures is the main reason for individual differences in the functioning of an attachment system (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003) (See Figure 2). [[File:Quadrants_of_the_four_major_attachment_styles.png|thumb|370x370px|'''Figure 2.''' ''Diagram of the Four Major Attachment Styles Categorised by Attachment Anxiety and Avoidance Strength.'' Source: (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). ]] Applying the theory of attachment styles to experiences of romantic rejection, when an attachment figure (the beloved) is not physically or emotionally available to the lover in times of need or distress, is not sensitive or responsive to the lover's attempts at seeking proximity, the attachment system is then disrupted (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). In that case, the feelings of distress, lack of proximity, or lack of safety are not alleviated. Instead, the initial distress felt is instead amalgamated by further doubts they can attain safety, trust, or the resources necessary for stress management (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Once this occurs, attachment theorists have determined two methods of secondary attachment strategies of either ''hyperactivation'' or ''deactivation'' of the system; where hyperactivating individuals do not give up on their attachment attempts and instead intensify them to coerce the attachment figure's support and love (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). Alternatively, a deactivating individual gives up on their attachment attempts, attempting to deal with the dangers alone (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). This is a strategy to try and down-regulate their attachment system to avoid the distress and pain caused by the attachment figure's unavailability (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2003). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' One day, Maggie had a panic attack while Daniel was at soccer practice, and as she was messaging and calling him to come help her, Daniel was not responding. This cause Maggie to become increasingly anxious, escalating her panic attack. Daniel's phone had died at practice, so had not seen Maggie's calls or messages until a few hours after practice. '' '''How do you think this would affect Maggie and Daniel's relationship?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Heartbreak and physical pain''' === Physical pain words are often used to describe experiences of social rejection or loss, such as a 'broken heart' or 'hurt feelings', which may be due to the similarities associated with [[Pain|physical]] and 'social pain' (Eisenberger, 2012; Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Negative social evaluations, including rejection from a romantic partner, activates areas in the dorsal [[wikipedia:Anterior_cingulate_cortex|anterior cingulate cortex]] (dACC) and [[wikipedia:Insular_cortex|anterior insula]] (AI), which are brain regions associated with the distressful experiences of physical pain (Eisenberger, 2012). Understanding this overlap between physical and social pain provides further insights into both the intensity of emotional responses, and methods in which the pain can be alleviated. Overall, romantic rejection disrupts the security an attachment bond brings, whilst also still motivating an individual to pursue a person romantically. This helps further explain why an individual may experience emotional, and even physical, pain and still remain motivated to restore what was lost, whether literal or imagined. ==Nature and intensity of emotional responses to rejection== Romantic rejection can evoke a multitude of emotions in everyone. However, the intensity, duration, and expression of these emotions will differ amongst individuals. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity, and individual differences would all play key parts in the expression of one's emotions. === '''Emotional responses''' === A wide variety of human emotions arise in response to rejection by other people, whether the rejection was real, anticipated, imagined, or merely remembered (Leary, 2015). Acceptance by other people developed [[wikipedia:Personality_psychology#Biopsychological_theories|biopsychological]] and emotional mechanisms for humans to recognise and cope with threats to acceptance and belonging (Leary, 2015). So, when an individual's sense of belonging or acceptance is threatened it can elicit emotions the following emotions in attempts to manage the rejection: * '''Hurt feelings''' - where the other person does not regard their relationship with the individual as valuable or important as they believe, leading them to feel rejected; * '''Jealousy''' - where the individual believes the other person values their relationship with them less than desired because of the presence of another third party; * '''Loneliness''' - where the individual believes the person who greatly values their relationship are not available for support or social interaction; * '''Guilt''' - where the individual believes they have done something that would lead the other to relationally devalue them, motivating them to repair the damage that their undesired behaviour has caused; * '''Shame''' - where the individual believes others' judgement as a person may lead to relation devaluation and possible rejection, leading to a desire to withdraw from social interactions because nothing can be immediately done to repair the damage to their image or value; * '''Social anxiety''' - feelings of nervousness in social interactions in anticipation to the possibility of conveying an undesired impression of themselves that will lower their value in another person's eyes; * '''Embarrassment''' - where the individual is concerned with how they are perceived by another when they think they have already conveyed an undesired impression of themselves to others; * '''Sadness''' - which arises from perceived loss, or when their affection for the other person is not returned or accepted; and * '''Anger''' - which arises when the individual perceives the other has unjustifiably behaved in a way that threatens their desire, wellbeing, or is considered an unjustifiable harm (Leary, 2015). However, people do not necessarily experience all of these emotions or to the same extent, as a person's individual differences affect their expression. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' Maggie was really upset, as she needed Daniel in a time of need and she spiralled further, believing he was distancing himself, and got into a big fight with Daniel afterwards. Daniel suggested maybe they need some time apart to reevaluate themselves and their relationship. '' '''What effects do you think this will have on Maggie?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Rejection sensitivity''' === Rejection sensitivity, the disposition to anxiously expect, readily perceive, and overwhelmingly respond to rejection (Shin et al., 2024). Rejection-sensitive individuals are more likely to anxiously expect rejection and therefore perceive others' ambiguous behaviours as an intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Similarly, those that enter romantic relationships with anxious expectations of rejection will recognise insensitive behaviours of the new partners as intentional rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Consequently, individuals with a higher rejection sensitivity are more likely to interpret romantic rejection as a confirmation of their feelings of inadequacy, anxiety, anger or negative self-concept (Downey & Feldman, 1996; London et al., 2007). It also affects their quality of their relationships as rejection-sensitive men's jealousy and rejection-sensitive women's hostility results in feelings of diminished support and explain their partners' relationship dissatisfaction (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Rejection sensitivity can also be heightened by attachment styles as anxious or ambivalent attachment styles, that involve a fear of abandonment and need for validation, are more likely to exhibit rejection sensitivity (Shin et al., 2024). {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' As weeks passed, Maggie kept asking mutual friends about Daniel, checking his social media accounts, and trying to see him around university. Maggie became increasingly sensitive to even small rejections, interpreting friends saying they were too busy to hang out, or delayed responses to her messages as evidence that even her friends might abandon her. Her feelings of sadness and anxiety increased. '' '''How might this affect the nature and intensity of her emotions?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Individual differences''' === Since physical and social pain are associated with the same neural circuitries individuals who are more sensitive to one kind of pain, whether physical or social, are therefore more sensitive to the other, meaning experiencing greater sensitivity to physical pain would likely result in greater social pain sensitivity (see Table 1), resulting in higher rejection sensitivity and/or a stronger anxious attachment style (Eisenberger, 2012). Higher rejection sensitivity, anxious attachment, or low self-esteem show greater dACC and/or AI activity when experiencing social pain (Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Positive relationships throughout adolescence may also contribute to individuals being less sensitive to any negative social situations experienced later in their lives (Masten et al., 2012). '''Table 1''' ''The Relationship Between Social and Physical Pain'' {{center top}} {| class="wikitable" ! colspan="2" rowspan="2" | ! colspan="2" |Type of Pain |- |Social |Physical |- | rowspan="2" |'''Type of manipulation''' |Increase pain |↑ Physical pain |↑ Social pain |- |Decrease pain |↓ Physical pain |↓ Social pain |} {{center bottom}} Ultimately, romantic rejection can produce diverse emotional responses. Attachment styles, rejection sensitivity and individual differences may all affect the duration and intensity of an emotional reaction following rejection. ==Reducing or managing rejection-induced distress== As previously noted, romantic rejection can trigger a variety of emotional responses, including separation distress, social pain, threats to attachment style, and behavioural responses in adjusting to the loss of an attachment. However, there are psychological strategies that may help individuals in regulating the responses and facilitate recovery. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' Eventually, after speaking with a trusted friend, Maggie begins to recognise that her constant feelings of anxiety would only prolong the distress. Although her heartbreak had not disappeared, she decided to explore other healthier options of managing her emotions, and rediscovering herself outside of her relationship with Daniel. '' '''What techniques might Maggie use to overcome her anxiety and feelings of distress at missing Daniel?''' ''{{RoundBoxBottom}} === '''Adaptive emotional regulation''' === ==== '''Cognitive reappraisal''' ==== [[wikipedia:Cognitive_appraisal|Cognitive reappraisal]], an [[wikipedia:Adaptive_strategies|adaptive strategy]] of emotion regulation works by encouraging a person to change how a situation feels by reframing the way they interpret it (Wang & Yin, 2023; Zilverstand et al., 2017). Following romantic rejection, an individual may interpret their romantic loss as evidence of their personal inadequacy, however, reframing the rejection from a personal failure and instead to a result of incompatibility may be beneficial in reducing emotional distress and correct maladaptive thoughts (Wang & Yin, 2023). ==== '''Mindfulness''' ==== Mindfulness has also been proposed as an adaptive strategy for emotional regulation (Chambers et al., 2009). It involves paying deliberate attention to the present moment and remaining accepting and non-judgemental of the situation (Brockman et al., 2023). Whilst reappraisal works on changing one's thinking, mindfulness works on the person's relationship to their thinking (Brockman et al., 2023). Due to the overlap of physical and social pain (see above section), the factors that alter one type of pain are likely to have a similar effect on the other (Eisenberger, 2012). Using this principle, [[wikipedia:Paracetamol|paracetamol]] or [[wikipedia:Ibuprofen|ibuprofen]], which are known to reduce physical pains, may also reduce the social pain associated with rejection (Eisenberger, 2012). === '''Emotion suppression''' === Alternatively, [[wikipedia:Expressive_suppression|expressive suppression]], a maladaptive behavioural strategy that works towards inhibiting the behaviours associated with emotional responses, such as facial expressions, gestures, and verbal phrases (Goldin et al., 2008). === '''Limitations of emotional regulation techniques''' === Reappraisal is likely more beneficial in reducing immediate neural activity and decreasing negative emotional experiences, however, suppression produced later neural emotional responses, decreased emotional behaviours, experiences and facial expressions, yet increased neural responses (Goldin et al., 2008). However, whilst cognitive reappraisal is an effective technique in clinical practice, it may not always translate to the individual's life due to a lack of practice, and is likely more effective and replicable across experiences closely linked to the individual's real-life experiences (Wang & Yin, 2023). Despite this, the efficacy of each strategy would depend on the individual, context, environment, age, purpose of the strategy, and other individual differences (Brockman et al., 2023). === '''Social support''' === Social support is a widely known method used to mitigate both emotional and social distress, and is associated with reduced activity in the dACC and AI where increased activity is associated with pain processing (Eisenberger, 2012; Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Therefore, spending time with friends and in an individual's daily support network indicates reduced activity in the dACC and AI, allowing the individual to reduce both the social and physical pains associated with romantic rejection (Masten et al., 2012; Tchalova & Eisenberger, 2015). Effective emotional regulation following romantic rejection likely requires a combination of strategies to address immediate distress, regulate attachment, and elicit long-term adjustments. Whilst these strategies are useful in providing support and assisting with recovery, it may just be that emotional responses to rejection are inevitable. Although there are several approaches to manage rejection, the research on overall and immediate recovery remains limited. Strategies should instead be adapted to a person's individual emotional needs rather than using a 'universal' treatment. {{RoundBoxTop|theme=11}}'''Case study cont.''' After seeing a psychologist, who recommended Maggie surround herself with her friends to build her confidence and individual interest again, encouraging she stay fit and pick up a new sport, and showing her techniques of mindfulness, Maggie was able to work through her heartbreak. She also begun using cognitive reappraisal techniques to reframe the small rejections that were increasing her anxiety, and began relying on her own regulation techniques to overcome challenges. After some time had passed and Maggie was feeling confident in herself, she reached out to Daniel to try to rekindle their relationship, now that she was feeling secure and was not dependent on another person for her own safety and happiness.{{RoundBoxBottom}} ==Conclusion== Romantic rejection can greatly influence emotions and motivated behaviour due to the complexity and interconnectedness of psychological and biological systems. Romantic attachments can provide security, a sense of belonging, and mimic rewards, explaining why the disruption of an attachment can trigger intense distress and emotional effects. However, the duration and intensity of such effects may vary according to individual differences, particularly in attachment style and sensitivity to rejection. Notably, the emotional responses can be managed through cognitive appraisal, mindfulness, suppression and social support, reducing distress, and supporting emotional recovery. Overall, romantic rejection evokes interconnected emotional and motivational responses, but emotional regulation is possible through evidence-informed strategies. Understanding the underlying psychological mechanisms can therefore provide valuable insights into managing romantic rejection, emotional distress and promoting practical approaches to psychological wellbeing. ==See also== * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2016/Attachment type and emotion|Attachment type and emotion]] (Book chapter, 2016) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2014/Belongingness motivation#Positive Outcomes of Successful Belongingness and How to Cope with Rejection|Belongingness motivation]] (Book chapter, 2014) * [[Emotional regulation]] (Wikiversity) * [[wikipedia:History_of_attachment_theory|History of attachment theory]] (Wikipedia) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2025/Rejection sensitivity|Rejection sensitivity]] (Book chapter, 2025) * [[Motivation and emotion/Book/2021/Sorry#Social rejection|Social rejection]] (Book chapter, 2021) * [[wikipedia:Theories_of_love|Theories of love]] (Wikipedia) ==References== {{Hanging indent|1= Aron, A., Fisher, H., Mashek, D. J., Strong, G., Li, H., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Reward, motivation, and emotion systems associated with early-stage intense romantic love. ''Journal of Neurophysiology'', ''94''(1), 327–337. https://doi.org/10.1152/jn.00838.2004 Bergen, D. (2022). Developing attachment. In ''Theories of Early Childhood Education'' (pp. 118–127). Routledge. Bowlby, J. (1988). ''A secure base: Clinical applications of attachment theory''. Routledge. Bretherton, I. (1992). The origins of attachment theory: John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth. ''Developmental Psychology'', ''28''(5), 759–775. https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.28.5.759 Brockman, R., Ciarrochi, J., Parker, P., & Kashdan, T. B. (2023). Behaving versus thinking positively: When the benefits of cognitive reappraisal are contingent on satisfying basic psychological needs. ''Journal of Contextual Behavioral Science'', ''27'', 120–125. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcbs.2023.01.005 Chambers, R., Gullone, E., & Allen, N. B. (2009). Mindful emotion regulation: An integrative review. ''Clinical Psychology Review'', ''29''(6), 560–572. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2009.06.005 Downey, G., & Feldman, S. I. (1996). Implications of rejection sensitivity for intimate relationships. ''Journal of Personality and Social Psychology'', ''70''(6), 1327–1343. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.70.6.1327 Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). The pain of social disconnection: Examining the shared neural underpinnings of physical and social pain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''13'', 421–434. https://doi.org/10.1038/nrn3231 Elliott, R., Newman, J. L., Longe, O. A., & Deakin, J. F. W. (2003). Differential response patterns in the striatum and orbitofrontal cortex to financial reward in humans: A parametric functional magnetic resonance imaging study. ''The Journal of Neuroscience'', ''23''(1), 303–307. https://doi.org/10.1523/jneurosci.23-01-00303.2003 Fisher, H., Aron, A., & Brown, L. L. (2005). Romantic love: An fMRI study of a neural mechanism for mate choice. ''Journal of Comparative Neurology'', ''493''(1), 58–62. https://doi.org/10.1002/cne.20772 Goldin, P. R., McRae, K., Ramel, W., & Gross, J. J. (2008). The neural bases of emotion regulation: Reappraisal and suppression of negative emotion. ''Biological Psychiatry'', ''63''(6), 577–586. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsych.2007.05.031 Jozefowiez, J., & Staddon, J. E. R. (2008). 1.06 - Operant behaviour. In ''Learning and Memory: A Comprehensive Reference'' (pp. 75–101). Academic Press. Leary, M. R. (2015). Emotional responses to interpersonal rejection. ''Dialogues in Clinical Neuroscience'', ''17''(4). https://doi.org/10.31887/DCNS.2015.17.4/mleary Levine, A., & Heller, R. (2010). ''Attached''. Tarcher. London, B., Downey, G., Bonica, C., & Paltin, I. (2007). Social causes and consequences of rejection sensitivity. ''Journal of Research on Adolescence'', ''17''(3), 481–506. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1532-7795.2007.00531.x Masten, C. L., Telzer, E. H., Fuligni, A. J., Lieberman, M. D., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2012). Time spent with friends in adolescence relates to less neural sensitivity to later peer rejection. ''Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience'', ''7''(1), 106–114. https://doi.org/10.1093/scan/nsq098 Mikulincer, M., & Shaver, P. R. (2003). The attachment behavioural system in adulthood: Activation, psychodynamics, and interpersonal processes. In ''Advances in Experimental Social Psychology'' (pp. 53–152). Elsevier Science. Novotney, A. (2023). What happens in your brain when you’re in love? ''American Psychological Association.'' https://www.apa.org/topics/marriage-relationships/brain-on-love Ortigue, S., Bianchi-Demicheli, F., Patel, N., Frum, C., & Lewis, J. W. (2010). Neuroimaging of love: fMRI meta-analysis evidence toward new perspectives in sexual medicine. ''The Journal of Sexual Medicine'', ''7''(11), 3541–3552. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-6109.2010.01999.x Pfaff, D. (1999). ''Drive: Neurobiological and molecular mechanisms of sexual motivation.'' MIT Press. Schultz, W. (2000). Multiple reward signals in the brain. ''Nature Reviews Neuroscience'', ''1''(3), 199–207. Shin, J., Han, K. S., & Shin, H. J. (2024). Rejection sensitivity: A concept analysis. ''Journal of Korean Academy of Psychiatric and Mental Health Nursing'', ''33''(3), 253–261. https://doi.org/10.12934/jkpmhn.2024.33.3.253 Tchalova, K., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2015). How the brain feels the hurt of heartbreak: Examining the neurobiological overlap between social and physical pain. In A. W. Toga (Ed.), ''Brain Mapping: An Encyclopedic Reference'' (pp. 15–20). Academic Press: Elsevier. Wang, Y.-X., & Yin, B. (2023). A new understanding of the cognitive reappraisal technique: An extension based on the schema theory. ''Frontiers in Behavioral Neuroscience'', ''17''. https://doi.org/10.3389/fnbeh.2023.1174585 Zilverstand, A., Parvaz, M. A., & Goldstein, R. Z. (2017). Neuroimaging cognitive reappraisal in clinical populations to define neural targets for enhancing emotion regulation. a systematic review. ''NeuroImage'', ''151'', 105–116. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroimage.2016.06.009 }} ==External links== * [https://www.columbiapsychiatry.org/news/how-attachment-styles-influence-romantic-relationships How attachment styles influence romantic relationships] (Columbia Psychiatry) * [https://hms.harvard.edu/news-events/publications-archive/brain/love-brain Love and the brain] (Harvard Medical School) * [https://youtu.be/gMRph_BvHB4?si=7A6iFYMgC7VdC2Vv The science of love, desire and attachment] (YouTube) [[Category:{{#titleparts:{{PAGENAME}}|3}}]] [[Category:Motivation and emotion/Book/Relationships]] bpnjd6t3ho4iu2c696yhumldia2w0pr 0 332438 2840424 2839620 2026-10-15T09:16:20Z Audiologyhellas 3112713 /* Country Overview */ 2840424 wikitext text/x-wiki == Country Overview == Greece,officially Hellas, is a country in southeastern Europe, with Athens as its capital and with approximately 3000 thousand islands extending geographically to Asia Minor. The capital, Athens, is the largest Greek city, followed by Thessaloniki and Patras. Hellas is a parliamentary republic with a population of approxiamtely 10.4 million in 2025. Its official language is hellinika (Greek) and it has been a member of the European Union since 1981 and the euro area since 2001. == Audiology Services == Describe audiology services available. == Education and Training == Information about audiology education. == References == * Add references here [[Category:New Global Audiology Pages]] [[Category:Greece]] i56vdconh1l05su3fb38b8hd21i6s2a 2840425 2840424 2026-10-15T09:26:30Z Audiologyhellas 3112713 /* Country Overview */ 2840425 wikitext text/x-wiki == Country Overview == Greece,officially Hellas, is a country in southeastern Europe, with Athens as its capital and with approximately 3000 thousand islands extending geographically to Asia Minor. The capital, Athens, is the largest Greek city, followed by Thessaloniki and Patras. Hellas is a parliamentary republic with a population of approxiamtely 10.4 million in 2025. Its official language is hellinika (Greek) and it has been a member of the European Union since 1981 and the euro area since 2001 [1,2] == Audiology Services == Describe audiology services available. == Education and Training == Information about audiology education. == References == * [1] European Union. Greece: country overview. Population figure attributed to Eurostat, 2025. Open reference [2] European Commission, EURAXESS. EURAXESS Country in Focus: Greece. 25 May 2026. Open referenceere [[Category:New Global Audiology Pages]] [[Category:Greece]] ck4zwp825yodmv3p3c9tmsihsftud78 0 332470 2840355 2840077 2026-10-15T01:20:36Z The Citer 3110681 2840355 wikitext text/x-wiki [[File:Fungi_collage.jpg|thumb|300x300px|Diversity of fungi.]] Fungi is any member of the group of eukaryotic organisms that includes yeasts, molds, and mushrooms. These organisms are classified in the biological kingdom, '''Fungi'''. <br> The fungi kingdom has 63000+ species. This list tries to give the following information on each Division: *Division Name *A link to a subpage discussing that Phylum in more detail (if it yet exists) *Name Meaning (in English) *An English Common Name, where one is in regular use *Distinguishing characteristics of fungi within the Division/phylum *An approximate number of species described within that Division.<br > Since mycology does not stand still, this number can change. You can also see [[Introduction to Taxonomy]] for more on that topic. ==Ascomycota== [[File:Scarlet_elf_cap_cadnant_dingle.jpg|thumb|100px|right]] [[/Ascomycota/]] Name Meaning: Bladder fungus English Common Name: Ascomycetes, sac fungi Major distinguishing characteristics: Tend to have fruiting bodies (ascocarp). Filamentous, producing hyphae separated by septa. Can reproduce asexually. Approximate number of species described: 30,000 ==Basidiomycota== [[File:Haeckel_Basimycetes.jpg|thumb|100px|right]] [[/Basidiomycota/]] Name Meaning: Small base fungus English Common Name: Basidiomycetes, club fungi Major distinguishing characteristics: Bracket fungi, toadstools, smuts and rust. Sexual reproduction. Approximate number of species described: 31,515 ==Blastocladiomycota== [[File:WJD103_6-16-11.jpg|100px|right]] [[/Blastocladiomycota/]] Name Meaning: Offshoot branch fungus English Common Name: Blastoclads Major distinguishing characteristics: Approximate number of species described: <200 ==Chytridiomycota== [[File:Spizellomycete.jpg|100px|right]] [[/Chytridiomycota/]] Name Meaning: Little cooking pot fungus English Common Name: Chytrids Major distinguishing characteristics: Predominantly Aquatic saprotrophic or parasitic. Have a posterior flagellum. Tend to be single celled but can also be multicellular. Approximate number of species described: 1000+ ==Glomeromycota== [[File:Gigaspora_margarita.JPG|100px|right]] [[/Glomeromycota/]] Name Meaning: Ball of yarn fungus English Common Name: Glomeromycetes, AM fungi Major distinguishing characteristics: Mainly arbuscular mycorrhizae present, terrestrial with a small presence on wetlands. Reproduction is asexual but requires plant roots. Approximate number of species described: 284 ==References== [[Wikipedia:Phylum]]<br> [[Wikipedia:Fungus]] [[Category:Fungi]] [[Category:Mycology]] [[Category:Fungus phyla]] [[Category:Biology]] 3ufli6wxbisqrp4jzhhplz9ms75a3zp 3 332480 2840256 2840129 2026-10-14T12:39:52Z MathXplore 2888076 Reverted edits by [[Special:Contributions/Theologiministry89|Theologiministry89]] ([[User_talk:Theologiministry89|talk]]) to last version by [[User:MathXplore|MathXplore]] using [[Wikiversity:Rollback|rollback]] 2840026 wikitext text/x-wiki == [[:Category:Page flag templates]] == [[:Category:Page flag templates]] is a page for the category definition. It is not a page for biblical theology. 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[[User:MathXplore|MathXplore]] ([[User talk:MathXplore|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MathXplore|contribs]]) 12:18, 13 October 2026 (UTC) ==Welcome== {{Robelbox|theme=9|title='''[[Wikiversity:Welcome|Welcome]] to [[Wikiversity:What is Wikiversity|Wikiversity]], Theologiministry89!'''|width=100%}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> You can [[Wikiversity:Contact|contact us]] with [[Wikiversity:Questions|questions]] at the [[Wikiversity:Colloquium|colloquium]] or get in touch with [[User talk:MathXplore|me personally]] if you would like some [[Help:Contents|help]]. Remember to [[Wikiversity:Signature#How to add your signature|sign]] your comments when [[Wikiversity:Who are Wikiversity participants?|participating]] in [[Wikiversity:Talk page|discussions]]. Using the signature icon [[File:OOjs UI icon signature-ltr.svg]] makes it simple. We invite you to [[Wikiversity:Be bold|be bold]] and [[Wikiversity|assume good faith]]. 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See you around Wikiversity! --[[User:MathXplore|MathXplore]] ([[User talk:MathXplore|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MathXplore|contribs]]) 12:18, 13 October 2026 (UTC)</div> <!-- Template:Welcome --> {{Robelbox/close}} : [[File:Information.svg|25px|alt=Information icon]] Hello, Theologiministry89. This is your user talk page; the purpose of this page is notification and communication with other Wikiversity editors. It is not a workspace for articles in progress or for self-promotion. Please use your [[Special:MyPage/sandbox|user sandbox]] or the [[Wikiversity:Drafts|draft article space]] to practice editing or to create new articles. Thank you.<!-- Template:Uw-usertalk --> [[User:MathXplore|MathXplore]] ([[User talk:MathXplore|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MathXplore|contribs]]) 12:40, 14 October 2026 (UTC) 2horurq0jwtn2jb3of3wtprnf6bmysf 2840405 2840257 2026-10-15T06:30:32Z Theologiministry89 3112580 /* Energy and mass relationship with the constant */ new section 2840405 wikitext text/x-wiki == [[:Category:Page flag templates]] == [[:Category:Page flag templates]] is a page for the category definition. It is not a page for biblical theology. [[User:MathXplore|MathXplore]] ([[User talk:MathXplore|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MathXplore|contribs]]) 12:18, 13 October 2026 (UTC) ==Welcome== {{Robelbox|theme=9|title='''[[Wikiversity:Welcome|Welcome]] to [[Wikiversity:What is Wikiversity|Wikiversity]], Theologiministry89!'''|width=100%}} <div style="{{Robelbox/pad}}"> You can [[Wikiversity:Contact|contact us]] with [[Wikiversity:Questions|questions]] at the [[Wikiversity:Colloquium|colloquium]] or get in touch with [[User talk:MathXplore|me personally]] if you would like some [[Help:Contents|help]]. Remember to [[Wikiversity:Signature#How to add your signature|sign]] your comments when [[Wikiversity:Who are Wikiversity participants?|participating]] in [[Wikiversity:Talk page|discussions]]. Using the signature icon [[File:OOjs UI icon signature-ltr.svg]] makes it simple. We invite you to [[Wikiversity:Be bold|be bold]] and [[Wikiversity|assume good faith]]. 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See you around Wikiversity! --[[User:MathXplore|MathXplore]] ([[User talk:MathXplore|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MathXplore|contribs]]) 12:18, 13 October 2026 (UTC)</div> <!-- Template:Welcome --> {{Robelbox/close}} : [[File:Information.svg|25px|alt=Information icon]] Hello, Theologiministry89. This is your user talk page; the purpose of this page is notification and communication with other Wikiversity editors. It is not a workspace for articles in progress or for self-promotion. Please use your [[Special:MyPage/sandbox|user sandbox]] or the [[Wikiversity:Drafts|draft article space]] to practice editing or to create new articles. Thank you.<!-- Template:Uw-usertalk --> [[User:MathXplore|MathXplore]] ([[User talk:MathXplore|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MathXplore|contribs]]) 12:40, 14 October 2026 (UTC) == Energy and mass relationship with the constant == E=mc^(2) reveals the mysteries of the ∆E , ∆m , & the constant c where changes in mass and energy is the directly proportional relationship between the physical quantities for decrease and increase in the special case studies of the particles interactions with each other in the mathematical models [[User:Theologiministry89|Theologiministry89]] ([[User talk:Theologiministry89|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/Theologiministry89|contribs]]) 06:30, 15 October 2026 (UTC) g4xujsouj3w8c071bv11ejrwd4rlzut 0 332484 2840307 2840079 2026-10-14T18:09:09Z Howie2024 2995240 /* PDT and Quantum-State Normalization at a Reissner–Nordström Horizon */ 2840307 wikitext text/x-wiki = PDT and Quantum-State Normalization at a Reissner–Nordström Horizon = ''Research extension of [[Probability Dilation Theory/Normalized Probability Dilation Paper|Normalized Probability Dilation: A Unified Framework and Its Fisher–Rao Geometry]]'' '''Research manuscript — Draft Version 1.0 extension''' '''Relationship to Probability Dilation Theory:''' This research is an exploratory application of Howard Richardson's Probability Dilation Theory (PDT), developed in ''Normalized Probability Dilation: A Unified Framework and Its Fisher–Rao Geometry''. It is not a separate theory. The original PDT normalization remains unchanged; the present investigation examines whether black-hole entropy can supply physically motivated dilation weights and whether the resulting state-dependent dynamics exhibit mathematically significant behaviour. == Abstract == '''Relationship to Probability Dilation Theory:''' This research is an exploratory application of Howard Richardson's Probability Dilation Theory (PDT), developed in ''Normalized Probability Dilation: A Unified Framework and Its Fisher–Rao Geometry''. It is not a separate theory. The original PDT normalization remains unchanged; the present investigation examines whether black-hole entropy can supply physically motivated dilation weights and whether the resulting state-dependent dynamics exhibit mathematically significant behaviour. This research branch investigates whether the dilation field of Probability Dilation Theory (PDT) can be connected to a physically motivated gravitational quantity rather than being chosen arbitrarily. The proposed quantity is the finite change in Bekenstein–Hawking entropy associated with an emission from a Reissner–Nordström (RN) black hole: <math> D_{\omega,q} = \exp\left(\frac{\Delta S_{\rm BH}}{k_B}\right) </math> where <math> \Delta S_{\rm BH} = S_{\rm BH}(M-\omega,Q-q) - S_{\rm BH}(M,Q). </math> In natural units, this becomes <math> D_{\omega,q}=e^{\Delta S_{\rm BH}}. </math> The investigation asks whether applying these entropy-derived dilation weights through PDT normalization generates a state-dependent nonlinear evolution of the black-hole charge-to-mass ratio. The central dynamical quantity is <math> \alpha_{\rm eff} = \frac{\langle q\rangle}{\langle\omega\rangle} </math> and the central condition is <math> \alpha_{\rm eff}(M,Q)=\frac{Q}{M}. </math> This condition represents a stationary charge-to-energy trajectory. The research asks whether such a trajectory is absent, stable, unstable, or otherwise structurally significant when increasingly physical emission models are introduced. The present work does not claim that PDT has established a new physical mechanism for Hawking radiation or black-hole evaporation. Its purpose is to determine whether the proposed mathematical construction produces a distinctive and reproducible structure worthy of further investigation. == 1. Research question == The original PDT framework permits positive dilation weights <math> D_n>0 </math> to transform a probability distribution according to <math> p_n' = \frac{D_n p_n} {\sum_m D_m p_m}. </math> The present research asks a more discriminating question: ''Can a physically derived gravitational quantity determine the PDT dilation field <math>D_n</math>, rather than the dilation field being selected arbitrarily?'' A Reissner–Nordström black hole provides a useful test system because it possesses: * a well-defined horizon; * a calculable Bekenstein–Hawking entropy; * mass and electric charge; * a Hawking temperature; * an electromagnetic horizon potential; * and a quantum-field emission problem with calculable greybody factors. The proposed chain is <math> (M,Q) \rightarrow S_{\rm BH} \rightarrow \Delta S_{\rm BH} \rightarrow D_{\omega,q} \rightarrow p_{\rm PDT} \rightarrow \alpha_{\rm eff} \rightarrow (M,Q)\ {\rm trajectory}. </math> == 2. RN geometry == For a four-dimensional Reissner–Nordström black hole in geometrized units, <math> r_{\pm} = M\pm\sqrt{M^2-Q^2}. </math> The outer horizon is <math> r_+ = M+\sqrt{M^2-Q^2}. </math> The Bekenstein–Hawking entropy is <math> S_{\rm BH} = \frac{A}{4} = \pi r_+^2 </math> in Planck units. Thus <math> S_{\rm BH}(M,Q) = \pi \left( M+\sqrt{M^2-Q^2} \right)^2. </math> The nonextremal condition is <math> M>|Q|. </math> The extremal boundary is <math> |Q|=M. </math> For the principal numerical control system used in this research, <math> M_0=10,\qquad Q_0=6. </math> Therefore <math> \frac{Q_0}{M_0}=0.6 </math> and <math> r_+=18,\qquad r_-=2. </math> == 3. Entropy-derived PDT dilation == Consider an emission carrying energy <math>\omega</math> and charge <math>q</math>: <math> (M,Q) \longrightarrow (M-\omega,Q-q). </math> The exact finite entropy change is <math> \Delta S_{\rm BH} = \pi \left[ M-\omega+ \sqrt{(M-\omega)^2-(Q-q)^2} \right]^2 - \pi \left[ M+ \sqrt{M^2-Q^2} \right]^2. </math> The proposed gravitational dilation field is <math> D_{\omega,q} = e^{\Delta S_{\rm BH}/k_B}. </math> In natural units, <math> D_{\omega,q}=e^{\Delta S_{\rm BH}}. </math> This is a proposed PDT construction and is not being presented as an established law of black-hole physics. == 4. Semiclassical Hawking limit == The RN first law is <math> dM = T_H\,dS_{\rm BH} + \Phi_H\,dQ. </math> For an emission, <math> dM=-\omega, \qquad dQ=-q. </math> Therefore, to first order, <math> \Delta S_{\rm BH} \simeq -\frac{\omega-\Phi_Hq}{T_H}. </math> Consequently, <math> D_{\omega,q} \simeq e^{-\beta_H(\omega-\Phi_Hq)}. </math> Thus the proposed entropy-derived PDT dilation reduces in the small-emission limit to the ordinary charged Hawking/Boltzmann factor. This is a consistency check rather than a claim that PDT has independently derived Hawking radiation. == 5. Finite-emission correction == For finite emissions, <math> \Delta S_{\rm BH} \neq -\beta_H(\omega-\Phi_Hq) </math> in general. The exact PDT weight may therefore be written schematically as <math> D_{\omega,q} = e^{-\beta_H(\omega-\Phi_Hq)} e^{\mathcal C_{\rm RN}(\omega,q)} </math> where <math> \mathcal C_{\rm RN} = \Delta S_{\rm BH} + \beta_H(\omega-\Phi_Hq). </math> The nonlinear correction arises because the black-hole geometry itself changes during the emission. Entropy-change corrections of this general kind occur in established black-hole thermodynamic and tunnelling treatments. The possible PDT contribution is therefore not the existence of the entropy correction itself, but the use of that physically determined quantity as the dilation field within an iterated normalized probability transformation. == 6. PDT normalization == For possible emission channels, <math> p_n^{\rm PDT} = \frac{ p_n e^{\Delta S_n/k_B} }{ \sum_m p_m e^{\Delta S_m/k_B} }. </math> Define <math> Z_{\rm PDT} = \sum_m p_m e^{\Delta S_m/k_B}. </math> The normalization guarantees <math> \sum_n p_n^{\rm PDT}=1. </math> An important observation is that the normalization denominator does not itself alter relative odds: <math> \frac{p_i^{\rm PDT}}{p_j^{\rm PDT}} = \frac{p_i}{p_j} e^{(\Delta S_i-\Delta S_j)/k_B}. </math> Therefore any distinctive dynamical structure must arise from the state dependence of the dilation field and its repeated application, not from normalization alone. == 7. From probability normalization to black-hole dynamics == At each step, define <math> \langle\omega\rangle = \sum_n p_n^{\rm PDT}\omega_n </math> and <math> \langle q\rangle = \sum_n p_n^{\rm PDT}q_n. </math> The expected black-hole evolution is <math> M_{k+1} = M_k-\langle\omega\rangle_k </math> and <math> Q_{k+1} = Q_k-\langle q\rangle_k. </math> Define <math> x=\frac{Q}{M}. </math> The effective charge-to-energy ratio is <math> \alpha_{\rm eff} = \frac{\langle q\rangle}{\langle\omega\rangle}. </math> For sufficiently small changes, <math> \frac{dx}{dM} = \frac{\alpha_{\rm eff}-x}{M}. </math> Thus the stationary condition is <math> \alpha_{\rm eff}(M,Q)=\frac{Q}{M}. </math> This converts the PDT–black-hole problem into a nonlinear dynamical-system question. == 8. Minimal two-channel control model == The first numerical model deliberately used two possible channels: <math> (\omega,0) </math> and <math> (\omega,\alpha\omega). </math> The entropy factors were <math> D_A=e^{\Delta S_A}, \qquad D_B=e^{\Delta S_B}. </math> With equal prior weights, <math> P_B = \frac{e^{\Delta S_B}} {e^{\Delta S_A}+e^{\Delta S_B}}. </math> Since both channels had the same energy, <math> \langle\omega\rangle=\omega </math> while <math> \langle q\rangle=P_B\alpha\omega. </math> Therefore <math> \alpha_{\rm eff}=\alpha P_B. </math> This showed that the effective charge-to-energy ratio need not equal the microscopic channel parameter. For the illustrative state <math> M=10,\qquad Q=6 </math> with <math> \omega=0.1 </math> the control calculation produced a stationary solution near <math> \alpha_{\rm crit}\approx0.60365. </math> The stationary trajectory was unstable in the control model and therefore behaved as a separatrix rather than a stable attractor. == 9. Continuous energy model == The discrete energy assumption was then removed. A minimal continuous phase-space measure was taken as <math> \mu(\omega)\propto\omega^2. </math> The entropy-weighted distribution was <math> p(\omega,q) \propto \omega^2e^{\Delta S_{\rm BH}(\omega,q)}. </math> The effective ratio becomes <math> \alpha_{\rm eff} = \frac{ \displaystyle \int q\,\omega^2 e^{\Delta S_{\rm BH}} \,d\omega\,dq }{ \displaystyle \int \omega\,\omega^2 e^{\Delta S_{\rm BH}} \,d\omega\,dq }. </math> The stationary condition remained <math> \alpha_{\rm eff}=\frac{Q}{M}. </math> A stationary solution continued to occur in the simplified continuous control model, with local behaviour consistent with an unstable separatrix. This was an important robustness test because the structure did not depend simply on selecting two discrete energy values. == 10. Continuous neutral and charged sectors == The next extension allowed both neutral and charged emissions. For the neutral sector, <math> q=0. </math> For the charged sector, a fixed charge quantum <math>q</math> was considered while the energy remained continuous. Define <math> Z_0 = \int \omega^2 e^{\Delta S_0(\omega)} d\omega </math> and <math> Z_q = \int \omega^2 e^{\Delta S_q(\omega)} d\omega. </math> The charged-sector probability is <math> P_q = \frac{Z_q}{Z_0+Z_q}. </math> The effective ratio is <math> \alpha_{\rm eff} = \frac{\langle q\rangle}{\langle\omega\rangle}. </math> In the simplified control model a stationary solution satisfying <math> \alpha_{\rm eff}=\frac{Q}{M} </math> continued to exist. The resulting stationary trajectory again behaved as an unstable separatrix. == 11. Introduction of greybody physics == A greybody factor represents the transmission probability of a quantum field through the black-hole curvature potential. The entropy-weighted PDT distribution must therefore be modified from <math> \omega^2e^{\Delta S} </math> to <math> \omega^2 \Gamma(\omega,q;M,Q) e^{\Delta S}. </math> However, <math>\Gamma</math> is not universal. It depends on the field species, mass, charge, spin, angular momentum mode, and black-hole background. Consequently, an arbitrary greybody function should not be inserted merely to produce a desired result. The first controlled physical choice was therefore a massless scalar field in the lowest angular mode. == 12. Neutral massless scalar, <math>l=0</math>, control test == For a neutral massless scalar, the low-frequency RN <math>l=0</math> transmission probability has the familiar behaviour <math> \Gamma_0(\omega) \simeq 4(\omega r_+)^2. </math> This approximation was used only as a controlled low-frequency comparison. The PDT weighting becomes <math> W(\omega) = \omega^2 \Gamma_0(\omega) e^{\Delta S_{\rm BH}}. </math> At low frequency this gives <math> W(\omega) \propto \omega^4e^{\Delta S_{\rm BH}}. </math> Thus the greybody factor suppresses low-energy modes relative to the phase-space-only model. The exploratory calculation indicated a substantial shift of the entropy-weighted energy distribution toward higher energies. The numerical value of that shift should not be treated as a publication-final coefficient because the low-frequency approximation is not uniformly valid over the full integration range. The principal conclusion is: <math> \text{Greybody weighting materially changes the PDT-weighted spectrum.} </math> == 13. Charged scalar on RN == The charged scalar field obeys the minimally coupled Klein–Gordon equation <math> D_\mu D^\mu\Phi=0, \qquad D_\mu=\nabla_\mu-iqA_\mu. </math> For the RN background, the separated radial equation for the <math>l=0</math> mode can be written in Schrödinger form as <math> \frac{d^2X}{dr_*^2} + \left[ \left(\omega-\frac{qQ}{r}\right)^2 - \frac{ff'}{r} \right]X=0 </math> where <math> f(r) = \frac{(r-r_+)(r-r_-)}{r^2}. </math> At the horizon, <math> \tilde{\omega} = \omega-q\Phi_H. </math> For the control black hole, <math> \Phi_H=\frac{Q}{r_+}=\frac13 </math> so <math> \tilde{\omega} = \omega-\frac{q}{3}. </math> The condition <math> \omega<q\Phi_H </math> defines the charged superradiant regime. The ordinary emission branch must therefore be distinguished from the superradiant scattering regime. == 14. Charged greybody factor == The charged-sector PDT weight is <math> W_q(\omega) = \omega^2 \Gamma_{0,q}(\omega;M,Q) e^{\Delta S_{\rm BH}(\omega,q)}. </math> The effective charge-to-energy ratio for a neutral-plus-charged spectrum is <math> \alpha_{\rm eff} = \frac{ \displaystyle \sum_q \int q\,W_q(\omega)\,d\omega }{ \displaystyle \sum_q \int \omega\,W_q(\omega)\,d\omega }. </math> This formulation is important because <math>\alpha</math> is no longer externally imposed. Instead, the entropy-derived PDT weighting and the physical transmission coefficients determine the effective value. The conceptual chain is <math> \text{RN geometry} \rightarrow \text{charged wave equation} \rightarrow \Gamma_{0,q} \rightarrow \Delta S_{\rm BH} \rightarrow p_{\rm PDT} \rightarrow \alpha_{\rm eff}. </math> == 15. Numerical charged-greybody calculation: current status == A numerical solution of the charged <math>l=0</math> radial equation provides a route to calculating <math> \Gamma_{0,q}(\omega;M=10,Q=6). </math> The transmission probability is obtained from the asymptotic scattering amplitudes and the corresponding fluxes. The exploratory numerical work indicates that incorporating the charged RN potential barrier does not trivially destroy the stationary structure found in the simpler models. However, the present charged-greybody numerical values remain '''provisional'''. Before numerical values for <math>\Gamma_{0,q}</math>, <math>\alpha_{\rm eff}</math>, or a critical trajectory are promoted to publication status, the calculation should be independently reproduced with convergence tests involving: * radial integration range; * frequency resolution; * asymptotic matching; * flux normalization; * Coulomb-phase treatment; * superradiant modes; * and the physically allowed emission interval. Accordingly, the charged-greybody calculation is presently evidence for robustness, not a publication-final quantitative prediction. == 16. Central dynamical equation == The research can now be expressed as a state-dependent nonlinear dynamical system. Define <math> x=\frac{Q}{M} </math> and <math> F(M,Q) = \alpha_{\rm eff}(M,Q)-\frac{Q}{M}. </math> The central equation is <math> F(M,Q)=0. </math> Equivalently, <math> \alpha_{\rm eff}(M,Q)=\frac{Q}{M}. </math> The possible outcomes are: * no stationary trajectory; * an unstable separatrix; * a stable attractor; * or another invariant or dynamical structure. In the simplified models examined so far, the stationary solution behaves as an unstable separatrix rather than a stable attractor. This result should not yet be generalized to all physical Hawking emission spectra. == 17. Proposed nonlinear feedback mechanism == The complete proposed feedback structure is <math> (M,Q) \rightarrow S_{\rm BH} \rightarrow \Delta S_{\rm BH} \rightarrow D_{\omega,q} \rightarrow p_{\rm PDT}(\omega,q) \rightarrow (\langle\omega\rangle,\langle q\rangle) \rightarrow (M',Q'). </math> The corresponding effective charge-to-energy ratio is <math> \alpha_{\rm eff} = \frac{\langle q\rangle}{\langle\omega\rangle}. </math> The possible distinctive mathematical contribution of PDT would therefore not be the entropy factor alone. It would be the behaviour of the resulting state-dependent normalized iteration. The central question becomes: ''Does the coupled entropy–dilation–normalization iteration possess a fixed point, separatrix, attractor, invariant, or other mathematical structure that is not already contained in the ordinary one-step microcanonical description?'' == 18. What has been mathematically established == The following statements are mathematical results within the stated models: * Positive PDT weights can be normalized provided the weighted sum is finite and nonzero. * A finite entropy difference can be used mathematically as a positive dilation exponent. * The small-emission expansion of the RN entropy change reproduces the standard charged Hawking/Boltzmann exponent. * The entropy-derived PDT distribution produces an effective charge-to-energy ratio determined by the weighted emission distribution. * The condition <math>\alpha_{\rm eff}=Q/M</math> is the stationary condition for the corresponding small-step RN charge-to-mass evolution. * The simplified discrete and continuous control models possess stationary solutions. * Those stationary solutions are unstable in the control models examined. == 19. What has been numerically demonstrated == The exploratory calculations indicate that: * replacing arbitrary dilation parameters with RN entropy-derived weights produces a state-dependent emission distribution; * continuous energy distributions preserve the basic stationary structure found in the discrete model; * inclusion of neutral and charged sectors does not immediately eliminate that structure; * inclusion of an RN greybody weighting materially changes the emission spectrum; * the stationary structure is not trivially destroyed by the curvature transmission barrier in the present control calculation. These numerical findings remain subject to further independent reproduction and convergence testing. == 20. What is standard black-hole physics == The following ingredients are established external physics rather than new PDT results: * Reissner–Nordström geometry; * Bekenstein–Hawking horizon entropy; * RN Hawking temperature; * RN horizon electrostatic potential; * the RN first law; * charged scalar propagation on RN; * greybody transmission; * charged-scalar superradiance; * and entropy-change descriptions of finite black-hole emission. PDT should not claim these results as original discoveries. == 21. What remains a PDT hypothesis == The principal hypothesis being investigated is: ''A gravitational entropy change can serve as a physically motivated PDT dilation field, and repeated normalized application of that field may generate a nonlinear dynamical structure that provides mathematically useful information beyond the corresponding one-step thermodynamic description.'' At present, there is no established evidence that this construction constitutes a new physical mechanism for Hawking radiation, black-hole evaporation, or quantum gravity. The appropriate status is therefore exploratory. == 22. Research limitations == The present work deliberately does not yet include the complete complexity of quantum-field Hawking radiation. In particular, it does not yet constitute a full treatment of: * all particle species; * arbitrary spin; * all angular momentum modes; * massive fields; * complete greybody spectra; * quantum backreaction; * interacting quantum fields; * rotating black holes; * or a complete semiclassical evaporation calculation. The purpose of the staged approach is to determine whether the proposed PDT structure survives progressively more physically realistic inputs without introducing unnecessary assumptions. == 23. Next decisive calculation == The next calculation should use a fully specified charged scalar emission model and independently reproduce <math> \Gamma_{0,q}(\omega;M,Q). </math> That result should then be inserted into <math> W_q(\omega) = \omega^2 \Gamma_{0,q}(\omega) e^{\Delta S_{\rm BH}(\omega,q)}. </math> The resulting <math> \alpha_{\rm eff}(M,Q) </math> can then be used to determine whether <math> \alpha_{\rm eff}-\frac{Q}{M} </math> has a zero and whether that zero is stable or unstable under the evaporation flow. If the structure survives a physically complete emission measure, it would provide substantially stronger evidence that the nonlinear structure is not an artifact of the simplified control models. If the structure disappears, that result is equally useful because it would identify which physical ingredient destroys the proposed PDT behaviour. == 24. Scientific status of the result == The present research should therefore be summarized as follows: <math> \text{Promising mathematical framework; physical novelty not yet established.} </math> The investigation has moved beyond an arbitrary choice of PDT dilation weights and has constructed a physically motivated candidate based on black-hole entropy. The simplified calculations suggest the emergence of a stationary charge-to-energy trajectory that behaves as a separatrix. The persistence of this structure under increasingly realistic emission models remains the decisive test. == 25. Relationship to the separate Einstein–Maxwell heat-kernel audit == The Einstein–Maxwell heat-kernel investigation conducted separately in this research project is deliberately '''not used to justify the present PDT results'''. That audit identified an unresolved apparent discrepancy in the displayed quadratic Einstein–Maxwell action used in the comparison. The issue concerns the consistency of the quadratic Hessian, including the metric–metric sector and fluctuation conventions. The responsible status of that investigation remains: * unresolved apparent omission/discrepancy in the displayed quadratic action; * not a confirmed source error; * no modification of the existing curvature potential <math>V</math>; * no promotion of provisional <math>\operatorname{tr}E^2</math> or related heat-kernel quantities; * no publication-final <math>a_2</math> coefficient. That technical branch is independent of the present entropy-normalization investigation. == 26. References and source materials == === Einstein–Maxwell and heat-kernel reference === * S. Karan and B. Panda, ''Generalized Einstein-Maxwell theory: Seeley-DeWitt coefficients and logarithmic corrections to the entropy of extremal and nonextremal black holes'', ''Physical Review D'' '''104''', 046010 (2021). DOI: 10.1103/PhysRevD.104.046010. [https://journals.aps.org/prd/abstract/10.1103/PhysRevD.104.046010] This reference provides the Einstein–Maxwell action, background equations, quadratic fluctuation treatment, gauge fixing, and Seeley–DeWitt framework used in the separate Einstein–Maxwell audit. === Charged scalar and RN superradiance === * L. Di Menza and J.-P. Nicolas, ''Superradiance on the Reissner–Nordström metric'' (2014), arXiv:1411.3988. [https://arxiv.org/abs/1411.3988] This work provides an independent treatment of charged scalar propagation and superradiance on the RN geometry. === Reissner–Nordström and black-hole thermodynamics === The RN geometry, Bekenstein–Hawking entropy, Hawking temperature, and horizon potential used in this section are standard results of general relativity and black-hole thermodynamics. === PDT source material === * Howard Richardson, ''[[Probability Dilation Theory|Probability Dilation Theory]]'', Wikiversity. * Howard Richardson, ''[[Probability Dilation Theory/Normalized Probability Dilation Paper|Normalized Probability Dilation: A Unified Framework and Its Fisher–Rao Geometry]]'', Draft Version 1.0. * Associated PDT Wikiversity subpages and revision history. * Associated OSF preprint and version history. * ''PDT and Fundamental Physics: Information Geometry, Symmetry, and Emergent Spacetime'', separate research notebook/project. The present page extends the PDT framework into an exploratory black-hole and quantum-state-normalization application. == 27. Attribution and copyright == '''Original PDT material, original formulations, analysis, numerical experiments, interpretations, and research questions on this page: © Howard Richardson.''' Original material authored by Howard Richardson may be reused according to the licensing terms explicitly stated for that material and subject to Wikiversity's applicable site-wide licensing requirements. External equations, scientific results, papers, figures, quotations, and other third-party materials remain subject to the copyright and licensing conditions of their respective authors and publishers. Their inclusion or citation on this research page does not transfer ownership or copyright to Howard Richardson. Where an external source is quoted, adapted, or reproduced, the source should be cited and any applicable licence requirements followed. === Suggested attribution for original material === ''Richardson, Howard. "PDT and Quantum-State Normalization at a Reissner–Nordström Horizon." Probability Dilation Theory research project, Wikiversity, Draft Version 1.0 extension.'' == 28. Final research statement == The purpose of this page is not to claim that PDT has solved a problem in black-hole physics. Its purpose is to document a testable mathematical proposal: <math> \text{gravitational entropy} \rightarrow \text{PDT dilation} \rightarrow \text{normalized quantum-state weighting} \rightarrow \text{effective emission} \rightarrow \text{black-hole evolution}. </math> The research question is whether this feedback structure contains a reproducible mathematical invariant, fixed point, separatrix, attractor, or other feature that is not merely a restatement of established black-hole thermodynamics. At the present stage, an unstable stationary trajectory has appeared in progressively less artificial control models. That result is sufficiently interesting to justify further investigation, but it remains a hypothesis until the result survives a fully specified physical emission spectrum and independent numerical verification. [[Category:Probability Dilation Theory]] [[Category:Research projects]] [[Category:Black hole physics]] [[Category:Mathematical physics]] esz7sntj3bugjveb6gioo02w1r14z8x 2840308 2840307 2026-10-14T18:17:23Z Howie2024 2995240 /* PDT and Quantum-State Normalization at a Reissner–Nordström Horizon */ Abstract changes. 2840308 wikitext text/x-wiki = PDT and Quantum-State Normalization at a Reissner–Nordström Horizon = ''Research extension of [[Probability Dilation Theory/Normalized Probability Dilation Paper|Normalized Probability Dilation: A Unified Framework and Its Fisher–Rao Geometry]]'' '''Research manuscript — Draft Version 1.0 extension''' '''Relationship to Probability Dilation Theory:''' This research is an exploratory application of Howard Richardson's Probability Dilation Theory (PDT), developed in ''Normalized Probability Dilation: A Unified Framework and Its Fisher–Rao Geometry''. It is not a separate theory. The original PDT normalization remains unchanged; the present investigation examines whether black-hole entropy can supply physically motivated dilation weights and whether the resulting state-dependent dynamics exhibit mathematically significant behaviour. == Abstract == The proposed quantity is the finite change in Bekenstein–Hawking entropy associated with an emission from a Reissner–Nordström (RN) black hole: <math> D_{\omega,q} = \exp\left(\frac{\Delta S_{\rm BH}}{k_B}\right) </math> where <math> \Delta S_{\rm BH} = S_{\rm BH}(M-\omega,Q-q) - S_{\rm BH}(M,Q). </math> In natural units, this becomes <math> D_{\omega,q}=e^{\Delta S_{\rm BH}}. </math> The investigation asks whether applying these entropy-derived dilation weights through PDT normalization generates a state-dependent nonlinear evolution of the black-hole charge-to-mass ratio. The central dynamical quantity is <math> \alpha_{\rm eff} = \frac{\langle q\rangle}{\langle\omega\rangle} </math> and the central condition is <math> \alpha_{\rm eff}(M,Q)=\frac{Q}{M}. </math> This condition represents a stationary charge-to-energy trajectory. The research asks whether such a trajectory is absent, stable, unstable, or otherwise structurally significant when increasingly physical emission models are introduced. The present work does not claim that PDT has established a new physical mechanism for Hawking radiation or black-hole evaporation. Its purpose is to determine whether the proposed mathematical construction produces a distinctive and reproducible structure worthy of further investigation. == 1. Research question == The original PDT framework permits positive dilation weights <math> D_n>0 </math> to transform a probability distribution according to <math> p_n' = \frac{D_n p_n} {\sum_m D_m p_m}. </math> The present research asks a more discriminating question: ''Can a physically derived gravitational quantity determine the PDT dilation field <math>D_n</math>, rather than the dilation field being selected arbitrarily?'' A Reissner–Nordström black hole provides a useful test system because it possesses: * a well-defined horizon; * a calculable Bekenstein–Hawking entropy; * mass and electric charge; * a Hawking temperature; * an electromagnetic horizon potential; * and a quantum-field emission problem with calculable greybody factors. The proposed chain is <math> (M,Q) \rightarrow S_{\rm BH} \rightarrow \Delta S_{\rm BH} \rightarrow D_{\omega,q} \rightarrow p_{\rm PDT} \rightarrow \alpha_{\rm eff} \rightarrow (M,Q)\ {\rm trajectory}. </math> == 2. RN geometry == For a four-dimensional Reissner–Nordström black hole in geometrized units, <math> r_{\pm} = M\pm\sqrt{M^2-Q^2}. </math> The outer horizon is <math> r_+ = M+\sqrt{M^2-Q^2}. </math> The Bekenstein–Hawking entropy is <math> S_{\rm BH} = \frac{A}{4} = \pi r_+^2 </math> in Planck units. Thus <math> S_{\rm BH}(M,Q) = \pi \left( M+\sqrt{M^2-Q^2} \right)^2. </math> The nonextremal condition is <math> M>|Q|. </math> The extremal boundary is <math> |Q|=M. </math> For the principal numerical control system used in this research, <math> M_0=10,\qquad Q_0=6. </math> Therefore <math> \frac{Q_0}{M_0}=0.6 </math> and <math> r_+=18,\qquad r_-=2. </math> == 3. Entropy-derived PDT dilation == Consider an emission carrying energy <math>\omega</math> and charge <math>q</math>: <math> (M,Q) \longrightarrow (M-\omega,Q-q). </math> The exact finite entropy change is <math> \Delta S_{\rm BH} = \pi \left[ M-\omega+ \sqrt{(M-\omega)^2-(Q-q)^2} \right]^2 - \pi \left[ M+ \sqrt{M^2-Q^2} \right]^2. </math> The proposed gravitational dilation field is <math> D_{\omega,q} = e^{\Delta S_{\rm BH}/k_B}. </math> In natural units, <math> D_{\omega,q}=e^{\Delta S_{\rm BH}}. </math> This is a proposed PDT construction and is not being presented as an established law of black-hole physics. == 4. Semiclassical Hawking limit == The RN first law is <math> dM = T_H\,dS_{\rm BH} + \Phi_H\,dQ. </math> For an emission, <math> dM=-\omega, \qquad dQ=-q. </math> Therefore, to first order, <math> \Delta S_{\rm BH} \simeq -\frac{\omega-\Phi_Hq}{T_H}. </math> Consequently, <math> D_{\omega,q} \simeq e^{-\beta_H(\omega-\Phi_Hq)}. </math> Thus the proposed entropy-derived PDT dilation reduces in the small-emission limit to the ordinary charged Hawking/Boltzmann factor. This is a consistency check rather than a claim that PDT has independently derived Hawking radiation. == 5. Finite-emission correction == For finite emissions, <math> \Delta S_{\rm BH} \neq -\beta_H(\omega-\Phi_Hq) </math> in general. The exact PDT weight may therefore be written schematically as <math> D_{\omega,q} = e^{-\beta_H(\omega-\Phi_Hq)} e^{\mathcal C_{\rm RN}(\omega,q)} </math> where <math> \mathcal C_{\rm RN} = \Delta S_{\rm BH} + \beta_H(\omega-\Phi_Hq). </math> The nonlinear correction arises because the black-hole geometry itself changes during the emission. Entropy-change corrections of this general kind occur in established black-hole thermodynamic and tunnelling treatments. The possible PDT contribution is therefore not the existence of the entropy correction itself, but the use of that physically determined quantity as the dilation field within an iterated normalized probability transformation. == 6. PDT normalization == For possible emission channels, <math> p_n^{\rm PDT} = \frac{ p_n e^{\Delta S_n/k_B} }{ \sum_m p_m e^{\Delta S_m/k_B} }. </math> Define <math> Z_{\rm PDT} = \sum_m p_m e^{\Delta S_m/k_B}. </math> The normalization guarantees <math> \sum_n p_n^{\rm PDT}=1. </math> An important observation is that the normalization denominator does not itself alter relative odds: <math> \frac{p_i^{\rm PDT}}{p_j^{\rm PDT}} = \frac{p_i}{p_j} e^{(\Delta S_i-\Delta S_j)/k_B}. </math> Therefore any distinctive dynamical structure must arise from the state dependence of the dilation field and its repeated application, not from normalization alone. == 7. From probability normalization to black-hole dynamics == At each step, define <math> \langle\omega\rangle = \sum_n p_n^{\rm PDT}\omega_n </math> and <math> \langle q\rangle = \sum_n p_n^{\rm PDT}q_n. </math> The expected black-hole evolution is <math> M_{k+1} = M_k-\langle\omega\rangle_k </math> and <math> Q_{k+1} = Q_k-\langle q\rangle_k. </math> Define <math> x=\frac{Q}{M}. </math> The effective charge-to-energy ratio is <math> \alpha_{\rm eff} = \frac{\langle q\rangle}{\langle\omega\rangle}. </math> For sufficiently small changes, <math> \frac{dx}{dM} = \frac{\alpha_{\rm eff}-x}{M}. </math> Thus the stationary condition is <math> \alpha_{\rm eff}(M,Q)=\frac{Q}{M}. </math> This converts the PDT–black-hole problem into a nonlinear dynamical-system question. == 8. Minimal two-channel control model == The first numerical model deliberately used two possible channels: <math> (\omega,0) </math> and <math> (\omega,\alpha\omega). </math> The entropy factors were <math> D_A=e^{\Delta S_A}, \qquad D_B=e^{\Delta S_B}. </math> With equal prior weights, <math> P_B = \frac{e^{\Delta S_B}} {e^{\Delta S_A}+e^{\Delta S_B}}. </math> Since both channels had the same energy, <math> \langle\omega\rangle=\omega </math> while <math> \langle q\rangle=P_B\alpha\omega. </math> Therefore <math> \alpha_{\rm eff}=\alpha P_B. </math> This showed that the effective charge-to-energy ratio need not equal the microscopic channel parameter. For the illustrative state <math> M=10,\qquad Q=6 </math> with <math> \omega=0.1 </math> the control calculation produced a stationary solution near <math> \alpha_{\rm crit}\approx0.60365. </math> The stationary trajectory was unstable in the control model and therefore behaved as a separatrix rather than a stable attractor. == 9. Continuous energy model == The discrete energy assumption was then removed. A minimal continuous phase-space measure was taken as <math> \mu(\omega)\propto\omega^2. </math> The entropy-weighted distribution was <math> p(\omega,q) \propto \omega^2e^{\Delta S_{\rm BH}(\omega,q)}. </math> The effective ratio becomes <math> \alpha_{\rm eff} = \frac{ \displaystyle \int q\,\omega^2 e^{\Delta S_{\rm BH}} \,d\omega\,dq }{ \displaystyle \int \omega\,\omega^2 e^{\Delta S_{\rm BH}} \,d\omega\,dq }. </math> The stationary condition remained <math> \alpha_{\rm eff}=\frac{Q}{M}. </math> A stationary solution continued to occur in the simplified continuous control model, with local behaviour consistent with an unstable separatrix. This was an important robustness test because the structure did not depend simply on selecting two discrete energy values. == 10. Continuous neutral and charged sectors == The next extension allowed both neutral and charged emissions. For the neutral sector, <math> q=0. </math> For the charged sector, a fixed charge quantum <math>q</math> was considered while the energy remained continuous. Define <math> Z_0 = \int \omega^2 e^{\Delta S_0(\omega)} d\omega </math> and <math> Z_q = \int \omega^2 e^{\Delta S_q(\omega)} d\omega. </math> The charged-sector probability is <math> P_q = \frac{Z_q}{Z_0+Z_q}. </math> The effective ratio is <math> \alpha_{\rm eff} = \frac{\langle q\rangle}{\langle\omega\rangle}. </math> In the simplified control model a stationary solution satisfying <math> \alpha_{\rm eff}=\frac{Q}{M} </math> continued to exist. The resulting stationary trajectory again behaved as an unstable separatrix. == 11. Introduction of greybody physics == A greybody factor represents the transmission probability of a quantum field through the black-hole curvature potential. The entropy-weighted PDT distribution must therefore be modified from <math> \omega^2e^{\Delta S} </math> to <math> \omega^2 \Gamma(\omega,q;M,Q) e^{\Delta S}. </math> However, <math>\Gamma</math> is not universal. It depends on the field species, mass, charge, spin, angular momentum mode, and black-hole background. Consequently, an arbitrary greybody function should not be inserted merely to produce a desired result. The first controlled physical choice was therefore a massless scalar field in the lowest angular mode. == 12. Neutral massless scalar, <math>l=0</math>, control test == For a neutral massless scalar, the low-frequency RN <math>l=0</math> transmission probability has the familiar behaviour <math> \Gamma_0(\omega) \simeq 4(\omega r_+)^2. </math> This approximation was used only as a controlled low-frequency comparison. The PDT weighting becomes <math> W(\omega) = \omega^2 \Gamma_0(\omega) e^{\Delta S_{\rm BH}}. </math> At low frequency this gives <math> W(\omega) \propto \omega^4e^{\Delta S_{\rm BH}}. </math> Thus the greybody factor suppresses low-energy modes relative to the phase-space-only model. The exploratory calculation indicated a substantial shift of the entropy-weighted energy distribution toward higher energies. The numerical value of that shift should not be treated as a publication-final coefficient because the low-frequency approximation is not uniformly valid over the full integration range. The principal conclusion is: <math> \text{Greybody weighting materially changes the PDT-weighted spectrum.} </math> == 13. Charged scalar on RN == The charged scalar field obeys the minimally coupled Klein–Gordon equation <math> D_\mu D^\mu\Phi=0, \qquad D_\mu=\nabla_\mu-iqA_\mu. </math> For the RN background, the separated radial equation for the <math>l=0</math> mode can be written in Schrödinger form as <math> \frac{d^2X}{dr_*^2} + \left[ \left(\omega-\frac{qQ}{r}\right)^2 - \frac{ff'}{r} \right]X=0 </math> where <math> f(r) = \frac{(r-r_+)(r-r_-)}{r^2}. </math> At the horizon, <math> \tilde{\omega} = \omega-q\Phi_H. </math> For the control black hole, <math> \Phi_H=\frac{Q}{r_+}=\frac13 </math> so <math> \tilde{\omega} = \omega-\frac{q}{3}. </math> The condition <math> \omega<q\Phi_H </math> defines the charged superradiant regime. The ordinary emission branch must therefore be distinguished from the superradiant scattering regime. == 14. Charged greybody factor == The charged-sector PDT weight is <math> W_q(\omega) = \omega^2 \Gamma_{0,q}(\omega;M,Q) e^{\Delta S_{\rm BH}(\omega,q)}. </math> The effective charge-to-energy ratio for a neutral-plus-charged spectrum is <math> \alpha_{\rm eff} = \frac{ \displaystyle \sum_q \int q\,W_q(\omega)\,d\omega }{ \displaystyle \sum_q \int \omega\,W_q(\omega)\,d\omega }. </math> This formulation is important because <math>\alpha</math> is no longer externally imposed. Instead, the entropy-derived PDT weighting and the physical transmission coefficients determine the effective value. The conceptual chain is <math> \text{RN geometry} \rightarrow \text{charged wave equation} \rightarrow \Gamma_{0,q} \rightarrow \Delta S_{\rm BH} \rightarrow p_{\rm PDT} \rightarrow \alpha_{\rm eff}. </math> == 15. Numerical charged-greybody calculation: current status == A numerical solution of the charged <math>l=0</math> radial equation provides a route to calculating <math> \Gamma_{0,q}(\omega;M=10,Q=6). </math> The transmission probability is obtained from the asymptotic scattering amplitudes and the corresponding fluxes. The exploratory numerical work indicates that incorporating the charged RN potential barrier does not trivially destroy the stationary structure found in the simpler models. However, the present charged-greybody numerical values remain '''provisional'''. Before numerical values for <math>\Gamma_{0,q}</math>, <math>\alpha_{\rm eff}</math>, or a critical trajectory are promoted to publication status, the calculation should be independently reproduced with convergence tests involving: * radial integration range; * frequency resolution; * asymptotic matching; * flux normalization; * Coulomb-phase treatment; * superradiant modes; * and the physically allowed emission interval. Accordingly, the charged-greybody calculation is presently evidence for robustness, not a publication-final quantitative prediction. == 16. Central dynamical equation == The research can now be expressed as a state-dependent nonlinear dynamical system. Define <math> x=\frac{Q}{M} </math> and <math> F(M,Q) = \alpha_{\rm eff}(M,Q)-\frac{Q}{M}. </math> The central equation is <math> F(M,Q)=0. </math> Equivalently, <math> \alpha_{\rm eff}(M,Q)=\frac{Q}{M}. </math> The possible outcomes are: * no stationary trajectory; * an unstable separatrix; * a stable attractor; * or another invariant or dynamical structure. In the simplified models examined so far, the stationary solution behaves as an unstable separatrix rather than a stable attractor. This result should not yet be generalized to all physical Hawking emission spectra. == 17. Proposed nonlinear feedback mechanism == The complete proposed feedback structure is <math> (M,Q) \rightarrow S_{\rm BH} \rightarrow \Delta S_{\rm BH} \rightarrow D_{\omega,q} \rightarrow p_{\rm PDT}(\omega,q) \rightarrow (\langle\omega\rangle,\langle q\rangle) \rightarrow (M',Q'). </math> The corresponding effective charge-to-energy ratio is <math> \alpha_{\rm eff} = \frac{\langle q\rangle}{\langle\omega\rangle}. </math> The possible distinctive mathematical contribution of PDT would therefore not be the entropy factor alone. It would be the behaviour of the resulting state-dependent normalized iteration. The central question becomes: ''Does the coupled entropy–dilation–normalization iteration possess a fixed point, separatrix, attractor, invariant, or other mathematical structure that is not already contained in the ordinary one-step microcanonical description?'' == 18. What has been mathematically established == The following statements are mathematical results within the stated models: * Positive PDT weights can be normalized provided the weighted sum is finite and nonzero. * A finite entropy difference can be used mathematically as a positive dilation exponent. * The small-emission expansion of the RN entropy change reproduces the standard charged Hawking/Boltzmann exponent. * The entropy-derived PDT distribution produces an effective charge-to-energy ratio determined by the weighted emission distribution. * The condition <math>\alpha_{\rm eff}=Q/M</math> is the stationary condition for the corresponding small-step RN charge-to-mass evolution. * The simplified discrete and continuous control models possess stationary solutions. * Those stationary solutions are unstable in the control models examined. == 19. What has been numerically demonstrated == The exploratory calculations indicate that: * replacing arbitrary dilation parameters with RN entropy-derived weights produces a state-dependent emission distribution; * continuous energy distributions preserve the basic stationary structure found in the discrete model; * inclusion of neutral and charged sectors does not immediately eliminate that structure; * inclusion of an RN greybody weighting materially changes the emission spectrum; * the stationary structure is not trivially destroyed by the curvature transmission barrier in the present control calculation. These numerical findings remain subject to further independent reproduction and convergence testing. == 20. What is standard black-hole physics == The following ingredients are established external physics rather than new PDT results: * Reissner–Nordström geometry; * Bekenstein–Hawking horizon entropy; * RN Hawking temperature; * RN horizon electrostatic potential; * the RN first law; * charged scalar propagation on RN; * greybody transmission; * charged-scalar superradiance; * and entropy-change descriptions of finite black-hole emission. PDT should not claim these results as original discoveries. == 21. What remains a PDT hypothesis == The principal hypothesis being investigated is: ''A gravitational entropy change can serve as a physically motivated PDT dilation field, and repeated normalized application of that field may generate a nonlinear dynamical structure that provides mathematically useful information beyond the corresponding one-step thermodynamic description.'' At present, there is no established evidence that this construction constitutes a new physical mechanism for Hawking radiation, black-hole evaporation, or quantum gravity. The appropriate status is therefore exploratory. == 22. Research limitations == The present work deliberately does not yet include the complete complexity of quantum-field Hawking radiation. In particular, it does not yet constitute a full treatment of: * all particle species; * arbitrary spin; * all angular momentum modes; * massive fields; * complete greybody spectra; * quantum backreaction; * interacting quantum fields; * rotating black holes; * or a complete semiclassical evaporation calculation. The purpose of the staged approach is to determine whether the proposed PDT structure survives progressively more physically realistic inputs without introducing unnecessary assumptions. == 23. Next decisive calculation == The next calculation should use a fully specified charged scalar emission model and independently reproduce <math> \Gamma_{0,q}(\omega;M,Q). </math> That result should then be inserted into <math> W_q(\omega) = \omega^2 \Gamma_{0,q}(\omega) e^{\Delta S_{\rm BH}(\omega,q)}. </math> The resulting <math> \alpha_{\rm eff}(M,Q) </math> can then be used to determine whether <math> \alpha_{\rm eff}-\frac{Q}{M} </math> has a zero and whether that zero is stable or unstable under the evaporation flow. If the structure survives a physically complete emission measure, it would provide substantially stronger evidence that the nonlinear structure is not an artifact of the simplified control models. If the structure disappears, that result is equally useful because it would identify which physical ingredient destroys the proposed PDT behaviour. == 24. Scientific status of the result == The present research should therefore be summarized as follows: <math> \text{Promising mathematical framework; physical novelty not yet established.} </math> The investigation has moved beyond an arbitrary choice of PDT dilation weights and has constructed a physically motivated candidate based on black-hole entropy. The simplified calculations suggest the emergence of a stationary charge-to-energy trajectory that behaves as a separatrix. The persistence of this structure under increasingly realistic emission models remains the decisive test. == 25. Relationship to the separate Einstein–Maxwell heat-kernel audit == The Einstein–Maxwell heat-kernel investigation conducted separately in this research project is deliberately '''not used to justify the present PDT results'''. That audit identified an unresolved apparent discrepancy in the displayed quadratic Einstein–Maxwell action used in the comparison. The issue concerns the consistency of the quadratic Hessian, including the metric–metric sector and fluctuation conventions. The responsible status of that investigation remains: * unresolved apparent omission/discrepancy in the displayed quadratic action; * not a confirmed source error; * no modification of the existing curvature potential <math>V</math>; * no promotion of provisional <math>\operatorname{tr}E^2</math> or related heat-kernel quantities; * no publication-final <math>a_2</math> coefficient. That technical branch is independent of the present entropy-normalization investigation. == 26. References and source materials == === Einstein–Maxwell and heat-kernel reference === * S. Karan and B. Panda, ''Generalized Einstein-Maxwell theory: Seeley-DeWitt coefficients and logarithmic corrections to the entropy of extremal and nonextremal black holes'', ''Physical Review D'' '''104''', 046010 (2021). DOI: 10.1103/PhysRevD.104.046010. [https://journals.aps.org/prd/abstract/10.1103/PhysRevD.104.046010] This reference provides the Einstein–Maxwell action, background equations, quadratic fluctuation treatment, gauge fixing, and Seeley–DeWitt framework used in the separate Einstein–Maxwell audit. === Charged scalar and RN superradiance === * L. Di Menza and J.-P. Nicolas, ''Superradiance on the Reissner–Nordström metric'' (2014), arXiv:1411.3988. [https://arxiv.org/abs/1411.3988] This work provides an independent treatment of charged scalar propagation and superradiance on the RN geometry. === Reissner–Nordström and black-hole thermodynamics === The RN geometry, Bekenstein–Hawking entropy, Hawking temperature, and horizon potential used in this section are standard results of general relativity and black-hole thermodynamics. === PDT source material === * Howard Richardson, ''[[Probability Dilation Theory|Probability Dilation Theory]]'', Wikiversity. * Howard Richardson, ''[[Probability Dilation Theory/Normalized Probability Dilation Paper|Normalized Probability Dilation: A Unified Framework and Its Fisher–Rao Geometry]]'', Draft Version 1.0. * Associated PDT Wikiversity subpages and revision history. * Associated OSF preprint and version history. * ''PDT and Fundamental Physics: Information Geometry, Symmetry, and Emergent Spacetime'', separate research notebook/project. The present page extends the PDT framework into an exploratory black-hole and quantum-state-normalization application. == 27. Attribution and copyright == '''Original PDT material, original formulations, analysis, numerical experiments, interpretations, and research questions on this page: © Howard Richardson.''' Original material authored by Howard Richardson may be reused according to the licensing terms explicitly stated for that material and subject to Wikiversity's applicable site-wide licensing requirements. External equations, scientific results, papers, figures, quotations, and other third-party materials remain subject to the copyright and licensing conditions of their respective authors and publishers. Their inclusion or citation on this research page does not transfer ownership or copyright to Howard Richardson. Where an external source is quoted, adapted, or reproduced, the source should be cited and any applicable licence requirements followed. === Suggested attribution for original material === ''Richardson, Howard. "PDT and Quantum-State Normalization at a Reissner–Nordström Horizon." Probability Dilation Theory research project, Wikiversity, Draft Version 1.0 extension.'' == 28. Final research statement == The purpose of this page is not to claim that PDT has solved a problem in black-hole physics. Its purpose is to document a testable mathematical proposal: <math> \text{gravitational entropy} \rightarrow \text{PDT dilation} \rightarrow \text{normalized quantum-state weighting} \rightarrow \text{effective emission} \rightarrow \text{black-hole evolution}. </math> The research question is whether this feedback structure contains a reproducible mathematical invariant, fixed point, separatrix, attractor, or other feature that is not merely a restatement of established black-hole thermodynamics. At the present stage, an unstable stationary trajectory has appeared in progressively less artificial control models. That result is sufficiently interesting to justify further investigation, but it remains a hypothesis until the result survives a fully specified physical emission spectrum and independent numerical verification. [[Category:Probability Dilation Theory]] [[Category:Research projects]] [[Category:Black hole physics]] [[Category:Mathematical physics]] iyftvu343m69p5gkxs968p8b3l9okfb 3 332489 2840232 2026-10-14T12:24:11Z MathXplore 2888076 advert1 ([[m:User:ZbVl/VD|Vandoom]]) 2840232 wikitext text/x-wiki == 2026-10-14 == <div class="mw-content-ltr" dir="ltr" style="text-align: left" lang="en">[[File:Information.svg|25px|alt=Information icon]] Hello. Apologies for writing this in English, but I wanted to let you know that one or more of [[Special:Contributions/&#126;2026-55196-75|your recent contributions]] have been undone because they appeared to be promotional. [[:m:en:WP:SOAPBOX|Advertising or using <span style="white-space:nowrap">Wikiversity</span> as a "soapbox"]] are not permitted. Take a look at the welcome pages to learn more about <span style="white-space:nowrap">Wikiversity</span>. Thanks. </div><!-- Glow-advert1 @ 1791980648019.1s --><nowiki></nowiki> [[User:MathXplore|MathXplore]] ([[User talk:MathXplore|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MathXplore|contribs]]) 12:24, 14 October 2026 (UTC) hcca9ikkcqqm83zpnixywz7yjmyrct4 10 332490 2840252 2025-12-09T19:27:06Z w>Justlettersandnumbers 0 Restored revision 1244307935 by [[Special:Contributions/Novem Linguae|Novem Linguae]] ([[User talk:Novem Linguae|talk]]): No, the purpose is notification and communication; we don't need to discuss the prupose of the purpoe 2840252 wikitext text/x-wiki {{{icon|[[File:Information.svg|25px|alt=Information icon]]}}} Hello, {{SAFESUBST:<noinclude />BASEPAGENAME}}. This is your [[WP:USERTALK|user talk page]]; the purpose of this page is notification and communication with other Wikipedia editors. It is not a workspace for articles in progress or for self-promotion. Please use your [[Special:MyPage/sandbox|user sandbox]] or the [[WP:DRAFTS|draft article space]] to practice editing or to create new articles. {{SAFESUBST:<noinclude />#if:{{{2|}}}|{{{2}}}|Thank you.}}<!-- Template:Uw-usertalk --><noinclude> {{Documentation}} </noinclude> kkq1xc2s44du40azf0x2wlgb1ce5il7 2840253 2840252 2026-10-14T12:37:19Z MathXplore 2888076 1 revision imported from [[:w:Template:Uw-usertalk]] 2840252 wikitext text/x-wiki {{{icon|[[File:Information.svg|25px|alt=Information icon]]}}} Hello, {{SAFESUBST:<noinclude />BASEPAGENAME}}. This is your [[WP:USERTALK|user talk page]]; the purpose of this page is notification and communication with other Wikipedia editors. It is not a workspace for articles in progress or for self-promotion. Please use your [[Special:MyPage/sandbox|user sandbox]] or the [[WP:DRAFTS|draft article space]] to practice editing or to create new articles. {{SAFESUBST:<noinclude />#if:{{{2|}}}|{{{2}}}|Thank you.}}<!-- Template:Uw-usertalk --><noinclude> {{Documentation}} </noinclude> kkq1xc2s44du40azf0x2wlgb1ce5il7 2840255 2840253 2026-10-14T12:39:28Z MathXplore 2888076 2840255 wikitext text/x-wiki {{{icon|[[File:Information.svg|25px|alt=Information icon]]}}} Hello, {{SAFESUBST:<noinclude />BASEPAGENAME}}. This is your user talk page; the purpose of this page is notification and communication with other Wikiversity editors. It is not a workspace for articles in progress or for self-promotion. Please use your [[Special:MyPage/sandbox|user sandbox]] or the [[Wikiversity:Drafts|draft article space]] to practice editing or to create new articles. {{SAFESUBST:<noinclude />#if:{{{2|}}}|{{{2}}}|Thank you.}}<!-- Template:Uw-usertalk --><noinclude> {{Documentation}} </noinclude> szgnzqe4moz2r8nwq41gset8t3akip6 3 332491 2840258 2026-10-14T12:42:43Z MathXplore 2888076 vandalism1 ([[m:User:ZbVl/VD|Vandoom]]) 2840258 wikitext text/x-wiki == 2026-10-14 == [[File:Information.svg|25px|alt=Information icon]] Hello, I’m letting you know that one or more of your recent contributions have been reverted because they did not appear constructive. If you would like to experiment, please use the [[Wikiversity:Sandbox|sandbox]] or ask for assistance at the [[Wikiversity:Colloquium|Colloquium]]. Thank you.<!-- Glow-vandalism1 @ 1791981761350.2s --><nowiki></nowiki> [[User:MathXplore|MathXplore]] ([[User talk:MathXplore|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MathXplore|contribs]]) 12:42, 14 October 2026 (UTC) 2vvhe0d51oqpzsopsrc4vtv7pp2upgh 3 332492 2840269 2026-10-14T13:17:34Z MathXplore 2888076 vandalism1 ([[m:User:ZbVl/VD|Vandoom]]) 2840269 wikitext text/x-wiki == 2026-10-14 == [[File:Information.svg|25px|alt=Information icon]] Hello, I’m letting you know that one or more of your recent contributions have been reverted because they did not appear constructive. If you would like to experiment, please use the [[Wikiversity:Sandbox|sandbox]] or ask for assistance at the [[Wikiversity:Colloquium|Colloquium]]. Thank you.<!-- Glow-vandalism1 @ 1791983850234.6s --><nowiki></nowiki> [[User:MathXplore|MathXplore]] ([[User talk:MathXplore|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/MathXplore|contribs]]) 13:17, 14 October 2026 (UTC) o6psaxqgrboywvjwcsu9c0r2erfreyb 1 332493 2840324 2026-10-14T19:54:55Z U3280825 3110195 Created page with "Hey! I found this chapter highly interesting, and I love how you've hyperlinked key terminology. It makes the chapter really accessible for someone who is interested in topic but has never studied psychology. The ongoing Maggie case study is also a great learning feature. One suggestion for the 'Emotion suppression' section is currently one incomplete sentence, so it may be worth expanding it with an example or a study. Otherwise , I thought this was a great chapter, we..." 2840324 wikitext text/x-wiki Hey! I found this chapter highly interesting, and I love how you've hyperlinked key terminology. It makes the chapter really accessible for someone who is interested in topic but has never studied psychology. The ongoing Maggie case study is also a great learning feature. One suggestion for the 'Emotion suppression' section is currently one incomplete sentence, so it may be worth expanding it with an example or a study. Otherwise , I thought this was a great chapter, well done!! [[User:U3280825|U3280825]] ([[User talk:U3280825|discuss]] • [[Special:Contributions/U3280825|contribs]]) 19:54, 14 October 2026 (UTC) kqihb3wjgh5z2r24193gvbtuaijvb5r 2 332494 2840326 2026-10-14T20:30:47Z U3280825 3110195 Created page with "== About me == I am a third year business and psychology student, who has found a passion for neuropsychology. My book chapter is:" 2840326 wikitext text/x-wiki == About me == I am a third year business and psychology student, who has found a passion for neuropsychology. My book chapter is: h1w7sj23qx15yeyagctmsq7bfqpgf5a 2840327 2840326 2026-10-14T20:32:12Z U3280825 3110195 2840327 wikitext text/x-wiki == About me == I am a third year business and psychology student, who has found a passion for neuropsychology. My book chapter explores how emotions such as fear, anxiety and relief influence cancer screening uptake pso6r6cjnxokb4f8cecbycr3k0o0zhc 2840328 2840327 2026-10-14T20:32:50Z U3280825 3110195 2840328 wikitext text/x-wiki == About me == I am a third year business and psychology student, who has found a passion for neuropsychology. My book chapter explores how emotions such as fear, anxiety and relief influence cancer screening uptake '''You can read it here:''' [<nowiki/>[[Motivation and emotion/Book/2026/Cancer screening and emotion]] lkfzf8yz3qofge4qhzed8oz56fsybuk 2840329 2840328 2026-10-14T20:36:17Z U3280825 3110195 2840329 wikitext text/x-wiki == About me == I am a third year business and psychology student, who has found a passion for neuropsychology. My book chapter explores how emotions such as fear, anxiety and relief influence cancer screening uptake '''You can read it here:''' [<nowiki/>[[Motivation and emotion/Book/2026/Cancer screening and emotion]] == Social contributions == #Edited [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FRomantic_rejection_and_emotional_response&diff=2840325&oldid=2840279] Fixed citations and some grammatical errors #Gave feedback on the talk page of [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Talk:Motivation_and_emotion/Book/2026/Romantic_rejection_and_emotional_response&oldid=2840324] #Replied to peer feedback [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Talk%3AMotivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FCancer_screening_and_emotion&diff=2840322&oldid=2839006] 1crxtgq7le3kfuiq9emspfiluhum462 2840330 2840329 2026-10-14T20:38:47Z U3280825 3110195 /* Social contributions */ 2840330 wikitext text/x-wiki == About me == I am a third year business and psychology student, who has found a passion for neuropsychology. My book chapter explores how emotions such as fear, anxiety and relief influence cancer screening uptake '''You can read it here:''' [<nowiki/>[[Motivation and emotion/Book/2026/Cancer screening and emotion]] == Social contributions == #Edited [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Motivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FRomantic_rejection_and_emotional_response&diff=2840325&oldid=2840279] Fixed citations and some grammatical errors #Gave feedback on the talk page of Romantic rejection and emotional response [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Talk:Motivation_and_emotion/Book/2026/Romantic_rejection_and_emotional_response&oldid=2840324] #Replied to peer feedback [https://en.wikiversity.org/w/index.php?title=Talk%3AMotivation_and_emotion%2FBook%2F2026%2FCancer_screening_and_emotion&diff=2840322&oldid=2839006] 1rmdro0fjsxt2ppyje4wqpnwjuqvkjj 0 332495 2840350 2026-10-15T00:28:40Z Jtneill 10242 Created page with "==Project work== * Book chapter development guided by student questions which often include: ** [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter#Wordcount|Word count]] ** Feature boxes ** Case studies ** More info: [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity|Wikiversity skills]]" 2840350 wikitext text/x-wiki ==Project work== * Book chapter development guided by student questions which often include: ** [[Motivation and emotion/Assessment/Chapter#Wordcount|Word count]] ** Feature boxes ** Case studies ** More info: [[Motivation and emotion/Wikiversity|Wikiversity skills]] tpwriiv0bs5l6wpxko5cn0dtn51pem5 0 332496 2840370 2026-10-15T03:30:21Z Ireicher2 2797952 Created page with "This is text to publish this page" 2840370 wikitext text/x-wiki This is text to publish this page 9k5gx4dw4y0lhk65tkmbx4ecadllylu